CONTACTS BETWEEN CULTURES

West Asia and North Africa Valurne 1

Edited by

A. Harrak

The Edwin Meilen Press

Some Remarks on the Representations of "Exotic People" in Ancient Greek Art: A Mongol's Pielure on a Vase-Fragment from Tarent Karl Reinhard Krierer Universität Wien Republic of Austria

Among the numerous representations of foreigners in Creek art, very few show people not familiar to the ancient Creeks. The representation, which I will discuss in this paper, Ieads us to the remotest regions of the world as known to the ancient Creeks of the dassie period (plate 1). At first sight, the representation seems to depict a Mongol. Continuous analysis of the object finally revealed much more complex elements that would not easily fit our "Barbarenbild." The question and investigation of possible Creek contacts with that part of the world the man was assumed to have come from, and the roundabout way of trade relations of those times did not bring definite connections with the object. So I had better start at the place where it was found, which probably was the place of its manufacture.

The representation is painted on a potsherd from Lucanian Tarent in Lower Italy. The sherd (Plate 1), now housed in Heidelberg (University, lnv. Nr.: 25/03), is a fragment of a small vessel, as suggested by the curvature and the way it is broken. The description of the physiognomy in the Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum is quite right; the reviewer judged it as "perhaps the oldest representation of a Mongoi in Creek art," and this was taken over by D. Metzler, who gave the first analysis. The representation shows the head and the upper part of the body of a warrior with helmet and armour. The extraordinary long and stringy thin beard, the long wavy hair and the facial physiognomy were described by Metzler: "Projecting cheek-bones, snub-nose, slant high eyebrows, broad chin, broad shape of the face, distinguishing features of a racial type."1 The representation does not relate to the characteristic style of the painter and a precise physiognomic study of the Mongolian type seems evident. The analysis of the weapons, a spear in the right hand, a sword, attached at the partially seen left hip, are Creek, more precisely Attic.

All that the picture shows is a foreign man with Creek weapons, belanging to a region of the eastem periphery of the world of that time. Passihle tracks to those regions were already investigated. The contacts

1. D. Metzler, Portrtit und Gesellsclzaft. Über die Entstellung des griechisclum Portriits in der Klassik (Münster: 1971), 124.

between Mongois and Creeks ca 13ff.) about Aristeas of Prokon of which we have some fragme1 far-away regions, to the east o Scythians during the sixth cen western Siberia. The Issedones sources. Ptolemy located the Aristeas was described as so Herodotus' picture of him. Obv' the East-Scythians and the Mo aware of its meaning and to so science revealed that it was a religion.

The other possible connec in the wars of the latter against reached the west. Metzler's Arimasps directly relates to th Here was found the greatest ~

mainly on gold-plated terracott Arimasps in taking care of th was associated with the Pythag and philosopher Archytas, m discussed. Certainly the revere1 Agora of Metapont fits that possibilities for further explam right side at the Jower edge, 01 meant to be part of clothing. and the form of the bulge can o The object on which the man si interpretation. lt secms obvio animal he rides is not a hors detail is a hump of a camel. A Creek painting, there are somE reconstruction made for iconog drawn in the same manner by

How can we interpret th on a two-humped camel, repr B.C., and found in Tarent in camels for a Jong time bcfor competitions with camels ir interpretation, the identificatio an aJJusion to a certain gcogra a region cast of Iran. Wc kno as the horse, wcre also uscd f

epresentations of · ent Greek Art: a Vase-Fragment

of foreigners in Creek art, very few eeks. The representation, which I remotest regions of the world as

period (plate 1). At first sight, the Continuous analysis of the object ents that would not easily fit our tion of possible Creek contacts with med to have come from, and the ose times did not bring definite er start at the place where it was manufacture. otsherd from Lucanian Tarent in ed in Heidelberg (University, Inv. as suggested by the curvature and f the physiognomy in the Corpus viewer judged it as "perhaps the art," and this was taken over by D. epresentation shows the head and

with helmet and armour. The the long wavy hair and the facial

Projecting cheek-bones, snub-nose, shape of the face, distinguishing entation does not relate to the recise physiognomic study of the sis of the weapons, a spear in the lly seen left hip, are Creek, more

reign man with Creek weapons, 'phery of the world of that time. eady investigated. The contacts

tstellung des grieclliscllen Porträts in der Klassik

"Exotic People" in Greek Art 237

between Mongoisand Creeks can be explained by the story of Herodotus (IV 13ff.) about Aristeas of Prokonnesos, who wrote an epic about the Arimasps, of which we have some fragments. Aristcas is said to have wandered to the far-away regions, to the east of thc Issedones who lived to the east of the Scythians during the sixth century B.C. This means that Aristeas reached western Siberia. The Issedones were identified with the Yüetschi of Chinese sources. Ptolemy located them in the west and south of the Tarim-basin. Aristeas was described as some kind of shaman, and this goes well with Herodotus' picture of him. Obviously shamanism played an important roJe for the East-Scythians and the Mongolians. The ancient historians were quite aware of its mcaning and to some extent also knew about its origin. Modern science revealed that it was a significant component of the archaic Creek religion.

The other possible conncction between Mongois and Creeks can be seen in the wars of the latter against the Persians, as the Mongolians have certainly reached the west. Metzler's approach concerning Aristeas' epic about the Arimasps directly relates to the place in which the sherd was found, Tarent. Here was found the greatcst collection of representations of the Arimasps, mainly on gold-plated terracotta applicas showing griffins fighting against the Arimasps in taking care of the gold. The frequency of such representations was associated with the Pythagorean philosophy and the Tarentine politician and philosopher Archytas, and the influences of shamanism were also discussed. Certainly the reverence for Aristeas in a sanctuary for Apollo on the Agora of Metapont fits that context. So far, there seem to be no more possibilitics for further explanation of the representation. Inspecting it in its right side at the lower edge, one finds out an unexplained detail, which was meant to be part of clothing. The strange, slightly bent posture of the man, and the form of the bulge can only be explained as caused by a sitting position. The object on which the man sits will be the key to further inquiries and to my interpretation. It seems obvious that the person was mounted originally. The animal he rides is not a horse, but must be a camel, since the unexplained detail is a hump of a camel. Although camel-riders arenot always depicted in Creek painting, there are some examples (Piate 2, 3, and 4), the latter being a reconstruction made for iconographical rcasons. In comparison, the humps are drawn in the same manner by lines ru1ming downward.

How can we interpret the case of a Mongoi with Creek weapons, riding on a two-humped camel, rcpresented on a Creek vase of the fourth century B.C., and found in Tarent in Lower ltaly? The Creeks were familiar with camels for a long time before. The Sagaraians, a Scythian tribe, performed compctitions with camels in honour of the goddess Athena. For my interpretation, the identification of a Bactrian camel is important, since it gives an allusion to a certain gcographical place. The painter integratcd the rider in a region cast of Iran. Wc know that in thc Iranian language the camel, as weil as the horse, were also used for naming persons. The most famous example

238 Karl Reinhard Krierer

is certainly Zartost, known to the Greeks by the name of Zoroaster since classical times, whose origin is believed to be in that region. The translation of the Avestan name is given as "the one with the golden camels," or "he who can manage camels," or "he who drives camels."2 In Yast 44,18, a camel is mentioned among other things, as Ahura Mazda's reward for Zartost. Balch, the ancient Bactria, was still farnaus for its Bactrian camels in the Islamic era.

After this short side-trip to ancient Bactria, Iet us now return to ancient Tarent. I already called the attention to a possible connection between our sherd and the Tarentine pictures of the Arimasps and the Pythagoreans. By means of my reconstruction of the representation we are now in a position to state the facts more concretely. There was obviously a connection between Pythagoras and Zarathustra, who is regarded by some as Pythagoras' teacher. Aristoxenos, the Tarentine philosopher who is included in the Pythagorean tradition, wrote at least three books on the life and thoughts of Pythagoras, and declared hirnself for Pythagoreanism. His religious interests were Pythagorean. He attributed special religious revelations to Pythagoras and saw a spiritual connection between him and Zarathustra. As early as the time of Herodotus, there were Greeks, who considered Ahura Mazda as someone like an omnipotent god, andin the second century B.C. at the latest, there were Greeks who revered Zoroaster as a prophet: Among others, Hermippos from Smyrna wrote biographies of the disciples of Zoroaster. He was the author of a book about magicians and he catalogued the translations of Persian sources in the library of Alexandria. Pythagorean religious doctrines assimilated the theory of the transmigration of souls as an essential part of its philosophy, and this is also the earliest of all the Pythagorean ideas as testified by the sources.3 It is quite possible that an Ionian-Pythagoras was born in Samos-of the sixth century B.C. would have made Babylonian mathematics, the Iranian religion, and even Indian ideas about reincamation, his own. As the tradition teils us, Pythagoras lived 22 years in Egypt for his studies, and 12 years in Babylonia, before he emigrated to Southern Italy in the last third of the sixth century.

Miraculous stories about Pythagoras, that Iet him appear at different places at the same time, also give a hint to shamanism. Herodotus [IV 95ff.] puts Pythagoras aside with the Thracian Zalmoxis, in whose life shamanistic events also happened and who was said to have taught immortality. E.R Dodds accentuated Pythagoras' shamanistic character.4 He also explained the change in the concept of soul and psyche, that was athdnatos in Scythian shamanism. That change happens by stages, the experience of ecstasy in a bacchanalian, shamanistic or yoga form may have stood in the background. Also Zor~aster was seen from the shamanistic view-point. K. Meuli interpreted the Scythtan custom of ''bathing in hemp-fumes, as reported by a well-known

2. M. Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism, vol. 1 (Leiden-Köln: 1975) 182 with note 8. 3. K. von Fritz, RE XXN (1963): 187. 4. E.R. Dodds, The Greeks and tlu: Irrational (Berkeley: 1951) 143 ff.

passagein Herodotus IV 75," in a it "a clue to the Gathas."5 In tl utensils for the inhalation of hen turned out to be a Mongolian. TI body can be considered as a hint wrote about it with reference to thl same grave was probably shorn Herodotus IV 23 wrote about the

In the same Kurgan there wa shape of a griffin's head, which re to the second millennium B.C. a connects the symbol of the birds shamanism-wi th the Bactrian Pythagoreans and shamanistic pr more archaic religious conception the powers of life through.asceticis of life."6 Soon after Pythagoras' people, and so did the Pythagore~ This fact caused a strong opposif Italy at the beginning of the fom Heidelberg ''Mongol-sherd" is da B.C.

In order to support my inter to our mind the role of theatre i1 time. The enthusiasm of the Tare them in hellenistic times. The humour from criticism of myths. ' of the world. All kinds of people moved ... camel trainers ... others make money."7 Does our repr There is no doubt: the person on effect. The Greek weapons, the which was indeed stigmatized So, by combining the all hithert~ about our representation as a de · It is not so relevant, whether th Even this is not impossible, or [ does not relate to the phlyakes fa

5. J. Duchesne-Guillemin, T/Je Wes (Oxford: 1958) 31 ff.

6. K. Schefold, "Ektase, Mass und A (Basel: 1975), 9.

7. C. Schneider, Kulturgeschichte del

by the name of Zoroaster since be in that region. The translation

the golden camels," or "he who "

2 In Yast 44,18, a camel is a's reward for Zartost Balch,

Bactrian camels in the Islamic era. Iet us now return to ancient

possible connection between our and the Pythagoreans. By

we are now in a position to obviously a connection between by some as Pythagoras' teacher. is included in the Pythagorean and thoughts of Pythagoras, and

interests were Pythagorean. Pythagoras and saw a spiritual early as the time of Herodotus,

Mazda as someone like an at the latest, there were Greeks

others, Hermippos from Smyrna He was the author of a book ons of Persian sources in the

doctrines assimilated the theory part of its philosophy, and this is as testified by the sources.3 It is

was born in Samos-{)f the sixth mathematics, the Iranian religion, his own. As the tradition teils us,

ies, and 12 years in Babylonia, e last third of the sixth century.

that Iet him appear at different shamanism. Herodotus [IV 95ff.]

s, in whose life shamanistic have taught immortality. E.R

character.4 He also explained the that was athdnatos in Scythian the experience of ecstasy in a

have stood in the background. c view-point. K. Meuli interpreted

as reported by a well-known

en-Köln: 1975) 182 with note 8.

: 1951) 143 ff.

"Exotic People" in Greek Art 239

passagein Herodotus IV 75," in a shamanistic sense, and H.S. Nyberg saw in it "a clue to the Gathas."5 In the second Kurgan of Pazyryk there were utensils for the inhalation of hemp-smoke. The male person in the grave turned outtobe a Mongolian. The musdes that were partly taken from his body can be considered as a hint at endocannibalism, and Herodotus IV 26 wrote about it with reference to the Issedones. The non-Mongol woman in the same grave was probably shom on her head. This reminds one of what Herodotus IV 23 wrote about the Argippaioi.

In the same Kurgan there was also a griffin-mask and a standard in the shape of a griffin' s head, which recalls Aristeas' epic. A seal, although dating to the second millennium B.C. and belonging to the West-Khurasan culture, connects the symbol of the birds on the tree--later a widespread symbol in shamanism-with the Bactrian camel. Another connection between the Pythagoreans and shamanistic practices is their asceticism, based on "much more archaic religious conceptions, traditions of shamans that gain control of the powers of life through_asceticism and ecstasy, and even get over transiency of life."6 Soon after Pythagoras' arrival to Lower Italy, he influenced the people, and so did the Pythagoreans, who played an important political role. This fact caused a strong opposition that led to their expulsion from Lower Italy at the beginning of the fourth century B.C.-except from Tarent. The Heidelberg "Mongol-sherd" is dated to the first quarter of the fourth century B.C.

In order to support my interpretation of the sherd, we should also bring to our mind the role of theatre in the city of overseas trade, Tarent, at that time. The enthusiasm of the Tarentine people for theatre became a byword for them in hellenistic times. The fabulous travesties obtained their massive humour from criticism of myths. The streets witnessed different ethnic groups of the world. All kinds of people crowded the streets and "from town to town moved ... camel trainers ... others were padding out their belly ... , in order to make money."7 Does our representation not remind us of such activities? There is no doubt: the person on the sherd was meant to cause a ridiculous effect. The Greek weapons, the form of the bulge and now also the camel, which was indeed stigmatized with ridiculousness, support this impression. So, by combining the all hitherto existing information, we could now think about our representation as a derisory depiction of the Pythagorean sui generis. It is not so relevant, whether there was a connection with some stage-play. Even this is not impossible, or better probable, although the representation does not relate to the phlyakes farce in any way. In fact, there were cornerlies

5. J. Duchesne-Guillemin, Tize Western Response to Zoroaster, Ratanbai Katrak Lectures 1956 (Oxford: 1958) 31 ff.

6. K. Schefold, "Ektase, Mass und Askese," in Wort und Bild. Studien zur Gegenwart der Antike (Basel: 1975), 9.

7. C. Schneider, Kulturgeschichte des Hellenismus, vol. li (München: 1969), 181.

240 Karl Reinhard Krierer

dealing with philosophical matters, that must have been understood by the people. From the beginning of the fourth century onward, the dirty poor "Pythagorists" could have been found all over Greece, being derided very often in comedies at that time. Already Pythagoras hirnself had been taunted with charlatanism by his contemporary Heraclitus.

If we take another Iook at our miles gloriosus, especially his facial expression, anyone will admit that he does not Iook happy or hold. The raised eyebrows, the wrinkles on the forehead and the slight tilting of the head make a doubting and passive expression. The ancient Iore about human physiognomy relates physiognomic features, such as raised eyebrows and a curved nose---if we regard the Mongol's nose as such-to flatterers and parasites. One is tempted to see here a hint to the fact that even a "physiognomic examination" was part of the terms of admission to the Pythagorean circle.

I a!ready mentioned the possibility of the existence of Mongois in the Persian army. It is not impossible that some were also among the troops of Xenophon (ca. 430--355), who, according to M. Boyce was a "reliable observer and reporter of Zoroastrian practices."8 Some of them could have finally been among the ''barbarians" mentioned by Thucydides in his report of the Athenian war against Lower Italy. All this does not mean that the Mongois were Zoroastrians or that Zarathustra hirnself was a Mongol. Probably his descent from the east of the Iranian sphere of influence was known: this region was rather close to places where Mongolian populations are shown by archaeological data to have lived before the time of our "vase." The painter certainly knew about that ethnic type and used it in that special context. On the one hand the Greek weapons were meant to increase the humorous aspect of the scene and on the other hand, they can be understood as a hint to the fact that the person depicted is not really a foreigner. It was the artist's intention not to take an Iranian or a Scythian of the well-known types. This might have to do with the fact that in Greek art neither the former nor the latter were usually shown in a pejorative way.

I would like to add another possible connection of the picture under discussion to the eastern part of the ancient Iranian world. The Indo-Iranian deity Verethragna, god of warfare and victory of the "Avestans," "remains a dominant figure in living Zoroastrianism," and two of his ten possible embodiments were "a rutting camel ... and an armed warrior."9 The arguments concerning such an interpretation can be supported by allusions to Verethragna in Greek literature, the oldest known to us being dated to the middle of the fourth century B.C. In this context I should mention objects from the "Kusana"-necropolis of Tilla Tepe in Northern Afghanistan, including gold

8. Quotation taken from St. W. Hirsch, The Friendship of the Barmrians. Xenophon and the Persian Empire (Hanover and London: 1985), 90

9. Boyce, A History, 63.

buckles, with representations o their feet. The interpretation as the East-Iranian god Verethrag Zoroastrian deities were represE a tetradrachma of the Kusan of Bactrian camel.

I would like to end with a Lucianos. A rooster, maintainii and to have fought aside with th Homer there. He answered: "He

Plate 1: Heidelberg, Archäologi! lnv. Nr.: 25/03.

t must have been understood by the 1rth century onward, the dirty poor over Greece, being derided very often

tgoras hirnself had been taunted with clitus. miles gloriosus, especially his facial

not Iook happy or bold. The raised the slight tilting of the head make

The ancient Iore about human such as raised eyebrows and a

s nose as such-to flatterers and a hint to the fact that even a

of the terms of admission to the

of the existence of Mongois in the some were also among the troops of to M. Boyce was a "reliable observer

of them could have finally been Thucydides in his report of the

this does not mean that the Mongois was a Mongol. Probably his

of influence was known: this region populations are shown by

the time of our "vase." The painter used it in that special context. On

t to increase the humoraus aspect can be understood as a hint to the fact

. It was the artist's intention well-known types. This might have ther the former nor the latter were

connection of the picture under Iranian world. The Indo-Iranian

victory of the "Avestans," "remains a and two of his ten possible

... and an armed warrior."9 The can be supported by allusions to

est known to us being dated to the context I should mention objects from Northern Afghanistan, including gold

Friendship of the Barbarians. Xenophon and the

"Exotic People" in Creek Art 241

buckles, with representations of Greek warriors and threatening dragons at their feet. The interpretation as a "doppelgänger" of the Creek god Ares, and the East-Iranian god Verethragna, seems to be evident. It is a fact that Zoroastrian deities were represented on Indo-Scythian and Kusan coins. On a tetradrachma of the Kusan of the first century A.D. there is the picture of a Bactrian camel.

I would like to end with a humoraus but thought-provoking story told by Lucianos. A rooster, maintaining to have gone through several Jives already, and to have fought aside with the Trojans before Troy, was asked if he had met Homer there. He answered: "He had only been a camel in Bactria at that time!"

Plate 1: Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut der Universität. Inv. Nr.: 25/03.

242 Karl Reinhard Krierer

Plate 2: London, British Museum, Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Inv. Nr.: E 695. Neg. Nr.: (part of) PS 0103538.

Plate 3: Würzburg, Martin v. Wa Inv. Nr.: H 4803 Neg. Nr.: PF 9/1

of the Trustees of the Bri tish

"Exotic People" in Greek Art 243

Plate 3: Würzburg, Martin v. Wagner-Museum der Universität, Antikenabteilung. Inv. Nr.: H 4803 Neg. Nr.: PF 9/1

244 Karl Reinhard Krierer

,.

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Plate 4: Wien, Institut für Klassische Archäologie d er Universitä t, Archiv d er antiken Fremdvölkerdarstellungeno Drawing by Fritz Blakolmero

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Jusqu'a present !es spccia figures du monument ou de Je d'euxo Kyzlassov et Gavrilo argumcnte de tous !es traits d1