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19TH CENTURY U.S. NEWSPAPERS ............. PAGE 10

BRITISH LITERARY MANUSCRIPTS ONLINE, C. 1660-C.1900 .....................................PAGE 11

BRITISH LITERARY MANUSCRIPTS ONLINE, MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE........................PAGE 11

CONDITIONS AND POLITICS IN OCCUPIED

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DECLASSIFIED DOCUMENTS REFERENCE SYSTEM .................................. PAGE 12

THE ECONOMIST HISTORICAL ARCHIVE 1843-2003 ........................................... PAGE 13

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FINANCIAL TIMES HISTORICAL ARCHIVE, 1888-2006 ...........................................PAGE 16

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THE MAKING OF MODERN LAW: LEGAL

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SOURCES IN U.S. HISTORY ONLINE: THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION .......................... PAGE 24

SOURCES IN U.S. HISTORY ONLINE: THE CIVIL WAR ...................................... PAGE 24

SOURCES IN U.S. HISTORY ONLINE: SLAVERY IN AMERICA .............................. PAGE 24

POST-WAR EUROPE: REFUGEES, EXILE AND

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PUBLIC LIFE IN CONTEMPORARY ARGENTINA ............................................ PAGE 25

SABIN AMERICANA: 1500-1926 ................ PAGE 26

SLAVERY AND ANTI-SLAVERY: A TRANSNATIONAL ARCHIVE ................... PAGE 27

STATE PAPERS ONLINE, 1509-1714 ..... PAGES 28-29

SUR, 1931-1992 ...................................... PAGE 30

TESTAMENTS TO THE HOLOCAUST .............. PAGE 30

THE TIMES DIGITAL ARCHIVE, 1785-1985 .... PAGE 31

TIMES LITERARY SUPPLEMENT HISTORICAL ARCHIVE, 1902-2005 .......... PAGE 31

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Nancy F. Koehn, Graduate School of Business Administration, Harvard University

AN ESSAY FROM 19TH CENTURY U.S. NEWSPAPERS DATABASE

Consumerism and Consumption

A national consumer culture first emerged in the United

States late in the nineteenth century. But the origins of a

consumer society stretch back for at least a century before

that. In the 1780s Thomas Jefferson had dreamed of a vir-

tuous republic composed of self- sufficient yeoman farmers,

untainted by the squalor associated with manufacturing.

Consumption, in Jefferson’s utopia, would revolve around

the basic requirements of subsistence, all of which could

be found in the land’s bounty. His was a powerful vision,

and its ideological influence was long-lasting. But it was

not an accurate description of how most people lived in the

new United States. Jefferson himself was one of the nation’s

most conspicuous consumers, going deep into debt to fill

his home, Monticello, with expensive goods from around

the world.

On small farms in Massachusetts, in elegant Philadelphia

row houses, and on sprawling Virginia plantations,

Americans at the end of the eighteenth century bought,

bartered, and used a range of goods that they did not or

could not produce themselves, including tea, china table-

ware, spices, calico, satins, clocks, Dutch ovens, and sugar.

Even on the edges of the Appalachian frontier, peddlers and

general storekeepers kept households supplied with whis-

key, needles, hoes, and a myriad of other items.

Many of these goods came from or through Great Britain.

All told, Britain’s exports to North America and the West

Indies expanded by more than 2,300 percent over the

course of the eighteenth century. By the early 1800s North

America and the West Indies bought more than half of

Britain’s exports, the overwhelming majority of which were

manufactures, especially textiles and metalwares.

Antebellum Consumption

In the first decades of the nineteenth century most commer-

cial connections within the United States were local. New

England peddlers, for example, hawked Bibles, almanacs,

and hymnals to individual farmhouses in rural Vermont as

well as to regional merchants. Plantation owners in eastern

Georgia traveled to Savannah to buy buckwheat, crackers,

lard, and tea, using credit on their future cotton sales.

During a nine-month period at the beginning of the nine-

teenth century sixty-six different customers were noted

in the ledger of one general store in Louisville, Kentucky.

Most patrons were white men, but several women and

African American slaves shopped there as well. In almost

twelve hundred transactions, an average of about eighteen

per customer or two visits each a month, these people

bought thread, shoes, hats, chamber pots, spectacles, and

other goods and paid for their purchases with cash, store

credit, skins, and wood.

The inhabitants of early-nineteenth-century cities had more

choice in goods and outlets than those who lived in rural

areas. Hundreds of stores filled urban streets, offering an

assortment of groceries, dry goods, glassware, medicines,

and even paint. Buoyed by rapid population growth and

increased commerce, specialty shops also appeared in U.S.

cities beginning in the 1820s. These outlets initially focused

on broad categories of merchandise, such as groceries and

hardware, but by 1850 urban consumers could find stores

dedicated to narrow lines of goods, such as books, carpet-

ing, tea and coffee, china, cutlery, and hats.

Nearly all stores were small, measuring a few hundred

square feet in size. Many were operated informally from

the owners’ homes without elaborate displays or extensive

advertising. Specie was frequently in short supply during

the first half of the nineteenth century, and like their coun-

terparts in the country large numbers of city dwellers paid

for their purchases with other goods or on credit.

This localized consumer economy did not necessarily trans-

late into widespread material affluence or comfort. In the

1830s, for example, most farm families lived in three- or

four-room houses without basements or flooring, save for

the bare earth. On average these households probably spent

less than 200 dollars (about 3,100 dollars in late-twentieth-

century dollars) a year for all expenses except housing.

Rural families in the 1830s spent about 40 percent of their

nonhousing budgets on food. More than half of this went

for cereals, flour, and cured meat and fish. Most of the re-

mainder was spent on salt, spices, sugars, and beverages.

In the city as well as in the country most Americans had

Get the most from

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