Symbolic Violence and Homosexuality: A Study in Brazilian Major Cities

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Symbolic Violence and Homosexuality: A Study in Brazilian Major Cities

Renata Almeida Bicalho

Professor, Faculty of Business Administration

Federal University of Juiz de Fora (UFJF), Juiz de For a, MG, Brazil

Email: [email protected]

Ana Paula Rodrigues Diniz

Master Student, Center of Post Graduation and Research in Management

Federal University of Minas Gerais (UFMG), Belo Horizonte, MG, Brazil


Alexandre de Pádua Carrieri

Professor, Center of Post Graduation and Research in Management

Federal University of Minas Gerais (UFMG), Belo Horizonte, MG, Brazil


Mariana Mayumi Pereira de Souza

Professor, Business Administration Course

Federal University of Viçosa (UFV), Florestal Campus, Florestal, MG, Brazil


ABSTRACT

In order to contribute to “enlighten” the dark side of organizations as an issue related to

organizations studies, this article presents a research about bullying at homosexual men in Brazil.

To this end, we performed a qualitative study in Brazilian major cities Aracaju, Belo Horizonte,

Brasilia, Vitoria, Porto Alegre, Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo. The method used was the story of

life and to assess the corpus of interviews were employed some categories of the discourse

analysis. Through the empirical analysis, it was observed that most recurring symbolic violence

involved the homosexual depreciation. These rely not only on indirect or subtle insults but also

ways of contempt, exclusion of non-heterosexual subjects of certain social cycles, with emphasis

on formal organizations, and pressure for the adjustment of these heteronormatives standards.

We note that such violence, in many cases, are introjected by the subjects, causing loss of

confidence and disbelief in their own personal and professional potential, the experience of

ambiguity and subsequent identity crisis, and the feeling of exclusion or non-belonging together

with statements of anger with the status quo, constant feeling of loss and the disbelief in the

possibility of a changing reality. In relation to the internalization, there is a reproduction of

violence on others, especially those non-heterosexuals who become distant, in other respects,

from the homogenic model. In this process, the association with women was essential since the

closer to the feminine approach, the greater the risk of being socially unsuccessful. We

concluded this work, emphasizing the importance of developing new studies in the area.

Keywords: Symbolic violence; Sexuality; Life story; Discourse analysis.

Paper Type: Research Paper

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Far East Journal of Psychology and Business Vol. 5 No. 1 October 2011

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INTRODUCATION

The purpose of this research was to understand a small part of what is called the dark side, black

of the organizations. According to Vaughan (1999), the dark side of organizations has been

largely worked out by scholars from various fields such as Medical Sociology, Sociology of

Technology, and Work Psychology. Such studies cover topics, generally, silenced by the

mainstream, related to mistakes, misconduct, disasters and corrupt behavior in the context of

organizations. Even though consistent theoretical approaches were observed, Vaughan (1999)

warned that the dark studies of the organizations are not an area of knowledge integrated to

organizational studies. There is a greater need of attention from the organizational scholars to

clarify the connection between concepts and theories from different disciplines so that the dark

side is legitimized as a field of study in organizations.

In order to contribute to the constitution of the dark side in the organizations as an issue related

to organizational studies, this article presents a survey on violence, especially the symbolic

violence, the gay men. We chose this theme because, according to Welzer-Lang (2000) even

though a lot has been said about the domination exercised by men (Bourdieu 2007), the male is

rarely contextualized in relation to any issue, be in gender, be more comprehensive in

organization. Accordingly, because it‟s a taboo, not only in research but also in the everyday

organizational life, we believe that this was an issue related to the dark side.

We believe that the domination system developed would not be extended only to women,

because research by Welzer-Lang (1988, 1992, 1998, 1999) (others more current) and others

point to a male hegemonic domination in relation to other men. These studies mention two

groups: the so-called normal and the not normal men. Normality can be understood here as

white, heterosexual, Christian, without handicaps. Oliveira (2004) notes that to speak of a

hegemonic masculinity, apparently a symbol of normalcy, always brings the possibility of

reflecting on the other, or their opposite, for hegemonic masculinity to gain a symbolic

privileged place, there is the need of the antipodes, the shadows of other masculinities, and of

course, of femininity. The representation of hegemony comes close to the idea of Godelier

(1996) and his expression: "big-men," i.e., is to be a man with power and privileges that are

exercised in relationships with women and other men, the top of a masculine and social

hierarchy.

This paper is based on the statement of Bourdieu (2007, p. 63-64) who points out that to be a

man is to be noble and this nobility would be "a product of a social labor of nomination, social

and inculcation at the end of which a social identity established by one of these “invisible and

delimitation lines" known and recognized by all; that the social world draws, falls into a

biological nature and becomes a habitus, social incorporated law." This law is a product of

gender‟s social relations, the product of the domination of men against women and men against

men. To understand this domination, it is necessary to deconstruct the hegemonic male,

questioning their privileges, pointing out the social transgressions and the resistance of the same.

In order to study the male workers in Brazilian organizations, we could question the vision of a

single masculinity, especially as it showed from the perspective of gay men inserted in corporate

environments. In the responses of gay workers, we can conclude that the prevailing view of what


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is to be a “normal” man” in companies, includes being heterosexual, white, relatively young, thin

("hot looking"), tall and Christian. In the view of these subjects, there would be a small

possibility of new constitutions, new assumptions of what is to be a man, and a man of business.

In this research, masculinity is not only understood as a synonym for man, or men, but as a

constitution which relates to the historical-social, cultural and temporal-space (Kimmel 2006)

and, therefore, presents itself for men and women as a hegemonic representation. Male

domination has been in practice for centuries in different cultures (Bourdieu 2007). Surveys of

authors such as Connell (1998), Kimmel (1998) and Oliveira (2004), point to differentials in

legitimacy and power between masculinities, showing that there are some hegemonic and others

subordinate. Hegemonic masculinity operates as a representation of a social and historical

constitution, illustrating the ways to be more "normal" and "correct" to live as a man. The

authors also point out that this representation is legitimized to act as a regime of truth, producing

and affecting lifestyles.

Together with male dominance, from the industrial revolution, the rationality that is related to

male attributes has become valued for the job. Therefore, the discourses which surrounded, in

general, management and work legitimized an ideal male worker, which encompassed the

physical and behavioral aspects, as well as qualifications, which constituted a regime of truth of

what would be a subject of work. Thus, considering the business world, Hansen (2002) states

that this has been a male world. The Administration may be seen as a discipline of male

dominance. All the conception of work is permeated by gender differences and those designed as

male roles are inaccessible for women (Hassard; Holliday and Willmot 2000).

The business world is a broad term. In proposing a research which does not focus on specific

sectors of society, or even of this "business world", we seek to achieve an analytical conception

that reaches the social representation of this world. The study of the business world is not a grand

undertaking if we understand this world belonging to the contemporary society, permeated by the

control, in a context of a capitalist production. This means that, for this research, the business

world is the global market. This market, even though we are studying it at a local level, will not

be separated from its global character.

The article will then be developed, in order, from the presentation of a theoretical discussion

around the foundations of sexuality in organizations and on the symbolic violence experienced

by non-heterosexual subjects. We then present the research methodology, analysis of empirical

data and the conclusion of the work.

THE QUESTION OF SEXUALITY IN ORGANIZATIONS

The issue of sexuality in organizations has always been surrounded by taboos and thus, avoided.

For much of the twentieth century, capitalist rationality spread the idea that the sexualized

relationship needed to be controlled so that workers would channel all their energy to what

mattered to the organization, to the production and the results. Thus, the relationship and

marriage among employees were forbidden, and punished with the termination of one of the

engaged couple if the relationship was discovered (Banov 2008). Such penalties for married


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couples would possibly be intensified when it was a homosexual relationship, given the reference

to discrimination socially imposed by a heteronormative society.

From the late 1990s, the organizational attitude concerning sexuality has changed. The love

affair between employees, then, began to be allowed, since the constitution of families around

the organization seemed beneficial, allowing for greater involvement of the subject with work, in

view of the shortest distance between his/her personal and professional life (Banov 2008).

The change of position regarding sexuality was not limited to organizations, resulting in

questioning the foundations of morality in place.

The transformation of discourses on sexuality, combined with a series of social changes made

possible a [...] redefinition of human sexuality, to the extent that these discourses have

contributed to the slow dessentialization or denaturalization of sexuality. Thus, the fundamental

elements of support of social prejudice and the legitimization of a sub-citizenship for women and

non-heterosexuals have come under questioning (Prado and Machado 2008, p. 39-40).

Slowly, subjects who were, until then, excluded completely from the concerns of a conservative

capitalist society became a target of interest, since it showed potential consumers and workers

with the desired profile. "The values that focus on sexuality antagonize gradually through the

moral relativism offered by the market". (Prado and Machado 2008, p. 42). We emphasize that

this role played by the market, which performs the function expected from the state, the inclusion

of homosexuals in society, not a denoting citizenship won politically, but economically tied to

the subjects‟ job and financial performance, following the economic guidelines, not interested in

a person's sexuality, but how successful he is. "Perhaps we could risk saying that the inclusion of

homosexuals through the market may be a perverse way to keep the social system of production,

capitalized homosexuals, from a higher income level, while that disperses and shifts the possible

antagonisms that would be produced "(Ibid, p. 64-65).

Homoerotic relations become so exotic in the eyes of the society, that they are even embedded in

merchandising campaigns. "The difference, in these cases, is an instigator, is merchandising: it is

displayed as a curiosity, as an exception, which actually serves to reinforce the norm" (Navarro-

Swain 2000, p. 65), but make no mistake, the advocate of bisexuality as Madonna appear as

bullies because their homosexuality is casual, it does not interfere with the binary division in the

sexual order of the world; on the other hand, the claim of lesbianism of Angela Ro-Ro makes it a

separate performance, wrapped in a halo of mockery and disrespect, marked by the difference

(ibid.).

According to Carvalho (1995), homosexuality, at the same time, does not express one more

decisive criterion for the social exclusion from the standpoint of consumption. A portion of the

individuals whose sexual orientation does not fit the dominant precepts, this portion is composed

of those with greater purchasing power, becomes the target of advertising campaigns and many

companies are even working towards this niche, thanks mainly to large amounts money spent by

such individuals, who generally have no children or heirs and tend to perform duties with

dedication above average - the latter finding refers to the quest for equal recognition tied to the

rejection in relation to heterosexuals.


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Moreover, as addressed by Carrieri (2008), as a result of this higher commitment, added with

greater scheduling flexibility and the possibility of relocation of such subjects between the

headquarters of the company, as they have no ties of marriage and children, the inclusion of non-

heterosexuals subjects in the business environment has been interpreted as desirable for a

growing number of managers. The implementation of diversity policies in the public and private

companies also suggests a way to include these subjects in the organizational scope, since not to

omit individuals because of their sexuality is an agenda of sexual diversity politics, one of the

spheres of social responsibility programs, which has been widely distributed and valued in the

global market.

However, as expressed by Galleon-Silva and Alves (2002), this diversity policy which had as its

aim to fight sex discrimination within the organizations, failed to materialize fully, since

discrimination is rooted in the "field of ideas and is expressed even when trying to extinguish it;

understanding that it will be cleared only with the replacement of the ideology underlying it.

Irigaray (2007, p. 13) confirmed the authors' conclusion through the analysis of a case study,

which concludes that "the diversity, thus, exists in speeches and not in business practices," since

even though the organizational discourses, have formally being structured in the form of clear

organizational policies, there is a greater difficult to be applied effectively due to the process of

prejudice ingrained by the employees themselves, a certain level of management permissiveness

and lack of collective sense of diversity (ibid ).

Thus, in this context, organizational tainted by intolerance of differences, the subject non-

heterosexual is stigmatized and suffer discrimination and prejudiced actions, covert or overt,

while trying to enter the job market and when he/she is already employed. An aggravating factor

for such humiliation is the undisguised homosexuality (Siqueira et al. 2008), which in the case of

lesbians and gays can be an option - "to be in or out of the closet - but it is not for the

transgendered (transvestites and transsexuals), given the evident female characters such as

breasts, hair and body contours, etc.

According with an assessment by Warken (2008), in the last ten years, more than 2,500

Brazilians suffered from hatred and social hostility widespread against non-heterosexuals,

manifested by homophobia, which is characterized by acts of interpersonal violence of various

kinds: discursive, physical, institutional, etc. in which takes refuge in the naturalization of the

symbolic violence, ordinarily related to discrimination. We emphasize that such violence

involved many formal organizations, or related, directly or indirectly, to the subjects‟ work.

The violence of the subjects related to work of the non-heterosexuals were studied by Ferreira

(2007), which describes the punishments and sanctions tied to the sexual orientation of the

victims, which were analyzed based on the discussion of bullying and denial of rights. The

author emphasizes the possible obstacles that may face a homosexual in an organization, such as

different and inferior rights, opportunities and treatment in relation to heterosexuals and the

difficulty of perceiving them as it happens in a concealed way.

In line with the study of the occurrence of such violence, is the purpose of this article, which

aims to analyze the symbolic violence experienced by homosexuals in their work environments.

We emphasize that this goal is outlined but not limited to the sphere of work, since the


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experiences in the workplace are not disconnected from social reality in which individuals are

embedded and that the violence often found in this area have their roots in the social and

established order. Next, in this direction, we discuss the sociological nature of symbolic

violence to the non-heterosexual subject.

NON-HETEROSEXUAL AS A TARGET OF SYMBOLIC VIOLENCE

The subjects do not interpret what they experience as a result of a process of a socio-historical

constitution and, thus, capable of transcendence, but as an essential organization for the

reproduction of society, therefore, legitimize and reproduce the order of distinction (Prado and

Machado 2008).

Prejudice is one of the characteristics, in the society, of distinction, which plays an important role

in maintaining the hierarchy of social groups when it legitimizes the importance of attributes of

the ruling class and those that do not fit in the standard of excellence. We emphasize that due to

the inequalities imposed hatred and violence between classes may consolidate (Prado and

Machado 2008).

The sense of distinction, discretio which separates and unify what should be separated or unified

to exclude all alliances and all of the unequal unions against nature, or contrary to the common

classification, the diacrisis that lies at the root of collective identity and individual, and raises a

visceral horror and killer, an absolute aversion, a metaphysical fury for everything that occupies

the bastard land of Plato, anything that goes beyond understanding, or in other words,

incorporated into the classification and that, by questioning the principles of the social order

made as body and, in particular, the principles of socially constituted sexual division of labor and

the division of sexual labor threatens the mental order, as a challenge to the common sense, the

scandal (Bourdieu 2007, p. 440, Highlights in original).

The prejudice, which characterizes the exclusion of those who move away from the "normal

social pattern," is perhaps more insidious manifestation of symbolic violence and is based on the

paradox that defines such violence, "prevents us from 'seeing' what we don‟t see'" , i.e., makes it

impossible for the subject to identify the limits of his own perception of reality, "act concealing

reasons which justify certain forms of historical assimilations, naturalized by its mechanisms"

(Prado and Machado 2008, p. 67). To characterize, synthetically, symbolic violence, we will

build on the work of Rose (2007, p. 40), whereby

A symbolic violence is an invisible form of violence that is imposed in a relationship of

subjugation-submission type, whose recognition and complicity makes it a silent violence that

manifests itself subtly in social relationships and results from a domination whose inscription is

produced in a doxic state of things, in which reality and some of its nuances are viewed as

natural and obvious. Since it depends on the complicity of those who suffer, it is suggested that

the dominated plots, and gives a betrayal on his own self.

Among many forms of symbolic violence marked by prejudice found in the social world we

emphasized, for purposes of this work, the one directed to homosexuality, given that such

prejudice is the result of a "power of symbolic violence" socio-historically reproduced and


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marked by distinction. As indicated by Bourdieu (2003, p. 102): "heterosexuality itself socially

constructed and socially constituted as a universal standard of all “normal” sexual practice, i.e.,

distanced from the ignominy of the “unnatural”."

The distinction between heterosexuality and homosexuality is recent and was clearly defined on

the categorization of the subjects' identity in general after World War II (Bourdieu 2003;

Linstead and Pullen 2006). The heteronormativity was established as a legitimate precept and

regulator of social relations through the dissemination of pejorative ideas about the social

allocation of non-heterosexual practices which they associated with the notions of sickness and

perversion, naturalizing and obliterating the spread of homophobic practices as a result of the

imaginary development. As a result of the establishment of such a sexual distinction, the openly

homosexual subjects began to be framed in lower levels of social hierarchy and be targets of

discrimination and humiliation, reality of invisible oppression as natural for the relation of the

subordination (Prado and Machado 2008). Then, it was developed

The specific form of symbolic domination that homosexuals are victims, characterized by a

stigma that, unlike skin color or femininity, can be hidden (or displayed), established through

collective acts of categorization that give margin to significant differences, negatively

characterized, and with it to stigmatized groups or social categories. Just as certain types of

racism, it assumes, in this case, the form of a denial of their public and visible existence. The

oppression as a form of invisibility translate as a refusal to legitimate existence, public, that is

known and recognized, especially by law, and a stigma that is clearly revealed when the motion

claims the visibility. It is alleged, then, explicitly, the 'discretion' or disguise that it is ordinarily

forced to impose (Bourdieu 2003, p. 143-144, emphasis added).

Not to be excluded from the identification to other groups which the subject associates or to

institutions that participate, the subject may choose, in principle, three ways: to conform to

standards of the sexual division of labor, get superior performance or hide their sexual identity.

The first path, as in the case of gays, transvestites and female transsexuals leads the subject to

limit their choice of professional work carried out typically by women or even other non-

heterosexuals, that is, in "positions offered to women by the structure, yet highly sexed, the

division of labor, the provisions called 'feminine', inculcated by the family and the entire social

order, can be carried out"(Bourdieu 2003, p. 72). Another possible way is to obtain recognition

and respect through superior performance to 'normal' development of their activities, resulting in

more effort or skill. Following this second option, the subject is constantly striving to meet the

additional demands, in an attempt to suppress any sexual connotation that might exclude him

(ibid.).

The third way is chosen based, usually, on the understanding of concealment and denial of

sexual identity as imperative to keep oneself in the dominant group. According to Leonini

(2004), the thinking of the Brazilian society in regards to sexuality expressed a democratic

cohabitation between heterosexuals and homosexuals, without any official prejudice. However,

discrimination is routinely expressed, even in a subtle and cunning, in images, texts, behaviors,

and the intensification of violence directed to homosexual. Thus, to avoid any social retaliation,

individuals understand as their fate the framework in heterosexuality or the act into this


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framework, a view that social order is presented as inconceivable and that the veiled prejudice

hinders the articulation of the victimized. Dominated symbolically, the homosexual tends to

assume the respect from his own self from the dominant point of view: especially through the

effect of destiny which the stigmatize categorization produces, in particular the insult, real or

potential, he can be taken to apply to his own self and accept against his will and forced himself,

the categories of direct perception (“straight”, as opposed to, “gay”) and to live shameful sexual

experiences from the dominant categories‟ point of view, trying to balance between the fear of

being seeing, unveiled, and the desire to be recognized by other homosexuals (Bourdieu 2003, p.

144)

The research done by Carvalho (1995, p. 168) with a group of lesbians illustrate clearly this

ambiguous condition, as follows: In many interviews it was highlighted the desire to deal with

the homoerotism “to be open” without feeling the need to “become public”. This position has

implication (…), the interest to be discreet, in segments of some social networks where they are

inserted, taking in consideration (…) in Belo Horizonte, everyone judges anyone.

The choice to take a socially a lesbian identity, which is disgraceful, rarely takes place, making

lesbians to reconcile a public heterosexual life and a private homosexual one; that is in a “

heterosexual world, they need to be seen as hetero” or at least “to develop a representation of

what is defined as females”. Taken into account that “in a heterocentric society any attitude

which deprives a human being born as a female from her role as a woman is monitored and

charged.” (Gomide 2007, p. 407), and, accordingly, "The subjects who decide to adopt a

differentiated identity are forced to deal with the breakdown of normative heterosexuality" (ibid.,

p. 410-411).

The Lesbian condition is even worse when compared to other forms of homosexuality, given that

lesbians "are dominated twice as much, even within a movement which holds 90% gays and 10%

lesbians is still marked by a strong masculinist tradition '(Bourdieu 2003, p. 148). Socially, "in a

world divided between men and women, homosexuals want a dominant place in the men‟s

world, to which they belong. Their problems of integration and social acceptance are not part of

the reality lived by lesbian women who are discriminated twice as much"(Navarro-Swain 2000,

p. 67-68).

Likewise, gay men experience the problems associated with the need to annihilate, socially, their

sexual identity, as noted by the study by Carrieri (2008, p. 159) with male homosexuals subjects.

The commentators reported that in the midst of the prevailing dichotomy of sexuality, which

establishes a framework within socially constructed role of the man or woman, they feel in a no-

place.

The dominant view becomes the reference point for the analysis, where the subject is able to

establish since he had been educated from heterosexual precepts (Bourdieu 2003), in respect to

his relationship with himself and with the world, and, also, with reference to the other oppressed.

Thus, the distinction of this symbolic relationship of domination is that it is not linked to the

visible sexual signs, but to the sexual practice. The dominant definition of a legitimate form of

this practice is viewed as a relationship of domination of the male principle (active, penetrating)


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over the feminine (passive, penetrated), involves the taboo of feminization, male sacrilege, that is

the overriding principle that is inscribed in a homosexual relationship. Proving the universality of

the recognition granted to the androcentric mythology, the homosexuals, although they (like

women) are the first victims, they often apply to themselves the dominant principles; as lesbians,

they often reproduce in couples formed, a division of the male and female roles ( inadequate to

approach them to feminists, always ready to suspect of their complicity with the male gender,

even if it oppresses them) and, sometimes, lead to great lengths to assert manhood in its most

common form, with no doubt in reaction against 'effeminate' style, once dominant (ibid., p. 144,

our highlights).

The symbols, socially perceived as excellence, are assimilated by homosexuals in their

judgments, which constrain the individual to avoid any acts or actions that might denote

femininity as inferior and to judge those who are unable or unwilling to maintain a constant

awareness, which allows that the compulsory heterosexuality is assimilated and become a

general rule in society (Gomide 2007).

Moreover, homosexuals collaborate to reproduce the social distinction, as we learn from a study

by Leonini (2004), which presents and interprets the contents of several letters written mostly by

young middle-class homosexuals. In those, the author observes expressions involving hierarchies

of class and social status, age, experience and expression of homosexuality. Discrimination is

established even among those who are most vulnerable and, possibly, have been violated in some

way, such as: "it is looked with a lot of prejudice not only the 'poor fag' or 'hardcore', but also the

'prostitutes', the 'queer' and transvestite. Even the territories intended for rambling, desires,

affections and homosexual encounters have very clear border outlines which separate and

segment, creating sub-species "(ibid., p. 143-144). At another point, the author presents the

relationship between the dominant homosexual and the marginalized ones, returning to class

distinctions through the perception of the dominant:

Then, emerge figures of the subjects, reports of practices and everyday experiences of

homoeroticism absolutely marginal, despised by hostile speeches to homosexuals and also by

those who say their representatives and advocates. Some look at the subjects in question as

individuals wandering, fragmented, dissonant including in relation to the expression of their

sexuality; deterritorialized individuals in their desires in which their practices and experiences

are not subject to the discourse and the dominant model on the homosexual identity, both under

construction. They gain visibility only when, literally, torn apart by their partners, appear in

newspaper headlines. The crimes suffered by them, in the printed press, weigh as a threat and as

a lesson to be followed by all those who insist on circumventing rules, including those dictated

by the spokespersons of homosexual militancy (Leonine 2004, p. 148).

Transvestites and transsexuals, as indicated by Leonini (2004), are seen by both the academy and

by common sense, as being abnormal, sexually inverted or distressed by some psychopathology.

The social space occupied by them reflects the prejudice and exclusion which they are victims

of, marginalized as an exotic group and often associated with prostitution and crime by the

population and institutions in general. There are still those who consider the life of these subjects

as "easy", not realizing the real context of violence to which they are subject to (Benedetti 2005).


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The explicit description of violence experienced by transgender people, as Benedetti (2005)

explains, includes a routine of basic material needs such as hunger and homelessness, exposure

to sexually transmitted diseases and diseases resulting from their work, such as by body exposure

to cold winter nights, given the need to find customers, the living situations of exclusion and

daily stigmatization, usually linked to physical or verbal assaults, among others. The

characteristics of such violence are exposed by transsexuals and transvestites as trophies, a way

of trivializing and defend themselves from pain and madness, as examples of these scars are self-

mutilation necessary to guarantee the drive to the hospital instead of prison, aware that jail is a

place where they are frequently physically assaulted and raped; wounds and scars of plastic

surgeries and unsuccessful silicone injections, which were performed in order to constitute the

womanlike body; and signs of fights with other transvestites or transsexuals, with customers or

homophobic individuals. This is only a portion of the reality experienced by them, who will now

get used to the fear that is described as a pervasive feeling, serving, even, as a guide for many

people who inhabit the world of transgender.

The rupture of the discrimination against homosexuality, heterosexual or homosexual, is,

remarkably, a goal in the LGT‟s movement (movement in defense of lesbian, gay, bisexual and

transgender), however, there are strong differences in the route to be adopted: conflicting

perceptions about the means to be employed in gaining visibility and respect expected. Some

support the assertion of a radical difference on the part of homosexuals and the delineation of

clear boundaries separating them from heterosexuals. [...] Others look like military in order to

obtain an acceptance by society and heterosexuals. In this case, the path would be characterized

by commitments, by the incorporation of certain rules such as the discretion, simplicity and

modesty. The result would be, according to advocates of such positions, less confrontational

access to equal rights and respect for differentiated options (Leonine 2004, p. 146).

first proposal denies the homosexuals‟ submissiveness to the heteronormativity rules, seeking a

change in relationships, so this reflects the acceptance of the homosexual identity or the breakage

of these groups and the establishment of clear boundaries. It is worth mentioning some "love to

the ghetto" establishing a more radical position, as if the solution was to isolate the discriminated

group, which could possibly intensify the exclusion by means of implied consent with the social

pressures. On the other hand, the conciliatory proposal aims to achieve equality of rights for

citizens regardless of their sexual identity. The concept itself of equality contained in this

proposal, deserves a second question: what kind of equality is based on the detachment of only

one side, aiming at a mutual consent? According to this, "Everything happens, in fact, as if the

homosexuals, who had to struggle to move from invisibility to visibility, to cease to be excluded

and invisible, were intended to go back to being invisible, and somehow neutral and neutralized

by submission to the dominant norm "(Bourdieu 2003, p. 146). Thus, this proposal is

insufficient, because the price to be paid to 'return to order "and get right to the invisible visible

good soldier, good citizen or a good spouse, and, simultaneously, a fraction of the rights

normally granted to all members of the whole side, which is the community (such as rights of

succession) are unlikely to fully explain, for many homosexuals, the concessions to the symbolic

order that such a contract entails (Bourdieu 2003, p. 147, highlights in the original).


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The question remains: how can an interaction between heterosexuals and homosexuals be

initiated, free from interpersonal and symbolic violence? Unfortunately, this work will not be

able to offer a response that makes possible to all interests involved, but it aims to "enlighten"

some violence experienced by homosexuals who are often barely noticeable, given in the mists

of a doxic thinking which are part of life in the organization and society as a whole.

METHODOLOGY

This article is the result of a larger project involving the experience of homosexual men in the

workplace. The established piece provided the goal which was presented in the introduction, and

to achieve this goal, we chose a qualitative approach. The uniqueness and delicacy of the subject

studied, was necessary to use this perspective as a methodology because it "provides a deep

understanding of certain social phenomena supported on the assumption of a greater relevance of

the subjective aspect of social action against the setting of societal structures." In addition, "the

qualitative methods emphasize the specifics of a phenomenon in terms of origin and the reason

to be" (Haguette 2003, p. 63), "and allows to reveal the social processes not well known

concerning specific groups" (Minayo 2008, p. 57).

Tied to qualitative research, we used the life story method. This proved to be suitable since it

allows the reconstruction of experiences and relationships established, of which emerge the

focused symbolic violence. Connected to this, it is understood that this method allows the

unveiling "something in relation to power, domination, subordination, which inequality

permeates, penetrates or radiates in the coexistence of men, communicating or opposing one

another" (Marre 1991, p. 199). It‟s important to emphasize that by adopting life stories, Becker‟s

(1994) “mosaic” idea was applied, which proposes that each narrative acts as a part of a

"puzzle", thus contributing to the understanding of the whole.

Data collection was done through semi-structured interviews, which were performed with male

homosexual workers. Accordingly, the guidelines have been established only as a base, ensuring

flexibility in the inclusion of relevant question, enriching the discussions. For every testimony

collected, the guideline was revised, as well as theoretical and methodological approach in

general. The collection of interviews took place as an interactive process, in which researcher

and researched interact and modify each other as necessary. This process leads to a constant

revision of the assumptions of the research, in which rather than to discredit them, makes them

increasingly relevant. As we listened to each experience lived by the interviewees, we were able

to penetrate and understand the meanings constructed by individuals in their specific social

positions. The Universe for the collection of narratives was made by gay residents in the

following Brazilian cities: Aracaju, Belo Horizonte, Brasília, Vitória, Porto Alegre, Rio de

Janeiro and Sao Paulo. At the end of the field collection stage, 66 reports were done, which were

recorded and transcribed to ensure data integrity. For purposes of this article, we worked with 12

interviews in particular.

In assessing the narratives we use as a technique, some elements of the discourse analysis.

Discourse analysis, as Maingueneau (1998), allows the interpretation of the reports to go beyond

the explicit, entering the unsaid or the ideologies implicit in the speech, which shares the

peculiarities of the power and symbolic violence. Furthermore, the technique adopted seem to be


12

relevant, as it provides the sort of all the linguistic material collected and the interrelationship of

life histories, indispensable for the formation of the "mosaic" mentioned (Becker 1994) and the

understanding of the whole from its singularities.

The speech analysis was performed by portions of the interviews and the interviewees were

identified by the sequence of E1 to E12. Four main elements were used as guidelines during the

analysis of statements, namely:

• Creation of discursive characters: the characters contained in the interviewees can reveal

the ideological inclinations of the speaker, because they are not created randomly. Thus,

the speaker can oppose or defend ideas through a character, transferring responsibility to

it, or even omit its existence.

• Relationships between explicit and implicit contents: themes that are explained and those

that are embedded in texts create an ideological effect. The implicit content enables the

speaker to give the reader a subtle and interactive idea that for some reason could not be

explained. The revelation of these implicit ideas may reveal a worldview held by the

speaker.

• Silence: the omission of certain themes and characters is also a common way to persuade.

The speaker may omit possible meanings, but undesirable and inconsistent with the point

of views. From the analysis of what is omitted and what is exposed, you can better

understand the interests underlying the speech in question.

• Lexical choice: the selection of the vocabulary used by the speaker is also configured as a

revealing element. The controversial intent of the speaker is reflected in the words they

use to express themselves. In different situations, strong or subtle, clear or technical

terminology may be employed (Faria and Linhares 1993).

The categories identified were employed in order to understand the meaning of the speeches so

that to comprehend the meaning of the symbolic violence they suffered and / or performed by the

research subjects. Faria and Linhares (1993) proposed the study of such categories with the

intention to identify the attempts of the enunciator to persuade the enunciatee. According to the

authors, they were always present in the statements and may be selected, consciously, by the

speaker in a calculate manner to certain enunciatees, or may be employed in a natural, or even

automatic way. That's because, as Bakhtin (1975) points out, every symbol is ideological and,

therefore, always reflects and refracts the ideologies of the speaker. The speeches, as proposed

Fiorin (2003, p. 11), are understood as "combinations of linguistic elements (phrases or

assemblies of many sentences) used by speakers in order to express their thoughts, speaking

from the outside world or of his inner world, to act upon the world ", which are not alone, but in

the interaction and articulation with other discourses (Faria 2001).

EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS

This topic is intended to review the professional experience of workers, male homosexuals,

based on empirical considerations, aiming at disengaging the relationships of domination socially

imposed and, often marked by prejudice and discrimination. Specifically, we will evaluate in this

topic, the symbolic violence experienced or exercised / played by the subjects of the research

related to the discrimination of the subject in the job market and in their working environments;

the self-violation and the reproduction of violence by non-heterosexual individuals. Taking into


13

account that symbolic violence is established "through an act of cognition and bad recognition

that is beyond - or below - the control of consciousness and the will, in the darkness of the

schemes of habitus that are, at the same time, generados and generantes "(Bourdieu 1998, p. 22-

23, featured in the original).

The embarrassing situations involving the life of the non-heterosexual individual begin in the

selective process in which the subject engages, in order to enter the job market, as noted in the

following:

I took a test to work on the largest private University here, and I took with my two colleagues.

My CV and my exam were the best ones, I was ahead of both; I was ranked first. Then, I went to

meet the son of the owner of the school, he rejected me. [What did he allege?] He said I came

from a gay movement (E1).

Even though the subject had all the requirements formally established to join the organization, in

this case, a private University, the input E1 is vetoed by the arbitrary decision and focused on

prejudice: “Then, my exam was given to the son of the owner of the school, he rejected me”. The

discursive character "son of the owner" takes advantage of a socially legitimate barrier and, thus,

questioned by few, the fact that the subject is bound to the homosexual movement, to justify such

injustice.

The same interviewee reported, another time when he felt violated.

Well, you believe that I can tell you that, I perform all the duties of an academic advisor, made

all the necessary tasks, and implemented the project. But I did not [...] take the position, he

needed [in the hierarchy of City Hall] my services, I knew I was the best person able to do the

job at that moment, for this type of construction, I ... Sorry, but the question of this type of work,

I had for a long time and knew how everything should be done, I did all the implementation, and

before completing twelve months, I was dismissed [...] The person who got the job, always said,

'oh, E1be careful about your sexuality, which is one of the things that the supervisor is most

afraid of' (E1).

In the first place, the symbolic violence appears in the discourse of E1; the non-hiring for a job

that no one would be more skilled than himself; then, the dismissal without clear reason for it,

even after he had been the main person responsible for the implementation of activities. This

leads to believe that the cause of such dismissal is the prejudice against his homosexuality,

backed up, by a dialog that reports having had with the same person who was given the position:

'oh, E1 be careful about your sexuality, which is one of the things that the supervisor is most

afraid of'.

The professional rejection sometimes joins the neglect and marginalization of gays in the

workplace. If you're effeminate, if you have feminine manners, that is, if the person can more

easily identify that the person is gay, the people will laugh at him for sure, and he will be put

aside so as not to appear too much. For such a person, for example, in a meeting, would not be

well accepted. I believe, I still think that at the bank it is this way, so. That's why I'm discreet, a

little afraid of happening this to me. (E2)


14

The E2 interviewee tells us that, aware of the homophobia in the organization where he works,

he prefers to be "discreet." The discretion referred to is understood here as "dressing up" as a

heterosexual, hiding any trace of femininity, even if desired, to meet expectations. Interesting to

note that the abnormal gay effeminacy is something repudiated. This argument allows us to

discuss the existence of a word of order that determines punishments for those who reveals their

homosexuality through their attitudes. This "rule" is not only characterized by a threat of

punishment, such as the ridicule and exclusion mentioned at the deposition, as well as, it inserts

in the subject a control which attacks in order to undermine their own will.

The everyday details, usually unnoticed by most, are the most effective channel for the

perpetration of violence.

When I came to Brasilia, at first, I worked in the area related to foreign trade. It was an area

more backwards, the staff, it hurt so much for the jokes. Very ... [What kind of jokes?] Always

something like, fags jokes, perhaps, here, I've noticed. I felt very strange when I came to Brasilia

because I had not lived this in Rio, never on the workplace, it is a surveillance of gestures,

attitudes, although no one ever insulted me, or directly insulted me, regarding my sexual

orientation. However, the mood, so to speak, I felt in the environment, in the workplace that I

could not come out and speak openly. Certainly, they knew the habits, knew everything, but

would not talk to me openly. But I felt, well, it seems that was a separate culture. Since the

majority was heterosexuals, they had a culture of making a lot of jokes, telling jokes that

involved an aspect or anything of sexuality, and always joke about them. It's funny, because in

this environment, this is always there. Among heterosexuals, there was always a joke, or to make

fun of. If you did, someone made a gesture or spoke in a way that they considered a profile of a

homosexual behavior, that joke was: "hmm, ah just look. You are so delicate! (E3).

In this section, prejudice is seen as inconsistent with modern times; this is revealed through the

jokes made with homosexuals and makes the speaker to internalize a control in order to watch

his actions and attitudes and not to demonstrate or imply homosexuality. This fact can be

understood as a symbolic violence, in that not only indirectly insult, as well as, it does not allow

to reveal his identity; note that the bias is also associated with the culture of each place, since it is

lived in Brasilia and not in Rio de Janeiro. The expression "never at the workplace" will

implicitly assume that on the second capital, suffered prejudices outside the workplace, leading

to imply that the culture mentioned is shared by the members of specific groups. According to

him, the bias is a characteristic of the culture of the majority of heterosexuals. It is interesting to

note the lexeme "separate," which reinforces both the idea that the culture discussed was of a

group and that prejudice is separate of what is referenced in modern times, and is therefore,

backwards.

The marginalization of the homosexual bias may make it impossible to maintain even the guy in

the organization because he happens to be, generally, disliked and so cannot keep a job and is

discarded in each area. [day-to-day work] was overwhelming, it was stressful because I was

always being transferred from one unit to another. [But why was there so many turnovers?]

Because each command who arrived, received my information and used to say: 'I do not want

him in my squad, "more or less this way.” One “creature” had said: 'Look, if you are an


15

alcoholic, gay or thief in my troop, walk into my office and ask to be transferred, since these are

three categories that I do not admit'. (E4).

The constant transfer of one unit to another, due to non-acceptance from peers and the superior,

features the discriminatory exclusion process described by E4. Beside these symbolic violence

experienced by the interviewee, we also note that interpersonal violence in this piece, such as the

speech of the discursive character "creature" who, even though was not directed at the speaker, it

hurt him. Interestingly, in the hate speech of that member, the homosexual is compared to the

thugs and criminals, opponents and targets of persecution of members of the police category. We

also emphasize the lexeme "overwhelming" used to describe the whole experience, which

indicates the physically and mentally damaging repercussions for the subject in question.

The discrimination directed at individuals in organizations which develop their careers for them,

repeatedly, internalized and reproduced.

[Have you ever come to work this way? There was no one at work who said, 'Do you have to get

dressed as a man'?] Yeah. [Did your boss ever say that? Or did he?] Yeah. The director also did.

[Did she determine that you were dressed as a man for work?] Yeah. I also accepted it because I

think that the workplace is already a more serious environment. I work with people, work with

children under age, they have to take good examples. Not take bad examples. I have to work as a

health professional. (E5).

The interviewee states in the case that his boss, the discursive character "director," determined

that he dressed like a man which is so different to what he is, habitually, used to wear. And he

accepted this because he thought that it was most appropriate for the workplace ("more serious"),

because he works with children and "they have to have good examples." It silences the whys of

these considerations, as well as the why of the implicit association between to dress like a man

(not as a woman, who was his usual attire) with the seriousness and good examples. Similarly, he

does not explain why he believes that he cannot dress as a woman facing the children, and should

be dressed as a man. Therefore, E5 is willing to assume, then, that unlike heterosexual women

and men, the non-heterosexual would need to look what is not? This constitutes a form of self-

denial and disqualification of the part which characterizes his identity - sexuality - which is one

of the symbolic violence, which is conducted with the complicity of the subject.

As we noted in the previous report, the belief in the prevailing dogma invalidate the collective

perception by the subject of any opportunity to break with the reality that is violent to him. This

also characterizes the speech of E6.

[And your career? The future?] My future is this. I'm going to college, but I know I will not

climb much here or in any company. [Why?] Have you seen a poor fag go up? Only if he takes

the elevator. [Is there this kind of bias?] Sure, but I do not care. [...] A fag here dies on the floor,

just like me. Do you think they will make a career? A fag only becomes a star on stage, a poor

and black fag. (E6).

It can be noticed in this speech the social exclusion manifested, the inability for a potential of

any award because the privileged will always be the ones who fall within the normal standard.


16

Furthermore, many of whom do not fit this pattern and therefore are excluded, do nothing to

change this situation, as is the case with the interviewee, who is aware of this reality, but feels

hopeless. Another highlight on the speech of E6 is located in the overlapping of characters that

intensify the discrimination such as race and social class.

The social distinction also reflect in the relations and realities immersed in the organizational

routine, characterized by the symbolic violence, also focuses on the delineation of those who

may or may not exercise a given profession, regardless of vocation or competence. This prevents

equal opportunity to choose training and working for various individuals. We emphasize in this

respect that the occupations of higher prestige and pay are normally associated with the subject

framed in the dominant standard: male, heterosexual, white, rich, without physical or

psychological handicaps. A good example is the report of E7:

It was always my dream. I dreamed of being President of the [company], so I could not come out

of the closet. One thing is being a flight attendant, but the company was very homophobic. I was

in the commercial department, I had to set example . I think the same goes for pilots. The only

one who was openly gay was a laughingstock, "Cutie here, Cutie there." (E7).

The report notes that certain positions in the airline in question were available to gay men,

typically, feminine, as is the case of flight attendants. However, others require a macho attitude

(manly, dominant, active), and only those who possessed or interpret this attitude could aspire

such positions (President, driver agent, shopping ...). Those effeminate gay men who could hold

these positions, typically male positions, were targets of mockery, perhaps to serve as an

example.

If self punishment was not enough, the subject replies symbolic violence in others. So many

times, instead of confronting the social rules that imposes the distinction, preventing equal rights

and treatment conditions, these subjects condone such domination through the reproduction of

discriminatory violence, whether directed at other homosexuals or several other targets of

prejudice. We highlight treatments that include references to them as abnormal and unworthy of

being considered equal or with the same right and value.

The main targets of prejudice regarding the interviewees are male homosexuals with effeminate

traits. Several lines dealt with this issue, we selected some, which we will present together.

I've had and have [prejudice]. At 53 I think what you do in bed is a situation, what you show to

others is another. I am openly gay to my friends and anyone else who wants to know, but I'm

terrified of those sissies who run in the middle of the street screaming. Making scandal or as I'm

tired of seeing today on the beach here, in Itaparica, kissing there on the edge of the asphalt on

the sidewalk. I think everything in its place and I do not say this to a sissy, I say this to any

human being [...] I am not going go over, complaining, I want to beat someone. I'm gay and I

want to beat someone, I wonder what the straights are willing to do. (E8).

I thought - still think I cannot say no - I think they [ out of the closet gays], for example, these

displays, these fagots, these travesties, these things, they are responsible, they attract, develop


17

anger, annoyance. I feel uncomfortable with them too. They make it difficult for normal people

like me, because I am self-entitled normal, to become more socially accepted. If they were not as

scandalous, if they may have had the same concern I had to be more discreet, perhaps it would be

easier for us to accept ourselves, or be accepted, to be recognized. (E9).

In sum, the reasoning or "complaints" used as a reference for the understanding of the bias of the

interviewees are the behavior, habits and the homosexuals‟ effeminate way of dressing, which

they consider abnormal and make them worthy of being physically abused. We will address two

points in particular, claims of E8 that "I'm gay and I want to beat someone” and E9 that "they

attract, develop anger, annoyance." We interpret that the placement of E8 shows clear evidence

of homophobia, denoted by its connotation to physical violence that want to practice; and that the

enunciation of E9 enables interpretations that effeminate homosexuals themselves are

responsible for various forms of violence which they may be victims plus prejudgment that his

feeling is shared by all.

Faggots are these limp-wristed fruits who like to strut their stuff around wearing Calvin Klein

briefs, going to rave parties. Speak only of men, they cannot be taken seriously. [Are your

friends like that?] Some, I think it‟s funny but I would not go out with them to a place where

there are not just gays. [So, then, are there several gay tribes?] Yes, bears, EMOS, drags, but all

nonsense. A bunch of court jesters, a laughingstock for the rest of society. [I think you're being

radical] No, absolutely not. A fag to survive in this world has to pretend that he is not a queer.

[So if you pretend, are you also a fag?] No [angry], I'm not effeminate. I mean even the

effeminate who you look and know that they are gay, have to pretend to survive; at least in the

corporate world. (E10).

The interviewee seems to give greater importance to the way homosexuality is viewed socially

than its reality. Moreover, he shows to have problems in accepting his sexuality, claiming to be

male and condemning the idea of being considered "queer" or effeminate. He condemns the

image of the effeminate gay, as if the highest value was to disguise as male, that is, to pretend,

and said to be ashamed of them. He mocks and characterizes as "nonsense" those who have a

clear and open identity associated with their homosexuality and advocates the deception as

socially necessary so that they can be accepted in society, especially in the corporate world. This

subject, even as part of the group that he discriminates, frightened reinforces and resigns to

doxas, to the social rules that require the guidelines of the people, even if as misconception, to

the sexual standards established aesthetic.

In the same way that I do not agree with transsexual, I don‟t think is good. [...] I do not think is

cool because what good is to cut your hair, add breasts, dress as a woman. You will see all these

things. [...] You assume an identity to the world of something that you're not. You'll never be a

woman. Never. [...] The transsexuals that no one can give employment to, formal employment to

a person who arrives with the hair in the middle of the back and silicone breasts [...] The worst

are the drags queens, the transsexual whom I do not think is cool. You want to be something that

you will never be. I find it absolutely unnecessary. I think you make things harder for you. (E11).

The E11 interviewee disagrees and deems unnecessary to adopt the female figure by

transsexuals, meaning that they seek something that won‟t come true, to become women. It also


18

reinforces the exclusion of transsexuals in the labor market based on the way they dress and body

language and expresses to be the transgendered themselves the source of their own obstacles.

Regardless of whether being lesbian or not, they [women] gain recognition; in shooting classes,

the best grades, the best placements. Normally, I do not know today because I was four years

old, but it was the female audience who drew the attention to; 1st place in shooting, 1st place in

grades, many things. It‟s because they had and still have to show that they are as capable as us.

(E12).

The interviewee, in other moments of his interview said that he belongs to the group of harassed

and oppressed, and also argues that lesbians are more suited for the police work. However, E12

contradicts himself, adopting the same attitude as of the oppressor whom he says he is a victim

of - by understanding the oppressive sexist discourse that perpetuates male dominance - which

can be seen in the expression "they had and still have to show they are as capable as us." We

believe that such a placement suggests, women, lesbians in this case, must show equal ability,

since he thinks that this equality is questionable.

We concluded, in summary, that the analysis undertaken symbolic violence is directed to non-

heterosexuals in their professional relationships as a direct result of social discrimination. In

addition, the principles that underlie the normal social standards imposed are internalized by

homosexuals, who then goes through self-torture, as well as to reproduce the violence directed at

them against other groups.

CONCLUSION

We observed, through the analysis of empirical data, that the most recurring symbolic violence

involves the depreciation of the homosexual. This is true not only for offenses not targeted and /

or subtle, but also ways of contempt that reflect a shared opinion that the homosexual condition

is inferior to heterosexuals, and that therefore he is rejected. This question is usually followed by

the exclusion of non-heterosexual subjects of certain social cycles, with emphasis on the

admission and maintenance of them in formal organizations. This exclusion leads to a series of

hardships resulting from a symbolic separation, socially constructed, in spaces that are destined

and can be and are often used by homosexuals and others for which he must stay away. This is

also reflected in the professions, and often only the occupations associated with women and less

valued socially, are accessible to homosexuals. We stress that the violence that characterizes this

distinction does not end on mere observation; it also entails the loss of opportunities, linked to

the loss of chances for promotion and the difficulty of insertion in certain positions or even in the

labor market.

We consider that the pressure for adjustment of individuals brought to the rules of normality is

the manifestation of symbolic violence more insidious, precisely, because of their doxic status.

These findings emphasize the distress of many interviewees in to the pressure to fit the

heteronormative standard, rejecting, so often, their identity. We understand that such symbolic

violence stems from a pedagogical tool, which attempts, at least, to cover up any deviation from

the normal pattern, as well as to remove or delete the deviant, in this case the non-heterosexual,


19

(re) introducing the subject in the model set. We also found that in some cases where compliance

is not achieved, the subject punishes himself since so much is the power of the standard.

We also emphasize that such symbolic violence, in many cases, besides being introjected are

reproduced by the subjects themselves or others. In the empirical considerations, it was possible

to notice that subjects internalize certain controls by moving to self-monitoring, instilling in them

the need for concealment of sexual identity to overcome prejudice. We also acknowledge that

these individuals, having internalized the heteronormative standards, start to reproduce the

violence suffered contributing to the exclusion of non-heterosexuals who distance themselves, in

other respects, from the hegemonic model. In this process, the association with women is crucial,

since the closer the feminine approach, the greater the risk of being socially unsuccessful,

especially the exclusion of transgender.

As expected, violence related unfolds in suffering and trauma. Overwhelmed, these individuals

start blaming themselves for this bias, regarding themselves as inferior. Given this inferiority,

self-confidence is not feasible, resulting in disbelief in their own personal and professional

potential. Associated with this, we have the experience of ambiguity which leads to identity

crises and developing a sense of exclusion or non-membership, coupled with demonstrations of

outrage at the status quo, a constant sense of loss and disbelief in the possibility of changing

reality.

We concluded stressing the need to develop new studies in the area. Quantitative research to

work with the issue of homophobia seems to be very relevant. As well as research dealing with

the violence experienced by lesbians, that highlights significant aspects of being female and

homosexual, and the transgendered people, dealing with difficulties in entering and maintaining

the formal labor market are also important and interesting to build some dialogue with the work

that we have developed. All these paths can be traced in the pursuit of the goals of this field of

study, they are: to generate knowledge and hope for improvement in labor relations and social

relations. We see that this is a way for the University and several research groups to work in

synergy with the Federal Government, to support the planning of these actions based on the

empirical and, to act jointly with other organizations and institutions.

In relation to research related to the dark side of organizations, we believe that we have

contributed to foster discussion about the spaces in which symbolic violence operates within the

organizational structures (Vaughan, 1999). Organizations apparently local impartiality and

rationality, according to the Weberian model, proved to be the primary spaces of reproduction of

the heteronormative pattern of discrimination against non-heterosexual subjects. The symbolic

violence that occurs daily in the workplace is an evidence that the dark side of organizations is a

facet in the organizational life in which individuals need to deal with daily. This is not a punctual

and sporadic phenomenon, but a constant pressure and dependent in nature in the social

institutions. Our effort in this article was meant to clarify the ways in which this pressure is

exerted in relation to non-heterosexual individuals and how they construct meanings about it. We

hope that other scholars who want to pursue the uncovering of the dark side of organizations

make use of what was developed in this work, giving voice to those who are often silenced.


20

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