TACKLING BARRIERS TO GIRLS EDUCATION IN KENYA

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TACKLING BARRIERS TO GIRLS EDUCATION IN KENYA Analysis of Violence against Girls’ in Education www.actionaid.org/kenya

Transcript of TACKLING BARRIERS TO GIRLS EDUCATION IN KENYA

TACKLING BARRIERS TO GIRLS EDUCATION IN KENYAAnalysis of Violence against Girls’ in Education

www.actionaid.org/kenya

3ActionAidTACKLING BARRIERS TO GIRLS’ EDUCATION IN KENYAANALYSIS OF VIOLENCE AGAINST GIRLS’ IN EDUCATION

The author would like to thank the management of ActionAid International Kenya (AAIK) for the opportunity to carry out the Violence Against Girls in Education (VAGE) analysis for the Tackling Barriers in Education Project. To carry out the analysis successfully in a participatory manner, the study team worked with the AAIK programme staff and various programme stakeholders. We would therefore like to thank all the staff who arranged for field logistics and those who volunteered to be interviewed. We are highly indebted to all the programme beneficiaries who participated in the Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) and the respondents who engaged in community conversations.

We would also like to thank stakeholders, especially the Community Based Organisations (CBOs) and community resource persons, who collaborated and made themselves available for discussion. We acknowledge the County and National Government Officers, including the County Executive Committees for Education and Gender in all counties, the Children’s Officers, the Judiciary staff, the Police, school heads, and School Management Committees and area chiefs in all Local Rights Programmes (LRPs) visited.

Finally, we would like to particularly express sincere thanks to Agnes Kola, Valentine Wanjihia, and Kevin Majoni, who guided the study, besides reviewing the tools and the report to its conclusion.

This study was successfully completed under the leadership of Dr. Marygorety Akinyi, a Research Fellow at the African Women Studies Centre (AWSC) of the University of Nairobi. She was ably supported by co-researchers - Margaret Olande, Director, Gender and Reproductive Health Solutions (GARSH); and Samwel Oando, Senior Researcher at MICRODE CONSULT. We thank all the research assistants who supported the data collection in each of the eight counties.

August 2018

Acknowledgement

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Table of Contents

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ..............................................................................................................................................................3TABLE OF CONTENTS ...............................................................................................................................................................5ACRONYMS ................................................................................................................................................................................6GLOSSARY .................................................................................................................................................................................7

1.0 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................................................................91.1 Background of the organisation ......................................................................................................................................101.2 AAIK Strategic Objectives ...............................................................................................................................................101.3 ActionAid’s interventions in education .............................................................................................................................101.4 ActionAid Initiatives on Violence Against Girls ..................................................................................................................101.5 Tackling Barriers to Girls’ Education ................................................................................................................................10

2.0 METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................................................................132.1 Scope of the assignment ................................................................................................................................................142.2 Objectives of the study....................................................................................................................................................142.3 Design of the study .........................................................................................................................................................142.4 Sampling ........................................................................................................................................................................142.5 Data collection ................................................................................................................................................................142.6 Data analysis ..................................................................................................................................................................152.7 Confines of the study ......................................................................................................................................................15

3.0 BARRIERS TO GIRLS EDUCATION ...................................................................................................................................173.1 Violence Index ................................................................................................................................................................18

3.1.1 General barriers to girls’ education: Violence index .................................................................................................183.1.2 FGM index: Prevalence and procedure ...................................................................................................................233.1.3 Factors linked to FGM as a barrier to girls’ education .............................................................................................28

3.2 Status of girls’ education due to the violence indices ......................................................................................................303.3 Existing initiatives to promote girls’ education and challenge FGM ..................................................................................32

3.3.1 Empowering girls and young women facing violence or at risk of violence. .............................................................323.3.2 Building capacities of women’s networks to ably support girls and young women to access education and in economic empowerment ......................................................................................................323.3.3 Interventions by government, AAIK and other agencies to tackle FGM and promote girls’ education ......................323.3.4 Existing and proposed/possible alternative rites of passage in each county ............................................................333.3.5 Challenges experienced in tackling FGM / promoting girls’ education .....................................................................333.3.6 Status of law enforcement ......................................................................................................................................35

4.0 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ......................................................................................................................374.1 Conclusions ....................................................................................................................................................................384.2 Recommendations ..........................................................................................................................................................38

APPENDICES ............................................................................................................................................................................41Appendix 1: County Specific Reports (listed alphabetically) .................................................................................................42

I. Baringo County ..................................................................................................................................................................42Ii. Embu County ....................................................................................................................................................................47Iii. Garissa County .................................................................................................................................................................50Iv. Isiolo County .....................................................................................................................................................................53V. Kajiado County ..................................................................................................................................................................57Vi. Migori County ..................................................................................................................................................................61Vii. Taita Taveta County .........................................................................................................................................................65Viii. West Pokot County .........................................................................................................................................................67

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Acronyms

AAI ActionAid International

AAIK ActionAid International Kenya

AEO Area Education Officer

ASALs Arid and Semi-arid Lands

BoM Board of Management

CBOs Community Based Organisations

CDF Constituency Development Fund

CEC County Executive Committee

CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child

CSG County Steering Group

CSO Civil Society Organisation

DDP District Development Plan

DEO District Education Officer

DP Development Plan

DSG District Steering Committee

EFA Education For All

FGD(s) Focus Group Discussion(s)

FGM Female Genital Mutilation

FPE Free Primary Education

GOCESO Gokeharaka Central and South (Women’s Group)

HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus

KDHS Kenya Demographic and Health Survey

LRP Local Rights Programme

MCA Member of County Assembly

NDMA National Drought Management Authority

PCR Primary Completion Rate

PSU Partnership Support Unit

RH Reproductive Health

TBGE Tackling Barriers to Girls’ Education

TAWN Tangulbei Women Network

VAGE Violence Against Girls in Education

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Access to education: Conditions, circumstances or requirements (e.g. qualifications, education level, skills or work experience, etc.) governing admittance to and participation in education and training institutions or programmes.

Barriers to education: Situational (day-to-day life), institutional (rules and procedures), dispositional (attitudes to learning) and/or financial factors which impede, dissuade from or prevent engagement in learning programmes or activities.

Disadvantaged: Excluded from social rights or from social life or whose situation is precarious.

Female genital mutilation (FGM) comprises all procedures that involve partial or total removal of the external female genitalia, or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons.

Literacy: The ability to communicate by reading, writing, listening and speaking.

Reading - The ability to understand and interpret ideas, opinions and information presented in texts. It includes handling information to make reasoned and informed decisions.

Writing - The ability to create texts which communicate ideas, opinions, and information, to meet a purpose and within a context.

Local rights programme (LRP): This refers to the region covered by programme implementations. It is the geographical scope of areas where ActionAid works to tackle poverty and denial of human rights at the local level, and challenge the causes. In Kenya. AAIK works in solidarity with women and people living in poverty and exclusion in such locations; connecting their voices, sharing ideas, spreading inspiration, campaigning, advocating, and formulating public policy to eradicate poverty and ensure social justice.

Primary education: Children are expected go to school for early childhood education by the age of four and start their primary school level when they are six years old. They spend eight years at primary school (P1-P8) before going on to secondary school around the age of 13 or 14 years.

Glossary

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1.0 INTRODUCTION

Girls out of school in Kamuthe at their textile workshop after the interview. ©ActionAid Kenya 2018

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TACKLING BARRIERS TO GIRLS’ EDUCATION IN KENYAANALYSIS OF VIOLENCE AGAINST GIRLS’ IN EDUCATION

1.1 Background of the organisation

ActionAid International Kenya (AAIK) is a non-partisan, non-religious, development organisation that has been working in Kenya since 1972 to end poverty and injustices. ActionAid Kenya is among the leading anti-poverty agencies in Kenya, having a presence in 21 counties and working directly with over one million people living in poverty and exclusion. ActionAid International Kenya is unapologetic in advancing women’s rights and ensuring that women living in poverty and exclusion are at the centre of its work. AAIK commits to work with women, children and youth living in poverty and exclusion to claim and realise their constitutional rights through three main human rights based approach (HRBA) pillars of empowerment, solidarity, and campaigning. Partnerships are the foundation of AAIK’s work.

1.2 AAIK strategic objectives

ActionAid International Kenya’s work has revolved around its Revised Country Strategy Paper, Making Our Rights Count 2015-2017. Since January 2018, ActionAid International Kenya (AAIK) developed a new strategy paper, Our Rights for Justice1 which covers the period between 2018 and 2028.

1.3 ActionAid’s interventions in education

Over the past 40 years, ActionAid has been working to increase access to quality primary education globally. The approach has evolved from delivering education services to adopting a rights-based approach. Beyond a mere focus on access to education, ActionAid believes in improving the quality of education while amplifying children and young people’s voices. The three areas of ActionAid’s intervention focus have been:

1. Promoting rights in schools by supporting active mobilisation, enabling citizens to hold the State accountable for providing quality education in a concrete and sustainable manner.

2. Securing adequate resources for education by equipping citizens with the tools to demand and monitor a just, equitable and effective allocation of resources.

3. Empowering women and girls through literacy, using reflective methodology to social change.

Key to achieving these goals is challenging and transforming the socio-economic and political factors that keep girls out of school, including violence, HIV and AIDS, and poverty. To achieve the initiatives, ActionAid has always used a multi-stakeholder approach involving children, parents, teachers, communities, teachers’

1 See details in appendix 4

unions, researchers, and education coalitions to undertake evidenced-based advocacy, and campaigning to inform innovative community-based interventions and research efforts.

1.4 ActionAid’s initiatives on violence against girls

“Violence or the fear of violence is an important reason for girls not attending school. Besides being in itself an infringement of girls’ rights, violence is also denying girls their right to education,” ActionAid 2004. In 2004, as part of its broader programme of education work, ActionAid undertook detailed research into girl education in 12 different countries across Africa, Asia, and Latin America and found that violence and the fear of violence were among the key factors preventing girls from attending school and completing their education. The research revealed that regardless of their age, race, class, caste or location, girls were vulnerable to many forms of violence including rape, sexual harassment, intimidation, teasing, and threats, whilst factors such as poverty, war, and long journeys to school increased the risks.

To effectively address the issues of Violence Against Girls in Education (VAGE), ActionAid’s human-rights based theory of change consists of three main axes - empowerment, solidarity and campaigning. The theory aims to achieve sustainable change through “linking local groups to wider movements, gathering strong evidence, promoting policy analysis, building campaigns and using mass communications.” This approach empowers rights holders, builds solidarity, and campaigns to make core duty-bearers accountable to citizens. It also seeks to enable the voices of the most marginalised, especially girls and women, to be an integral part of decision-making spaces.

1.5 Tackling Barriers to Girls’ Education

This project contributes to the attainment of this organisational objective, which seeks to reach 500,000 beneficiaries. The project specifically aims to enable over 2,000 girls to challenge violence and overcome the barriers that prevent them from achieving their potential, with a focus on female genital mutilation (FGM). The Tackling Barriers to Girls’ Education (TBGE) Project is part of the initiatives addressing challenges and barriers that girls, both in and out of school, face in accessing and attaining education.

Phase I of the project was implemented in Kongelai and Marafa Local Rights Programmes (LRPs) in partnership with KOMESI and Sauti ya Wanawake. Evaluation of phase one revealed that TBGE was relevant and responded by targeting the triggers that expose young women and girls to violations, and hence deny them access to education. The project has since employed innovative and dynamic strategies to break down the cycle of abuse and has restored hope and a life of dignity

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to vulnerable young mothers and girls. The project is therefore consistent with ActionAid’s Kenya strategy as well as the LRP strategies that focus on empowerment of women and girls. It is implemented in the following LRPs:

Table 1: Local Rights Programme areas for the project

Area / Partnership Support Unit (PSU) Local Rights Programme (LRP) / County

Khwisero PSU Tangulbei LRP / Baringo County

Kongelai LRP / West Pokot County

Kuria LRP / Migori County

Makima PSU Kamuthe LRP / Garissa County

Elangata Wuas LRP / Kajiado County

Makima LRP / Embu County

Bamburi PSU Kishushe LRP / Taita Taveta County

Nanyuki PSU Oldonyiro LRP/ Isiolo County

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2.0 METHODOLOGY

Researcher leads girls in drawing a map of their village since the study used participatory methods including mapping. ©ActionAid Kenya 2018

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2.1 Scope of the assignment

This analysis was significantly qualitative, using a feminist lens, intended to highlight the relationship between gender roles and conventional research practices. While the traditional research methods are biased towards men’s experiences, this study lays more emphasis on girls’ and women’s experiences, aspects that have been particularly missing. The use of a qualitative approach has strengthened the analysis to better reflect on the nature of human rights experiences. The approach provides insights to challenge norms like Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), mostly established by men.

The feminist lens helped to challenge the existing stereotypes. It examined girls’ socio-cultural and political situation at household, community and public levels that hinders their access to education. The scope further used statistics (from secondary data) of the status of girls’ education through the parameters of school enrolment, retention, and transition, against the population of girls in the counties. The assessment further interrogated how the implementation and/or lack of relevant government policies affects girls’ abilities to access education and participate effectively in the lives of their communities. Geographical coverage was limited to AAK’s area of operation.

2.2 Objectives of the study

The main aim of this assignment, according to the terms of reference (ToR), was to conduct an in-depth analysis of the status of girls’ education in each of the eight counties. Specific objectives of this analysis documented in county-specific index reports was conducted with the specific aim of understanding:

• Girls socio-cultural and political situation at household, community and public levels that hinders their ability to access education;

• Statistics of the status of girls’ education through the parameters of school enrolment, retention, and transition against the number of girls in the counties.

• How the implementation and/or lack of relevant government policies affects girls’ abilities to access education and participate effectively.

2.3 Design of the study

The study used a cross-sectional survey design to combine secondary data from document analysis and qualitative approaches. The secondary sources generated progressive data which provided the status of education and aspects of violence against girls in education. Qualitative aspects provided the detailed reasoning behind the barriers to girls’ education. The approach adopted for this study was essentially participatory and bottom-up in the sense that it took into account the practices and perceptions of the target beneficiaries - especially children (specifically girls) - and

all the relevant duty–bearers, focusing on the indicators. The study also used a multi-stakeholder approach, taking into consideration sex, age, location, and social status among others. This bottom-up approach was beneficial in the sense that it was based on an enhancement, rather than a deficit, approach to beneficiary participation in the process that is promoted in the reflect methods for data collection and interventions. During the formative stage, the goal was to learn as much as possible about how the respondents think and behave in relation to the issue of FGM and the link it has to education of girls. 2.4 Sampling

Purposive sampling was used in selecting participants for both focus group discussions (FGDs) and key informant interviews based on the existing number of girls’ forums in each school. The girls out of school were purposively selected based on their previous engagement in the project. This helped in gathering in-depth information from key beneficiaries and community members engaged in the project. Since the target population for the target beneficiaries was known in advance as stated in the terms of reference (ToR), the overall sampling size for the study was determined using the probability formula. This combination enabled the teams to obtain a high representative sample size. The probability formula was as follows: n = [(z2 * p * q) + ME2] / [ME2 + z2 * p * q / N], Where: n= sample size required =?; Z= confidence level = 1.96; P= population proportion from which the sample was picked = 0.75 (75%); q= the population difference = 0.25 (25%); ME= confidence interval = 0.04 (4%) and N= target population = (2,100). This gave a random sample of 467 respondents. The respondents were then apportioned in the ratio of 3:2:1 (girls: women: stakeholders). To eliminate decimals, we adjusted the sample size upwards to 468. Hence: girls selected = 234; women = 156; and stakeholders = 78.

2.5 Data collection

The data collection tools included key informant and focus group discussion guides with target participants. The key informant interviews schedules were used to solicit the views of key stakeholders including AAIK staff, women group leaders, community leaders, project partners, government officials and male community members. This was further directed by the information obtained through document analysis of related project progress reports; relevant research publications; and from the direct observation made during field visits to project sites. The focus group discussions were conducted with girls and boys, while the community members were reached through community conversations.

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2.6 Data analysis

The qualitative data gathered from the field was recorded according to the responses in line with the items in the relevant instruments. This proved a useful organisational tool enabling researchers to look at responses by question, theme, or by individual participant. Field notes taken during FGDs and interviews were later organised into patterns of data. Identity of respondents was concealed by coding instruments, participants, schools, and communities rather than using names, and by securing data so that only those who needed to access the data for the project could do so. The detailed analysis was organised broadly by research questions. The qualitative analysis examined in depth similarities and differences between the accounts of different groups, considering, for example, variability in the perspectives of girls in and out of school, or between girls and boys of different ages, or between children and adults.

2.7 Confines of the study

This study was exclusively qualitative hence there were no statistics collected. While the research team planned to sample the schools representatively, the actual number visited were 16 primary schools (two in each LRP). Each school and community was conveniently selected by ActionAid staff depending on planned intervention areas. It was therefore found sufficient to use the qualitative evidence in determining the violence index. The other challenge was met in collecting secondary data. In any case, the available data for the county level could not be represented by the two schools visited in each LRP. The study is therefore complete with narratives and quotes especially, to represent the status of education in each region.

Table 2: Sample frame

Instrument and participants No of FGDs Total per county

Total sample

Category I: Phase II counties Baringo, Garissa and Kajiado

• FGD F1 (Girls and boys in school) – Classes 5/6 (2) and 7/8 (2)

3 groups (of 11 - 12 girls each) 33 - 36 99

1 group of 11 - 12 boys 11 - 12 33

• FGD F2 (Girls out of school) – ages 13 – 17 1 group (of 12 girls) 12 36

• Community FGDs with women and men: • Category below 40 years x2 groups; above 40

years x2 groups

3 groups (of 10 - 11 women) 33 99

1 group of 10 - 12 men 10 30

• Key informant interviews: 0 7 21

Category II: Other counties Embu, Isiolo, Taita Taveta, Migori and West Pokot

• FGDs with girls and boys in school 1 group of girls and 1 group of boys 20 100

• Key informant interviews 0 11 55

• Community conversations (Informal discussions/interviews), 1 – youth and 1 – adults) mixed or same sex

2 informal interviews At least two Open

Grand Total 471

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3.0 BARRIERS TO GIRLS EDUCATION

A girl from Kongelai narrating how cultural practices remain as barriers to girls' education ©ActionAid Kenya 2018

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3.1 VIOLENCE INDEX

Analysis in this section provides an overview of the girls’ experiences in education based on the socio-cultural contexts. The children in all the LRPs are socialised to believe that it is mostly girls who should help their families with housework, and that women do all the domestic work including construction of houses in some regions. The majority of girls responded that housework is meant for girls. These very girls, however, are conscious that the chores are part of the barriers to their education. The boys who were interviewed likewise held a similar opinion that girls should help more with housework. The household chores are part of the cultural practices that children are socialised on from a very early age. In Kuria, Kongelai (West Pokot), Oldonyiro (Isiolo) and Elangata Wuas (Kajiado) local rights programme (LRP)2 areas, cultural practices are strongly reported to negatively influence girls’ participation in education both at primary and secondary school level.

Compared to other areas, these communities still value strongly some retrogressive cultural practices. In effect, unless these factors are addressed, girls’ education will continue to lag behind that of boys. Members of Gokeharaka Central and South (GOCESO) Women’s Group, who work on aspects of empowerment by promoting girl’s education, indicated during the study that cultural practices are the greatest challenge affecting access and participation of girls in education. The discussion indicated that:

“Our community is good, but it has many cultural beliefs that have made us lag behind in the development and education of girls. These are practices like female genital mutilation (FGM) and patriarchy” (FGD with women, Kuria).

In this section, the report starts by analysing general factors that keep girls out of school other than Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). Based on the feminist approach, most of the factors discussed below are linked to the possible violation of human rights especially with regard to the existing space for girls and women in each county context.

3.1.1 General barriers to girl’s education: Violence index

Access to education remains a challenge for both girls and boys in all the LRPs. Even though the majority of the community members and stakeholders in each county report that both girls and boys should be supported in terms of interventions to promote education, it was apparent that girls are still lagging behind in the counties under study in terms of

2 Local rights programme (LRP) – refers to the area of implementation in each County where ActionAid establishes partnership with community organisations

access, participation, and retention. Incidentally, in Elangata Wuas (Kajiado) the enrolment of girls is low but almost equal to that of boys (especially in the schools visited). That shows how both boys and girls are adversely affected by cultural values. The situation reflects a very strong cultural influence on the gendered preference between girls and boys, which also leads to implied discrimination against girls. In public life, community members generally have a low opinion of girls and women and do not perceive them as possible leaders. This view is reportedly changing, though slowly. Even in school, girls themselves do not believe they should be leaders during and after school. In general, some of the factors affecting the education of girls and women in the respective counties include:

(i) Insecurity

The insecurity reported here refers to inter-ethnic conflicts, cattle rustling, inter-communal violence and elements of terrorism. Counties most affected are Baringo (East Pokot) and West Pokot - both of which face inter-ethnic conflicts and cattle rustling. The frequency of incidents was reported to be occasional. Noticeably, no incident was reported in the project area, except some distant relatives reported to have been affected in the recent past. Garissa and Isiolo had incidents of violent extremism (terrorism)3 as reported in some undisclosed locations outside the project area. The big challenge for education in this regard lies in the possibility of insecurity leading to attacks and civilian casualties. High risk groups are those who live along the ethnic border points, and areas where contingents of security officers are deployed. Without citing any personal experience, the girls alleged that security forces have been perpetrators of rape and torture (as in Garissa) of women and girls. Some girls are also reported to have dropped out of school and married some security officers deployed in the region. It is argued that such girls elope and choose to get married to men already working, rather than stay in school.

(ii) Distance to school

Most of the LRPs fall in marginalised regions of the country. Such regions are characterised by poor infrastructure and long distance between schools. The fewer the schools in an area, the longer the distance that children have to walk to the nearest school. The distance is also affected by the movement of pastoralist communities to different grazing fields which may not necessarily have schools. Counties which reported this challenge include Kajiado, West Pokot, Isiolo,

3 Terrorism in these regions is associated with threats of Al Shabaab adherents who occasionally attack security agencies and even civilians.

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and Baringo. In Kajiado for instance, some girls were noted to have dropped out of school because of the long distances of three to five kilometres they had to cover to and from school every day. Some boys who also have to travel long distances to school have rented houses around the school, something that girls are not permitted to do. It’s unthinkable for a girl to live away from home, unless she is married.

“We come from far, like five kilometres (from school), but we have rented some place in the neighbourhood. But girls can’t leave their homes to rent the way we have done because it is a taboo,” (FGD with boys, Indupa).

On further interrogation on why boys think it is taboo for girls to rent houses, they laughed, and then responded;

“It forces them to walk even 10 - 30 km every day to reach school because it is a taboo for girls to rent a house until they are married. Even some girls became tired and left schooling,” (FGD with boys, Indupa Primary School).

Based on observations during field visits, this narrative exaggerates the distance the children have to walk. It is however a clear indication of their concern that girls have no way of mitigating the long distance to school, as boys do, unless they are in a boarding school. The long distance to school therefore affects more girls than boys, especially in the four listed counties.

(iii) Religion

In Garissa, issues linked to religious beliefs were cited strongly as part of the challenges affecting girls’ education. For instance, in Muslim society, men (and boys) should not sit together with women (and girls) especially during public events. This applies even in schools and is seen in most secondary and all primary schools. Islamic influence is invoked to justify the importance of duksi4 (or madrasa)5 as opposed to formal schools. Basing their arguments on these teachings, some community members think that religion has a bearing to the attendance and completion of education by girls, and even boys.

“The challenge of girls in this region is very complex but religion plays a very significant role. Girls are not allowed to

4 Duksi is the place of learning Islamic religious teachings (like catechism for Christians)

5 Madrasa is an Islamic religious school where pupils learn different subjects and memorise the Quran

sit together with boys, just like women are not allowed to worship together with men in the mosque. This silent rule affects girls’ confidence when they are forced by conventional school practices that often puts girls to even share desks with boys. When girls reach teenage some would be very uncomfortable with class environment. But the most serious thing is the emphasis on madrasa at the expense of formal school by many parents. No one would worry when girls don’t attend school regularly but when they fail to attend ‘duksi’ even once, they will be reprimanded very strongly” (FGD with girls out of school, Kamuthe).

This narrative, by girls who dropped out of school, presents the voice of girls, and carries a lot of weight. Islamic religion prefers madrasa to formal (Western education) and that is why girls would rather attend duksi (religious teachings) than go to school.

(iv) Parental illiteracy

In all the LRP counties, it was reported that most of the adult community members are illiterate. The most affected counties are Kajiado, West Pokot, Baringo, Isiolo, and Garissa. According to the Curriculum Development Officer in Isiolo, based at Oldonyiro, 60% of the Samburu adults living in Isiolo county are illiterate. She argues that because of this, girl-child education in Samburu is not seen as important as girls are considered mere assets to be ”sold off” in marriage.

“The parents here are not educated, hence the mothers would prefer that their daughters indulge in domestic chores like fetching water and child care in order to acquire income to support the family, before they are married. Girls who are able to partake in intensive domestic chores are considered strong assets for marriage which means wealth for the family” (FGD women, Oldonyiro Primary).

Parents with no education have low regard for education, especially for girls. Boys too may be withdrawn from school for long periods in order to herd animals, and may end up dropping out of school.

(v) Parental neglect

The challenge of insufficient parental care and support stands out in the findings. In all the counties, there are cases of parents neglecting their responsibilities. Some children believe their

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parents do not support their education. This kind of neglect, especially of the special needs of girls - like sanitary towels - frustrates them, leading some to engage with boyfriends who are willing to support them. When such support leads to sexual relationships, they often up not only in child pregnancy or marriage, but also school drop-out. The lack of sufficient provision of basic needs for girls is a major concern that connects with several other factors to push girls out of school.

(vi) Strained relations and communication between girls and parents

At the household level, girls report difficulty in communicating with their parents. This, and occasional strained relations in families, often lead to physical violence against girls. This cuts across all the counties, but girls in Migori shared their personal experiences on this. Some parents become excessively hostile when girls make ”even slight” mistakes. When parents learn of the relations between girls and boys, for instance, some of them become hostile and force the girls out of their homes. Such girls have no alternative but to run away even from school. Girls herein lament saying:

“Our parents are at times too hostile and most of the times there is no freedom of speech, association or movement for girls hence we cannot share our grievances with them. Remaining options for us to befriend boys and men who can listen to our problems. The result is that some parents can beat you to death even excommunicate you from home if they learn that a girl is in a relationship. They tell you to get married instead.” (FGD with girls, Gokeharaka-Kuria).

Other challenges are domestic violence where girls and their mothers are subjected to assault or corporal punishment by the fathers. Such violations push the girls from school into forced marriages. Some girls, especially in Kuria, Taita Taveta, and Embu, reported to have experienced threats from their drunken fathers. They are sent away from home. Others reported having experienced physical violence (assault), which they could not cope with and thus ran away from home.

(vii) Gender role stereotypes

Some parents are biased outright and see girls as inferior to boys. Such parents give boys preferential treatment over girls. They send boys to school so that they would be breadwinners

and providers for the family in future. Girls, on the other hand, are viewed simply as caregivers who do not need formal education before they get married. Sadly, it is reported that even some teachers have not overcome the bias against girls, despite their training. It is reported that some male teachers enjoy scolding girls, even using abusive language when teaching. Boys are thus given first chance to answer questions in class. Girls reported that;

“Parents always think of boys as being superior and more deserving to get education than girls in the family. Some teachers, though not all of them, also normally ask questions in class and give boys priority to answer. Girls raise their hands many times but will not be pointed to answer the question. And when a girl is given an opportunity to attempt the question and gives an incorrect response, the boys will laugh at her. The boys just feel we are not equal to them. These mentalities are very discouraging for girls to progress with education” (FGD with girls, Makima).

In almost all the LRPs, there is a common belief that educating girls is a waste of money as they will eventually get married and the education benefits the families they marry into. As a result, these girls have developed a negative attitude towards schooling, which impacts their own education, affecting their progression and retention.

(viii) Elaborate initiation ceremonies

The traditional initiation ceremonies are characterised by major differences among the communities in all the eight LRPs. It was noted for instance, that circumcision of both boys and girls is practised by the majority of the communities, except for the Turkana community in Isiolo county who do not circumcise even the boys. In Garissa as well, circumcision of boys is done at infancy, according to Muslim teachings, and is not accompanied by elaborate ceremonies. Taita Taveta County also do not have elaborate ceremonies for female circumcision as it is done in infancy,

However, among the remaining communities, the initiation rites are normally associated with elaborate ceremonies. Kuria LRP remains outstanding by being open and forthright and even daring the law enforcement agencies when they hold their ceremonies in August every year, after the harvest period. In most cases, these ceremonies are associated with teachings that prepare boys and girls for adulthood. The

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teachings touch on family matters and the expected societal responsibilities which include marital duties. It is important to note that these instructions are taken very seriously among the Kuria, the Maasai, Samburu, Mbeere, and the Pokot communities. The topics of discussion during those sessions focus on the dominance of men over women. These teachings are a hindrance to education for the teenage girls.

In Kuria, the community also plans extensively for these ceremonies that are carried out in public to enable the initiates to graduate into adulthood. The worst aspect of these ceremonies is the unchallenged pressure by the parents of the initiates to make the boys and girls indulge in unprotected sexual intercourse after the circumcision to confirm if their wounds have healed. The girls become victims after they become pregnant and the story quickly changes into pressure for them to get married. Discussion with girls revealed that:

“When girls are circumcised, they feel they are adults who should try sex with boys or men and hence a large number of us (girls) drop out of school, feeling they are ready for marriage. After initiation, there is pressure from either their parents, village elders or relatives for the girls to get married because now they are considered women and not girls. This also leads to school dropout. Mostly after initiation, girls and boys engage in sexual activities as a sign of showing maturity. This leads to early pregnancies that lead girls to drop out of school” (FGD with girls, Kuria).

The narrative shows a double challenge for girls. They are pressured by the cultural practices to confirm maturity after which they stand blamed for the outcomes in case of pregnancy. These scenarios push the girls from the education system.

(ix) Child pregnancies and child marriages

Following the initiation ceremonies and teachings, child marriages are common. Culturally, in all the LRPs, the age of maturity for girls is associated with puberty. In Embu, for instance, the community believes girls entering puberty are mature and they are told to get married instead of continuing with education - even when the girls are only 12 years old. Some families tend to reason that instead of “wasting”’ money on girls, they should be advised (forced) into marriage to bring that wealth to the family. In a few circumstances, some girls who manage to go beyond primary school are stigmatised

and told they would not find suitable husbands within the community. Men in such communities feel that such girls (referred to as women) are “spoilt” and not fit to be wives. It means that in all the LRPs, girls are likely to be married off in childhood (average age 15 years) and are often subjected to risky child pregnancies especially after circumcision ceremonies.

“Some of the girls around here who have completed form four feel that they are much educated and they may stay for long before getting married. Therefore, we (community) see them as “spoilt”’ girls (loosely called prostitutes). In fact, they don’t get married to the men in this community but rather outside…. Men in this community are not educated hence they lack the courage to approach such ladies who are educated.” (FGD with women, Makima).

In Taita Taveta, even though there are no cases of initiation ceremonies as in other areas, child pregnancies are still reported as rampant. The source of such child pregnancies is rather disturbing. Many girls are victims of incest. Unfortunately, whenever girls get pregnant their mothers ask them to go and work for “well-off” families as house helps. This serves two purposes. First, the affected girl is kept away from the family after becoming pregnant by a close relative. Secondly, this push provides an opportunity for the affected girls to start fending for themselves and bring some money to the family. It is noted that Wundanyi, in particular, has a higher incidence of incest compared to other parts of the county, with reference to actual cases reported to the Sauti ya Wanawake. In all cases of child pregnancy or child marriage, girls drop out of school.

(x) Broken families:

Cases of divorce, separated families, and single parent families were reported as a challenge in a few counties. Taita Taveta seems to be the most affected followed by Garissa. When families break up, single mothers (or parents) face more problems especially in educating their children. If the children in such broken families remain with their fathers, it is possible they would be frustrated by step mothers married after such separation. The children would not get parental encouragement in their education and may lack school fees and other necessary support, especially to join secondary school. Dropout of girls from school in Taita Taveta has been directly linked to family problems such as divorce and separation. The main cause of separation in

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Table 3: Summary of Violence Against Girls in Education Index

Barriers Baringo(Tangulbei)

W. Pokot(Kongelai)

Migori(Kuria)

Garissa(Kamuthe)

Kajiado(ElangataWuas)

Embu(Makima)

T. Taveta(Kishushe)

Isiolo(Oldonyiro)

1. Sexual violence against girls

2. Insecurity

3. Long distance to school

4. Parents’ illiteracy

5. Religion

6. Parental neglect

7. Strained communication - parents vs. girls

8. Gender role stereotypes

9. Elaborate initiation ceremonies

10. Child pregnancies and marriages

11. Broken families

12. Lack of sanitary facilities

13. Climatic conditions (drought)

14. FGM prevalence

Key: Represents presence and high prevalence of the barriers listed in each county

Taita Taveta is protest by women after cases of incest are detected. In Garissa, the problem of divorce is blamed on the power given to Muslim men to declare talaka (divorce) at will. Some men take advantage of the situation such that if they want to marry more than the four permitted wives, they just divorce one and replace her with a “fresh catch.”

(xi) Sexual violence against girls

The female respondents (girls and women) confirmed a high prevalence of sexual violence against girls at home and on their way to school. The leading areas are Taita Taveta, Kajiado, Kuria, and Embu. Cases of defilement are reported to be meted on girls by relatives and their peers especially those who have dropped out of school.

“Girls are subjected to multiple problems of defilement. Some get into relationships from the age of 12. Others are defiled by force (‘raped’) by boda boda riders who drop or pick them from school. Others are victims of their own fathers who defile them at home. In fact, in Kishushe after class seven, the girls would rather go to work in town but while there, many girls are still at risk as they meet rich people who exploit them sexually and they come back with children” (KII, teacher, Kishushe).

Girls seem to remain vulnerable because some men (especially boda boda riders) take

advantage of those who may be lacking basic needs. and provide support in exchange for sexual favours. In another context, boys and men have become sex pests who would not spare any girl, including their close relatives. In Kajiado, it is the men harvesting sand and drivers of lorries transporting sand who are reported to be the main perpetrators of sexual abuse of girls.

(xii) Lack of sanitary facilities

Menstruation remains a challenge to girls, especially due to a water shortage in schools. The government supplies sanitary pads but the supply is neither consistent nor adequate. This adversely affects girls when they are in their menses.

“Up to last year girls were supplied with those sanitary towels by the government. But this term I have not seen such a thing. It affects their education because during their periods, one can lack self-confidence to be in school. Some girls even cry in shame when they soil themselves and this affects them psychologically. Some girls often give flimsy excuses of illness and stay home for that period of time.” (FGD with women, Isiolo).

Retention and performance are reported to be below standard. Performance is reflected in the low marks girls score in class. Citing the recent education statistics of Kamuthe, the dropout

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Boys in Kuria share their opinion on factors affecting girls' education. ©ActionAid Kenya 2018

rate for primary schools was 43% for girls and 31% for boys. In secondary school it was 15% and 22% for boys and girls respectively. Among the primary school going age (6 – 13 years) only 12.5% of this population is in school. The situation is not very different in other LRPs.

(xiii) Drought

Continuous dry spells are a major problem in all the counties except Migori and Embu. For instance, Kajiado, West Pokot, Baringo, Garissa, Isiolo, and Taita Taveta counties all experience severe drought. Children as well as their parents spend as much as ten months in a year addressing the impact of drought. In Kajiado, women report that drought affects the whole family. It affects boys too as they move with livestock looking for pasture and thus drop out of school. This in turn distracts the education of girls.

“Many children have dropped from school, both girls and boys. During drought, some boys move with livestock to look for pasture. When they come back (much later) they refuse to return to school and some venture into motorbike riding and sand harvesting. These dropouts are dangerous to the education of girls. They lure girls into sexual affairs and the girls drop out of school.” (FGD with women, Elangata Wuas).

In Taita Taveta some respondents indicated that due to drought, families have limited food supply and many needs competing for meagre resources. It follows then that there is inadequate money to support education, whether for girls or boys. Some children have to engage in different forms of child labour like selling charcoal or doing casual work to supplement their parents’ income. Still, the income is not enough for the needs of the whole family. In such situations, girls lack basic needs both for school and at home and they occasionally leave school to go and look for work, mostly as house helps .Some girls are also left at home to take for their siblings as their mothers go out to work. In the affected counties, there are many cases of school absenteeism during extreme drought because there is no water and food at home.

3.1.2 FGM index: Prevalence and procedure

This section discusses female genital mutilation (FGM) as one of the forms of violence that keeps girls out of school. Since FGM is manifested as a barrier through different effects on girls’ education, it is important that we dwell on the prevalence of FGM before tackling the factors associated with it. The FGM index is discussed below by county (listed alphabetically) as follows:

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• Baringo County (Tangulbei LRP)

In Baringo County, Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is still commonly practised. The respondents pointed out a higher ratio of circumcised, compared to uncircumcised, girls in the community. Most of the participants agreed that 3 out of 5 girls in the community are circumcised. Moreover, the respondents are of the opinion that in the interior, isolated parts of the county, 4 out of 5 girls undergo FGM. The practice is more prevalent in Koloa, Riko, Churo, and Silale.

“The problem of FGM as you see in Tangulbei, also affects Koloa, Riko, Churo, and Silale, among others. Three out of every five girls are circumcised. So, the advocacy should reach these interior parts of the community which are more affected by the traditional practices…” (KII, Children’s Officer, Kabarnet).

The practice is carried out once a year between June and July The circumcision season comes with elaborate ceremonies, which attract the young girls and motivate them to undergo FGM. In such an atmosphere of elaborate ceremonies, the girls are unlikely to pursue education. The respondents demonstrated that FGM has led to several cases of death, fistula, and other health complications that continue to plague women in the community.

“Last week we had a case of a girl who died while she was eight months pregnant . The girl was subjected to FGM while pregnant and when they tried to remove the scar during childbirth, the girl began bleeding. She began to bleed even before graduating with the rest who were circumcised because the circumcisers cut the scar in her private part to create space for delivery. Attempts to rescue her failed and she died before reaching Kabarnet…” (KII, Tangulbei Women’s Network (TAWN) representative).

Moreover, FGM is considered the community-given ticket for marriage and it results in automatic suitors or bidders – a decision that lies solely with the parents of the girls. The discussions further revealed that young men will ensure that their wives get circumcised in case they were uncircumcised at the time of marriage. This demonstrates the high prevalence of FGM and its effects on girls’ access to education in Baringo County.

“…while the girls are in seclusion, men identify the ones (girls) they would like to

marry. They get back to the parents and say “I have seen your girl and I am ready to give my wealth…” The bidders request the parents even if the girls are in class 4 or 5 so, they do not progress well. (KII, Chief, Tangulbei).

• Embu County (Makima LRP)

Embu, being a cosmopolitan area, is a multicultural society with different sets of beliefs and traditions, therefore Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is not widely practised as reported among the Mbeere community.

“They do it secretively that it would be very difficult to know exactly the frequency the practice is done in a year.” (KII with AAIK staff)

Though FGM is done in secret within the Mbeere community, it was mentioned that the medics are the main perpetrators of the practice. It is alleged that there is collusion among the perpetrators – the community, the legal officers, area chiefs, and administration police. Due to advocacy initiatives, there are no remarkable celebrations and periods for the practice. However, it is reported that some girls voluntarily go for circumcision in hospitals even when they are over 18 years old. This happens because the girls are under pressure to comply with cultural needs for marriage. Like in other counties, the few girls in Mbeere who have undergone the practice feel grown-up and mature enough to get married and hence drop out of school before even reaching class eight.

• Garissa County (Kamuthe LRP)

Female Genital Mutilation is commonly practised in the entire county though in different scales. In Kamuthe, the community members are quick to deny that FGM still exists in the community. However, when interviewed, girls in and out of school confessed to the researcher that most of them were already circumcised. This shows that the community is just living in denial or would want to hide the fact in the face of the law. The girls out of school confirmed that they were all circumcised between the ages of ten and 15 years. This gives an index of 4 out of every 5 girls in Kamuthe. The demographic health survey 2015 shows that the prevalence of FGM in Garissa County stands at 96%.

The respondents said that any girl who is not circumcised is not allowed to worship and could easily be killed. This means that the practice remains mandatory. The community

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has changed and female circumcision is now performed in secrecy. There are no celebrations any more in Kamuthe during the circumcision events. On the appointed date, about ten girls are taken to the appointed venue, circumcised and then they are stitched back to close the wound. The legs of the girls are tied together with ropes after circumcision to ensure that they do not open up, leading to the separation of the genitalia. This is meant to protect them from the risk of infection during the healing process.

Specialised women called awotta (circumciser) are trained for the work. Over time, the circumcisers, because of their expertise, are referred to as fundis. They are paid KES 1,000 (USD 10) for every girl they circumcise. These specialists are usually assisted by apprentices, other women undergoing training for the same profession. The initiates are then cared by their mothers. The awotta (circumcisers) also use traditional therapy to treat the initiates. It should be noted that while FGM is still rampant, there are no elaborate accompanying ceremonies and it does not necessarily take place in the bush due to pressures from the anti-FGM campaigners. The practice has thus gone underground.v

• Isiolo County (Oldonyiro LRP)

Isiolo County is inhabited by the Turkana, Samburu, and the Gabra communities. Among these, it is only the Turkana who do not practice FGM. The LRP covers are area inhabited by the Samburu and a few Turkanas. About 92% of the Samburu girls are circumcised as a rite of passage, according to the area curriculum development officer. Out of this population, almost 40% are forced to drop out of school to get married. Most of the parents observe traditional practices because they fear erosion of traditional values when girls are exposed to education. The study therefore found that boys and girls dropout of school after initiation to adulthood. This was attributed to cultural ceremonies which lead to their long absence from school.

Samburu girls as young as six years must undergo FGM to be considered mature enough for marriage. Any girl who does not undergo FGM is not likely to get married as she is considered immature. Therefore, almost every Samburu girl is circumcised as a mandatory rite of passage. This signifies a very high prevalence of FGM in the community. There is no pattern in terms of seasons for the practice but it becomes more prevalent during the rainy seasons when families are settled together.

• Kajiado County (Elangata Wuas LRP)

Among the Maasai, FGM is a traditional practice that involves partial cutting of the female genitalia as practiced among the Maa community. According to personal testimonies, FGM is commonly advocated for by the old women, usually referred to as the “Gogo” who regard this practice as the best way to preserve and instil high moral standards among girls as they transition to adulthood. The girls who have undergone the cut are regarded as adults and can therefore be married off, irrespective of their age. It was observed that FGM is done secretly especially in the rural areas. It was however reported to be on the decline in both Indupa and Elangata Wuas locations.

The practice is highest in areas where moranism (where the youth still recognise age-set graduation) is still practiced. No girl from those areas has ever completed class eight without getting pregnant especially after FGM as the girls are initiated during these traditional ceremonies. This was noted from a discussion with the sub-county police commandant who alluded that FGM is high in Oltepesi, Naudat, and Gurumane.

“In areas where Morans are highly valued such as Oltepesi and Gurumane, every girl has always been circumcised. In those areas traditions are still followed to the letter and initiation ceremonies are elaborately held. The girls are taught that they are adults after circumcision. As the boys graduate in their age sets (moran), they are mentored to get girls for marriage and the newly circumcised girls are the best candidates. Because of such practices, no girl has ever gone beyond class eight in those areas to date,” (Police Commandant, Kajiado)

After FGM, girls are considered to have graduated from childhood into adulthood and therefore they can do what mothers do, including getting married or pregnant. They can start a family, either voluntarily or by force, and agree that there is no need to continue with school. FGM thus contributes to child marriages and school dropout.

Another challenge is witnessed during the manyatta ceremony where many girls are left alone at home. Boys move in with them for the six-month period of the ceremony. This is the period when the Morans graduate into adulthood through the age set system to become elders Traditionally after circumcision, the Morans are only allowed to marry circumcised girls.. In school, it was noted that girls who have

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Girls engaged in a focus group discussion at Chacha Maroa Primary School. ©ActionAid Kenya 2018

undergone circumcision show high levels of indiscipline as they consider themselves to be adults and equal to their female teachers.

• Migori County (Kuria LRP)

Migori County is inhabited by many ethnic groups, but it is only the Kuria community that practices FGM. In the initial conversations with women in Kuria, there is an interesting tale that points to the origin of FGM in the culture of the Kuria that is directly linked to male chauvinism and selfish pursuit of benefit for men. The women narrated that:

“In fact, FGM was not practised here in the past in our community. At some point in time we are told there was a man who never got a boy child in his family, so he could not host any circumcision ceremonies of his own boys, but he had to go to other people’s circumcision ceremonies. Since no one could come to his household due to lack of boys to circumcise he became bitter because of being side-lined and felt violated by the community. He then decided to take his girls to be circumcised and organised ceremonies for the community members to attend to avoid the shame. It was at this point that girls started to be circumcised, and many members of the community adopted the practice which is mainly planned by men.” (Community conversation with women).

This may sound like a myth but points to the erroneous justification of FGM especially by men. In fact, FGM in Kuria is getting more defiant with public celebrations. It is a men’s affair right

from the planning to the execution, and women only play a supportive role as circumcisers.

The prevalence of FGM in Kuria remains high (estimated at 98% by the latest government statistics). It is estimated that out of every ten girls in a village, nine are circumcised. Even when girls are taken to safe homes or rescue centres to save them from the practice, some girls sneak out to be circumcised. The main reason for this is pressure from boyfriends or possible marriage suitors. A key concern by County government officials indicates that:

“One of the thirty girls whom we had rescued from their parents when they were to be circumcised seems to have sneaked into the camp with a phone. They kept the communication with her boyfriend who helped her to sneak out of the camp last year, threatening that if she didn’t leave, the boy would get another girl who is circumcised to marry. Such peer pressure is a major challenge.” (CEC Education, Kuria, Migori County).

Such fear of not getting a husband if one does not get circumcised is real. Other factors are associated to sorcery (magic) believed to be conducted by the elders so that everybody, including the law enforcers, can remain docile in pursuing the issue. Another major issue is that FGM is a key source of money for the elders. Every girl circumcised must pay KES 500 (USD 5). If a school has about 100 girls in one season, then that is a major boost of KES 50,000/= for the elders’ kitty. The elders form the planning committee for FGM ceremonies. All the collections from girls and their parents go to

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the committee of elders, who then decide how much to pay the circumciser and how much to retain to share among themselves.

• Taita Taveta County (Kishushe LRP)

The situation seems to be very different in Taita Taveta. Originally the community did not practise FGM but after interacting with the Maasai, who are their neighbours, the Taita Taveta borrowed the practice believing it would help reduce women’s sexual desire. In this region however, FGM is done in secret locations. As such, many people believe that the practice no longer exists.

“When you talk to the community well, they may give you isolated cases in confidence. There is increased awareness on the rights of the child given by key stakeholders and schools. It happens when the children are still infants, and it is not an elaborate cut.” (KII, Children’s Officer).

In Taveta, the practice of FGM is also reported to be done by a witchdoctor facing a certain direction. Some families visit the witchdoctor across the border in Tanzania with their children to perform the cut.

“Some people here have relatives in Tanzania, so you can’t tell what happens when they go visiting there. But FGM is very hidden. Some girls stay there for the full holiday with relatives until the girls who are circumcised heal. Taveta has larger number of FGM cases compared to Taita. We need a research in this area to confirm more” (KII, Education Officer).

Respondents also reported that in some cases FGM among the Taveta is undertaken in private hospitals in Tanzania. Once in a while those with relatives in Tanzania would travel to visit and come back when their mission is accomplished.

“Some say they are going to Moshi Mission Hospital because of better services but you might find that maybe it is part of the story. Maybe they are not going to that exact hospital” (KII, women leader).

It is clear that FGM exists in Taita Taveta but it has remained a secret. The narrative shows that it happens when children are very young (infants)., Some may not even be aware that they have gone through it. Some women confide that they use blunt objects like fingernails to chop off the tip of the clitoris when the child is very young. In such cases, it is difficult for an outsider (anyone who is not a member of the family) to know what

has happened. Sometimes when this causes fever to the child, only the mother knows why.. But this practice is reported to have reduced drastically in the recent past. High prevalence is suspected to be in the zones near the border with the Maasai like Mwanda area. In Taita Taveta therefore, it appears that the community is changing its attitude towards FGM, because of the anti-FGM campaigns and interacting with communities that do not practice FGM.

• West Pokot County (Kongelai LRP)

Female genital mutilation forms a major pillar of the culture of the Pokot. However, some slight changes are reported to have occurred over the years concerning the practice, sites of circumcision, cutting object, and age limit for the initiates. The age limit has reduced from 18 years to eight years. Depending on the clan, there are different ways in which the practice is performed, which means that there is no longer uniformity in the procedure due to fear of law enforcement. The findings further show that the practice has a direct effect on education since it is performed for almost half the year, from May to December. As much as there are some specific dates for performing the procedure, any other day after that is still suitable and those who feel like performing their ceremony only need to call on the circumciser. This randomised approach in timing has a direct impact on school attendance since the affected girls are likely to miss school after circumcision as they wait to heal. The ceremony is performed during times of plenty of food to allow for the celebrations.

The ceremony starts with elders going to the forest where they slaughter a goat and pour the blood on the ground. They then cook the goat with the skin then eat the meat as they drink alcohol made out of honey. Before the circumcision, girls are first smeared with cow dung. Then on the day of circumcision the girls are taken to the river very early at around 6 a.m. to take a bath. While they are bathing, the parents and community members celebrate by singing and dancing. The girls come out of the river naked and walk towards the circumcision chamber. They are given some leaves to chew, which give them courage and make them not even feel ashamed or shy of being naked before their parents and the community. Women engaged in community conversation explain the procedure as follows:

“Once at the circumcision site, every girl sits on her stone with legs apart. The circumciser comes with a blade which in old times was made from anything metallic

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and sharpened. The circumciser cuts the tip of the clitoris and both labia and the girls are expected to remain still with no tears at all, as a sign of bravery. The girls are then taken into the hut as the rest of the community continues to sing and dance as they go back to their homes to continue with the celebrations. The girls’ legs are then tied together so that the wound heals, leaving a small hole. During the month while the girls are healing, the interested men go to the girls’ respective homes to book them for wives.” (FGD with women, Kongelai).

The girls would stay in the ‘pigh’ (a Pokot word for place of circumcision) from two weeks to a month depending on the healing process. The circumcisers would check on the girls’ progress and apply oil on them until they heal. When they have healed there is a celebration like a graduation ceremony.

In most areas, almost all girls have been circumcised. However, because of interventions by ActionAid and government agencies, out of ten girls, one or two may have escaped the cut. This leaves a very high level of prevalence of FGM.

3.1.3 Factors linked to FGM as a barrier to girls’ education

Community members and the respective key informants in all the LRPs are generally convinced that FGM has had a negative impact on the education of their daughters. Circumcision is also the first step towards marriage. The informal education that the initiates receive as described above affects the participation of girls in education. For example, the feeling among the initiates that they are now ‘grown up women’ is likely to divert their attention from educational activities into child marriages thereby halting their academic careers. One key informant said:

“Those who were never circumcised remained children irrespective of their age and were never allowed to marry” (FGD with men, Kongelai).

Such views and many other factors intertwined directly with the practice of FGM have kept girls from enrolling in school or absent themselves from school and consequently drop out from school altogether. Some of the violence related factors highlighted include:

Ceremonies for FGM: During the preparation for undertaking female genital mutilation, girls miss

school so that they can go to the circumcisers to appease them by taking gifts and helping with household chores. Girls do this voluntarily to create a rapport with the circumcisers. It is interesting that the process of challenging FGM also makes girls miss school especially those who do not want to undergo the cut. During this time the girls must go into hiding, so they do not go to school. Preparation begins from the fifth month of the year because it is the planting season so there is food for the celebrations. The traditional elders go to the forest to perform rituals and choose a circumciser and agree on the specific day and venue for the circumcision. These things are done secretively, and it is during such ceremonies that the elders choose the girls they would marry after the planned circumcision. In Kuria it is usually done in August. The exception is Garissa where there are no ceremonies. Enrolment is therefore rarely affected by FGM, but attendance and completion are affected because during the preparation period and during the circumcision and the period when they are healing, not many girls will attend school regularly.

Health hazards during the operation: The findings show that risks experienced during the cut may make a girl not to go to school or even lose her life altogether. Some of the risks they mentioned were excessive bleeding, cutting wrongly or if a girl cries or makes noise during the procedure, she risks being killed by a spear. Health risks such as wrong cutting or failure to heal properly and fistula are among problems that affect girls during and after the cut. Some girls get complications during childbirth that causes fistula, The girls are embarrassed to go back to school even when their parents are willing to support them.

Preserving virginity: Preserving the girls’ ubikira (virginity) is the main reason communities, especially in Garissa (Kamuthe) continue practising FGM. Intentionally, the practice is meant to inflict as much pain as possible to the girls to deter them from promiscuous behaviour. The findings indicate that this community value the virginity of their daughters so much that they can go to any length to preserve it, including withdrawing the girls from school. This is associated with the general thinking that the school set-up is secular and steeped in Western culture which could spoil the girls. Uneducated parents would thus not hesitate to withdraw their daughters from school if it means preserving them for marriage to avoid shame to the family.

Fear of premarital sex: The practice of FGM among the Muslim communities (in Isiolo and Garissa) is meant to seal the birth canal purposely so that should such a girl engage in premarital sex, then the canal would be perforated by the boy. Such girls would then be divorced soon after

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marriage. Interestingly, the women also cherish FGM as an effective mechanism for instilling good moral behaviour among their daughters. The women are directly responsible for socialising the girls into the norms of the society and therefore take this practice as an effective mechanism for controlling their girls. If girls happen to have a sexual encounter with boys, especially during school, they would be forced to flee for safety before it is discovered. Some girls disappear to Mombasa while others go to Eastleigh (Nairobi) to stay with friends where their own family cannot reach them. This fear is therefore a major reason why girls are out of school.

Cultural values on marriage: Some cultures promote child marriage and place such a premium on marriage that if a girl reaches the age of eighteen before getting married, then it is cause for concern. The situation becomes worse if the girls do not perform well in school. Such girls are forced out of school to stop wasting time and money and get a husband instead. That complicates life for girls who also yield to the pressure, one for fear of being ridiculed and also to save the face of her parents.

The fact that in these communities bride price is valued more than education for girls is also a source of worry. The family wealth is from and for marriage and not school and girls are the source of this wealth. An education officer links FGM to specific education parameters as follows:

“I may not talk about enrolment because FGM comes way past the age of enrolment, so it does not affect enrolment but attendance, yes, maybe. Though I also do not think so because it is done during school holiday, so I don’t think it affects attendance to a great extent. But for dropout, absenteeism, retention and performance, FGM is a major factor because the girls now see themselves as adult women so they behave like women and do all the things women do.” (KII, Education Officer, Kuria).

Child (pre-arranged) marriage: In all the counties, FGM is used to bestow social status to the girls, a mark of adulthood that in most cases paves the way for marriage. FGM is considered a necessary step in raising a girl properly and preparing her for adulthood and marriage. As a consequence, girls themselves desire to undergo the procedure due to social pressure from peers and because of fear of stigmatisation and rejection by their communities if they fail to abide by the demands of the tradition.

“Circumcised girl remains to be a respected member of the community. About 20% girls drop out of school to child marriages immediately after FGM. Such marriages are prearranged by parents to very old men. An

old man of 70 years can marry a 12 years or 15 years old girl provided he is able and has agreed to pay dowry.” (KII, women leader, Kamuthe) This view is shared by respondents in Kuria, Kongelai, Tangulbei, and Oldonyiro.

Accordingly, girls in some cases demand FGM as a “marketing” strategy for marriage. After the procedure therefore, some parents start to arrange for marriage of their daughters before they can be “spoilt” by their peers. Such arrangements are a great threat to the girls’ education, because the girls do not have a say about such arranged marriages. The girls cannot say no their parents for fear of being cursed.

Excess bleeding and occasional deaths: In Kamuthe, FGM is associated with a series of health risks and consequences on the girl. Almost all girls who had undergone FGM reported experiencing excess bleeding as a consequence of the procedure. This was confirmed in an FGD with girls out of school who reported that:

“Over bleeding during the process of circumcision if the veins are tempered with and the healing of the wound itself is a problem, especially if the cut is so deep” (FGD with out of school girls, Kamuthe).

In case such consequences happen to the girls, (as confided by one particular respondent), they would stay away from school for quite a long time, leading to loss of school days. Since female circumcision can take place any time during the year, it is very likely that no consideration is given to education time so long as the parents (or the girl herself) feels like undergoing the rite. This obviously impacts on the performance of the girls in class owing to the lost study time. If the healing takes longer, it is possible that the affected girls would naturally drop out of school quietly.

Pain and trauma: The procedure of FGM is very painful and traumatic. The girls are physically held down to deter them from any movement and/or resistance. As mentioned earlier, those who are infibulated often have their legs bound together for several days or weeks thereafter. In case the healing process makes the virginal opening to fully close, it becomes very painful to pass urine or menstrual blood, especially if there are blood clots on the small opening left after stitching. It makes the girls so uncomfortable. Such cases would be referred back to the circumciser for another round of circumcision to slightly open it up. The trauma that comes with such pain would not allow the girls to remain in class and listen to the teachers. At the same time, it lengthens the days of absenteeism as healing takes long,.

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Truancy: In all the counties, it was reported that the girls would be rude to female teachers especially those from other communities that do not practice FGM. Such girls believe that they are superior to the uncircumcised teachers. A male teacher put it candidly that:

“After circumcision, the girls are psychologically prepared to become adults and therefore fail to give much attention to class work. They do not respect teachers, especially female ones from other communities, any more. Some have already been ‘given out’ (engaged) to rich old men. This practice clearly impacts negatively on girls’ education. (KII, head teacher, Tangulbei).

The practice is known to affect the psychology of the initiates in a big way. Most of the girls start to think about marriage as the most important thing and soon after circumcision, they drop out of school.

Menstruation is also a factor affecting girls’ education the way FGM does. Menstruation affects girls’ education because they are not free to go to school especially if they are negatively affected after circumcision. In such cases, they will have missed several lessons by the end of the term or year and this may lead to poor performance.

Self-esteem and peer pressure: This affects the girls emotionally, physically, and psychologically. The girls who have undergone the cut suffer low self-esteem as they cannot openly admit it due to the fear of campaigns against FGM by the government. In these cases, the girls lack confidence and concentration in class. This is because of the debates carried out against FGM in the public domain. At community level the peer pressure is mostly on those who have not been circumcised. They are mocked and called names by the members of their community.. Hence the girls hide and go for the cut and never come back to school.

Exodus from law enforcement: One risk is that the anti-FGM policies are resisted greatly by the community. However, because parents are now aware of the consequences they would suffer from the law enforcement officers for taking their daughters for the cut, some opt to take their daughters across the border to Tanzania or Uganda (where the practice is not illegal or not monitored strictly) and they only come back after FGM. Though this does not affect schooling much because FGM in the affected areas is usually done during holidays, the fact is that the girls come back with changed attitude - that she is now an adult and ready for marriage. Some also sneak away before the end of the school term and end up missing exams. The exodus is commonly reported in Taita Taveta where

parents take children to witchdoctors in Tanzania for FGM. It is also reported in Kuria where girls go into hiding with their relatives in Tanzania. In West Pokot, sometimes families migrate to Uganda in search of pasture only to have their girls circumcised while there.

Superstition: In Baringo, discussions with the focus groups revealed the role of superstition in promoting the practice of FGM. The respondents believe witchdoctors use magical powers to ensure compliance to the practice of FGM among the girls.

“If a girl refuses to go for FGM, sometimes the parents consult a witchdoctor who sends a spirit in the form of a squirrel or a snake. The animal will chase the girl until she reaches home and gets circumcised. Sometimes the ghost would make girls to cry in class saying ‘acha niende nyumbani’(let me go home) then when she reaches home, she becomes sober…” (FGD with girls, Tangulbei Primary - GRP1)

When such problems occur, the affected girls would not go back to school easily because they remain traumatized.

3.2 STATUS OF GIRLS’ EDUCATION DUE TO THE VIOLENCE INDICES

Due to the barriers discussed whether in general or associated to FGM, the status of education remains low in many of the LRPs. In Taita Taveta, the community members are reported to be quite informed, and they have been trying to support the education of girls. One key informant commenting on the level of awareness and support available for girls’ education gave an affirmative answer.

“The community here knows so much about education and they support girls’ education. From my perspective, there are two instances show that confirm that they know and support girl’s education. In March this year, we were electing children’s government and were it not for our intervention, all the seats would have been awarded to the girls. Another scenario was witnessed in the bursary awards. As a department, we give bursaries and 66 out of 99 applicants were girls. The women here understand the importance of education for girls.” (KII, Wundanyi).

Despite this level of awareness, girls’ education still faces several challenges. A report by ActionAid raises an alarm over diminishing confidence in public primary schools, saying more than half of the community members are dissatisfied with the quality of education offered. There are even fears that boys are worse affected compared to girls in the county.

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Reformed circumciser (right) narrates how they campaign against the practice in Tangulbei. ©ActionAid Kenya 2018

In Isiolo on the other hand, teachers and education stakeholders cited the provision of sanitary pads and the feeding programme by the national government to have contributed a lot to the large number of pupils that enrol in school and attend class. Those who miss classes because of household chores or child marriages, have been helped back to school through the intervention of the head teachers in collaboration with the chiefs. As a result of these efforts by the government and other partners, the enrolment of girls in Isiolo has improved significantly. Free primary and compulsory basic education has since enabled more pupils to be enrolled into various schools in the county. However, the introduction of free and compulsory basic education has since complicated issues in Isiolo County. The list of challenges is very long and includes shortage of classrooms, teachers, stationery, seats, the national flag, and perimeter fence among other necessities required of any school. From our observation and collaborated testimonials from the education stakeholders, we realised that a teacher in public primary schools in Isiolo County teaches almost all the subjects due a to shortage of teachers. A high school drop-out rate is also seen when children are expelled from school and the lack of an environment conducive to learning for girls who get pregnant while at school. Parents also claimed that girls are “spoiled” before completing their education.

In Kamuthe, enrolment is quite high in early childhood education (ECD) and class one, but starts dropping drastically at class two. The reduction continues steadily up to class six when the pattern changes to become irregular. The enrolment levels also exhibit imbalance between boys and girls in favour of boys, especially in the upper classes. The sudden increased enrolment

from class five and six is most likely caused by those who are forced to repeat class as they prepare for class eight. Most of those who are forced to repeat end up dropping out before they complete primary education. In the meantime, the number of girls gets smaller and smaller up to class eight which has the largest gender gap between girls and boys. The teacher pupil ratio is 1:38 in primary schools and 1:18 in secondary schools. The primary school going age (6-13 years) was 50,000 for males and 43,529 for females in 2002. Only 12.5% of this population was in school while the others were engaged in child labour, including herding cattle.

In Kuria, culture and viewing of girls as “property” or a source of wealth through bride price, are the main causes of gender disparities between boys and girls in terms of supporting girl’s education. Fathers would rather keep their cows than sell them to pay school fees for the girls. Absenteeism and dropout rates in schools are high, leading to low progression and transition. Sensitisation of the community has however helped raise awareness leading to increased progression but transition from primary to secondary school remains a big challenge. Unfortunately, dropout rates for boys are higher in some locations because of child labour when they go to harvest sand and work in tobacco farms. Girls, dropped out of school due to early pregnancies and child marriage. So far, FGM remains the biggest hindrance to girls’ and women’s education, with the majority (9 out of 10) of the girls having been subjected to FGM. Even when a few girls have been rescued from the practice, some still do not perform well due to stress and pressure from their families.

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3.3 EXISTING INITIATIVES TO PROMOTE GIRLS’ EDUCATION AND CHALLENGE FGM

3.3.1 Empowering girls and young women facing violence or at risk of violence

Initiatives have been put in place in all the regions to empower women through civic education. Such interventions have helped to address issues of gender-based violence and denial of the rights of women. As a result, some community members have built strong movements that advocate for women’s rights.

ActionAid has worked in partnership with government agencies and Community Based Organisations (CBOs) to address rampant and negative practices affecting girls. Previous interventions have included regular discussions with girls on issues affecting them to increase their confidence (especially through girls’ forums). ActionAid has also supported construction of classrooms, toilets, and desks and providing water tanks in various schools to promote girls’ education. It is reported that so far, the community members in the intervention areas understand their rights with regards to education, even if they still value their traditions and religion much more than education.

“The challenges we face are not because the community do not know their rights, but it is because FGM is still respected and must be done to meet the cultural and religious requirements of the Somali community.” (Community leader, Kamuthe).

The stakeholders have mobilised the community to understand the importance of education and the dangers of FGM.

Similar efforts were reported in Baringo and West Pokot. AAIK has for instance worked in collaboration with Tangulbei Women Network (TAWN) to provide soap, toothpaste and other basics to girls in boarding primary schools. In addition, the County government offers bursaries to support girls’ education. Other stakeholders such as Kirira Foundation and World Vision also support girls’ education through the supply of food as well as sponsorship of top performers.

“In East Pokot, it is only Action Aid that promotes awareness. However, the rural areas are not reached effectively, and the community members do not know the rights of girls and women…so the girls are not involved in any way” (KII, CEC Baringo County)

The respondents also demonstrated that advocacy initiatives such as community forums to educate members on the benefits of girl’s education have

yielded fruit. While awareness programmes have focused on empowering girls and women, their impact has reached the entire population. Such initiatives are more prominent in the areas around Tangulbei Centre, Marigat town, and other urban areas of Baringo County. The respondents also pointed out the contribution to expand space in schools through infrastructure improvement. The county government, the Kirira Foundation, and AAIK have built classrooms and dormitories to promote girls’ education.

“The county government organises events to sensitise the community members with a focus on boys and girls. In our recent visit to Tuyotich with the first lady of the county to talk to local leaders, parents and stakeholders, we also talked to girls and boys on the issue of FGM. We also supported the rescued girls in Tangulbei Primary School by purchasing mattresses. So, we offer support…” (Longonope - Baringo CEC, Education, Culture, Sports, Gender, and Social Services)

3.3.2 Building capacities of women’s networks to ably support girls and young women to access education and in economic empowerment

Government agencies working in collaboration with ActionAid have engaged with community groups to support them through capacity building and campaigning for education of girls. Despite some challenges, the community members have been trained through local CBOs to embrace girls’ education and the need to abandon FGM.

“Local leaders, CBOs and NGOs like ActionAid are working together trying to reduce FGM and promote the girl child education but the religious leaders and traditionalists still outnumber them. This makes their impact to be rarely felt. Instead, the girls are now subjected to FGM earlier than before between the ages of 5 -10 years old when they are still too young to resist, and they also still fear curses from their mothers or community.” (KII, Education Officer, West Pokot County)

3.3.3 Interventions by government, AAIK and other agencies to tackle FGM and promote girls’ education

The local leaders are making strong attempts to control FGM and promote girl’s education. While their efforts seem to yield some results in promoting education of girls, FGM remains a challenge as the community devises new ways to evade the law. A local chief reported that the national administration, working through the County Commissioner’s office, has been in the frontline of the campaigns.

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“As a chief I have worked strongly with my colleagues on the ground to promote education through barazas, and people are changing. The County Commissioner has been fully supporting our work. We have also educated the public about the dangers of FGM, but some resistance still prevails. Recently, for instance, I was informed of a girl whose mother forced into FGM against her will and I called in the police who arrested her mother. Later in the day I faced very strong pressure from other women, religious leaders and opinion leaders who came to my home pleading for the release of that mother from police station. Some elders threatened to curse me, and I had to pay for her release because I too want to live free life.” (KII, chief, Kamuthe).

The above, as narrated by the chief shows great awareness among the community which is a positive impact. The fact that some girls are forced by their mothers against their will to undergo the procedure shows that campaigns have yielded some fruit among the children and they have consciously challenged the practice. It should be noted that education campaigns are getting embraced by the community. There is hope that very soon the girls who are being forced to undergo FGM may not force their children in future. The resistance reported by the chief is life threatening, but it shows that a different strategy should be used alongside enforcement of the law, to ensure the safety of local leaders campaigning against FGM.

At the community level, many women have been engaged through the efforts of ActionAid and other agencies, but they seem to face the same predicament of resistance from fellow community members.

“In the villages, women advocate for FGM much more than the men. At the same time, it is the women groups that are working to challenge the practice. But just as I said, even those women fear being cursed.” (KII, community leader, Kamuthe).

It is clear that interventions are in place at all levels of the community. The most encouraging is the fact that government agencies are working with non-state agencies and community members to challenge FGM, despite the obstacles. While it is not stated categorically, there is hope that support for girls’ education is picking up as it is getting embraced by the community. This would initially break the association of FGM as an obstacle to the education of girls, and later girls will have the capacity to challenge the practice.

3.3.4 Existing and proposed/possible alternative rites of passage in each county

The big issue in this study was whether the communities are ready and prepared to abandon FGM. Reports show a reduction in the elaborate rituals that accompany the circumcision process. Discussions by various groups indicate there is hope for change. Modification of traditional initiation practices is in progress. Communities are willing to embrace alternative rites of passage although these are yet to be identified and agreed on. Community members themselves were hesitant to make proposals for appropriate alternatives as they cling to the hope that education of girls will be the key to ultimate change. This is because the perceptions and expectations of parents and local leaders are slowly, but surely, changing. There is need to appreciate the fact that some members of the communities under review are beginning to re-examine their attitudes towards the two practices – FGM and child marriage. One positive aspect is that although they still circumcise their girls, the mode has changed compared to the traditional practice. Various stakeholders including teachers, religious and community leaders have shown willingness to stop the practice if given alternatives.

In Baringo, the county government organises alternative rites of passage (ARP) ceremonies, especially in Kabarnet. According to the key informants, the process involves various stakeholders from the community such as educated girls, reformed circumcisers, role models, and policy makers. Respondents also pointed out that there are such initiatives including Ketagha Rotwo (Let’s abandon the knife) during the August and April holidays. During these events organised by the county government, the girls who have attained the age of circumcision are taken for a two-week training after which there is an organised ceremony to indicate that they have graduated from childhood to adulthood without undergoing circumcision.

3.3.5 Challenges experienced in tackling FGM / promoting girls’ education

Basically, ActionAid and Government agencies have tried to change the attitudes and perceptions of the communities with regard to girls’ education. . Some of the prevailing challenges to the change include:

Community resistance: Despite concerted efforts, sustainable impact has remained elusive because of the community resistance. Closely linked to the observations where religion has been used to justify the continued practice of FGM, is the belief that circumcision makes girls clean. Some of the community members confessing the Islamic faith believe that only those who have gone through the

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procedure should be allowed to pray/worship or even read the Quran. One female informant said:

“... religiously we are told that circumcision makes girls to be clean before God and it is only after undergoing this practice that the girls can be allowed to read the Koran or to worship” (KII, women leader, Kamuthe).

Despite this account, there are however counter reports by ActionAid staff that in Garissa, some Imams (not specified) have been preaching openly against FGM.

Stigma: To some extent, the traditionalists who resist change have managed to stigmatise those advocating for change through stereotypes. The employees of any agency working on ending FGM are first grouped as non-believers or people who are “spoiling” the girls and women. Out-of-school girls are concerned about the actions of some religious leaders. In a discussion, they reported;

“Even the Somali women who walk with AAIK and CBOs, working as their agents in the Somali community are disparaged as ‘malaya’ (prostitutes) who are out to brainwash the women especially when they try to address FGM. Men in the Somali community do very minimal to challenge the practice because they fear embarrassment from their wives” (FGD, Girls out of school, Kamuthe).

The link to religion makes FGM a very delicate topic to handle in such areas. Some women would therefore participate in advocacy meetings but later remain silent.

Insincere actors at community level: Some women’s group members in Kuria and Garissa are alleged to champion the anti FGM campaigns just to get some travel allowances. It is not clear if all the women would continue with the campaign on their own without the support of ActionAid. In Kuria for instance, it is alleged that some of the crusaders have actually gone back to practising FGM, or simply keep quiet even as female circumcision goes on around them. In Tangulbei and Kongelai, it has been reported that the same groups of people have participated in workshops and training time and again, without reaching out to new beneficiaries. It is like preaching repeatedly to the converted without reaching new people over the years.

Economic gain on FGM: Another challenge is the economic angle. There are perceptions that girls are a source of wealth through the bride price they fetch. However, in these communities, the girls would only fetch bride price if they are circumcised. Such views are a big threat to girls’ education. Education is

not seen as being “economically relevant”. Another perspective in this regard is the payment made to the circumcisers. The circumcisers and their supporters view this “business of FGM” as an income generating activity. Circumcisers would not like to lose this source of income, It is therefore a tall order to get them to stop this “trade” unless a viable source of income (which cannot be guaranteed to many people) is established.

“…..the women who are believed to be specialised in the act of administering FGM are paid minimum of Ksh 1,000 per child. They see this as an economic activity which is difficult to stop.” (KII, Gender officer, Elangata Wuas).

Concentration of actors in urban areas: In some regions, advocacy and sensitisation activities are reported to be mainly concentrated in urban centres. As a result, most people in the interior, rural areas lack awareness on the negative effects of FGM and the need to educate girls. For instance, there are places such as Silale Ward around Tangulbei where the retrogressive culture continues to bar access to education, but very little effort has been made to reach the community.

“In Silale Ward, there has never been a single girl in class eight but many of the interventions have not reached such communities. Only people who attend workshops in hotels are always invited.” (CEC Education, Baringo County).

The above demonstrates the lack of awareness campaigns in the interior parts of the counties. This has a negative influence on the campaigns and thwarts progress and success in advocacy and empowerment programmes even in urban areas.

Limited boarding facilities in schools: In some other cases, the awareness campaigns have succeeded, and girls have moved from their homes to pursue education sometimes in schools far from home. But in some cases, there are no provisions for boarding facilities or rescue homes to accommodate the girls especially where the families are nomadic like in Kajiado, Baringo, and West Pokot. The available institutions of learning are few and widely spread. Lack of adequate space in schools remains one of the sustainability challenges that the girls face in their efforts to access education. The girls give in to FGM in order to gain acceptance and get married.

The respondents also pointed out the lack of comprehensive programmes to cater for girls who manage to reach class eight. Notably, there are girls who complete primary education because of the support from campaigners who promote education for girls. However, due to lack of sustainable

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programmes, the girls end up in the community whereby they are subjected to FGM.

“For a long period of time, partners advocate for change without aspects of sustainability. There are very few rescue homes in Tangulbei built either by the government or with support of other organisations. So, some girls who run from their homes to escape FGM lack a place where they can be accommodated, and they end up going back to the traditional practices. In future when Action Aid will get out of the place, how will the community sustain the initiatives?” (KII, Office of the Governor, Baringo)

Inadequate follow-up and psychosocial support: Community members indicate there is a lack of programmes to support girls who are rejected by parents due to their quest for education as well as those who complete primary school. This points to a gap in the government’s efforts in curbing FGM. However, reports indicate ActionAid has constructed safe houses in Churo and Tangulbei that are used by girls rescued in Tangulbei. Despite this, little effort is made to follow up on the progress of the girls who graduate from the safe houses.

Inadequate resources for intervention: Another challenge mentioned that cuts across all counties is a general concern of resource constraint to undertake advocacy programmes or promote girls’ education. The awareness campaigns and attempts to offer alternative rites of passage are characterised by inadequate financial resources. As a result, these initiatives cannot reach the most affected areas neither can they be done on a regular basis. Therefore, the interventions do not yield the desired impact.

“We have seen some girls who go for training from this village. They take two weeks and participate in the graduation ceremonies. But when they come back, they again get circumcised. Even that alternative is not helpful…” (Participant, FGD men)

Capacity of the community resource persons: Finally, both sensitisation and awareness creation programmes rely on community support. For instance, the alternative rites of passage as well as barazas require the contribution of reformed circumcisers and senior members of the community who act as volunteers. However, the reformed circumcisers and senior members of the community lack training and the tools to ensure they deliver the message against FGM effectively.

All these challenges are intertwined in the cultural context of patriarchy and nomadism. Being a pastoralist community, it is difficult to control FGM

because men are most likely out with cattle looking for pasture and water, so it is mostly women who are reached with the advocacy opportunities. To achieve change, men must be reached with the message because they wield all the powers in these societies. Any action taken by the women while the men are away is likely to be overturned by the men.

3.3.6 Status of law enforcement

Law enforcement is a critical process in the fight against FGM nationally. The law enforcement agencies include the National Police Service, the Children’s Department, The Judiciary and the Education Department in all the respective counties. It is encouraging that every agency has made both statutory interventions by ensuring that perpetrators are arrested and convicted besides undertaking sensitisation campaigns on the law. In Taita Taveta where the practice is most hidden, the Children’s Officer elaborates on the nature of collaboration in the fight against FGM.

“This fight against FGM is multi-sectoral. When we have the chief’s baraza or community forums organised by the women, all agencies converge to educate the community. Around April this year we jointly launched the “Male champions” so that it doesn’t appear to be a women’s affair so that they (men) too can talk about defilement, FGM and other forms of violence. It was a concerted effort by everyone. The actors included the Children’s Department, Sauti ya Wanawake, County Commissioner’s Office, the Judiciary, and the Police who always work together in the campaign against FGM.” (Children’s Officer, Wundanyi).

This shows that government agencies have been partnering with non-governmental organisations to support the campaigns. In West Pokot, the child welfare officer further indicated that the success of law enforcement relies on the level of awareness and understanding of the policies. He says:

“When it comes to policy, you need people to be knowledgeable. So, when it comes to implementation of laws, at times there are challenges because of the low literacy level of the local populations.” (Child Welfare Officer, Kongelai).

It is argued that people who have no understanding of the law cannot support its enforcement. This is especially true of the women champions and local leaders. Since FGM is part of their culture, such community actors are likely to go silent due to fear of the impact prosecution and conviction will have on their community members. They find it difficult to join forces with the police to take the cases to successful

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conclusion. In such cases, the community members end up in local arrangements to destroy evidence or hide the complainant.

In all the regions, the police reported concerted efforts to successfully enforce the policies. In Kuria for instance, a circumciser had been arrested, prosecuted and sentenced to seven years in prison. In Kamuthe, the practice is changing in form due to fear of convictions that have been witnessed in the past, while in West Pokot, some families cross the border to Uganda in fear of prosecution. This is sufficient evidence that efforts to enforce the law are yielding some fruit despite experiencing a few challenges.

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CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

4.0 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Community leaders share their commitment to challenge FGM and promote girls' education in West Pokot. ©ActionAid Kenya 2018

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CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

4.1 CONCLUSIONS

Access to education remains a challenge for both girls and boys in all the LRPs. Even though the majority of the members of the community and stakeholders in each county report that both girls and boys should be supported to access education, it was apparent that girls are still lagging behind in the counties under study in terms of access, participation, and retention in education. The general barriers to education affect communities in different ways in each LRP. The practice of FGM is however the common barrier, and is often upheld by local structures of power and authority such as traditional leaders, religious leaders, circumcisers, elders, and even some medical personnel.

In many societies, older women who have themselves been circumcised, often become gatekeepers of the practice, seeing it as essential to the identity of women and girls. This is probably one reason why women, and mostly older women, are more likely to support the practice, and tend to see efforts to combat the practice as an attack on their identity and culture. Although these practices continue to this day, they have undergone some modifications. For example, while girls in the past were circumcised in elaborate ceremonies and at an older age of 15 to 18 years, today the practice is carried out on girls as young as five years. The procedure is done without the accompanying ceremonies due to the enforcement of new laws and anti-FGM campaigns that have been mounted in the areas where ActionAid operates. The perceived “benefits” of FGM are keeping girls clean and enhancing discipline to protect their virginity (for the benefit of men).

FGM has been shown to affect the education of girls in a number of ways. Some initiates take long to heal and are forced to miss class. The trauma associated with the practice also affects their concentration in class and hence their performance. Again, after circumcision, some girls feel they are now grown up women and opt for marriage while others feel equal or superior to their female teachers, especially those from outside their community. This presents a discipline problem and such girls are unlikely to remain in school. In the same way, transition to secondary school remains minimal.

It has been noted that despite heavy resistance, some members of the community in the LRPs are willing to leave their traditional practices and adopt new ways. This is mainly due to the introduction of new laws that impose heavy penalties on those who perform FGM. Campaigns to promote girls’ education have also borne fruit. There is need therefore to enhance religious debates aimed at challenging FGM and heighten the sensitisation campaigns by government agencies and NGOs, among other factors.

4.2 RECOMMENDATIONS

Discussions with various groups from the community indicate that there is scope for change – by accepting girls’ education and on modification of traditional practices. Perceptions and expectations of parents and the local leaders are slowly, but surely changing. Some members of the communities are beginning to re-examine their attitudes towards FGM and to promote girl’s education.

4.2.1 ActionAid interventions should consider:

i. Building on what some communities have already opted for like Alternative Rites of Passage (AROP) in Baringo County

Since it is not possible to stop FGM at once, as a stopgap measure, it is possible to build on what some counties have already adopted. In Tangulbei, the county government of Baringo has initiated a programme that can be emulated. Some of the suggestions include the declaration that no FGM will be performed in the bush and they will not use traditional circumcisers. While some community members insist on the need to “spill blood” as symbolism of fulfilling the community and/or religious requirements, an alternative to the idea of “spilling blood” needs to be developed in collaboration with the community members, eventually leading to total declaration of “No FGM”’ in all regions. With continued advocacy and sensitisation, the practice will end as has been reported to have happened in many educated families.

ii. Organising, enriching and evaluating girls’ empowerment camps

Continuing with the education and sensitisation camps organised for girls aged 11-18 years during the school holidays. These can take the form of community dialogue meetings, general civic education meetings, or special camps. In such sessions, discussions to be led by professionals and community resource persons should range from children’s rights to adolescent issues, including body changes; retrogressive traditions and culture; the role of women and men in modern society; specific academic topics; leadership issues and role modelling can be incorporated.

iii. Guidance and counselling by community specialists

A group of women felt that programmes on guidance and counselling that can teach girls about proper moral conduct, responsible norms and values, especially on how to relate with peers of the opposite sex, are necessary. This can enhance their understanding of the dangers of casual sex and

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CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

play an important role in convincing some of the sceptics to accept girls’ education and abandon the practice of FGM. The women especially should be encouraged to support girls’ education as a priority. This can be enhanced through planned interaction with women from other communities in Kenya so as to know that they need to change their culture just as women in other communities have done.

4.2.2 Advocacy to enhance support for girls’ education needs from devolved funds

• A workable intervention to address the education of girls beyond primary school level will provide adequate empowerment to the girls. The local leaders of devolved funds should be lobbied to take a keen interest in the education of girls at secondary and higher levels.

• Establishing community-based institutions such as the ‘madrasa’ (Islamic classes) for girls who refuse to get circumcised to teach them how to live responsibly. This would be an important step to show the girls that FGM does not bestow any status to a woman in the community.

4.2.3 Engaging with government officers, religious leaders, cultural leaders, elders, and school management committees to initiate and popularise the alternative rites of passage

Since there is scope for alternative rites of passage, there is need to pilot the three suggested alternatives. There is need to implement them, monitor their progress and evaluate their effectiveness / outcomes before rolling them out on a county or national scale. Some of the suggestions include:

• Declaring that no FGM should be done in the bush and no traditional circumciser should be engaged for female circumcision.

• Organising, enriching, and evaluating girls’ empowerment camps. These are education and sensitisation camps organised for adolescent girls between ages 11 -18 years during school holidays.

• Mounting guidance and counselling programmes that can teach girls about proper moral conduct, responsive norms and values, especially on how to relate with peers of the opposite sex and the dangers of casual sex. Such initiatives can play an important role in convincing some of the sceptics to abandon the practice of circumcising girls.

Official handover of safe house and resource center by ActionAid Kenya Board Chair, Thomas Mwita in Kongelai, West Pokot. ©ActionAid Kenya 2018

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CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

4.2.4 Engage with religious leaders

• Some of the religious leaders who invoke religious teachings to justify the continuation of FGM should be targeted in the advocacy strategy. The sheikhs who are custodians of religious teachings and faith should be sensitised and trained on the dangers and consequences of promoting retrogressive traditional practices like FGM and child marriage.

• There should be an effort to identify the religious leaders who propagate false teaching on FGM for possible legal action.

• All stakeholders should dialogue on the way forward especially with regard to the claim that Islam supports FGM. Those who support this view should be challenged to explain why many other predominantly Muslim communities do not circumcise their girls. Such candid discussions will certainly change the community members’ perceptions since it has been shown that religion is at the core of the continuation of these traditions.

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APPENDICES

APPENDICES

Young Mothers Self-help Group showcase their livestock acquired from support by Kamuthe Women Network. ©ActionAid Kenya 2018

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX 1: COUNTY SPECIFIC REPORTS (LISTED ALPHABETICALLY)

I. BARINGO COUNTY (TANGULBEI LRP)

a. County context on girls’ education

Tangulbei is located in East Pokot in Baringo County, Kenya. The Local Rights Programme (LRP) in Tangulbei began in 2007. The programme mainly covers two divisions in East Pokot - Tangulbei and Churo. Due to the hot and dry climate in the area, the residents rely on cattle keeping as their main economic activity. The population is sparsely distributed and moves from place to place in search of pasture and water. Given the challenges that face women and girls in the community, the Tangulbei LRP focuses on three key areas. These are rights to education, women’s rights, and food rights. Some of the major contributions of the programme include the construction of physical facilities in the area such as dining halls in Churo Primary and Tangulbei Secondary schools respectively; supporting women and girls’ forums in Tangulbei and Churo; as well as community awareness training, among other initiatives.

In as much as Tangulbei LRP has created significant impacts in the area, women and girls in Baringo County continue to experience noticeable violence which hinders them from accessing education and achieving their potential in life. According to the County Integrated Development Report (2012 - 2017, p.272), the female enrolment rate in Baringo primary schools is 71,509 against the national rate of 9,433,494. Tangulbei has the highest illiteracy level of 76% (CIDP, 2012 - 2017). The women and girls in Baringo County experience significant barriers in their attempt to access education due to the retrogressive culture especially the practice of female genital mutilation (FGM) among other factors. Against this backdrop, the present report seeks to outline the analysis of the findings on the status of girls’ education.

b. Barriers to girl’s education

Analyses of the barriers to girls education in Baringo County, based on the responses from the field research, encompasses three key areas, namely, the socio-cultural and political situation, education parameters at the county level, as well as the policy implementation aspects.

i. Girls socio-cultural and political situation at household, community and public levels that hinders their ability to access education

The responses from Baringo County revealed that the socio-cultural aspects such as lifestyle, customs, and attitudes hinder the girls’ access to education.

“Once a Pokot girl is circumcised, she becomes a woman therefore, such a girl finds it very difficult to go back to school and concentrate. The circumcised girl feels suitors are eying her.” (Lokidor, CEO, Office of the Governor, Kabarnet)

The general barriers to girls’ education are as discussed as follows:

• Community perception on girls’ educationThe community perception regarding girls’ education is that girls who pursue higher education are immoral and may not readily get a man to marry them, especially considering that many men have low education. . Therefore, there is lack of community and parental support for girls who express the desire to acquire post primary school education. This perception is embedded on the customs that require girls to learn how to take care of their husbands. The training on the cultural ways is only offered during seclusion after FGM.

• AlcoholismBesides cattle keeping, brewing of (and trading in) illicit alcohol is a major economic activity and source of livelihood. Therefore, many community members are engaged in brewing and girls offer look after cattle and brew alcohol instead of going to school. In some instances, marriage arrangements for girls are made during drinking sprees.

“My mother and father brew and drink a lot of alcohol. I used to help them in brewing changaa (alcohol). It is while doing this that my parents discussed and agreed with an old man, with whom they drink, the plan for that man to marry me. He would come home and buy for them (my parents) changaa (alcohol). My father easily accepted the man’s request and I told off my father that I would not marry that old man.” (FGD - G1, Blessing, Tangulbei)

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• Distance from schoolsSchools in some parts of Baringo are far apart thus compromising the ability of girls to access education. Most of the girls have to walk distances like five kilometres to reach a primary school. As a result, they get discouraged and drop out of school.

“I come from far to reach school. I left home and went to stay at my Aunt’s place when my parents wanted me to get married. My father came after me but my aunt refused that I must go to school. She even went to the police for my parents to give up. Since then, I stay with my Aunt and I never go back home. So I have to walk all the way. Some girls however give up and stop going to school because of such distances.” (FGD - G1, Tangulbei)

ii. Impact of female genital mutilation

Female genital mutilation (FGM) is still highly prevalent in Baringo County. The respondents pointed out at the high ratio of circumcised compared to uncircumcised girls in the community. Most of the participants concurred that 3 out of 5 girls in the community are circumcised. Moreover, the respondents are of the opinion that in the deep rural areas of the county, 4 out of 5 girls have undergone FGM. The practice of FGM is more prevalent in Koloa, Riko, Churo, and Silale.

“The problem you see in Tangulbei also affects Koloa, Riko, Churo, and Silale among others. So, the advocacy should reach these interior parts of the community which are more affected by the traditional practice” (FGD with girls).

The practice is carried out once a year at the onset of the rainy seasons between June and July. The ceremonies mounted during the circumcision season lure the girls to undergo FGM. As a result, there are limited chances that they will pursue education in an environment where FGM is common. The responses further demonstrate that FGM in the community has resulted in some cases of death, fistula, and other health complications.

“Last week we had a case of a girl who died while she was 8 months pregnant. The girl was subjected to FGM while pregnant and when they tried to remove the scar during childbirth, the girl began bleeding. She began to bleed even before graduating with the rest who were circumcised because

the circumcisers cut the scar in her private part to create space for delivery. Attempts to rescue her failed and she died before reaching Kabarnet…” (KII, TAWN representative).

Moreover, FGM is considered as the community-given ticket for marriage as it results in automatic suitors or bidders, a choice that lies solely with the parents. The discussions further revealed that young men will ensure that their wives are circumcised in case they were uncircumcised at the time of marriage. These instances demonstrate the high prevalence of FGM and its effects on girls’ access to education in Baringo County.

“…while the girls are in seclusion, men identify the ones (girls) they would like to marry. They get back to the parents and say “I have seen your girl and I am ready to give my wealth…” The bidders request the parents even if the girls are in class four or five so, they do not progress well. (Chief, Tangulbei).

iii. Barriers to education associated with FGM

As apparent from the responses, there are several factors that are associated to FGM among the Pokot community in Baringo County.

• Dowry as source of wealthThe prospect of receiving dowry motivates parents to train the girls in preparation for FGM. As stated earlier, dowry is a source of wealth in the community. Other beneficiaries of FGM include the circumcisers who receive payment for their services. Since circumcised girls fetch a higher dowry in terms of cattle, compaed to uncircumcised girls, most of families ensure that the girls are socialised to embrace FGM at an early age. FGM thus results in early marriages, which hinder girls from accessing education.

• SuperstitionDiscussions with the focus groups also revealed an aspect of superstition in promoting FGM. The respondents believe witchdoctors use magical powers to ensure girls agree to undergo FGM.

“If you refuse to go, sometimes the parent will go to a witchdoctor to send you a spirit in form of a squirrel, goat, hen, snake, and other forms of animals. The image of the animal will chase you until you reach home and get circumcised. Sometime they confuse

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the girl and she cries in class until she is released to go home then when she reaches home, she becomes sober…” (FGD with girls, Tangulbei Primary - GRP1)

• Cases of child pregnancyInterviews with out-of-school girls who became pregnant while in school reveal that the only way to gain acceptance from the parents and the general community members after child delivery was through FGM. Parents reject their daughters who become pregnant unless they undergo FGM.

Discussions with boys in school demonstrated the value that the community attaches to the boy child. In this case, the dowry received from marrying off girls is used to support the boys’ education.

• Peer pressureFinally, external pressure from peers and associated ceremonies lure the school-going girls into accepting FGM. Those who refuse to accept FGM are mocked.

“They (circumcised girls) insult those who are not circumcised by calling them names such as cheptuura, sorri, chepta. Sometimes they come and ask you “For how long will you continue to pull that thing (clitoris)?” (FGD with girls, Tangulbei Primary).

The responses also indicated that during the circumcision season, girls perform chores at home while the women in the community take care of the FGM candidates.

“Every second term there is low attendance. In Kacheptuiya Primary where we were yesterday, less than 50 pupils were in school due to the circumcision ceremonies. The young girls who have not attained the age of circumcision look after goats while their mothers take care of the FGM candidates in the forests. So, the enrolment and attendance are highly affected. Like in this case, most of the pupils cannot attend school” (KII, the TAWN representative)

The trend affects access to education because even afterwards, the girls are expected to look after goats as a way of being responsible in the family.

c. Impact of government policies on girls’ abilities to access education and participate effectively

The findings revealed that stakeholders, including Action Aid International Kenya, working in collaboration with the Tangulbei Women Networks (TAWN), Kirira Foundation, community members, and government agencies among others, implement various programmes to promote girls’ education in Baringo County.

This section focuses on the different interventions by government agencies, AAIK, as well as community members in tackling barriers to girls’ education.

i. Interventions to promote girls’ education

Girls experience unique challenges in their attempt to seek primary education. As a result, the county government has programmes for distributing sanitary towels to girls in primary schoolswithin the county. Respondents reported similar efforts by the TAWN. For instance, the AAIK and TAWN provide soap, toothpaste, and other basics to girls in boarding primary schools. In addition, the county government offers bursaries to support girls’ education, although the amount is insignificant compared to the needs in these institutions. Other stakeholders such as Kirira Foundation and World Vision support girls’ education through the supply of food as well as sponsorship of top performers.

“In East Pokot, it is only ActionAid that promotes awareness. Previously, the World Vision was there but they are no longer effective. The rural areas are not reached and the community members do not know the rights of girls and women…so the girls are not involved in any way.” (CO, Baringo County)

The respondents also reported on community forums to educate people on the benefits of girl’s education. While the awareness programmes focus on empowering girls and women, the impact of such programmes was felt more in the areas around Tangulbei centre, Marigat, and other urban areas.

The respondents also pointed out the contribution of the county government, Kirira Foundation, and AAIK in building facilities such as classrooms and dormitories to promote the education of girls. For instance, the key informant interviews (KII) with the board of management (BoM) in Seronu Primary School acknowledged that the facilities in the school were courtesy of Kirira Foundation. Similarly, women leaders mentioned that ActionAid had

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built a dormitory in Churo Primary School to support the education of girls who are rejected by their parents. Additional efforts are also apparent in the individual initiatives by leaders and members of the community to sensitise community members and support girls in accessing education. The following sentiments indicate individual contributions toward the fight against FGM.

ii. Intervention by government, AAIK and other agencies to tackle FGM

The respondents agreed that the county government has passed policies to protect the girl child from FGM. The interviews revealed that as much as the practice is common in the rural areas, there are policies that protect girls from violence. In this regard, there are a few instances when the chiefs take action against perpetrators. The implementation of the anti- FGM policy has resulted in a shift from the open ceremonies that used to mark FGM especially near urban centres. AAIK has worked through the TAWN to create awareness among girls and women. TAWN also undertakes advocacy programmes, working with the enlightened community members through such activities like drama competitions in schools. Notably, the women networks empower women by educating them on the impact of FGM on health and the general wellbeing of women and girls.

“Sometimes when we organise barazas (community meetings), men feel that women should not talk in their presence. So, they [women] tend to avoid such barazas. Therefore, we insist that the area chief invites them and they get an opportunity to speak….” (Winnie Kapedo, TAWN representative)

The TAWN organises interschool debates and drama competitions on the theme of FGM where girls get the opportunity to narrate their experiences on FGM. Similarly, women who undergo capacity building training speak during the community meetings, and this motivates fellow women within the communities. TAWN also encourage actual narrations of FGM experiences.

iii. Existing and proposed/possible alternative rites of passage

The county government of Baringo undertakes alternative rites of passage (ARP) especially in Kabarnet. According to the key informants, the process involves various stakeholders from the community such as educated girls, reformed

circumcisers, role models, and policy makers. Respondents also pointed out that there are initiatives such as Ketagha rotwo (Let’s abandon the knife) whereby during the August and April holidays, the girls who have attained the age of circumcision are taken for a two-week training after which they graduate from childhood to adulthood without undergoing circumcision. While there is limited access for girls in the rural areas to attend such activities, the respondents acknowledged that such alternative rites of passage have a positive impact in the fight against FGM.

iv. Community participation/involvement in addressing FGM

While the empowerment, advocacy, and other initiatives to promote girls’ education require community involvement, the responses indicated that there is limited involvement of the community members in the efforts to address FGM. Most of the community members, especially in the rural areas, are pro-FGM. However, a few members participate in the anti-FGM campaigns such as barazas to educate the locals on the impact of FGM. Apart from members of the TAWN, the research revealed that the only participation among the community members is their willingness to attend the sensitisation meetings.

d. Challenges experienced in tackling FGM and promoting girls’ education

The responses from the discussions and interviews revealed the following challenges in the attempt to promote girls’ education or tackle FGM in Baringo County. First, the advocacy and sensitisation activities are mainly concentrated in the urban centres. As a result, most people in rural areas lack information on the negative effects of FGM and the need to educate girls. There are places such as Silale Ward around Tangulbei where the retrogressive culture continues to bar access to education. This is a manifestation of the absence of awareness campaigns in the interior parts of the village. This thwarts progress and success in the advocacy and empowerment programmes.

Secondly, there are sustainability challenges which affect the efforts of community members, especially girls, who make the decision to attend school. In most cases, the awareness campaigns succeed and girls move from their homes to seek education in primary schools. However, there are no provisions for boarding facilities or rescue homes to accommodate them. Moreover, the available institutions of learning are few and widely spread. A scarcity of schools remains part of the sustainability challenges that the girls face in their efforts to access education.

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Such girls resort to FGM as the only way to gain acceptance into their society and consequently get married. The respondents also pointed out the lack of comprehensive programmes that cater for the girls who manage to reach class eight. With support from stakeholders, some girls manage to complete primary education. Nevertheless, due to lack of sustainable programmes, they end up in the community where they are subjected to FGM. This is a demonstration of the shortage of programmes to support girls who are rejected by parents due to their quest for education as well as those who complete primary school.

Thirdly, there is a general resource constraint among stakeholders in their attempt to undertake advocacy programmes or promote girls’ education. The drama in schools awareness campaigns and attempts to promote and sensitise people on alternative rite of passage are characterised by inadequate financial resources. As a result, these initiatives cannot reach the most affected areas neither can they be held regularly. Therefore, the interventions do not yield the desired results.

Finally, both sensitisation and awareness creation programmes rely on community support. For instance, the alternative rites of passage as well as barazas require the contributions of reformed circumcisers and senior members of the community who act as volunteers. However, the reformed circumcisers and senior members in the community lack training and capacity to ensure they deliver the services effectively.

Conclusions

The discussions and interviews in Baringo County during the research period gave significant insights into the various aspects of the project, Tackling Barriers to Girls’ Education. Based on the challenges stated above, the following general conclusions were captured from the respondents:

Alternative sources of income: The reliance on cattle and brewing of alcohol in the community significantly compromises the success of the interventions to promote girls’ education. There is a general lack of alternative sources of income such as business and farming. As such, parents rely on girl child labour to look after cattle and brew alcohol and this continues to be a hindrance to education access. In addition, parents rely on dowry as the main source wealth, and are thus not motivated to support girl child education.

Sustainability: The interventions to promote girls’ education lack focus on sustainability. The respondents pointed out the absence of rescue centres and schools where girls who seek educational opportunities after rejection by their parents can be accommodated. This

compromises the ability of the project to achieve the desirable success because exposure to the community during school holidays results in pressure to undergo FGM. The anti-FGM campaigns have also lead to an increase in the number of girls seeking education while the number of schools and rescue homes is not rising. The lack of facilities frustrates the girls and they end up embracing the traditional practices. The sustainability approaches should also involve up-take measures that will ensure the continuity of the programmes beyond the project life. Awareness creation and capacity building are needed to encourage continuation of projects. Empowerment approaches: The research reveals that girls and women have been the focus of the initiatives by various stakeholders to promote access to education. Meanwhile, the boys are largely neglected yet their preference for circumcised girls is part of the pressure that girls face to undergo FGM.

Recommendations for AAIK and other stakeholders

Based on the stated factors, the following general recommendations formed part of the respondents’ views regarding the need to heighten the fight against girls’ education and promote access to education:

i. The AAIK and other stakeholders should support the regular alternative rites of passage within the region to ensure girls of the age of circumcision graduate from childhood to adulthood without necessarily undergoing FGM.

ii. The interventions by the stakeholders should be accompanied by sustainable programmes such as building schools and rescue homes to improve the success of the advocacy programmes. AAIK should establish an office in the region to oversee the implementation of the programmes. From the discussions, it was apparent that there is no single rescue home in the region yet the number of girls rejected by parents is on the increase. Therefore, there is an acute need for the AAIK and stakeholders to establish a rescue home where girls can get refuge.

iii. Awareness creation should reach the interior parts of the rural areas which are hard hit by FGM and traditional practices. Similarly, the inter-school campaigns should be done regularly to increase awareness among the pupils. In particular, reproduction health should be part of the awareness campaign to enlighten community members on such matters as family planning and sexually transmitted infections.

iv. The stakeholders should have diverse approaches to tackling the barriers to girls’ education, including training the locals on alternative sources of income to avoid overreliance on alcohol brewing and cattle keeping.

v. The empowerment programmes should also target men and boys so that there is a common

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understanding on the need to protect girls from FGM.

vi. The stakeholders should ensure capacity building for the community members such as reformed circumcisers and volunteers as part of the onward adoption upon the end of the project initiatives.

II. EMBU COUNTY – (MAKIMA LRP)

a. County context on girls’ education

Makima Local Rights Programme (LRP) is located in Makima division which is one of the four divisions that constitute Mbeere South District, Embu County. The other divisions are Kiritiri, Mwea, and Gachoka, with Kiritiri as the district headquarters. The LRP consists of three locations, Makima, Mwea, and Mbondoni locations. The population in the LRP is estimated at 23,100 comprising various ethnic groups namely the Kamba, Embu, Kikuyu, and Mbeere. Being a cosmopolitan area, it embodies a multicultural set of beliefs and traditions; therefore, FGM is not fully embraced by all communities within the area.

There have been intermarriages among the four ethnic communities in the area. This has resulted in culture change and belief transformation. There is a significant level of gender-based violence that affects mostly girls and women. Wife battering is common and is seen as a way of instilling discipline and making women to be good wives. Therefore, women in these ethnic communities are highly discriminated against.

It was reported that the Mbeere are the only community still practising FGM. It is done secretly, which makes it very difficult to determine the frequency of the practice. These communities also have a common belief that the boy child is superior to the girl child; hence, almost all the focus is on boys while girls are neglected. Moreover, the girls are given many chores at home compared to the boys. These retrogressive cultural practices have led to a rise in the school dropout rate, especially in Makima, and have highly affected the village, where many girls are out of school.

b. Barriers to girl’s education

i. Girls’ socio-cultural and political situation that hinders their ability to access education.

The responses from Embu County revealed that socio-cultural factors such as lifestyle, customs, and attitudes are a great barrier to girls’ access to education. The general factors affecting girls’ education in Makima include poverty due to the frequent drought and infertile soils in the area. There are no alternative sources of income for the people in the area. The community depends

on small businesses that usually do not yield enough income to maintain families. . They also practise subsistence farming, which they cited to be doing poorly due to infertile soils and frequent droughts.

“The enrolment rate for both boys and girls in urban areas is nearly equal but in the rural areas, enrolment rate for girls is approximately 30%. The rural dwellers are poor. They depend on subsistence farming and all their efforts are channelled towards putting food on their table. Education, especially for girls, is not a priority.” (KII with CEC Education)

The Makima community does not put a high premium on educating girls; rather they prefer taking the boy child to school. They have a perception that boys and girls do not have equal rights to access education. Instead, they believe that boys are superior to girls. This has made girls’ access to education a challenge in the community even though girls have been enlightened and have woken up to crave for education.

There is no electricity in the whole community. This was cited as one factor that reduces children’s learning time and makes it impossible to power computers normally used for the digital learning.

• Child marriagesThe community believes that girls entering puberty are mature enough for marriage and should get married instead of continuing with education. Girls are regarded as a source of wealth when they get married off, especially to well-to-do men. Some families reason that instead of “wasting” cash on girls, they should be forced into marriage to bring wealth to the family. Any girl who manages to advance with education finds it hard to get married within the community. Men in the community feel that such girls (women) are loose, not fit to be traditional wives.

“Some of the girls around here who have completed form four feel that they are much educated, and we see them as ‘spoilt’. In fact, they don’t get married to the community but rather outside. Men in this community are not educated hence lack courage to approach such ladies.” (FGD with community)

• Inadequate schools in the communityThe area has only a few scattered schools, forcing children to walk long distances to

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school. This makes it difficult for girls to attend school, resulting to low enrolment for girls. They finally get married early.

• Rape and defilement It was reported that there is high rate of defilement and rape in this community. The major culprits are said to the large number of motorists who offer the girls rides from home to school and ask for sex in exchange. The girls give in. This has led to many cases of early pregnancies in the community and many girls dropping out of school to avoid the shame. When these girls give birth, the parents, especially the mothers, advise them to get married despite their tender age.

“There is an issue of defilement and rape that has emerged in this community. The girls are being defiled by their fathers and it is covered up as their mothers feel that if this is heard outside in the community, it would be shameful to both the girl and the mother. Motorists also offer the girls free rides and since they travel long distances to reach school, the girls easily fall into these traps and are raped.” (KII with head teacher)

The Women Rights group stated that defilement and rape are high and are mostly committed by close relatives, parents themselves, or the boda boda operators. They stated that most girls are raped by their fathers because their mothers are busy from morning to late at night, having no time for their husbands. In addition, some of these girls were born to their mothers before marriage, so are not the fathers’ biological daughters.

• Bias of parents and teachersTeachers tend to be biased against girls. It is reported that they scold girls, some using abusive language, thus eroding the girls’ confidence and sense of belonging to school. Parents, on the other hand, see boys as superior and give them priority in access to education. In class, teachers give first chance to boys to answer questions.“Some teachers, not all of them, normally ask questions in class and give boys priority. Girls raise their hands many times but will not be pointed to answer the question. And when a girl is given an opportunity to attempt the question and gives an incorrect response, the boys will smile. I just feel they (boys) think we are not equal with them.” (FGD with girls in school)

ii. Impact of female genital mutilation

Being a cosmopolitan area, Embu is a multicultural society with different sets of beliefs and traditions therefore female genital mutilation (FGM) is not widely practised within the area except by the Mbeere community.

“They do it secretively that it would be very difficult to know exactly the frequency the practice is done in a year.” (KII with AAIK staff)

Although FGM is done in secret within the Mbeere community, it was mentioned that the medics are part of the perpetrators of the practice. It is alleged there is collusion among the perpetrators within the community, the legal officers, area chiefs, and administrative police. It was alleged there is corruption, resulting in a very serious barrier in handling cases of defilement, rape, and FGM in the community.

The few girls in Mbeere who have undergone the procedure are reported to perceive themselves as grown-up and mature enough to get married and hence drop out of school before even reaching class eight. Those who get back to school become very stubborn and rude to teachers and even to fellow pupils, leading to poor performance. They also feel discriminated against as other pupils who are aware that they have undergone the cut will laugh at and ostracise them. This is discouraging to many girls and lowers their self-esteem. They do not feel part of the school community and eventually drop out of school and get married, the majority of them as second wives.

c. Impact of government policies and intervention by stakeholders on girls’ access to education

The discussions and responses revealed that stakeholders, including Action Aid International Kenya (AAIK) through Mwangaza Women Rights Group, Afya Plus, and government agencies have initiatives that aim at promoting girls’ education within Embu County.

i. Interventions by government, AAIK and other agencies to promote girls’ education

Violence against women and girls in the Makima community in Embu County, which directly affects girls’ education, has attracted government, Afya Plus, and AAIK interventions. These interventions have had a definite effect in promoting girls’ education as well as empowering women to be independent.

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The government provides sanitary towels for girls and food for children in certain primary schools within the county. AAIK has supported the feeding programmes financially in the targeted primary schools. AAIK has also given the Mwangaza Women Rights Groups financial support as well as training on entrepreneurship, and promoted girls’ and women’s rights. Mwangaza Women Rights Group then holds forums in schools to educate girls on their rights and provides them with sanitary towels.

However, Afya Plus has exited, but has left a legacy. It has provided water tanks across the county to women groups and schools, which has greatly helped the community in storing water during the dry seasons. This is more evident within the Makima community.

ii. Interventions by government, AAIK and other agencies to tackle FGM

Almost all the respondents acknowledged that FGM is a violation of girls’ rights and is traumatising. Although FGM is no longer practised widely in Embu, the government and AAIK have sensitised the community on the impacts of FGM and the legal route to take in case it happens. AAIK has, through community sensitisation, educated women on their rights, making the whole community fully aware that FGM is illegal. Through their law enforcers like the chiefs and administration police, the government has also taken firm action against the few cases of FGM done in secret that later came to be known.

iii. Existing and proposed/possible alternative rites of passage in each county

Since there are very few cases of FGM reported, the community noted that there is no need for alternative rites of passage. These sentiments were shared by the girls and the boys.

iv. Community participation in addressing FGM

The communities in Embu County have advocated for the rights of women, especially the rights to education, by:

a. Organising women networks into alliances. b. Using these women alliances - built out of

the women networks to key partners like AAIK - to offer capacity-building sessions to fight inequality in the community.

c. Sensitisation of women on their rights by empowering them to take up their responsibilities.

d. Fighting against gender based violence

(GBV) through building of referral pathways that involve a multi-sectoral approach with all the key governmental departments, law enforcers, office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), and the judiciary working as a team.

e. By accessing the essential services and acquisition of support in persons of justice.

f. By coordinating all issues that encompass all aspects that violate the rights of women among the stakeholders.

d. Challenges experienced in tackling FGM and promoting girls’ education

The responses from the discussions and interviews revealed the following challenges in the attempt to promote girls’ education or tackle FGM in Embu County.

Lack of funding by government: The sentiments by county government officials clearly indicate the lack of funding to undertake programmes against FGM in the local communities in the rural areas.

“...this is the least funded ministry in the county. We have a lot of programmes to undertake with the community and since we don’t have proper funding, we are forced not to undertake these programmes/forums.” (KII with Ministry of Gender, Culture and Social Services)

Corruption: Secondly, perpetrators many times get away due to alleged corruption in the judiciary. The Gender Officer cited missing files and cases taking too long in courts before hearing.

“There is a lot of corruption in the judiciary whereby you will find a file missing in court or the case takes too long before hearing or sometimes the case is taken for hearing far from the known courts around and all these happen especially when the victim comes from a very poor family and the other from a well-off family. The perpetrators find their way out and back to the community as a free man just because of corruption.” (KII with Gender Officer)

e. Conclusions

The discussions and interviews conducted during the research revealed various significant aspects of the project “Tackling Barriers to Girls Education.” Even though much sensitisation has been done in the county, the community lives in abject poverty and this makes the girls drop out of school. Economic empowerment for young women and girls is needed sorely in this community. This would ensure increased enrolment and retention rates of

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girls in schools. In addition, sensitisation of girls, women, and the whole community is not fully done hence the need for the same. This would further enlighten the community on the importance of girls’ education. There is a need for reach out to the Mbeere community especially in Mbeere South, who are known to be still practising FGM.

f. Recommendations

The following general recommendations were made by the respondents with regard to the fight to barriers to girls’ education and eventually promote access to education:

i. Provision of changing rooms for girls in schools. The respondents mentioned that there are no proper toilets in schools around Makima, making girls stay away from school during their menstruation.

ii. Provision of feeding programmes in various schools, especially for the Makima community, where there is abject poverty. This will improve girls’ retention in schools rather than been married off early to fetch some wealth for their families in the form of dowry.

iii. Government intervention in expediting defilement and rape cases reported. Respondents noted that there are a few defilement cases but the area chief and police officers seem not to take action.

iv. Government, especially the judiciary, should look into the issue of offering bonds to perpetrators as some of them walk freely in the community after being freed on bond, threatening the victims’ families. Even the human rights activists in the community are not protected from any harm.

v. The boy child should be educated and sensitised on the rights of girls as their future is tied to these girls. The women groups noted that boys drop out of school at an alarming rate and since these boys will marry the girls, there is need for them too to be empowered.

vi. Women groups, religious leaders and the community members we interviewed mentioned that the forums organised in the community should also involve men as they are the key decision makers in the family. The men were said to complain a lot and had developed negative attitudes towards the forums and organisations targeting girls and women only, saying even boys and men should be included in these forums.

III. GARISSA COUNTY – (KAMUTHE LRP)

a. County context on girls’ education

Kamuthe LRP covers three main locations, namely, Bura, Kamuthe, and Warable of Garissa County. However, Warable was not reached by the study. This region is an extensively semi-arid area, whose population is largely pastoralist, with livestock keeping serving as the major source of livelihood. The current drought that has ravaged the better part of the arid and semi-arid lands (ASAL) has had a major impact on this community, with an estimated 80% of the animals have been lost. This has further deepened the vulnerabilities of the community and especially the women who many times are left behind as men migrate in search of pasture and water. The locations are characterised by acute food shortage and lack of water. Livestock keeping, which is the main source of livelihood, has been threatened by a four- year prolonged drought.

Overall estimated poverty index in Kamuthe LRP is 75%. Basic amenities are few, far apart, and poorly equipped, denoting persistent neglect and marginalisation by successive governments. This means that communities have to walk long distances to access essential services. The road network is poor, further making it nearly impossible for people to access services and information from neighbouring towns.

b. Barriers to girls’ education

i. Girls’ socio-cultural and political situation at household, community and public levels that hinders their ability to access education

The children of Kamuthe believe that girls should help their families with housework, and women should do all the domestic work including construction of houses. Four out of every five girls responded that housework is meant for girls and the majority of boys likewise hold a similar opinion. However, two thirds of the male and female teachers mentioned that both girls and boys should help with household chores.

General factors affecting girls’ educationEven though the majority of teachers report that both girls and boys should be responsible for household chores, it is clear that such views are informed by their education and knowledge of the laws of the land. . Members of the community generally have a low opinion of the leadership capacity of girls and women, although it is reported that this view is slowly changing. This means that even in schools, girls don’t believe they should be prefects.

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Some of the general factors affecting the education of girls and women include:

Insecurity: The high incidence of insecurity presents a big challenge for education in Garissa County. The area is inhabited by large populations of security officers who alternate every six months. There have been reports of sporadic cases of rape and torture of women by the security forces. On the other hand, some girls are even reported to have eloped with security officers when theofficers’ tour of duty ends. The girls choose to get married to these men, rather than stay in school.

Long distance to school: Respondents reported that lack of security and the risk of sexual violence among girls who walk long distances to schools affect their education. Some parents choose to keep their daughters at home rather send them to far off schools.

Religion: Issues linked to religious beliefs affect girls’ education. Among Muslims, for instance, men (and boys) should not sit together with women (and girls) especially during public events. Islamic influence is invoked to justify the preference for duksi (madrasa) over formal schools. Some community members think religion affects attendance and completion of education by girls, and even boys.

Parental illiteracy: According to an education officer, most of the community members are illiterate. Such illiterate parents do not value education, especially for girls. Such children end up dropping out of school and girls are affected the most.

Traditional beliefs: Some community members in Kamuthe believe that educating girls is a waste of money as they will eventually get married into another family. Girls are instead trained to do household chores to make them good wives in future. As a result, these girls develop a negative attitude to schooling, which affects their grades.

ii. Prevalence and impact of female genital mutilation

In Kamuthe, community members are quick to deny that FGM still exists. However, most girls in and out of school who were interviewed confessed to being already circumcised. All of them were circumcised between the ages of ten and fifteen years. They say that anyone not circumcised would not be allowed to worship and might even be killed. FGM is still done but in secret; and is not accompanied by elaborate celebrations.

iii. Barriers to education associated with FGM

Members of the community are convinced that FGM has a negative influence on the education of girls. Circumcision is seen as the first step towards marriage. Initiates view themselves as grown up women ready for marriage. This ends their academic pursuits.

Other factors that promote FGM include:

Preserving virginity: Preserving the girls’ ubikira (virginity) is the main reason community members in Kamuthe to continue practising FGM. Traditionally, FGM was meant to inflict as much pain as possible to the girls to deter them from promiscuous behaviour. The community valued the virginity of their daughter so much so that they could go to any length to preserve it, including withdrawing them from school.

Fear of premarital sex: Women in the Somali community see FGM as an effective mechanism for instilling good moral behaviour among their daughters.

Early (prearranged) marriage: FGM is used to bestow social status, is a mark of adulthood, and paves the way to marriage. As a result, girls themselves desire to undergo the procedure to fulfil the demands of tradition.

Bleeding and occasional deaths: FGM is associated some health risks. Almost all the girls who had undergone FGM reported excess bleeding as a consequence of the procedure.

When this happens, girls have to stay away from school for a long time, leading to loss of school days. This obviously affects a girl’s school performance and in the end, she may drop out from school silently.

Pain and trauma: FGM is very traumatic as girls are usually physically held down during the procedure to deter any movement and/or resistance. As mentioned earlier, those who are infibulated often have their legs bound together for a number of days or weeks thereafter. If the healing process makes the virginal opening close fully, it becomes very painful to pass urine or menstrual blood, especially if there are blood clots on the small opening left after stitching. It makes the girls very uncomfortable. Such cases would be referred back to the circumciser to slightly open it up. The trauma that comes with such pain would not allow the girls to remain in class and listen to the teachers.

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Truancy: In some cases, it was reported that the girls would be rude to female teachers especially those from other communities that do not practice FGM. Such girls believe that they are superior to the uncircumcised teachers.

Most of the girls now focus on marriage and drop out of school.

c. Statistics of the status of girls’ education through the parameters of school enrolment, retention and transition against the number of girls in the counties

In Kamuthe, enrolment of girls is quite high in early child education and class one, but starts dropping drastically at class two. The ratio of girls to boys gets smaller and smaller up to class eight which has the largest gender gap. Dropout rate for primary schools is 43% for females and 31% for males while in secondary schools it is 15% and 22% for males and females respectively. The teacher pupil ratio is 1:38 in primary schools and 1:18 in secondary schools.

d. How the implementation and relevant government policies affect girls’ abilities to access education

i. Empowering girls and young women facing

violence or at risk of violence

The community promotes women empowerment through civic education and supporting initiatives to address issues of gender based violence and denial of rights. The community has built a strong women’s movement that is advocating for women’s rights (also called Sauti Ya Wanawake).

Girls are encouraged to hold regular discussions about issues affecting them. ActionAid has supported the construction of classrooms, toilets, desks, and water tanks at various schools in the districts. The community recognises the right to education but they value their traditions and religion much more than education.

Interestingly, the very stakeholders who have mobilised the community to understand the importance of education and the dangers of FGM seem unable to dissociate themselves from the practice. Older Somali women strongly believe that it would be better for a girl not to go to school, but she must go through FGM to earn respect in the community.

ii. Building capacities of women’s networks to support girls and young women to access education and get economic empowerment

Government agencies work in collaboration with ActionAid to engage with community groups in campaigning for education of girls. Despite some challenges, the community members have been trained through local CBOs to embrace girls’ education and the need to abandon FGM.

iii. Interventions by government, AAIK and other agencies to tackle FGM and promote girls’ education

The local leaders are making strong attempts to control FGM and promote girls’ education. While their efforts seem to yield some results with promoting education of girls, FGM remains a challenge as the community devises new modalities to evade the law. A local chief reported that people are changing, but some parents force their daughters to undergo the procedure. Again, elders still support FGM and they carry influence in the community.

The fact that some girls are forced by their mothers against their will also shows that campaigns among the children have yielded fruit

At community level, many women have been engaged through the efforts ActionAid and other agencies, but they seem to face the same predicament of resistance from fellow community members.

While it is not stated categorically, there is hope that the community is changing and supporting girls’ education. This would initially break the link between FGM as an obstacle to education of girls, and later girls will have the capacity to challenge the practice.

iv. Existing and proposed/possible alternative rites of passage in each county

The big issue in this study was whether the community members are ready and prepared to abandon FGM. Some indicate a reduction in the elaborate rituals that accompany the circumcision process. The discussions by various groups indicate that there is scope for change – modification of traditional initiation practices and willingness to embracing alternative rites of passage, which are yet to be identified and agreed on by the community.

Some members of the communities are beginning to re-examine their attitudes towards FGM and early marriage. One positive aspect is

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that although they still circumcise their girls, the mode has changed compared to the traditional practise. Various stakeholders including teachers, religious leaders, and community leaders have shown willingness to stop the practice if given alternatives.

e. Challenges experienced in tackling FGM/promoting girls education

ActionAid and government agencies have tried to promote girls’ education and eliminate FGM but not much has been achieved can be reported because of community resistance. Some of the community members who profess the Islamic faith believe that only those who have gone through the practice should be allowed to pray/worship or even read the Quran. Traditionalists who resist change have branded those who advocate for change as non-believers who are “spoiling” girls and women. This makes FGM a very delicate topic to handle. The women therefore remain silent during anti- FGM campaigns but some go back home to continue with the practice. Another challenge is the economic angle. Girls are seen as a source of wealth through dowry, but only if they are circumcised.

All these challenges are intertwined in the cultural context of patriarchy and nomadism. Being a pastoralist community, it is difficult to control FGM because men are most likely out with cattle looking for pasture and water, so it is mostly women who are reached with the advocacy opportunities. Any change in the community needs to involve men as they are the decision makers at family level.

g. Conclusions

FGM is often upheld by local structures of power and authority such as traditional leaders, religious leaders, circumcisers, elders, and even some medical personnel. In many societies, older women who have themselves been circumcised, often become gatekeepers of the practice, seeing it as essential to the identity of women and girls. This is probably one reason why women, and often-older women, are more likely to support the practice, and tend to see efforts to combat the practice as an attack on their identity and culture.

However, the practice has undergone some changes. Whereas in the past girls were circumcised in an elaborate ceremony and at an older age of 15 to 18 years, the practice is now being carried out on girls as young as five years, and without the accompanying ceremonies due to the enforcement of new laws and anti-FGM campaigns.

IV. ISIOLO COUNTY – (OLDONYIRO LRP)

a. County context on girls’ education

Isiolo County is cosmopolitan in nature with a diversity of cultures. The dominant communities there are the Borana, Somali, Samburu, and the Turkana. Except for the Turkana, all the other communities practise FGM. In addition, all of them are involved in child marriages.

Girls’ education in these four communities is not prioritised as girls are considered as assets to be sold off in marriage. “The Borana and the Somalis don’t really care much about girls’ education” said a gender officer.

b. Barriers to girls’ education

i. Girls’ socio-cultural and political situation at household, community and public levels that hinders their ability to access education;

Cultural practices such as pastoralism, FGM, and early marriage have hindered education for girls at all levels in Isiolo County. There are however, ideological and cultural differences on how these communities are organised. All the four communities living in Isiolo County practice a nomadic way of life, which has been found to be one of the greatest contributors to high levels of illiteracy. In all the four communities, the father is the head of the family hence the custodian of all assets in the family. It is worth noting that in these communities, women are categorised as “children” under the care and guidance of the father, therefore, the women have no say in critical family decisions.

“Due to drought and other unforeseen natural disasters, men are always forced to migrate with their animals to look for pasture and water, leaving women with all the male responsibilities including fending for the families, offering protection, guidance, and shelter. During this time, the close relatives to the family would secretly organise for the marriage of the girls without the consent of the mother. This is mostly attributed to the Somali and the Borana community.”

The above statement was made by the County Director in Charge of Children Protection in the area. His sentiments were shared by the newly posted Gender Officer of Borana descent.

The Samburu and Turkana too are pastoralists. The four communities are highly patriarchal where men dominate all aspects of life in the society.

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This study mainly focused on the Samburu and the Turkana. Women are prohibited from voicing out their opinion in the presence of men.

“If in any case a woman has to give her opinion in the presence of men, she would either be seated or standing holding a piece of grass in their hands to signify their inferiority to men,” explained one woman during the women FGD.

Women are not allowed to own land or livestock, in as much as they hold the greatest responsibility of taking care of livestock.

“Sisi tunalisha kondoo na mbuzi lakini wazee watawauza bila kutuuliza, ata sasa wameanza kuwachukuwa kuku tulizoachiwa kama mali zetu, sasa mama wa Samburu hana lolote aliloachiwa,” lamented one of the women during their FGD.

Samburu men would marry off their daughters without the knowledge of their wives. The dowry collected would be owned by men and their sons without considering the role the mothers have played in bringing up these girls.

“Msichana akiolewa, si wanapeana mahari, hiyo ni ya mzee na kijana yake, ata ile ng’ombe moja ya mama huwa mzee anaweza kuuza bila kuuliza sisi,” lamented another woman during the FGD.]

Men occupy leadership positions in the society, with women playing second fiddle. Some women who venture into men dominated careers are labelled as deviants and treated with suspicion. They are said to have traded their bodies for the position. Women and girls are ridiculed through proverbs, sayings, and name calling According to with the County Director in Charge of Child Protection, the Turkana and the Samburu pay less dowry for educated women because they believe such women have been polluted.

ii. General Factors Affecting Girls’ Education

Nearly all the respondents claimed that the culture of nomadic pastoralism and high levels of illiteracy has mainly affected the areas of Marti and Oldonyiro, causing low education standards and low enrolment of girls. The study also reveals that girls are discriminated by parents and overloaded with household chores.

“Wasichana wakitoka shule hutumwa kuchunga mbuzi, kutafuta maji, kuchana kuni, kupika na kila asubuhi lazima aamke

kukamua na kuuza maziwa kabla ya kuja shule. Aki jamani, si huwa wamechoka wakifika shuleni?” (Head teacher of Oldonyiro Primary School)

Nearly all the respondent affirmed that FGM affects school learning. It was also mentioned by the head teacher of Oldonyiro Primary School that boys refuse to share textbooks and desks with girls.

• High level of illiteracyAccording to the County Curriculum Development Officer attached to Oldonyiro, the Samburu community in Isiolo County is 60% illiterate. As such, girl child education is not accorded any importance as girls are considered mere assets to be sold off for marriage.

• Parental negative attitude towards educationWe observed that parents in the rural areas of Isiolo and Samburu such as Marti sees no need of retaining children in school> Boys may be withdrawn from school for long periods to herd animals while girls spent much time on household chores.

• Traditional beliefsThe Samburu and the Turkana believe that educating girls is a waste of time and money as they will eventually get married and the education benefits the families they marry into. “Sisi kama Wasamburu ata Turkana, hatudhamini masomo ya msichana sana. Si akiolewa atasaidia hiyo familia ingine.” This was a statement from one of the young men present in the RAP youth FGD.

• Long distances from schoolLack of security and the risk of sexual violence among girls who walk long distances to school have affected their education. The area being an elephant corridor and bushy, poses a big threat to the young girls who have to walk in the thick of the darkness to get to school and back. Parents opt to keep their daughters at home rather than expose them to these dangers.

• High poverty levelsGirls are married off early to rescue their parents from poverty. As stated earlier, girls are seen as a source of wealth among both Samburu and Turkana communities.

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iii. Prevalence and impact of female genital mutilation

Samburu girls must undergo FGM to be considered mature for marriage. Therefore, about 92% of Samburu girls are circumcised. However, the Turkana do not practise FGM. In Oldonyiro, FGM is viewed as a retrogressive and crude practice that is associated with shame and psychological trauma for girls. According to the focus group discussions (FGD) held with the community women group, youth groups, Rescue Girls, and the community, FGM is normally done during the school holidays when girls visit their grandparents.

iv. Barriers associated with FGM

Early marriages are largely associated with FGM and cited as the biggest barrier to girls’ education.

“In our community, marriage cannot be officiated before FGM is done; therefore the practices are very much intertwined. Early marriages, a practice that is highly supported by old men in this community is one practice conducted in an inhumane manner …” explained one of the young Samburu men in the RAP focus group discussion.

Immediately after the cut, the initiated girl would be married off, sometimes to an old man, and forced to walk a long distance to get into her new home even before she fully recovers. This process is shameful and painful. For example, the women group narrated the story of a six-year-old girl who was initiated and married off to an old man who converted her to a househelp. Due exposure to unhygienic conditions before she healed fully, the girl developed an infection in her genitalia and later died.

c. Status of girls’ education

In terms of enrolment and performance, it was observed that both boys and girls are at per when it comes to the two variables. The enrolment ratio was at 1:1 in Oldonyiro Primary School. This is mainly attributed to the high level of commitment the pupils in this area put when they are given a chance to perform in school. Majority of the girls enrolled in this school are the rescued girls while others are from families that have since embraced education for girls.

• Dropout/retention ratesThe teachers and education stakeholders we interviewed attributed the high school

attendance to the provision of sanitary pads and the feeding programme by the national government. Those who miss school because of household duties or even child marriages have since been helped back through the intervention of the head teacher in collaboration with the chiefs. As a result, the enrolment of girls in Isiolo has improved significantly.

While the introduction of free primary and compulsory basic education has enabled more pupils to be enrolled into various schools in the county, it has complicated issues in Isiolo County. The list of challenges is very long and includes shortage of classrooms, teachers, stationery, seats, national flags, and perimeter fence, among other necessities. Children drop out of school because of these challenges. In addition, they drop out when girls who get pregnant at school are not handled sensitively. Parents also claim that girls are spoiled before completing schools.

• Patterns of completionPupils face several challenges ranging from natural calamities, poverty levels to the retrogressive cultural practices. These lead to school dropouts, more so among girls. As a result, the completion rates have been affected significantly.

• Patterns of transition

Oldonyiro area has no all-girls primary and secondary schools. There is a therefore low transition rate for girls to secondary schools due to the shortage of girls’ schools. Poverty and cultural practices also contribute to the low transition rates among the girls in the county.

d. How the implementation and relevant government policies empower girls and young women facing violence or at risk of violence

By the time of the study, AAIK had not established any programme targeting the above-mentioned group. Currently, there is a programme funded by WFP to distribute relief food across the county.

i. Building capacities of women’s networks to ably support girls and young women to access education and in economic empowerment

By the time of the study, AAIK had not yet established any programme targeting the above-mentioned group. There is a programme funded by WFP to distribute relief food across the county.

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ii. Interventions by government, AAIK and other agencies to promote girls education

During the study, it was determined that only the government and the Catholic Church work around issues affecting education for girls in the study area. The government, through its stimulus programmes such as the provision of sanitary pads, provision of learning materials and the feeding programmes, has significantly contributed to the rise in the enrolment and the attendance of girls in most schools in the area. The government has also ensured that all children of school-going age are enrolled and retained in school.

The current CSOs are working on interventions against poverty and drought. Only World Vision and Samburu Women’s Trust were said to be working on general education issues. ActionAid was said to have sunk some boreholes to provide water for the community. However, at the time of the study, the AAIK water points were not in operation. Besides sinking of boreholes, AAIK was mentioned to be offering relief food to several households in the area. These interventions have contributed to the entire learning process in the area.

In addition, some enlightened members of the Samburu community have initiated projects to help the people. For example, Mrs Kulei has, through her foundation, been rescuing girls who have been violated and enrolling them back to school. In addition, Mrs Kulei has single-handedly helped the violated girls’ access justice against their violators.

iii. Interventions by the government, AAIK and other agencies to tackle FGM

Most girls shy away from seeking justice for FGM cases. They are too young to fight for themselves and fall victim to manipulation and tampering with evidence by some of the compromised law enforcers. However, the local administrators and the children’s officer in the county have been keen to fight such cases. At the time of the study, we were informed that a number of people had been arraigned in court in connection with hindering justice in child rights violation cases.

The children protection coordinator cited the stringent court process that would require the circumciser to be present to the court as the first respondent since it recognises the second respondents (the parents) as circumstantial perpetrators (accused persons) who by law can be set free in case they deny to have participated

in the process of violating their daughter. In such cases, the Office of Children Protection and the County Gender Office has constantly engaged with the justice system to flex its muscles against all perpetrators regardless of their role in the act of child’s right violation.

The area magistrate cited witness interference and long distances as the main challenges that deter his office from effectively delivering on their mandate. He also cited the disappearance of case files. These challenges have abated justice to the violated girls as their violators walk free. However, the magistrate however mentioned that he and his fellow officers have taken it as a personal initiative to follow up on cases through a proactive investigation led by the county Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) office. The magistrate has also taken it upon himself to conduct a community sensitisation process on FGM as a retrogressive cultural practice.

Nyuet Women Group has been going around schools and rescue centres offering counselling and mentorship to violated girls and also to women in the community. Likewise, the Samburu Women Trust has set up mentorship programmes targeting the rescued girls and the other girls in the community. Successful women in the society have also been active as role models to girls in this community. Nyuet Women Group was cited by a number of the key informants as going the extra mile to offer material support and counselling to girls who have undergone the cut. Many of these women are taunted and threatened by some individuals.

iv. Existing and proposed/possible alternative rites of passage in each county

The RAP youth group, suggested that the community - more so the elders - need to be educated on the negative effects of FGM and later on used as models to sensitize the community on the same. The same senior male members of the community can be used to bless the girls in a communal ceremony so that they can be considered mature members of the community. They also suggested that education should be used to end FGM.

v. Community participation/involvement in addressing FGM

The youths and the women were most vocal in advocating against the practice. Through the community dialogue meetings, the community members are able to share more about FGM and its negative effects on the community, and through this, the current and the old generations

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can dialogue and an amicable solution can always be reached.

The community members have also identified the perpetrators of FGM and presented them to the relevant government agencies for appropriate legal action.

e. Challenges experienced in tackling FGM and promoting girls’ education

High illiteracy levels (60%) - as stated by the curriculum development officer- and the rigid culture have been mentioned as the main challenges to tracking FGM and promoting girls’ education in the area. Women do not understand their rights as nearly 80% of them are unable to read and write. The Gender Officer of Borana descent affirmed that the women from her own community are there to be seen and not to be heard, making it difficult for them to express their opinions freely.

Violence against women in this community is accepted and 98% of both men and women believe in suppressing women as part of their culture and traditions. About 92% of Samburu girls are circumcised.

Although FGM is illegal in Kenya, most of the cases are not prosecuted for lack of substantive evidence and the rigidity in the judicial process. The high cost of the judicial process is also a major impediment to access to justice.

Lack of cooperation among partners working on similar programmes was mentioned as one of the challenges experienced in tackling FGM and girl child education in this area. In was also noted that very few law enforcers work in the area, and the few that are there constantly face mobility challenges to follow up on cases reported from the rural interiors.

f. Conclusions

FGM is a health and social hazard, the effects of which do not only affect its victims, but its repercussion reaches the marriage partner, the family and the community at large. Due to the sociocultural nature of FGM, a commitment is needed by communities as well as governments to ensure the end of this practice. Therefore, it is essential to have cross-sectoral programmes providing an environment that is conducive to raising awareness, promoting behaviour change, and abandoning FGM.

V. KAJIADO COUNTY – (ELANGATA WUAS LRP)

a. County context on girls’ education

Kajiado County is among the largest counties in Kenya; with five constituencies, 25 wards, and six sub-counties. According to the Ministry of Education, the county has eight universities (both private and public), five registered colleges, 58 secondary schools, (both public and private), 388 public primary schools, over 70 private academies and over 260 pre-primaries. Primary school enrolment remains above 65%. However, this percentage goes down as one goes up the education ladder. The enrolment rate reduces to 30% countywide upon reaching higher education, as reported by the county education officer.

A number of factors hamper children from realising their potential in education. Two respondents – a leader of Iloodokelani Women Self-help Group and the head teacher of Indupa Primary School – cited the undeveloped infrastructure of many public schools where classes are conducted under acacia trees; inadequate numbers of teachers; and poor access to schools by children at lower grades due to distances, as key factors affecting the ability of students to perform.

b. Barriers to girls’ education

i. Girls socio-cultural and political situation at household, community and public levels that hinders their ability to access education;

• General factors affecting girl’s education

Early sexual encounters: - It was noted that many boys in Elangata Wuas dropped out of school during the drought period to drive herds in search of pasture and water. Upon returning from the nomadic life, a number of these boys opt out of school for sand harvesting and the boda boda business. The boys then entice schoolgirls into engaging in sex. Some villagers and non-locals who come to buy sand were also mentioned to be engaging schoolgirls into early sexual encounters. Some of the girls are way laid on their way to school or on their way back home. This was reported by one of the participants in the community FGD.

“Wacha tuseme ukweli, vijana wengi wamewacha shule. Kwanza wakati wa kiangazi, wengi walitoroka shule kulisha ng’ombe huko mbali, wakirudi wamekataa kurudi shule. Sasa wao

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wanauza mchanga na kukimbiza pikipiki. Hii vijana ni hatari sana, wamepeana mimba sana, ata hao dereva wa lori za mchanga pia wanashirikiana na hiyo vijana kunajisi na kudanganya watoto wetu. Mimi nasikia uchungu sana,” narrated one of the women in the community FGD/

Child pregnancy: - In both Elangata Wuas and Indupa , the head teachers of the primary schools mentioned that girls often drop out of school because of early pregnancies. Some of these pregnancies are as a result of rape or defilement.

“So far five girls in class eight are at home as a result of pregnancy. We have followed up with the local chief to ensure that they are back to class after delivery. I am however sure they won’t show up. It had been a continuous cycle as we lost about three of our female candidates last year as a result of the same case,” said the Indupa Primary School head teacher.

Long distances to and from schools: - Many girls were noted to have dropped out of school as a result of the long distances they had to cover every day to and from school. We noted that the girls walked long distances to school, alone, exposing themselves to dangers such as rape, being mauled by wild animals and many other dangers. Many girls in the end drop out of school due to fear and fatigue. The boys who come from far rent houses near their schools, but girls are not allowed to do this.

Parental illiteracy: - It was noted during the community FGD that most parents are illiterate and therefore do not regard girl child education as important. This is especially so for girls, whom parents regard as temporary members of the family.

Child and forced marriages: Early marriage is universally defined as marriage or cohabitation with a child or any arrangement made for such marriage or cohabitation. This practice is common and is fully supported by the community because of their rigid tradition and cultural orientation. The child bride or marriage is often a practice and it’s an act of denying the love and care of the family such as education and parental care to these young girls. The girl child in this situation is exposed to trauma caused by sexual experiences and if the marriage fails,

they end up destitute. One had this to say about child marriage:

“A girl aged nine years was once married to an old man. When she went to look after goats, she got lost. At night, a hyena came and ate the mother of the kid and left her with the kid in her arms. The following morning she traced her way back to the village. She was beaten by the husband and was accused of trying to escape. Thereafter she was rescued and said, ‘better the hyena than the man’.”

Poverty: Poverty was mentioned during the community FGD as the main reason why girls stop going to school. Many parents opt to marry off the girls so that their brothers can get school fees to enrol in secondary school, a fact confirmed by the area chief.

ii. Prevalence and impact of female genital mutilation

Female circumcision among the Maa community involves partial cutting of the female genitalia. According to the testimonies we got during the study, FGM is mainly advocated for by the old women – the ‘Gogo’ – who regard this practice as the best way to preserve and instil high moral standards among their girls as they transition to adulthood. Girls who have undergone the cut are regarded as adults and can therefore be married off, irrespective of age.

We noted through our observation that FGM is done secretly in the interiors/rural areas and is on the decline in both Indupa and Elangata Wuas locations. We noted only one case of FGM in Indupa and eight cases in Elangata Wuas. For this study, the total number of people interviewed was approximately 300. The prevalence of FGM among schoolgirls was significantly reduced as mentioned by the Head teacher Elangata Weus Primary School and collaborated by the area chief:

“Yes there are some cases still, kama hapa tuko na eight cases. It is a very silent practice so many cases go unnoticed.”

The effect of FGM is early marriages, leading to school dropout cases. It was noted that the girls who underwent circumcision exhibit high levels of indiscipline as they consider themselves to be adults equal to their teachers.

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iii. Barriers to education associated to FGM

As mentioned earlier, FGM is a rite of passage from childhood to adulthood among the Maasai. Girls undergo the procedure between the age of nine and 18 years. FGM contributes to child marriage as any child who has undergone the cut is seen as mature enough to be given out for marriage. Marriage brings wealth to the father of the girl in the form of dowry, always paid in of herds of cattle. For the Maasai, wealth is measured by the cattle one has. For this reason, the father of a girl would expedite her circumcision so he can marry her off to acquire wealth.

It was deduced during this study that the girls who underwent FGM started engaging in sexual activities, unlike those who didn’t undergo the cut. Some of them would have sex with men brought to them by their brothers or with morans they met in the bushes. These early sexual encounters resulted in many cases of HIV and other STDs.

FGM has been said to have lowered the esteem of girls in this community as they are looked down upon by the girls who have not undergone the practice. The same happens when campaigners and teachers speak against FGM in their presence. The initiated girls thus segregate themselves from their peers.

c. Status of girls’ education through the

parameters of school enrolment, retention and transition against the number of girls in the counties

Enrolment rates for boys and girls in Elangata Wuas and Indupa primary schools were at the ratio of 1:1. This was attributed to the government feeding programme, Basic Education Act and more sensitisation by several partners including AAIK. The performance at lower primary favoured the girls but there was a notable drop at the upper classes, as per the records covering 2016-2017. V According to the picture chart below, the number of boys is twice that of the girls in class seven. However, at class five and six the girls’ population is relatively higher. It is therefore evident that the number of girls begins to drop at class seven.

From the statistical data collected from Indupa and Elangata Wuas primary schools, the number of boys in class four at Indupa Primary School was 29 while that of girls was 21. However, out of the 21 girls, eight were out of school because of pregnancy, leaving only 17 girls in class four at the time of the study. The completion rate therefore favoured the boys.

However, girls’ performance and attendance is expected to improve as many of them are constantly in school since the feeding programme and the provision of sanitary pads were initiated by the government in 2018.

Poverty was mentioned as the main reason affecting the transition rates of girls in the area. Many parents marry off the girls so that their brothers can get school fees to enrol in secondary school. This has therefore affected the transition rate of the girls the majority of the girls who ought to be in secondary school are married off. The transition rate is however rising, thanks to stakeholders such as Equity Foundation and the Community Development Fund (CDF).

d. How the implementation and relevant government policies affects girls abilities to access education and participate effectively

i. Empowering girls and young women facing violence or at risk of violence

The young women and girls out of school in the community are advised to join organisations like Iloodokelani Women Network, which receives financial support from AAIK. Through these groups, they will be educated on entrepreneurial skills to and finally get financial support.

ii. Building capacities of women’s networks to support girls and young women to access education and in economic empowerment;

In Kajiado county, Iloodokelani Women Network has collaborated with AAIK to support girls and young women to access education through sensitisation and provision of sanitary towels. The Women Group also undertakes capacity building training to the women who assist in advocacy initiatives like land ownership and the right to education.

iii. Interventions by government, AAIK and other agencies to promote girls education

The government free primary education programme and the enforcement of the Basic Education / Education For All policy have ensured that all girls – and boys – are in school. In addition, government efforts to provide free learning materials, food, and sanitary pads to girls have also contributed to high enrolment and retention of girls in schools.

AAIK and other non-state actors have been at the forefront in ensuring that the community is well empowered economically so as to support their families and ultimately their girls to get an

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education. Bursaries and scholarships offered by CDF and Equity Foundation have enabled bright but needy girls to transit to the next level of education. Other stakeholders such as ActionAid give girls, especially rescued girls, support by providing vocational training. Iloodokelani Women Network also collaborates with ActionAid to support girls in school through the provision of sanitary towels and creating awareness.

iv. Interventions by government, AAIK and other agencies to tackle FGM

Since the entry of AAIK into the area about 13 years ago, some of the local CBOs, women groups, and networks such as the Iloodokelani Women Network have been able to sensitise women on their rights especially the rights to own property, -land rights, and the right to education, among other fundamental rights.

The educated women in this community started a mentorship programme to reach out to girls in schools with a clear message that targets all the violence perpetrated against women by men. Through such efforts, FGM, early marriage, and wife battering have dropped significantly.

The local chiefs and community elders have ensured that Education For All is attained by pursuing all cases of violence against girls and discriminatory acts against women in the community.

“Through the ‘Nyumba Kumi’ initiative, we have been able to pursue and make arrests on the perpetrators who have been reported to have attempted or aided child marriages, FGM or any kind of violence directed to women and young school going girls,” said the Elangata Wuas chief, sentiments collaborated by the Indupa Location chief.

However, some chiefs were reported to be working with criminals in the community by covering up their evil acts and in some worst-case scenario, they have used their authority to intimidate and silence the offended women. The government, through the office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) has pursued some of these cases and some arrests have been made. In addition, according to the Indupa Location Chief, some state actors found to have abated corruption have been dismissed.

v. Existing and proposed/possible alternative rites of passage in each county

At the beginning of 2016, the Maasai community

endorsed a proposed alternative rite of passage for girls. The community agreed to adopt a rite of passage that brings together girls from the age of 18 years to be blessed by elders so as to transition from childhood to adulthood.

The first such ceremonies were witnessed in Kajiado and Bissil towns. They were organised by the county government through the patronage of the county first lady, women representative and other female professionals. During the ceremony, the girls were prayed for and trained for three days by various traditional and professional practitioners on ethics and morality, as they transitioned into adulthood. The girls were later blessed by the elders.

vi. Community participation/involvement in addressing FGM

The community members in both Elangata Wuas and Indupa are steadily shunning FGM. Many of those we interviewed, including traditional Maasai elders, made it clear that through the sensitisation and education they have received about the dangers of FGM, they regret having supported the practice and are now ready to campaign for its elimination. The community members in these areas have actively combated the practice by identifying the perpetrators and presenting them to the relevant government authorities for appropriate legal action.

e. Challenges experienced in tackling FGM/promoting girls’ education

From our observation during the study, we deduced that both Indupa and Elangata Wuas primary schools lacked girl child friendly services and rooms. of the girls need well-furnished washrooms furnished with relevant toiletries and disposal kits

A porous justice system was mentioned as one of the greatest challenges to tackling FGM, and the women mentioned the expense attached to acquisition of justice discourages them from pursuing cases.

f. Conclusion and recommendations It is worth noting that Kenya has a lot of gender related violation of children human rights. All the mentioned gender issues affect the girl child. Failing to grant the rights of the girl child in childhood affects the child in future. Due to the sociocultural nature of FGM, a commitment is needed by communities as well as governments to ensure its end. Thus, it is essential to have cross-sectoral programmes providing an environment that is conducive to raising awareness, promoting behaviour change, and effecting an abandonment of the detrimental practice of FGM in its cultural context.

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VI. MIGORI COUNTY – (KURIA LRP)

a. County context on girls’ education

Kuria Local Rights Programme (LRP) is located in Kuria West Sub-county of Migori County. The LRP is located about 500 kilometres to the southwest of Nairobi and borders the Republic of Tanzania to the west. The LRP was started in 2003 and covered the entire district, until a review carried out in 2006 made changes to its model of operation from a policy based LRP to a sponsorship-based initiative. The LRP covers the administrative locations of Gokeharaka, Bukira South, and Bukira Central, all of which are found within Kehancha Constituency, Kuria West Sub-county. The LRP area is inhabited by an estimated 15,000 people, about 7,000 of whom can be classified as poor. The proportion of poor persons is evenly spread across the LRP, but is more significant (85%) in Bukira South Location in Kehancha.

Poverty and retrogressive cultural practices are some of the factors that have led to a high school dropout rate especially in Kuria West. The impact is mainly felt at the village level, with increasing numbers of orphans who are in and out of school, particularly girls. This increases female-headed households and the high dropout rate in schools. The region also has significant levels of gender-based violence that affect mostly girls and women.

The causes of sexual violence in Kuria are quite complex and compounded by the dilemma of cultural practices. The rampant practice of wife inheritance and households where women marry fellow women (known as “Nyumba Mboke” marriages), specifically put girls’ lives at the risk of sexual violence by step-fathers. The women are “married” by another woman who is the head of such a household. These women import temporary husbands to sire children with their “wives.” The children born in such marriages belong to the woman who is also the head of the household. The challenge is that the men who sneak in to sire children with the “wives” also attack the stepdaughters sexually. Some such cases even lead into forced marriages if the girls become pregnant. Incest is therefore a big challenge in Kuria, directly and indirectly perpetuated by culture.

b. Barriers to girls’ education

i. Girls socio-cultural and political situation at household, community and public levels that hinders their ability to access education

• General factors affecting girls’ education

Many girls do not attend school and remain uneducated as they move into early

marriage. There is a very high prevalence of child marriages and hundreds of young girls are dragged from school to be married off, with serious consequences for their lives and education. A recent study (Marwa, 2015) to establish strategies to improve transition rates to secondary school for girls in primary schools in Kuria West Sub-county established that costs reduction, school infrastructure, quality of education, and advocacy and awareness campaigns are among the factors that have a great influence on transition rate of girls from primary to secondary school. The study, which covered 31 secondary schools, concludes that school fees were found to be the main reason why most students are not in school. Similarly, there is a shortage of school places,, uneven distribution of schools thus difficulties of access, poor quality of teachers, and poor quality of teaching and learning experience for children in schools.

Ochola (2013), in an earlier study, revealed that high prevalence levels of some cultural practices negatively influence girls’ participation in education at the secondary school level in Kuria, Kenya. The study challenges members of the community who still value retrogressive cultural practices to reconsider their stand. In effect, unless these factors are addressed, secondary school education will remain a dream for girls in Kuria. The discussion indicated that:

“Our community is good but it has many cultural beliefs that have made us lag behind in the development and education of girls in Kuria. These are practices like female genital mutilation (FGM) and patriarchy” (FGD with women). A discussion with girls provides a more credible opinion by acknowledging that while the participation of girls in lower and middle level primary education is at par with that of boys, the girls face obstacles from class six onwards. This means that factors linked to age affect girls’ education. Some such factors include:

• Initiation: Circumcision of boys and girls

The initiation ceremonies which are normally undertaken in August are associated with life instruction for boys and girls who are then considered to be joining adulthood. Such teachings and associated cultural

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ceremonies are themselves a hindrance to education for the teenage girls. The initiates are inducted into the norms of the society when they reach adolescence and at a time most children are in class five to eight. The teachings touch on family matters and the expected societal responsibilities including marital duties.

It is important to note that these instructions are taken very seriously among the Kuria and most of what is discussed during those sessions focuses on the dominance of men over women. The community plans extensively for such ceremonies that are carried out publicly, to enable the initiates to graduate into adulthood. The worst aspect of the ceremonies is the unchallenged pressure by the parents of the initiates to make the boys and girls indulge in unprotected sex circumcision to confirm if their wounds have healed. The girls becoming pregnant and the story quickly changes into pressure for them to get married.

The narrative shows a double challenge for the girls, where they are moulded by the cultural ceremonies to confirm maturation, after which they stand blamed for the outcomes in cases of pregnancy. Both scenarios have push factors from the education system.

• Child marriages

FGM is considered a necessary step in raising a girl properly and preparing her for adulthood and marriage. As a consequence, girls themselves may desire to undergo the procedure as a result of peer pressure and fear of rejection by their communities

Additional pressure that is directly linked to early marriages is the value placed on dowry. While families keep some livestock as part of family wealth, these can never be disposed of to pay school fees, especially for girls. Instead, girls are seen as the source of wealth in exchange with dowry when they get married off especially to well-endowed old men with livestock. Some families tend to reason that instead of “wasting” cash on girls, they should be forced into marriage to bring that wealth to the family.

• Poverty

Some families are unable to raise school uniforms, sanitary pads, and incidental fees. Despite the existence of Free Primary

Education, the hidden costs of education become a major hindrance to children to education for such families. Some girls are therefore forced to stay out of school and instead help their parents with household chores while boys do odd jobs like sand harvesting in order to help provide for the family. Girls on the other hand look for other means of getting money to satisfy their needs, for example engaging in sex with boda boda riders. Both activities lead to school dropouts.

• Parental neglect and hostility

Some children were of the opinion that some parents become excessively hostile when girls make even slight mistakes. Parents do not provide for the needs of the girl child, like sanitary towels. This frustrates the girl child. Some opt to engage with boyfriends who are willing to pay. This leads to early marriage and school dropout.

ii. Prevalence and impact of FGM

The levels of FGM in Kuria remain high and seem to be making a comeback compared to the recent past. It is estimated that out of every ten girls in a village, nine are circumcised. Even in the cases where girls are taken to the safe homes or rescue centres to avoid the practice, some still sneak out to undergo the cut. Pressure for this seems to come from boyfriends or possible suitors.

Fear of remaining without a husband if one is not circumcised is real. Other factors are associated to the sorcery (magic) believed to be conducted by elders so that everybody, including the law enforcers can remain docile in pursuing the issue. Another major issue is that FGM is a key source of money for the elders. Every girl circumcised must pay K Sh 500 (USD 5).

iii. Barriers to girls’ education linked to FGM

The community members link FGM to low access to education. It is reported that after FGM, some girls do not go back to school. Some of the factors associated with FGM include the retrogressive teachings during the ceremonies, the direct link to marriage and dowry, and the health-related challenges.

Retrogressive Ceremonies: Teachings during the initiation ceremonies discourage girls from pursuing education. Those who undergo FGM and manage to get back to school tend to perform poorly or develop a negative attitude

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towards school. Some girls become outright disrespectful especially to teachers from other communities or communities that they know do not practice FGM. The girls look at these teachers as children.

Irresponsible sex: After the initiation ceremonies, the boys are encouraged to prove that they are really men by grabbing and having sex with girls (normalised defilement). The girls on the other hand are pressurised by their own parents to get into sexual contact with boys to confirm if they have healed properly. These practices result into very irresponsible sexual encounters that put girls at very high risk of conceiving and dropping out of school immediately.

Cultural values on marriage: The culture promotes child marriages and lays a lot of importance on marriage so that if a girl reaches the age of eighteen years before getting married, then everyone in the family becomes concerned. The situation becomes worse if the girl do not perform well in school. Such girls are literally forced out of school to stop wasting time and money and get a husband instead. That complicates life for girls who yield to the pressure, mainly for fear of being ridiculed and for saving the face of her parents. The cultural value placed on dowry, more than education, is a source of worry. The family wealth is for marriage and not school and girls are the source of this wealth.

Menstruation is also a factors affecting girls education and linked to FGM. Menstruation affects girls’ education because they are not free to go to school especially if they are negatively affected after circumcision. In such cases, the girls will have missed several classes and by the end of the term or year, this may lead to poor performance.

Self-esteem affects girls who have had the cut as well as those who have not, and also affects their education. A girl who has not undergone FGM is mocked and called names. The girl who has undergone FGM also still has a low self-esteem because she will not openly admit she has undergone the cut, for fear of those who campaign against FGM. Both girls’ concentration is not in class but on the issues of FGM being debated in the public arena. At community level, the peer pressure is mostly on those who have not been circumcised. Such girls hide and go for the cut and do not come back to school.

Policy risk: Since parents are now aware of risks of prosecution from the government for engaging in FGM, some opt to take their

daughters across the border to Tanzania (where the practice is not illegal) and they only come back after FGM. Though this does not affect schooling much because it is done during the holidays, the girls now see themselves as adults ready for marriage.

Status of girls’ education through the parameters of school enrolment, retention, and transition against the number of girls in the counties. The government records estimate enrolment levels in Kuria West and East at 90.4% for boys and 84% for girls in the 164 primary schools. The population in primary schools in 1999 was 37,356 pupils, constituting 36% of the total population in the district. It was expected to increase to 53,063 in 2008. In the 17 secondary schools in the sub-county, the enrolment in 2012 was 2,896, which is only 18.5 of the total population of the secondary school going (15-19 years) children in Kuria.

This study reveals that school attendance is highly dependent on Kuria culture. It is very notable that culture and viewing girls as “property” or a source of wealth through dowry, is the main cause of gender disparities between boys and girls

Absenteeism and dropout rates in schools are high leading to low progression and transition. Sensitisation of the community has however helped raise levels of awareness with increased progression but transition from primary to secondary school remains a big challenge. Unfortunately, dropout rates for boys are higher in some locations as a result of child labour, whereby they go to harvest sand and work in tobacco farms. Girls frequently dropped out of school due to early pregnancies and early marriage. So far, FGM remains the most rampant problem affecting the girls and women’s education, with nine out of 10 girls having been subjected to FGM.

c. How the implementation and relevant government policies affects girls abilities to access education and participate effectively

i. Empowering girls and young women facing violence or at risk of violence.

The empowerment of women and girls remains a challenge in the community which is strongly embedded in cultural practices and traditions. The girls are viewed as a source of wealth to the family and community. It follows that a large number of girls and women are illiterate. Parents are unwillingness to embrace education for girls.

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Most girls were vaguely familiar with the laws and policies that protected their rights within the society; a few that knew could not tell how the laws address their rights. It was observed that there has been an effort to involve the children, and girls especially, in decision making through clubs like Girls’ Forum and Boys’ Forum which have successfully seen girls get empowered. , However, this empowerment quickly fizzles out as they approach upper primary out as the girls drop from school. The key informant that deals with rights of children reported that:

“According to me, girls and women here have not yet known their right to education. Around 70% have no idea of the importance of education as a right. You can see the neighbours’ kids and you tell them to go to school and they easily brush you off as if you are talking nonsense. Like in my area Kitarisia there was a case where my neighbour was jailed for circumcising her daughter but the daughter still never went back to school. She now does menial jobs to get cash. For FGM, most women and girls do not take it as serious. To them it is a rite of passage and a way of womanhood so it is a must, and that is their right instead.” (KII, children’s office).

It is however noted that some measures have been taken to address the challenges by the government and the projects implemented by ActionAid. Noting that some people have been sentenced to jail for practicing FGM shows that the state agencies have made some strides. However, they also need to be careful because they cannot jail everybody in the community, so instead they need to encourage community level advocacy through barazas.

ii. Building capacities of women’s networks to ably support girls and young women to access education and in economic empowerment It was evident that as much as the practice remains enormous, ActionAid and some CBOs have worked in challenging the practice through women networks. Groups like GOCESO have been formed to educate women. These groups have been empowered and supported to link with other local networks like churches to empower more women and girls.

Capacity building is strongly taking place at community level and adult community members are being reached in large numbers even if this does not translate into immediate change at community level. The girls however, do not seem to engage collectively while they are out

of school because of different views and fears at family level.

The CBOs and community resource persons believe that such efforts are yielding some fruit as many parents are accepting to pay school fees for girls. So there are capacity-building efforts through groups and organizations such as GOCESO, KUSAN, ActionAid staff, and the other agencies that have been helping to pay school fees for girls who have not been circumcised.

iii. Interventions by government, AAIK and other agencies to promote girls educationThe analysis shows that every agency is trying to do its best to promote education and challenge the practice of FGM. The education department is doing follow-ups on any reported cases of FGM or early marriage. The police have also made some arrests including the circumcisers. The only challenge reported is that whenever a case goes to court, the community intimidate the complaint before they can testify. That complicates the hearing process with no witness, no evidence, and no complainant so the case is thrown out. However, the court is reported to have developed new guidelines to curb this challenge. The community members have also tried to talk on FGM, but they make very little progress unless they are helped by other agencies.

A woman reported that: “As a person I have tried talking to girls. I came here in September, I am married here and my girls have not undergone the cut so when their friends come over to visit them, I advise and talk to them against FGM and give them examples with my own daughters. Some have heard but others did not. If I was in a position, I would build a home for the girls who do not want to undergo FGM, house them, educate them and they can leave once they have their degrees, certificates and all.” (Non-local, government officer).

ActionAid is widely acknowledged to have educated the communities, supported and established a rescue home that has helped several girls. Interventions by government, AAIK and other agencies to tackle FGM are enormous but the result seems to be slow due to community resistance.

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h. Conclusion

Members of the Kuria community are convinced that FGM has a negative impact on the education aspirations of girls. Many girls get married immediately after the practice, thus dropping out of school. For the few who remain in school, the pain and trauma associated with FGM affects their concentration in class and they end up not performing well in examinations, and in most cases end up dropping out of school.

Some of the girls take a long to heal and are forced to stay away from school thereby missing classes and eventually dropping out completely. FGM is known to affect the psychology of the initiates. Most of the girls start to think about marriage soon after circumcision and this in most cases leads to termination of their schooling for marriage.

VII. TAITA TAVETA COUNTY – (KISHUSHE LRP)

a. County context on girls’ education

Taita Taveta County is one of the six counties in the Coastal region of Kenya. It is located approximately 200 kilometres northwest of the coastal city of Mombasa and 360 kilometres southeast of Nairobi, the capital city of Kenya. It borders Tana River, Kitui and Makueni counties to the north, Kwale and Kilifi counties to the east, Kajiado County to the north-west, and the Republic of Tanzania to the south and south-west. The county covers an area of 17,084.1 sq. km and lies between latitude 20 46/ south and 40 10/ south and longitude 370 36/ east and 30 0 14/ east. Taita Taveta County is divided into various administrative and political units crucial for management of the county and also service delivery to the public. The county has four constituencies namely, Wundanyi, Mwatate, Voi, and Taveta.

Projections indicate that the total county population would increase to 329,383 (in 2015) and 345,800 (in 2017) respectively. Already there is a strain on existing facilities, with some public primary schools sharing some facilities with their respective pre-primary units. This is undoubtedly one of the main reasons behind the low primary to secondary school transition rate, which stands at 67.5% (2010). 32.5% of pupils completing primary education are not progressing to secondary school. The main reason most do not transit is that they cannot get space in the few schools available, especially for those who do not perform well and come from poor families and cannot afford far-flung boarding facilities.

b. Barriers to girls’ education

Action Aid Kenya (AAIK) in collaboration with The Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA-Kenya) undertook

the survey with AAIK’s county-based partner in Taita-Taveta, Sauti Ya Wanawake Pwani in February 2016. The survey was undertaken in the sub-counties of Wundanyi, Taveta, and Mwatate. The report indicated that 45% of parents surveyed are of the opinion that education provided in public primary schools in Taita Taveta County was not satisfactory. Of the parents who hold this opinion, 26% cite inadequate number of teachers. It was further shown that 41% of parents are of the opinion children face inconveniences in accessing education in the school. Forty six per cent of parents who hold this opinion cited teacher absenteeism. Based on this, the study found that the community members are quite informed, and they have been trying to support the education of girls. One key informant commenting on the level of awareness and support available for girls’ education give an affirmative answer:

“The community here knows so much about education and they support girls’ education. From my perspective, two instances confirm that they know and support girls’ education. In March this year, we were electing children’s government and were it not for our intervention, all the seats would have been awarded to the girls. Another scenario was witnessed in the bursary awards. As a department, we give bursaries and 66 out of 99 applicants were girls. The women here understand the importance of education for girls.” (KII, Wundanyi)

Despite this level of awareness, girls’ education still faces several challenges. A report by ActionAid raises the alarm over the diminishing confidence in public primary schools, saying more than half of the community members are dissatisfied with the quality of education offered. There are even fears that boys are worse affected compared to girls in the county.

i. Girls’ socio-cultural and political situation at household, community and public levels that hinders their ability to access education

• General factors affecting girls’ education

There are several challenges affecting education in general, and others especially affecting parents and families as a whole. These are as follows:

Drought: Taita Taveta County as a whole is prone to drought, and children as well as their parents spend as much as 10 months addressing the impact of drought. Due to drought, families have limited food supply from farming, hence they have meagre resources competing with other needs. It follows then that there is no money to

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support education. Some children have to engage in child labour like selling charcoal or doing casual work. Girls may work as househelps. Everyone has to work, forgetting the education needs of both girls and boys. Some girls may even be left at home to take care of their siblings as the mother goes to work.

Broken families: School dropouts of girls have been linked to family problems such as divorce and separation. When families break up, single mothers have problems educating more than two children. If the children of such broken families remain with their father, it is possible they would be frustrated by the stepmothers. The children are unlikely to get fees, especially to join secondary school.

Early pregnancies: Cases of child pregnancies are rampant. Whenever girls become pregnant, their mothers would ask them to work for others as househelps so they can start to bring some money to the family. In the same context, it is noted that there are many incest incidents in Wundanyi. Sauti ya Wanawake are involving the police to deal with some perpetrators.

Sexual violence against girls: The girls’ interviewed confirmed a high prevalence of sexual violence at home and on their way to school. Girls are defiled by relatives and their peers especially those who have dropped out of school. Girls may easily become vulnerable because some men may take advantage of their need for toiletries and hygiene products provide these in exchange for sexual favours.

Lack of sanitary facilities: Menstruation remains a challenge to girls especially with the water shortage in schools. The government supply of sanitary pads lacks consistency. Most girls stay away from school during menstruation. Absenteeism may leads to dropping out of school.

ii. Prevalence and impact of GM

It is reported that the Taita Taveta originally did not circumcise women but copies the practice from the Maasai, their neighbours. The Taita Taveta borrowed the practice believing it would help reduce women’s sexual desire. FGM is however done so secretively that one may think it does not exist. In Taveta, female circumcision is said to be done

by a witchdoctor facing a certain direction. Some families visit witchdoctor across the border in Tanzania with their children to circumcise them.

However, cases are reported to have drastically reduced in the recent past. It appears that the community is changing their attitude very strongly based on the campaigns and having interacted widely with other communities who do not practice FGM.

iii. Barriers to education associated to FGM

There are no direct challenges of the FGM practiced in Taita Taveta on girls’ education. Since it is done at infancy, not even the girls themselves are aware that they have gone through the practice by the time they enrol in school. It is however remotely reported that girls get to start feeling the impact while in high school when they bathe. Some of them notice the difference in their genitals for the first time. Those who are circumcised hide since it is very visible and their peers ridicule them. It is therefore difficult to link FGM among the Taita Taveta to education, except that their self-esteem would go down and class performance may drop especially in high school when they discover.

c. How the implementation and relevant government policies affects girls abilities to access education and participate effectively.

i. Empowering girls and young women facing

violence or at risk of violence

The women and girls in Taita Taveta seem to be doing well in terms of understanding of their rights to education. Likewise, they seem to be quite aware of the challenges associated with FGM. ActionAid works in close collaboration with Sauti Ya Wanawake which has helped the community by raising awareness and empowering women.

The members of Sauti ya wanawake advocate for human rights in Taveta, working in churches through the girl friendly society and they meet girls to educate them. During political rallies, they meet the elders to address community issues.

ii. Interventions by government, AAIK and other agencies to tackle FGM and promote girls’ education

Interventions in this region are multi-sectoral. Most government agencies work together and in collaboration with ActionAid. Community members are engaged through chiefs’ barazas or awareness raising forums. ActionAid launched the “Male champions” in April 2018 to bring men

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on board to champion for girls’ rights. This has helped to boost the campaigns to empower women so that they do not look like they are only women’s concerns. The children’s department, Sauti Ya Wanawake, the national government, the judiciary, and the police work together and they do campaigns even in churches.

At community level, the women are the majority in any single baraza. Sometime in 2017 for instance, there was a serious demonstration for a mentally challenged child who was defiled and the women gathered the children from school to demonstrate until the courts.

Sauti ya wanawake also holds workshops with community members and invite the DPP, members of the judiciary, and the children’s department to talk to the girls. After joint discussions, the girls hold their own forums to discuss their own issues. At school level, teachers invite different stakeholders to talk to the students on issues of concern, like incest for instance.

d. Challenges experienced in tackling FGM or in promoting girls education

Lack of community support: Sometimes people who are caught on the wrong side of the law resist and tend to oppose the activities of ActionAid. They say that the Sauti ya Wanawake are unmarried women who want to break up families and create chaos rather than bringing peace. Because of such resistance, the families that would like to report cases of violence and follow the law might be scared and settle disputes at home and this can be a challenge.

Lack of sufficient funds: There is minimal financial support in government. For instance, the OCS may have askaris but no fuel their cars to follow up cases.

To ensure good follow up for cases affecting children, even ActionAid needs to increase its funding. The Sauti ya wanawake members argue:

“We can see a positive impact through Action Aid, but we need additional funding for most of the activities to be successful. Let us have yearly empowerment and possibly in December and combine locations and involve as many girls as possible from class six to eight for four to five days so that girls are able to understand their bodies, express their fears, perceived risks and we shall be able to know the way forward.” (Sauti ya Wanawake leader)

e. Conclusion

Education is a key agent of change capable of breaking the cycle of violence, not just against children but among adults, too. It can encourage children to learn self-respect, respect for others, and how to express their feelings and negotiate for what they want without resorting to physical or psychological violence. In Taita Taveta, there are issues affecting education, and FGM is not one of them.. Female circumcision is undertaken in infancy and not even the girls themselves are aware they have been circumcised. It is therefore challenging that girls have no capacity to say no to the practice. The following recommendations are intended to support education authorities, school heads, teachers, students, parents, and communities as they seek to create non-violent environment in schools.

VIII. WEST POKOT COUNTY – (KONGELAI LRP)

a. Context

Kongelai Local Rights Programme was started in November 2007 in Baringo County. The LRP is based in Kongelai Division of West Pokot District and partly in Kacheliba constituency of North Pokot District It covers Miskwony, Riwo, and Serewo locations in West Pokot District and Kopulio location in North Pokot District. It replaced the old West Pokot LRP which covered the larger West Pokot District and which was purely focused on policy work.

Kongelai Local Rights Programme mainly deals with the sponsorship work with three thematic focuses: Right to Education, Human Security in Conflict and Emergencies, and Women Rights. According to the Ministry of Education West Pokot District, the illiteracy levels in Kongelai Division stand at 95%. The enrolment and retention rates for children in the schools are also poor, largely due to prevailing negative cultural practices. Some of these practices include; female genital mutilation, forced early marriages, moranism, and cattle rustling. The girls are the most affected as parents tend to marry off their daughters at a tender age so as to acquire wealth to support boys’ education. Other factors that have contributed to the high rate of illiteracy in the community include poor physical facilities in schools and ignorance about the importance of education. Kongelai LRP has responded by facilitating intensive campaigns, training, and exposure visits targeting the community members. It has also supported the construction of permanent classrooms and boarding facilities for girls.

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b. Barriers to girls’ education

i. Girls socio-cultural and political situation at household, community and public levels that hinders their ability to access education

• General factors affecting girls’ education

Girls are seen as property and fathers would rather keep their cows than sell to pay school fees for girls. Level of absenteeism and dropout rates in schools are high leading to low progression and transition. Sensitisation of the community has however helped raise levels of awareness with minimal increase in progression and transition. Girls frequently drop out of school due to early pregnancies and early marriage. FGM is rampant, with the majority of the girls having been subjected to FGM. We observed that both girls and boys seemed to have learnt about their rights, mainly as a result of the interactions during girls’ and boys’ forums which are done separately, However, the boys were more open. Some of the factors highlighted as obstacles to girls’ education range from hostile climatic conditions, early marriages, and FGM.

Climatic conditions: The boys raised many issues about their community, in particular pointing out the unfavourable weather conditions as one of the factors affecting girls’ education. They reported that the areas can be very hot at times. This has implications on education in that more girls drop out of school compared to boys due to the hardship associated with household chores like fetching water. Due to the drought, many families have lost their livestock and so remain poor. The area experiences severe food and water shortages. This brings a situation where family members cannot even support their own themselves, and both girls and boys are affected adversely.

Lack of adequate sanitary pads: Girls in school are given sanitary towels. However, the supply is not adequate. In addition, since girls don’t discuss their periods openly, the pads are given to the girls who are tall or bigger in body size even when they have not started menstruation, while those who start their periods early are not given sanitary towels. Some girls miss school for fear of boys knowing what they are going through. Girls also reported that some lose concentration because their minds are on what is happening to them rather than what

is being taught.

Public ridicule: Girls also drop out of school for fear of being discussed or laughed at by community members especially their peers when they have not been circumcised. There is also peer pressure from older girls who have undergone FGM, attempting to influence those who have not. In such situations, the girls who have not been circumcised end up running away from school to go for the cut.

Irregular menstruation: Some issues faced during menstruation, such as excessive bleeding, seem to emanate from FGM. When girls get such irregular bleeding, they fear going to school because they are afraid of messing up their clothes or being laughed at by boys. Some girls even contract infections and may take long to heal or be unable to walk properly. Such girls may drop out of school.

ii. Prevalence and impact of female genital mutilation (FGM)

FGM forms a major pillar on the culture of the Pokot, although some slight changes have occurred over the years on the trend, sites of circumcision, cutting object and age of the procedure. The age has reduced from 18 years to girls who are as young as eight years. Depending on the community (clan), there are different ways in which the cut is performed.

The findings show that the practice has a direct effect on education since it is performed almost throughout half the year, from the May to December. As much as there are some specific dates, still any other day after that is still suitable and those who feel like performing their ceremony can call on the circumciser. This has a direct impact on the school days as those girls are likely to miss school immediately after circumcision as they wait to heal. FGM prevalence among the Pokot is very high. In many areas, all girls have been circumcised, but because of the interventions by ActionAid and government agencies, some one or two girls out of ten may be safe from the cut.

iii. Barriers to education associated to FGM

Value on girls: The women reported that girls are viewed by the community as property, to be exchanged for cattle when they get married. “Properties” cannot be taken to school. They also indicated that the traditional teaching given to girls during circumcision makes them tough

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headed (think differently) and they consider themselves as adults so they tend to value marriage more than school.

“Customarily, a girl who is circumcised fetches more cows compared to one who is not, hence no parent would want to have fewer cows. Parents who want wealth will want their girls to be circumcised so that they can marry them off and get wealthier and increase the number of cows.” (KII, Education Officer).

Ceremonies for FGM: School enrolment is not affected by FGM but attendance is because during the preparation period and during the circumcision and the period after when they are healing, not many girls will attend school regularly. During the preparation period for undertaking FGM, girls miss school so that they can visit the circumciser to appease her by taking gifts and doing house chores for her. Girls would voluntarily do this to create a rapport with the circumciser. Ironically, girls who do not want to undergo the cut also end up missing school because they have to go into hiding.

Health hazards during the operation: The findings show that risks experienced during the cut may cause a girl not go to school. Some of the risks they mentioned were excessive bleeding, wrong cutting or if a girl cries or makes noise during the procedure, they risk being speared. Failure to heal properly and fistula are among problems that affect girls during and after the cut. Some girls get complications during childbirth that causes fistula, so the girls are embarrassed to go back to school even when their parents are willing to support them.

Early marriage: Cases of early and forced marriages due to FGM are predominant. These marriages lead to child pregnancies This is a major obstacle to education. Early marriage and FGM keeps girls out of school.

Truancy of initiates: Cases of indiscipline are reported to rise due to ‘tough headedness’, and contempt for education hence levels of girls’ performance drop. The poor performance is also believed to be ‘as a result of cutting the nerves that connects the clitoris to the brain’ so girls forget easily or cannot concentrate in class. This is a big myth but remains to be a real obstacle. The challenge that comes with low performance is that very few girls progress to the next level or transit to secondary schools so majority tend to drop out soon after undergoing FGM.

How the implementation and relevant government policies affects girls abilities to access education and participate effectively.

iv. Empowering girls and young women facing violence or at risk of violence

A good number of community members, mostly living in the rural areas, hardly understand their rights to education. With the exception of the mixed communities living in Kapenguria town, the rest of the inland residents are hugely disadvantaged.

Lack of education among community members, coupled with the parents’ unwillingness to embrace the education for girls is a major challenge in Kongelai. In case of any human rights violation in the rural areas, silence is the way to go. More seriously, women have no room to ask questions or make decisions at community level. Not even the decision to promote education or stop FGM. The effect of this is helplessness worsened abject poverty.

The empowerment of women and girls therefore remains a challenge in the community.

The community has thus embraced NGOs like ActionAid which have come to assist them. Through the initiatives of ActionAid, many CBOs, especially for women have been formed to support women in promoting education. It is through the CBOs that women have been trained on the challenges of FGM and the benefits of educating girls. However, some respondents have reservations, saying that even the CBOs are disjointed from each other and have silent mistrust of the main government agencies.

v. Building capacities of women’s networks to support girls and young women to access education and in economic empowerment

Action Aid has worked in very strong partnership with local CBOs which they have supported for education of girls. Women representatives have a kitty for issuing schoolgirls with sanitary towels. The women are also educated on the negative effects of FGM, and how they can work with others to challenge the negative cultural practices. The CBOs led by women have since become change agents to those practising FGM.

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vi. Interventions by government, AAIK and other agencies to promote girls education and challenge FGM

The government agencies have been working with the police, the children office, and the judiciary to implement the FGM Act by arresting and prosecuting the perpetrators of the procedure. The government officers also reported that they have also taken initiatives to promote child protection by helping schools in rescuing girls when they get reports of forced female circumcision and forced marriage. The children’s office have managed to put some of the affected girls in to safe houses and provided police security to prevent any invasion by defiant community members. Some agencies like the children’s department have been engaging the community through campaigns and training to the community through public barazas.

ActionAid and other NGOs like World Vision have promoted sexual and education rights of girls. In a bid to challenge FGM, the non-state agencies occasionally have joint sessions when both boys and girls are taught and graduate and become ambassadors of change on the ground. The joint work with government departments has also worked well in that the children have now become the change agents in the community. ActionAid has specifically supported the education of girls in the region.

Other community groups have also helped in awareness creation. The Child Welfare office specifically has helped in repatriation and rescuing the girls. They have also worked with other partners in advocacy initiatives both in the print media and radio talk shows, and by going out to the field to engage with the children assembly. The police have been commended for being responsive to arrest the culprits and the court has charged them without hesitation.

vii. Community participation/involvement in addressing FGM

Community participation in all initiatives to address FGM and to promote education for girls is considered the cornerstone for any success to be seen at community level. Attempts made by the different agencies to involve the community have contributed to realisation of some change in attitude.

Despite this progress, some risk has been reported on the side of NGOs which seem to generate resistance by community members. That is the risk of employing “outsiders” (non-locals) to lead advocacy programmes at

community level. A community leader cautiously shared his opinion regarding this challenge arguing that:

“I will not talk about the risk but something that has been of great concern. We should involve more locals in the fight against FGM. When organisations bring a person who does not come from this community or any community that practises FGM to talk about it, the message does not get across because the community feels such people (from outside) do not know or understand what FGM is all about. I would suggest that more locals are engaged in this fight. Organisations supporting our community should also put resources together and have offices in the villages or remote areas rather than the urban centres because in the urban centres the residents are mixed” (KII, community leader).

Employing locals is not easy very few locals are educated enough to be employed in such positions. On the other hand, the “outsiders” could serve as role models to the locals on reasons to challenge FGM. However, active participation of community beneficiaries in all interventions must be taken into account if they have to own the process of change. Participation can also be enhanced by moving the site offices to the community if security situations would allow.

c. Challenges experienced in tackling FGM/promoting girls’ education

The organisations are fought especially by the traditional leaders when it comes to issues of FGM. Community members give suggestion for bringing in the traditional elders and educate them on the risks and effects of FGM.

“The talk on FGM has brought me problems because the cultural leaders have fought me but at least now it has cooled down. I have girls that I taught and never underwent the cut and are in schools both secondary and colleges. Some are even in the university and it gives me pride to see them around so when they walk around I thank God for enabling me teach them. I will continue educating and preaching against FGM in church and also in the villages and community at large.” (Community leader)

Now the circumcision is no longer in August but in April and not during the day but at night, which most organisations and stakeholders are not aware.

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d. Conclusion and recommendations

Traditions, as they say, die hard. That has been the case with most African cultural activities. Even with exposure to western cultures for close to 200 years, a number of traditional practices have remained resilient to this cultural onslaught. This trend has been seen clearly in communities that have exhibited a certain amount of conservatism. It is against this background that one can begin to understand the practice of FGM and early marriages among the Pokot. The decision to abandon the circumcision of women and also scale-down rituals accompanying male circumcision require both national and community-based activities that bring the practice into the public arena for debate. Religious leaders and the media are in a position to play a crucial role in educating, sensitising, and bringing correct information to households. They can also inform people about positive social change that needs to take place in communities. As indicated above, various groups need education, public awareness and correct information to enable them do away with retrogressive traditional practices such as FGM and early marriages.

NOTES

NOTES

NOTES

ActionAid Kenya

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