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Gabriel A. Rieger

“Some Longing and at the Same Time Some Deadly Fear”:

Victorian Masochism and Dracula

The nineteenth century in Britain saw the small

explosion of a curious sub-genre of underground literature.

This literature was seldom acknowledged in polite society,

even though it claimed as its principal audience gentlemen

who had been educated at some of England’s most prestigious

schools. According to the historian Richard Zacks,

[I]n England during the Victorian era there grew a huge

… appetite for so-called “flagellant pornography.”

Thousands of books were clandestinely published. The

formula was tried and true: A boy or girl misbehaves

and the disciplinarian - often a beautiful mistress –

must administer the rod. Excruciating pain melts into

excruciating pleasure. But this practice was no mere

pornographic fantasy (Zacks 337).

The massive body of flagellant pornography published during

the Victorian era, often narrated by aristocratic female

characters with names like Lady Termagent Flaybum and Lady

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Harriet Tickletail, attests to a remarkable cultural

predilection for masochism.1

The taste for masochism was often developed in such

lauded English preparatory schools as Eton and Exeter, where

corporal punishment was frequent and frequently severe

(Marcus 254-255). As George Cannon, the infamous Victorian

pornographer referenced in Henry Spenser Ashbee’s Index

Librorum Prohibitorum, notes

[H]undreds of young men through having been educated at

institutions where the masters were fond of

administering birch discipline, and recollecting

certain sensations produced by it, have imbibed a

passion for it, and have longed to receive the same

chastisement from the hands of a fine woman (qtd. in

Gibson 236-237).

Once a young gentleman had completed his education, however,

his options for incurring further punishments, were he so

inclined, were limited. Typically, his most convenient

option was to patronize a flagellation parlor staffed by

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such “fine wom[e]n” who had been trained in the

administration of recreational floggings.2

By the end of the nineteenth century, this particular

form of masochism had come to be so closely associated with

the English aristocracy that it was commonly referred to as

the “English Vice,” at least by those commentators who were

not themselves English. The eroticizing of suffering among

the English aristocracy, however, may have been more than

just a curious by-product of the English educational

establishment. It has also been commonly read as a

reflection of particular social anxieties regarding the

declining status of traditional patriarchy and the rise of

the so-called “New Woman” (Marcus 237). These anxieties are

reflected in flagellant pornography’s themes of masculine

degradation and sexualized cruelty, themes that also surface

periodically in more mainstream Victorian literary texts.

One of these texts is Bram Stoker’s groundbreaking 1897

horror novel Dracula. While much critical inquiry has been

directed over the past century toward uncovering the sources

of Stoker’s vampire legend (i.e. the extent to which he drew

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upon eastern European history and folklore) and the Freudian

implications of its weird erotic displacements, almost none

has as yet been expended in explaining the historical

context for the novel’s erotic representations of

degradation and cruelty as Stoker would have understood

them.

In addition to the mass of flagellation pornography,

Stoker could have drawn upon a significant body of

literature addressing the topic of masochism dating back as

far as the first century. In The Satyricon, the infamous Roman

novel authored by the Arbiter of Excellence to the court of

Nero, a priestess of Priapus administers a flogging to the

hero Encolpius as a means of curing his impotence (Petronius

156). In this case, as in most of the rare references to

flagellation as a sexual excitant in literature prior to the

seventeenth century, the practice is treated as a kind of

incantation that mystically produces a sexual response.

It was not until 1629 that any practical scientific

inquiry was given to the topic; in that year the German

physician Johann Heinrich Meibom (known to his international

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readership by his Latin appellation Meibomius) published De

Flagrorum Usu in Re Veneria & Lumborum Officio (Concerning the Use of Rods

in Venereal Matters and in the Duty of the Loins and Reins), a treatise

directed toward illustrating and explaining the ways in

which flagellation might produce a sexual response. His

explanation, while misguided, represents the earliest extant

scientific consideration of the topic. According to Meibom,

seminal fluid is produced in a pair of vesicles proximal to

the kidneys. He refers to this entire region as the lombes,

while the genitals he designates as the renes. In Meibom’s

model, when the seminal fluid is heated by natural process,

it descends from the lombes and is carried to the renes by a

system of interconnected veins. The result of this process

is arousal and subsequent emission.

Meibom theorizes that if a man’s generative process is

dysfunctional, either because of physical illness or an

excess of lecherous indulgence, the seminal fluid may not be

sufficiently warmed to stimulate passage to the renes. In

such cases, the administering of a flogging may help to

remedy the problem. As Meibom writes,

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I further conclude, that Strokes upon the Back and

Loins, as Parts appropriated for the Generating of the

Seed, and carrying it to the Genitals, warm and inflame

those Parts, and contribute very much to the irritation

of Lechery. From all which, it is no wonder that such

shameless Wretches, Victims of a detested Appetite,

such as we have mention’d, or others exhausted by too

frequent a Repetition, the Loins and their Vessels

being drain’d have sought a Remedy by FLOGGING. For

‘tis very probable, that the refrigerated parts grow

warm by such Stripes, and excite a Heat in the Seminal

Matter, and that more particularly from the Pain of the

flogg’d Parts, which is the Reason that the Blood and

Spirits are attracted in a greater Quantity, ‘till the

Heat is communicated to the Organs of Generation, and

the perverse and frenzical Appetite is satisfied, and

Nature, tho’ unwilling drawn beyond the Stretch of Her

common Power, to the Commission of such an abominable

Crime. (qtd. in Gibson 4-5)3

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Meibom’s theory of the effects of flagellation changed the

way that the scientific community viewed the topic and was

accepted virtually at face value throughout the seventeenth

and eighteenth centuries. It was not until the late-

nineteenth century that any serious consideration was given

to masochism as a psychological condition. In 1886,

scarcely a decade before Stoker’s publication of Dracula, the

German psychiatrist Richard von Kraft-Ebbing published his

landmark study Psychopathia Sexualis, considered by many

scholars to be the most important consideration of deviant

sexuality prior to Freud. The book, which was a brisk

seller among the English book buying public even with its

most explicit passages masked in Latin, drew heavily upon

Kraft-Ebbing’s own case studies to support his contention

that sexual deviancies, including masochism4, are congenital

psychological diseases, and are often manifest physically

(e.g. in the shape and size of the skull), as well.

Kraft-Ebbing identifies the principal and defining

characteristic of masochism as “the unlimited subjugation to

the will of a person of the opposite sex” with the

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“accompaniment of lustful sexual feelings to the degree of

orgasm.” He regards the particular manner of masochistic

expression to be “a subordinate matter.” According to

Kraft-Ebbing, the origins of masochism stem in some cases

from “the wish to experience a very intense impression” at

the hands of a sexually desirable other and in other cases

from the desire to surrender the burdens of personal

autonomy (Kraft-Ebbing 133-134).

Both components are particularly articulated in case 51

of Psychopathia Sexualis, the case study of a twenty-six year

old “technologist” who “learned easily at school” and

“developed normally.” Upon entering adolescence, the

subject of the study began entertaining fantasies in which

women would lay atop him and force him to bear their weight.

According to Kraft-Ebbing’s case study, “the culminating

point [of the fantasy] was to be absolutely subject to the

will and whims of a … girl, coupled with corresponding

humiliating acts and attitudes.” He goes on to quote the

subject himself, who describes the ways in which his

mistress “makes me perform the lowest menial work, wait upon

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her when she arises, in the bath and when she urinates” (90-

92). In this case the notion of physical abuse, ubiquitous

in flagellation pornography of the period, is depicted as

secondary to the desire for “intense impression” and ceding

of personal autonomy embodied in the emotional and

psychological sensations of degradation.

Images of degradation, and the emotional and

psychological responses which such images engender, are

peppered throughout the text of Dracula. The novel, and its

vampire hero (for so his fans regard him), has been

associated with degradation in various forms in the century

since its publication. Count Dracula’s invasion and

subsequent exploitation of London society have been

interpreted variously as metaphors for violent racial,

economic, and social degradation. Accepting, then, the

contention that Dracula does in fact represent violent

degradation, it is perhaps telling to consider the ways in

which the characters in the novel (and indeed Stoker

himself) relate to it.5 Dracula brings degradation, in the

form of social inversion, to London in various ways.

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Through his exploitation of London’s “teeming millions,” he

represents an economic inversion; through his colonization

and repopulation of the city, he represents an imperial

inversion, and through his appropriation and distortion of

the principal women in the novel, he represents an inversion

of the gendered social order. By empowering the women of

the novel with bloodlust, he inverts the social system

whereby men aggress and women submit; in Dracula’s reordered

universe, women aggress and men submit. In essence, Dracula

has exploited a particular fear of his enemies, the fear of

the decline of the patriarchal order and the overthrow of

conventional gender roles and, by extension, the society

that they underlie.

Dracula closely echoes many of the images of masochism

manifest in Kraft-Ebbing’s case studies, as well as in the

vast body of flagellant pornography. Consider the scene in

chapter three in which Jonathan Harker enters the forbidden

chambers of the castle and encounters what appears to be

Dracula’s vampire harem. Stoker, in the person of Harker,

describes the way in which the female vampires “came close

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to me and looked at me for some time.” He describes two of

the vampires as “dark” with “high aquiline noses, like the

Count” and with “great dark, piercing eyes,” that seemed to

be “almost red” in the moonlight. The final striking aspect

of their appearance is their teeth, which “shone like pearls

against the ruby of their voluptuous lips.” Harker reports

of the vampires that “[t]here was something about them that

made me uneasy, some longing and at the same time some

deadly fear” (Stoker 42).

The physical dimensions of the vampire women in this

instance are significant. The “high aquiline noses” and

“dark, piercing eyes” suggest that they are both

aristocratic and vaguely alien, traits they share with

Dracula himself. They are not only aristocratic, they are

also erotically desirable, an impression which Harker

conveys through his sensuous descriptions of their pearl

white teeth and “voluptuous” ruby red lips, both of which

imply an aristocratic wealth embodied within their very

persons.6 This conflation of the aristocratic and the

voluptuous was a common trope of flagellant pornography.

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In The Exhibition of Female Flagellants, in the Modest and Incontinent

World, Proving from indubitable Facts that a Number of Ladies take a secret

Pleasure in Whipping their Own, and Children committed to their Care, the

character of Flirtilla provides a brief overview of the

ideal mistress when she notes that

[I]t is not the impassioned and awkward brandish of a

vulgar female that can charm, but the deliberate and

elegant manner of a woman of rank and fashion, who

displays all that dignity in every action, even to the

flirting of her fan, that leaves an indelible wound….

[A] well bred lady, coolly and deliberately brings her

child or pupil to task, and when in error, so as to

deserve punishment, commands the incorrigible Miss to

bring her the rod, go on her knees, and beg with

uplifted hands an excellent whipping….7

Gibson addresses the peculiarly maternal character of this

image when he notes, “the beating females of the flagellant

fantasy have unmistakably maternal characteristics, in

particular full breasts” (136). Apart from the Freudian

implications of such an image, it is significant to note

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that the reader of such a fantasy is necessarily placed in

the submissive position of the child punished at the whim of

feminine authority. The fact that the child in this

particular instance is also feminine is likely immaterial.

As Steven Marcus writes in The Other Victorians: A Study of Sexuality

and Pornography in Mid-Nineteenth-Century England, “[w]e know from

the actual circumstances of this perversion, from the

circumstances in which this literature was produced … that

the figure being beaten is originally, finally, and always a

boy (259-260).

While the vampires of Dracula’s harem are described as

both erotic and aristocratic, Jonathan Harker nevertheless

(rightly) perceives them as a threat. He describes his

anticipation of his encounter with them as “uneasy,”

comprised of both “some longing and at the same time some

deadly fear.” He records how he felt a “wicked, burning

desire” that they would “kiss [him] with those red lips.”

He is drawn to them by a sensation that is obviously erotic

(as is evidenced by his desire for a kiss), but at the same

time separate from conventional eroticism. The female

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vampires arouse Harker’s desire not with the promise of

natural coitus, but with the promise of pain and implicit

degradation.

The mechanics of this promise are explored in more

detail a few paragraphs later when Harker describes how:

The fair girl went on her knees, and bent over me,

fairly gloating. There was a deliberate voluptuousness

which was both thrilling and repulsive, and as she

arched her neck she actually licked her lips like an

animal, till I could see in the moonlight the moisture

shining on the scarlet lips and on the red tongue as it

lapped the white sharp teeth (42).

A girl who “bends over” her partner while “fairly gloating”

over his supine form is not enacting any form of natural

sex, at least as Stoker’s nineteenth-century audience would

have understood it.8 She is dominating him, and Harker

acknowledges as much when he describes the performance as

“both thrilling and repulsive.” The brutality such as act

portends is not only unnatural, it is inhuman, as is

evidenced by the way in which the vampire “lick[s] her lips

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like an animal.” The unnatural, and unnaturally violent,

quality of the act is underscored when she laps at her

“white, sharp teeth” before bowing her head “lower and

lower” as she prepares “to fasten on [Harker’s] throat”

(43).

In his 1972 essay “The Monster in the Bedroom: Sexual

Symbolism in Bram Stoker’s Dracula,” Christopher Bentley

suggests that the vampire women in this scene represent

“immediate sexual gratification” and “a tempting alternative

to the socially imposed delays and frustrations of his

relationship with the chaste but somewhat sexless Mina”

(28). The implication is that the women represent the

possibility of oral copulation. While this view is shared

by most Freudian critics (virtually all of whom have

addressed upon the scene), on a literal level the women are

preparing to enact a bloody violence upon Harker; he knows

it, and he anticipates it with “a languorous ecstacy” and “a

beating heart.”9

In this instance, Harker occupies the position of the

submissive masochist of flagellant pornography. When the

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vampire approaches his throat, Harker notes that “the skin …

began to tickle” in anticipation of the contact. He

describes “the soft, shivering touch of the lips on the

supersensitive skin” and “the hard dents of two sharp teeth”

(44-45). The language Harker employs in describing the

encounter, particularly the dichotomy of the “soft,

shivering” and the “hard dents” is strikingly reminiscent of

the language of flagellant pornography. Consider the

character of Charles in The Romance of Lust; or, Early Experiences who

describes his flogging at the hands of a certain Miss

Evelyn. He explains to the reader “At first the pain was

excruciating, and I roared out as loud as I could, but

gradually the pain ceased to be so acute, and was succeeded

by the most delicious tickling sensation” (Gibson 274).

Like Charles in The Romance of Lust, Jonathan Harker

submits to a woman (more or less) who enacts an eroticized

violence upon him. While that eroticism is made explicit in

The Romance of Lust (Charles experiences an orgasm while he is

being beaten), the erotic promise of the violence directed

against Harker is never fulfilled. Harker desires to be

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brutalized by the vampire women, but Stoker denies Harker

(and the reader) the moment of his orgasm. This is perhaps

the most significant separation of Stoker’s novel from

flagellant pornography.

The unfulfilled promise of masochism is explored even

more overtly and rather more intimately in chapter sixteen

of Dracula when Stoker’s intrepid crew of vampire hunters

confronts the vampire form of Arthur’s fiancée, Lucy

Westenra. The psychiatrist Dr. Seward narrates the scene,

describing the way in which:

[A] ray of moonlight fell between the masses of driving

clouds and showed in startling prominence a dark-haired

woman, dressed in the cerements of the grave. We could

not see the face, for it was bent down over what we saw

to be a fair-haired child…. My own heart grew cold as

ice, and I could hear the gasp of Arthur, as we

recognized the features of Lucy Westenra. Lucy

Westenra, but yet how changed. The sweetness was

turned to adamantine, heartless cruelty, and the purity

to voluptuous wantonness (187).

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Seward’s reference to “a dark-haired woman” “bent down over”

a subordinate figure immediately calls to mind Harker’s

earlier encounter with the vampire harem. Just as Jonathan

Harker experienced “deadly fear” in the presence of the

vampire women, Seward feels his own heart growing “cold as

ice” and hears Arthur gasp in (ostensible) disgust. Even in

the midst of this fear and disgust, however, there is an

ambiguity of tone. Seward recognizes that Lucy’s “sweetness

was turned to adamantine, heartless cruelty,” and her

“purity to voluptuous wantonness.” As frightening as this

“adamantine, heartless” Lucy-thing may be, however, she is

nevertheless “voluptuous.” She has “wantonness” in place of

Lucy’s “purity.” This description perhaps begs the question

as to how disappointed her husband actually is with this

change. It is a question Stoker will answer later in the

scene.

Before addressing that question, however, it is

significant to consider the blood imagery of this scene.

Seward describes how he and his party “could see that the

lips were crimson with fresh blood” which “trickled over her

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chin and stained the purity of her lawn death robe” (187).

Beyond the obvious Freudian connotations of such an image,

it should be noted here that blood imagery was often an

important component of flagellant pornography. Leopold von

Sacher-Masoch (the practical founder of the genre whose name

Kraft-Ebbing appropriated to describe the condition of

masochism) describes in a representative passage from his

novel Venus in Furs a beating from his cruel mistress, Wanda,

in which:

The blows fell quickly, in rapid succession, with

terrific force upon my back, arms, and neck; I had to

grit my teeth not to scream aloud. Now she struck me

in the face, warm blood ran down, but she laughed, and

continued her blows (94).

Like the resurrected Lucy, Wanda delights in the shedding of

blood. She rains blows upon her victim and laughs at his

sufferings. Unlike Wanda, however, the resurrected Lucy

does more than shed blood. She consumes it and even wears

it as a badge of her newfound identity. The blood has

“stained the purity of her lawn death robe,” and has left an

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indelible stain on the purity of her character, as well. As

interesting as this condition is, however, the reaction of

her husband Arthur is even more so.

Once the vampire hunters have discovered the undead

Lucy, it remains for them to kill her. This Lucy, however,

is unwilling to be killed without a fight. Seward describes

the way in which the vampire recoils “with an angry snarl,

such as a cat gives when taken unawares.” He notes the way

in which her eyes, “though Lucy’s eyes in form and colour,”

are “unclean and full of hell-fire,” rather than “the pure,

gentle orbs” she had borne in life. After casting aside the

child she has been gnawing, Lucy advances upon her husband

“with outstretched arms and a wanton smile.” Arthur, for

his part, hides his face and recoils in terror.

Lucy’s “angry snarl,” feline movements and demonic eyes

clearly identify her as a monster. Her attack on the fair-

haired child and the blood that dribbles from her mouth

identify her as a monster of consumption, and her

“outstretched arms” and “wanton smile” identify her as a

monster of erotic consumption. Lucy has become eroticized

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(that is to say, wanton and voluptuous) through the

consumption of blood and the indulgence of cruelty. She not

only inflicts cruelty, but in the best tradition of

flagellant pornography, she delights in it. The indulgence

of cruelty sexualizes the formerly pure and virginal Lucy

and transforms her into something new. In so doing, it

takes the place of actual coitus. Vampirism, like

flagellation, represents the promise of erotic fulfillment

without coitus.

Arthur’s terror of Lucy is short lived. Seward notes

that even in the face of her resolute opposition, she “still

advanced” “with a languorous, voluptuous grace.” She

reaches out to embrace her husband and entreats him in tones

“diabolically sweet.” Arthur responds to this entreaty by

“moving his hands from his face” and opening his arms to

embrace her (188).

Despite the undead Lucy’s demonic nature, an

unmistakably erotic force draws Arthur to her, just as

Jonathan is drawn to the vampire in the castle and scores of

characters in flagellant pornography of the period are drawn

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to their own cruel mistresses. As abominable as her cruelty

may be, as painful as this violence and degradation may be,

it is nevertheless so “diabolically sweet” as to be

irresistible. This notion of masochistic attraction is, of

course, not unique to Dracula; it occurs in other

supernatural novels, as well, and perhaps most notably in

LeFanu’s Carmilla in which the relationship between the

vampire and Laura embodies an unmistakable of sexualized

dominance. It is nevertheless in Dracula, however, that the

idea seems to me to have its fullest development.

The masochistic imagery embodied in Dracula serves not

only to underscore the inherently unnatural character of

vampirism (and whatever cultural metaphor one may elect to

read in it), but also provide a significant parallel to it,

as well. Vampirism, like masochism, represents erotic

release without coitus. It is the degradation of ostensibly

natural desire into its weird other, the degradation, and

eventual bleeding, of pleasure into pain. Significantly,

while natural coitus will presumably result in a pregnancy

and eventual generation, a world in which coitus is

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subverted into masochism is definably sterile. In such a

world, there can be no natural generation. The unnatural

generation of Count Dracula, however, will be unimpeded.

It should be noted here as well that while Dracula has

conventionally been read as a kind of Christian allegory,

with Van Helsing taking the role of the Christ figure and

bringing “light” to vanquish the darkness, there is

something in the novel’s masochistic representations which

serves to invert this reading, or at the very least creates

a tension in it. The novel, at least on the surface, appears

to chastise erotic desires and corporal submission even as

it indulges these notions. The novel’s masochistic charge

hinges on that point, presenting the Count as a

juxtapositioning, indeed a commingling, of the aristocratic

and the debased, the immortal (sacred) and the corporeal

(profane). In this reading, Dracula might serve as a

literalized corruption of the body of Christ, emptied

entirely of spirit and engaging in a reprobate parody of

communion for physical consumption rather than spiritual

grace.

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While the enormous body of nineteenth century

flagellant pornography explored this degradation in the

furtive fantasies of the aristocracy, Dracula appropriated it

into the literature of terror and in so doing created a

transcendent nightmare that continues to resonate with

audiences a century later. The novel’s narrative has

provided an image of horror to readers and filmmakers over

the past century, but its themes of degradation and

sexualized cruelty, and the implications that they entail,

has provided a vocabulary for the furtive fears of a society

that, in many ways, has yet to come to terms with its own

social, and sexual, sensibilities.

Notes

1. It is practically impossible to determine with any

accuracy just how many volumes of flagellant pornography

were produced in England during the nineteenth century, but

by all accounts the volume was immense. For more detailed

considerations of this subgenre I refer the readers to

Steven Marcus’s The Other Victorians: A Study of Sexuality and

Pornography in Mid-Nineteenth-Century England (New York: Basic

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Books, Inc. 1966), and Ian Gibson’s The English Vice: Beating, Sex

and Shame in Victorian England and After (London: Gerald Duckworth

and Company, 1978).

2. For a more detailed account of the prevalence of

flagellation parlors in Victorian England I, see The English

Vice.

3. I have borrowed this lengthy quotation from The English Vice,

which reprints it from an English translation of the

treatise published in London in 1718.

4. Kraft-Ebbing actually coins the term Masochism (from the

novelist Leopod von Sacher-Masoch) to describe the

achievement of sexual stimulation through suffering. See

especially page 87 of Franklin Klaff’s translation of

Psychopathia Sexualis (New York: Bell Publishing, 1965).

5. Stoker’s own sexual proclivities provide a fascinating

subject for speculation in their own right and may have

something to offer with regards to his attitudes toward

gender. Indeed, there is some biographical evidence in to

suggest that the author may have harbored homosexual

longings, actualized or otherwise. A more detailed

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consideration of this topic is in Talia Schaffer’s “‘A Wilde

Desire Took Me’: The Homoerotic History of Dracula” English

Literary History, Vol 61:2 Johns Hopkins University Press,

1994 .

6. These characteristics also provide an implicit image of

vagina dentata, an image which is closely associated with

Freudian notions of masochism, in particular Freud’s essay

entitled “Medusa’s Head” in his Writings on Art and Literature. Ed.

Neil Hertz. Stanford University Press, 1997. 264-268.

7. Gibson reprints this passage from volumes I and II of

John Camden Hotten’s “Library Illustrative of Social

Progress.”

8. Stephen King addresses this subject in his 1981 study

Danse Macabre in which he writes: “[i]n the England of 1897,

a girl who ‘went on her knees’ was not the sort of girl you

brought home to meet your mother; Harker is about to be

orally raped, and he doesn’t mind a bit. And it’s all right,

because he is not responsible.” Danse Macabre. New York: The Berkley

Publishing Group: 1981. 65.

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9. For a broader representation of critical perspectives

(Freudian and otherwise) regarding Dracula, see Margaret

Carter’s Dracula: The Vampire and the Critics.

Works Cited

Bently, Christopher. “The Monster in the Bedroom: Sexual

Symbolism in Bram

Stoker’s Dracula.” Literature and Psychology 22.1 (1972).

27-34..

Carter, Margaret. Dracula: The Vampire and the Critics. Ann Arbor,

MI: UMI Research Press, 1988.

Freud, Sigmund. “Medusa’s Head.” Writings on Art and Literature.

Ed. Neil Hertz.

Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997. 264-8.

Gibson, Ian. The English Vice: Beating, Sex and Shame in Victorian England

and After.

London: Gerald Duckworth and Company, 1978.

Kraft-Ebbing, Richard von. Psychopathia Sexualis. Trans.

Franklin S. Klaf, M.D. New

York: Bell Publishing Company, Inc. 1965.

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Marcus, Steven. The Other Victorians: A Study of Sexuality and

Pornography in Mid-

Nineteenth-Century England. New York: Basic Books, Inc.

1966.

Petronius. The Satyricon. Trans. J. P. Sullivan. New York:

Penguin, 1986.

Schaffer, Talia. “‘A Wilde Desire Took Me’: The Homoerotic

History of Dracula”

English Literary History, Vol 61:2 Johns Hopkins University

Press, 1994.

Stoker, Bram Stoker Dracula. Ed. Nina Auerbach, et. al.

NewYork: W.W. Norton,

1997.

Zacks, Richard. History Laid Bare: Love, Sex and Perversion from the

Ancient

Etruscans to Warren G. Harding. New York: HarperCollins,

1994.

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