CHAPTER 1

1.0 INTRODUCTION

Since the end of the Cold War, multi-party elections have become akey aspect of peace agreements designed to put an end to wars invarious parts of the world. They have also been writ large inpolitical transitions from authoritarian/militarized politicalcontexts to open, multiparty democratic systems.

In West Africa, a similar pattern has been replicated. The peaceprocesses that brought an end to the brutal civil wars in Liberia,Guinea-Bissau and Sierra Leone, and political transitions thatmarked the end of authoritarian political regimes in Ghana, Nigeria,Togo, Nigeria, Benin, Niger, Mali and Mauritania were centered,among other things, on open and competitive elections.

In the same manner, considerable effort and resources are beingdirected at holding elections in Côte d’Ivoire in order to bringclosure on the civil war that broke out in the country in 2002, andseal the peace between the government and rebels based in thenorthern part of the country.

Elections and their challenge in post-conflict democratizationtransitions from military to civilian rule, has not been altogethersmooth sailing in most African countries

Elections are of critical importance within the context of peace-building. Many commentators and scholars agree that elections playseveral vital roles in post-conflict contexts. These include wartermination, marking the formal end of military/one-party rule,providing legitimacy and international credibility to post-conflictgovernments, promoting democratization and reconstruction insocieties emerging from prolonged conflicts, and acting as astrategy for conflict management or resolution. Elections also lend

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credibility to the ‘new leadership and institutions that emerge fromnegotiated settlements to a civil war.

It is also important to note that elections do not take place in avacuum, and that post-conflict elections can be complex, costly anddifficult endeavours. This view has even tempted some global powersto venture into costly state-building attempts in conflict zones, sofar with severely limited success. Yet, there are some who rightlynote that elections may reproduce old divisions or cleavages, orsimply return perpetrators of violence to power – this timelegitimised through elections. Three well-known cases of suchinstances in West Africa are those of Liberia, Sierra Leone andGuinea-Bissau.

‘Elections as an element of liberal democracy need to be takenseriously’ in the African context accepting the relevance ofelections being tied to ‘the constitutive and regulative mechanismsand precepts necessary to promote healthy and free electoralcompetition’ and ‘the environmental conditions (socioeconomic andpolitical)’. This position adds two elements: the relevance ofsocio-economic and political contexts in which elections take placeand the quality and fairness of the procedural aspects of elections– an aspect to which the international election observation industryhas been devoted, with mixed results.

Another ‘selling point’ of post-conflict elections is that theyfacilitate the resolution of conflicts in a non-violent manner.First, by making elections a part of peace agreements, their authorsand promoters are able to get all sides in the conflict assignatories to peace to lay down their arms and submit to the rulesof non-violent political competition.

Second, by allowing various political groupings to organise andcompete on an equal footing through free and fair elections, it isbelieved that the spirit of openness, dialogue and bargaining thatare inherent in democratic politics can prevent the tempo of social

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conflict and tension from reaching explosive levels. Also throughinstitutional reforms and constitutional designs, the venting ofgrievances, articulation and pursuit of competing interests can beorganised in a regulated and consensual manner that significantlyreduces or resolves conflicts before they escalate to explosive ordestabilising levels. This is clearly an optimistic view ofelections that also has the approval of the international community.

‘Adoption of a democratic regime can assist in the resolution ofthe struggle for power by providing an internationally acceptedstandard of who is entitled to govern’. But, where the struggle forpower is hinged upon structural political divisions and ahistorically rooted sense of grievance, elections may not lead tothe resolution of conflict; rather they may create new forms of olddivisions.

At another level, elections are a part of the peace-buildingarchitecture in which processes of transitional justice,particularly national reconciliation, play important roles. It isbelieved that democracy can also breathe life into processes ofreconciliation and reconstruction. Democracy ushered in by electionscan act as an incubator for transitional justice institutions andprocesses that can address grievances and wounds from the past – atleast at the national and social levels – and provide the politicalorder within which reconciliation at the communal and individuallevels can take place.

The Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) provideinsights into the challenges facing ordinary citizens in a countrycoming out of a prolonged war, as regards accessing the informationgenerated by the commission.

Yet, such information is necessary both in terms of coming to termswith the past and moving on as a nation. The recommendations of theTRC are also valuable both in respect of the ways they can reinforceinstitutional reform and practices at the national level, but,

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perhaps more importantly, in terms of the educational value of theinformation generated for the younger and future generations aboutthe causes of the war, and how to avoid a recurrence of suchtragedies in the future.

Post-conflict and transitional elections in West Africa havereceived ample international support under the rubric of democracypromotion.

It is important to note that such elections are expected to meetthe internationally stipulated conditions for openness and fairness,and to reflect the will of the electorate. International support hascome in the form of resources for institution-building/reform,training/ capacity-building, support for electoral and politicalinstitutions, and international election monitoring. Such supporthas gone to governments and organizations by civil society and isclearly directed at promoting a liberal form of democracy in thesub-region.

It is undoubtedly clear that the media plays a very critical role

in the life of all human societies. The media provides the conduit

necessary for all kinds of communication that helps societies exist

and function. Contemporary thinking is such that to live in harmony,

societies need communication that is beneficial to its constituents.

In modern democratic societies, which entail representative

governments, the media plays the very essential role of ensuring

that information vital to the existence, survival and development of

constituents of such societies is availed to them in a timely,

equitable, fair and balanced manner.

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Thus at election time, when constituents must elect their

representatives, it becomes doubly imperative that the media affords

them all information necessary for them to make informed choices

about whom to elect and whom not to elect into positions of

authority.

The media may play several roles in the electoral process which

includes but not limited to the following:

Act as watchdog.

Undertake voter education.

Engage in peace building and conflict resolution.

1.0.1 ACT AS WATCHDOG

The media plays the watch dog role when they expose errors of

commission or omission by those in power in their pursuit to cling

to power at all cost

The media can alert citizens to electoral malpractices so that these

may be rectified

The media can expose schemes to disadvantage those outside the

corridors of power

The media can expose manipulation of citizens through the

distribution of bribes and other illegal niceties during campaign

periods

1.0.2 THE MEDIA AND VOTER EDUCATION

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The media can educate citizens through stories that adequately

explain the national situation (political, social and economic) so

that the citizenry will not only benefit from improved service

delivery but will also take part in the development processes of the

nation.

The media can explain in simple terms specific legal and

administrative issues which can be seen to be fundamental for any

election undertaken to be free and fair

The media can adequately encourage eligible persons to register as

voters and to actually cast their ballot when elections are due

The media can provide a platform for all candidates and their

parties to present their manifestos to the public

The media can expose parties and candidates that instigate or have

the propensity to cause violence so that the citizenry may be made

alert to any such possibility

The media can expose practices of vote-buying or illegal party

financing to the electorate

The media can also expose the proliferation of defamation and hate

speech in campaigns aimed at influencing nationals negatively

The media can expose voter intimidation by party workers, corruption

in decision-making processes, and the systematic exclusion of

certain sectors of society

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The media may strive to expose instances where political parties

threaten the functioning of democratic systems rather than support

them and thus disenfranchise eligible voters

The media can strive to explain to the electorate, in clear and

simple language, national, regional and universal pieces of

legislation and other regulations governing the proper conduct of

democratic elections

The media need to explain to the citizenry the importance of their

participative involvement in all aspects of governance systems such

as voting

Journalists should try to focus on the issues, by talking to

ordinary people, particularly those lacking a strong voice in

society e.g. the elderly and the young, women, the poor, and ethnic

and religious minorities

The media must strive to put citizens’ views to candidates and

report their responses back to the citizens so that they know and

understand their potential governors

The media, in its agenda-setting role, can provide diverse view

points and unbiased information, offer forum for debate involving

citizens and the civil society, mediate in national development

projects and contribute to sustainable flow of information.

1.0.3 THE MEDIA, PEACE BUILDING AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

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The media can be a tool for fanning violence and conflict if not

properly managed. The use of radio during the Rwandan genocide in

1994 in mobilizing the population to participate in violence was a

striking example of the power of radio to serve destructive

political interests by manipulating hearts and minds.

Fortunately, those events also sparked a reflection by many

international and local actors realize how to harness this power of

radio towards more positive aims, notably the promotion of peace and

reconciliation.

The 2012 Parliamentary and Presidential elections in Sierra Leone

have been described as peaceful and transparent and the media has

been termed as one of the best institution for the successful

completion of the process for its role in information dissemination

across the country whose population is about 80% illiterate. The

media is noted for providing information on election Timetable;

candidates profile; results; and generating programmers’ focusing on

holding non-violent Elections. Press activity began in Sierra Leonein 1801following the establishment of a home for freed slaves (the

province of Freedom) in 1787. The media has been taking part in

most of the country’s elections ever held. State control of the

media, the incumbency theory, repressive media laws and violent

attacks from government thugs however limited to the media in the

past.

The 2012 Elections were held however under a different media

environment even though the repressive laws still existed in the law8

books. Government dominance of the broadcast media specifically

radio is now a thing of the past as there is proliferation of

commercial and community radio stations. The war has left the media

and the civil society with a strong passion for peace building and

good governance.

1.1 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Sierra Leone for some reason has been rated at the bottom list of

the Human Development Index and also having about 80 % illiteracy

rate. Abject poverty also stands at the same level. The high level

of illiteracy partly fuelled the escalation of the senseless war

because of ignorance. It is argued that the illiterate population

has always been manipulated by the few educated people and greedy

politicians whether in the ruling party or opposition to hold on to

power using undemocratic means.

The creation of the independent media commission (IMC) has seen the

proliferation of privately owned radio stations thereby weakening

state dominance of the air waves. In fact Sierra Leone now has

political party registered radio stations. The two main leading

political parties each have its own private radio station.

These radio stations were used to educate members on democracy, the

policies of the parties and the electoral processes. It is also a

development that could trigger negative outcomes when political

parties tend to preach tribal, regional and hate sentiments.

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Elections beginning with the 1967 election have always been

associated with violence and malpractices that are inimical to

democracy and good governance. Over voting, ballot stuffing, reports

of killing and human sacrifices among others, were common place.

This has been responsible for voter apathy and for military

intervention at some point in history.

The situations have the potency of igniting violence and electoral

corruption in an electoral process, especially when the media

becomes partisan and subject it to the dictates of power thirsty

politicians who can stop at nothing to grab political power.

Therefore, there is a need to investigate the role of the media in

the 2012 elections, especially how it succeeded in papering over the

cracks to having elections described as transparent and peaceful.

1.2 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The objectives of the study is as follows,

1. To identify and examine the specific and crucial role played by

the Media in 2012 General Elections in relation to the IMC code

of conduct

2. To examine the factors responsible for helping the media

perform the roles identified during the electoral process.

3. To provide possible recommendations for a workable solution to

the problems the media faced during the electoral process.

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4. To identify best practices for media practitioners in promoting

democratic elections.

1.3 JUSTIFICATION FOR STUDY

There are several works on media and elections, but there has been

little work done so far on the crucial role of the media in Sierra

Leone elections. The findings of this research will therefore

enhance our understanding of the role of the media in enhancing free

and fair democratic elections and promoting of good governance and

subsequent national development programs. The knowledge gained will

help media practitioners and other stake holders in the media

industry to improve and develop the profession.

The independent Media Commission (IMC) and The Sierra Leone

Association of Journalist (SLAJ) may use the findings of this

research to develop policies or modify existing ones to meet the

challenges of media proliferation, especially by political parties

during electoral processes. It will also serve as a reference to

help both institutions and their collaborators to identify issues to

look at in monitoring the media in elections, to reflect and address

the weaknesses of the independent media monitoring and referring

panel took note of.

The study will not only help deepen our knowledge of media theories

on behavioral change as it relates to peace building and electoral

processes, but will also show a link between media and democratic

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good governance by keeping the voters well informed about the

process.

Donor partners and other non-governmental organizations may use the

findings from this work to draw up training packages for journalist

in Sierra Leone and other stake holders with regards the issues to

consider in conducting and handling elections.

1.4 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

The research will only investigate the role of the media in 2012

Parliamentary and presidential elections and Freetown will be the

focus.

Research is open to limitations and constraints. This is because

research can hardly be carried out under ideal circumstances or

conditions considering the fact that certain unforeseen factors are

likely to limit the research. This work faced the following

limitations.

The time and cost involved is enormous. This led the researcher to

select a representative sample of stakeholders in the media industry

and those concerned with the electoral process. Getting information

from respondents has not been easy in many situations of conducting

the research. The respondents tend to be suspicious of the motives

of the researcher and the possible use of the information which they

provide. Sometimes they see no reason in cooperating with a

researcher.

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The topic of the research deals with the media and electoral

process. Both issues discussed are largely based on ideological

attachment, media affiliation, and other considerations. Therefore,

some media practitioners who were interviewed could not speak out

rating other media houses freely, and some interviewees saw no value

in the research as the elections are over.

To ensure cooperation so that responses could not be misleading or

deceitful, the researcher contacted interviewees before hand and

explained the purpose of the research. This was done formally or

informally based on the researcher’s knowledge of the respondent.

Also some of the interviewees were difficult to track down in their

offices (mainly journalists) being that they are busy people.

CHAPTER 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0 INTRODUCTIONThe media is a vital tool in influencing people to either act

positively or negatively on an issue. Its significance is thus

obvious. It is among the first elements of society to be disrupted

in an overt conflict, and people or groups seek to quickly take

control of the media even before hand to influence the news and

opinions in their own interests.

2.1 DEFINING AND ANALYSING THE MEDIA

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According to Bruns (1971), the media is supposed to act either as

the voice reflector or creator of public opinion’. MacBride (1980)

confirmed this position of the media. He said that they are

purveyors of information; and act either as voice reflector or the

organs of public opinion. The power to control the flow of

information has therefore turned or made the media into a powerful

socializing tool that have the capabilities to influence of their

audiences or users how to think or even behave.

Apparently, media refers to the several mediums or channels used in

an organized fashion to communicate to groups of people. Newspaper,

radio, and television are well known examples. Music, Soap Operas,

street theatre, posters, traditional story- telling and even comic

books are other channels. Recent additions include the internet and

World Wide Web

The media performs several functions. Mcnair (1994) suggested five

functions of the media in an ideal type, democratic society. “The

first is to inform citizens of what is happening around them;

second, to educate them as to the meaning and significance of the

facts. Third, to provide a platform for public political discourse

that must include the provision of space for the expression of

dissent. Fourth, to give publicity to governmental political

instructions and finally to serve as a channel for the advocacy of

political viewpoints”1

These functions describe the media specifically the press in Thomas

Patterson’s view as acting as signaler, common carrier, watchdog,

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and public representative of the people. Being the public

representative of the people, the media was and is still being

referred to as the fourth estate. As the “fourth estate,” the media

acts as “the guardians of democracy, defenders of public

interest...Revealing abuses of state authority and defending the

democratic rights of citizens.”2 This seeks to assume that well

grounded democracies are less prone to conflict since the media is

given the opportunity to perform its functions as the fourth estate.

Accepting the above view of the media, participants of the

SIDA/UNESCO international roundtable on” Assistance to media in

tension areas and conflict situations” in May, 2003 noted:

“Media underpins development and democratization and is a vital

element of conflict resolution and peace building… An independent

media is the foundation of a democracy and more often than not the

only guarantee for transparency and good governance in conflict in

conflict management and post conflict development efforts.”3

The above quote presents what people think of the media in an ideal

situation. The media must therefore hold sacred the ethical

principles of truthfulness, impartiality, objectivity, honesty, and

decency even though they pose serious challenges often to one’s

opinion and belief system

Towards achieving the objectives of promoting development,

democracy, good governance and human rights, Search for Common

Ground(SFCG), the Open Society Initiative (OSI), Panos Institute,

United Nations Development Programme,(UNDP) among others have been

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undertaking various media researches and supporting media projects

in Africa. The Panos Institute West Africa for instance has been

involved in producing radio soap operas to focus on a range of

issues that are related to the conflict in the Cassamance region, in

Senegal.

Radio Okapi, known as the Voice of Dialogue, a joint project of the

UN Peace Observer Mission in the Congo and the Swiss based

Foundation Hirondelle had an express mandate to promote the process

of dialogue and peace building in the Congo. The Talking Drums

Studio (TDS) the primary vehicle of Search for Common Ground (SFCG)

in Sierra Leone since its official launching, has been focusing on

reducing violence, building peace, reconciliation and

democratization.

Despite these approaches of using the media in promoting peace

building, democracy, human rights and development, a balanced view

of the media is seen in “An Operational Framework for Media and

Peace Development.”

“The media is a double edged sword. It can be a frightful weapon of

violence when it propagates messages of intolerance or

disinformation that can manipulate public sentiment. There is

another side of the media that can be an instrument of conflict

resolution that is when the information it presents is reliable,

respect human rights and represent diverse views. It’s the kind of

media that enables a society to make well informed choices,which is

the precursor of democratic governance.” 4

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The effect of media on conflict and democratization may be negative

on one hand and also positive on the other as already mentioned.

Negative outcomes could be seen mainly from the one sided reporting

that may fuel tensions and provoke conflict. For example, the mass

media played a major role in pre- war Nazi ie moulding of popular

opinion against Jewish people. In former Yugoslavia, Serbian media

revived newsreels of a decade old conflict and atrocities mongering

disguised as news, to motivate popular sentiment against Albanians

and others.

Similarly, Radio Tele Libre Mille Collines in Rwanda that fanned the

flames of the 1984 genocide is also one of the most appalling

contemporary examples. “Using a blend of popular entertainment by

announcers, the government supported radio broadcasts demonized one

group of people and build resentment and fear among the other group.

The messages implanted and legitimized the belief that genocide was

an appropriate self- defense initiative, and thousands of innocent

civilians were slaughtered in that country.”5 The dominant Hutus

attacked their neighbors, the Tutsi’s, who were in the minority.

This resulted in one of the worst genocide committed in modern

times.

Inspite of the ugly face of the media discussed above, democracy

requires the existence of a free flow of information; and

communication enables people of the free world to keep in touch with

one another, with their leaders and with important events.

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Newspaper, the first form of the press, is not as influential today

as it used to be compared to radio and television currently. The

electronic media has now become key source of information in today’s

modern society. Radio for instance, is in various forms all over the

place, from a super tiny walk-man to something as large as suitcase

sized “boom box.”

Television seems to be more influential in America and Western

Europe. In Africa on the other hand, radio is the most influential.

It is the most popular, reliable, economic and the easily accessible

communication medium than any other. Sierra Leone is no exception.

The reason is, it is able to transcend problems of distance,

illiteracy, and inadequate energy supply and the language diversity

that is characteristics of the African Continent. The influence of

newspaper and television are largely in major cities in the

continent.

2.2 THE MEDIA IN SIERRA LEONE: A HISTORICAL

REFLECTION.

Sierra Leone is the first British West African colony to boast of

the first newspaper and the first radio station. In 1801 the Sierra

Leone gazette as the first newspaper was established; and the first

radio station began broadcasting in 1931, 6 these were set-up by the

colonial administration. Since their establishment, there has been

state monopoly over the broadcasting landscape up to the start of

the war when FM 94, a private station was established by some

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ministers and civil servants in collaboration with a South Korean

firm ‘Leren Sebo’.7

Television was inaugurated in Sierra Leone in 1963 known then as the

Sierra Leone Television (SLTV). It was operated then as a separate

entity from the Sierra Leone Broadcasting Service (SLBS) by Thompson

TV International. It was later passed on to become SLBS/TV.

Unfortunately though the as well as the internet are yet to become

popular nationwide.

Apparently, the print media was the very first to firmly rest in

private hands. Between 1801 and independence in 1961, a total of

over sixty newspaper were launched in the country. Most of them

however were short lived due to low income generated. The income

generating capacity of newspapers have been constrained by their

large numbers competing in a country with a high rate of illiteracy,

low advertising revenue and small subscription base.

Another factor is that there have been little state investment in

the newspaper industry and the media sector at large; and the state

did not create the enabling environment to sustain private

investment in the industry. A major reason is the existence of the

seditious libel sections in the Public Order Act of 1965. What has

actually existed over the years is a “small holder media” with

inadequate resources to develop itself into a well structured and

professional sector. Despite these constraints, there are currently

about 61 registered newspapers in Sierra Leone although some of them

are not in circulation presently.8

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Radio was the second to follow but was largely government dominated

until the 1990’s, when private radio stations emerged. Currently,

there are about fifty one registered radio stations nationwide with

a greater number labeled as commercial, religious, and community

radios.10 In fact radio is now the most influential medium in the

country reaching the people in their local languages through

frequency modulation or short wave broadcast.

Seemingly, television is the least developed medium among the three

(print, radio, and television). Since its inception, it has been

solely in the government’s domain and therefore plagued by several

problems. Television has been plagued with many problems among them

are mismanagement, high operating cost, low ownership and access to

television sets, poor electricity supply, limited audience and

inadequate equipment. When SLBS started television broadcast, it

collapsed in 1988 due to inadequate resources. It was revived by the

National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC), a military junta that

ousted President Joseph Saidu Momoh’s in 1992. The only private

registered television entity is the ABC Television. ABC television

is presently struggling to survive due to the high cost of its

operation.

The media, despite the seeming development, is largely a Freetown

based phenomenon. Even though there are so many newspapers in

existence, almost all of them are housed and sold in Freetown. Very

few are traded in the provisional headquarters of Bo and Kenema and

Makeni. Although SLBS/TV was extended to Bo and Kenema, it has not

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been effective as expected. In fact not every part of the city

Freetown could access the television broadcast. Radio on the other

hand has nationwide impact although a greater number are stationed

in Freetown.

The relationship between the media and the various national

governing administrators in Sierra Leone has not been rosy most of

the times. There have always been attempts by government to control

information flow in the guise of public safety and order. Generally,

governments have little difficulty in providing information to the

public that reflects its good image. However problems may arise when

the information reflects the opposite. But realistically, voluntary

disclosure by government of its anomalies/shortfalls is unusual,

unheard of if not impossible as both politicians and bureaucrats

often try to hide embarrassing information.

Tam-Baryoh (2005) noted the existence of repressive laws especially

the Public Order Act of 1965 as a big blow to press freedom. This

act makes seditious libel a criminal offence.9

Under this act, even printing houses could be held liable for

articles that are considered libelous. Paul Kamara now Minister of

Sport, who was editor of For Di People newspaper among others, spent

four years in jail for publishing an article headlined “Speaker of

Parliament Challenged! Kabba is a convict,”10 based on the

provisions of the Public Order Act. This law is still applicable in

Sierra Leone courts of law even today.

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Coalition for Freedom of Information Act Sierra Leone was formed and

is still active in advocating for access to information and

expunging the seditious libel sections of the Public Order Act of

1965.

The constitution is another legal instrument prescribed for the

media. The constitution does provide for access to information. The

parliamentary Report of the Constitutional Review Commission

therefore provided for the inclusion of access to information as

part of the proposed amendments to section 25 of the 1991

constitution.11

Noting the importance of government in creating the environment for

a free press, Stiglitz (2002) discussed the incentives of

governments to restrict the flow of information. Some of these

incentives include concerns over public safety and order, to keep

their parties in power especially in the case of African countries

and counter any opposition. Stiglitz noted that many of the

institutions law, regulations, organs of the state) that government

designs are created to manage the flow of information in the state.

The enactment of the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA),

Chongkittavorn (2002) maintains may reduce the restriction imposed

on information flow and make people more aware of the value of

information.

Such legislation can establish a right of review (eg, by the

Ombudsman’s office), establish practices that should be observed,

impose time limits within which request for information must be

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handled, and identify those categories of information to which

access is guaranteed. Arguments against such legislation include

those cost of failing to react to such legislation which includes a

lack of accountability and transparency and a fertile arrangement

for corruption. Only few countries have enacted FOIA globally, of

which South Africa and Ghana are the leading examples in Africa.

The Sierra Leone media is plagued with several problems. Even though

Tam Baryoh (2005) identified international and local media supports

in the areas of training, finance, and equipment, he identified

problems of low professional standard, inadequate information

technology training, poor equipment, poor salary condition, male

dominance and poor marketing and distribution strategies of media

outlets.

Massaquoi (2004) also noted the issue of poor working condition as

largely responsible for the poor performance of journalist in the

country. He stressed that a better motivated person could do his/her

best in the media industry. He also shared similar thoughts with

David Tam-Baryoh on the problems affecting the media.

Despite the problems of the Sierra Leone media that Tam-Baryoh and

Isaac Massaquoi among others noted, the British Broadcasting

Cooperation (BBC), BBC World Service Trust and Search for Common

Ground Report on the 2007 Sierra Leone Elections recognized the

significant role of the Sierra Leone Media throughout the process.12

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2.3 THE MEDIA AND DEMOCRATIC ELECTORAL PROCESSES:

AN OVERVIEW

Max Webber and Joseph Schumpeter developed the theory of democratic

elitism at the core of which is the need for elections.

Democratic elitism states that in a large scale society, democratic

participation is limited to the election of political leaders. They

argued that in order for democratic systems to be effective, there

must be more than one political party, each representing different

interests so that voters are accorded a variety of choices. Webber

and Schumpter focused on preventing political leaders from arbitrary

decisions making and power being completely taken over by

bureaucrats. Weber and Schumpter influenced the pluralist theory

although they developed their ideas somewhat differently.

The electoral process refers to the procedures prescribed in the

constitution and other legal instruments for the conduct of an

election within a given time frame. The process occurs in phases and

includes pre-polling, polling and post polling activities. The

legal instruments establishing the process ensure the preservation

of voter’s rights, maintain the secrecy of the ballot, prevent

intimidation, penalize corruption and maintain the neutrality of the

electoral officials.13

The electoral process in Sierra Leone started with the establishment

of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) as established in the

electoral laws, registration of voters’ verification of voters,

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campaign period for political parties and candidates, voting and

announcement of results.

In order for elections to be considered free and fair, the NEC

should be credible as an effective institution that can operate

independently. Political Parties should be active participants in

different aspects of the election process, civil society should be

determined to enhance citizen’s participation and to oversee the

process; and the police should be neutral and create a safe

environment for all stakeholders to campaign throughout the country

freely.14

The media too has a significant responsibility in an electoral

process. The media is expected to play an active role in educating

the public about the date of the election, candidates and results.

It is expected also of the media to promote peace messages during

the process as a peace building and conflict prevention strategy.

Likewise the media should endeavor to report on the process in a

balanced and informed manner.

To enhance efficiency a media code of conduct for the elections was

developed by the Sierra Leone Association of Journalist (SLAJ) with

support from UNDP.15

Good media coverage of the electoral process can increase public

knowledge and information on the elections, the candidates and the

issues. The coverage of elections in the media and its analysis of

candidate platforms and election issues provide voters with the

information they need to make an informed choice on voting day. It

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can also provide factual information needed by voters to

participate, such as the day, hour and location of polling stations.

BBC World Service Trust and Search for Common Ground did a study on

the Sierra Leone 2012 Elections in June and established in their key

findings that Western Urban Area recorded the highest percentage

number of people with knowledge about elections and political

parties. The study also reported that “a greater proportion of radio

listeners than non listeners report high levels of confidence in the

knowledge of the electoral process.”16

Looking at the study referred above, one could assert that Western

Urban dwellers with more access to the media were better informed on

the electoral process and political knowledge. Being better informed

through the media may highly influence and shape proper voting

behavior.

Earlier studies on the media and politics sort to answer the

question whether the media could influence voting behavior?

Manuel Castells, a Spanish sociologist suggested that voters may not

be easily swayed by media opinion but that voters use information in

the media to make judgments critically, 17 this seems to provide

evidence favoring a theory of the media effects that acknowledges

people’s capacity to think and act reflexively. Though not

generally, he also critiqued the two – stop flow model and the

hypodermic model which sees the media as having a direct influence

on its audiences.

26

Castells further argued that the electronic media including

television and internet have now become key sources of information

in modern society. This could be interpreted as meaning that

politicians have to use the media to get the attention of voters. It

has therefore influenced politicians to constantly engage the media

in order to meet with the electorate.

Recognition of the powerful influence of the media on electoral

processes and the need for peace building are among the major

reasons for the documentation of a media code of conduct and the

creation of the Independent Radio Network (IRN). This network

comprised of about twenty radio stations across the country, these

radio stations deploy reporters across the country particularly

during the voting period to monitor and report on the processes.

But even more importantly, almost all media houses in the country

had representative at NEC media center for the publication of

cumulative election results.

Thus, the media and elections are part of the core elements of

democracy, good governance, and the protection of human rights.

Therefore, freedom of expression, assembly, association and adult

suffrage are embedded in international treaties and are part of the

entrenched clauses of democratic constitutions. Both election and

media interface in promoting popular participation in governance and

each complements the work of the other in that direction.

2.4 THE MEDIA AND GOOD GOVERNANCE

27

The relationship between media and good governance was the 2005

theme for the UNESCO World Press Freedom Day. On that day each year

the world celebrates the commitment and dedication of a particular

individual to defend the right of freedom of expression. It is

therefore appropriate to examine the notion of good governance in

the light of this right and its sister right, the right of access to

information.

The United Nations Millennium Declaration represents the strongest

unanimous and explicit statement to date of UN member states in support of

democratic and participatory governance. The declaration clearly

articulates that the Millennium Development Goals must be achieved through

good governance within each country and at the international level. It

also states that Member States “will spare no effort to promote democracy

and strengthen the rule of law” and goes on to resolve “to strengthen the

capacity of all countries to implement the principles and practices of

democracy and respect for human rights...”15

Reducing poverty through achieving sustainable development is the key

objective of UNESCO programmes and good governance is central to these

efforts. Governance implies the ways through which citizens and groups in

a society voice their interests, mediate their differences and exercise

their legal rights and obligations. Good governance includes notions of

greater participation by civil society in decision making, instituting the

rule of law, anti-corruption, transparency, accountability, poverty

reduction and human rights. Good governance links government to the notion

of responsibility for and to the citizenry as opposed to the traditional

idea of authority over a nation--legitimacy emanating from popular assent

28

to and participation in government, which is concerned with the welfare of

its citizens.16 

The role of the media in promoting good governance is clear. All aspects

of good governance are facilitated by a strong and independent mediascape

within a society. Only when journalists are free to monitor, investigate

and criticize the public administration policies and actions, can good

governance take hold. Independent media are like a beacon that should be

welcomed when there is nothing to hide and much to improve. Indeed, this

is the concrete link between the functioning of the media and good

governance--the media allows for ongoing checks and assessments by the

population of the activities of government and assists in bringing public

concerns and voices into the open by providing a platform for discussion.

Instead, all too often governments devise laws and informal means of

keeping their activities hidden from public view or only available to the

media that is favorable or endorses to their viewpoint. In recent years,

many governments have tried to co-opt journalists by paying part of their

salaries or by giving them certain kinds of access on condition that they

will not report from other perspectives. If the media are to function in

the public interest, governments should or have to protect the independent

functioning of the media.

2.4.1 CITIZENS PARTICIPATION FOR GOOD GOVERNANCEGreater participation is crucial for good governance in two ways: greater

participation by citizens in the decision-making process allows greater

transparency and can help ensure that political decisions are adapted to

the needs of the people affected by them. Second, greater participation is

important for democratic legitimacy, which depends on the investment

people have as citizens in their own governance processes. 

29

The role of independent and pluralistic media in fostering participation

is critical as the media reports on aspects of the decision-making process

and give stakeholders a voice in that process. Freedom of the media allows

for the formation of a public sphere in which a wide range of debates can

take place and a variety of viewpoints represented. The citizenry can

thereby use the media to express their assent or dissent or explore

aspects of issues not considered through official channels. Government has

a responsibility to allow the media to contribute to the participation

process.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that all human beings

have certain basic inherent, inalienable and unassailable rights to which

they are entitled by birth. Guaranteeing these rights to citizens is a

precondition for a functioning of democracy.

By reporting and denouncing cases of human rights violations, a free and

open media can increase awareness among citizens about their rights and

act as a reliable source of information on the basis of which civil

society organizations and public authorities can work to bring down the

incidences of arbitrary abuse. However, many obstacles often face

journalists investigating cases of human rights violations: restrictive

censorship, lack of fair access to official information, heavy fines or

even prison terms. Ensuring freedom of expression and press freedom should

therefore be regarded as a priority as they are rights that make it

possible to advance and protect other human rights.

2.4.2 THE RULE OF LAW AND ITS APPLICATIONThe rule of law is implied in the existence of law and other judicial

systems within societies and is enshrined in the texts of the law itself.

The rule of law can be understood both as a set of practices which allow

30

the law to perform a mediating role between various stakeholders in

society and as a normative standard invoked by members of society that

demonstrate their assent to this principle. The rule of law is fundamental

to the stability and smooth functioning of society. Only when the rule of

law is respected can citizens have confidence in democratic process over

the long term and invest in the sustainable development of their society.

When the rule of law is not respected, arbitrariness and impunity dominate

the political scene. The rule of law depends heavily on the development of

an independent and honest judiciary and the will of any particular

government to restrain itself and show respect before the law.

The media have a crucial function as the sector of society most able to

promote vigilance towards the rule of law, especially through fostering

investigative journalism, promoting the openness of court, legislative and

administrative proceedings, access to officials and to public documents.

2.4.3 ANTI-CORRUPTION, TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY

AS PROMOTERS OF GOOD GOVERNANCE PRACTICES

Corruption is one of the hardest issues states have to face in the

governance process. Corrupt practices rob governments of the means to

ensure the best life for their people, while many in government may feel

that exposure of corruption erodes their legitimacy. Journalists who

investigate corruption often face severe reprisals as corrupt officials

threaten their place of work, their families and their reputation. It is

important for governments to take a firm stand against corruption and to

protect both whistle-blowers and the media that report on corrupt

practices in government. Legitimacy is only aided by a governance strategy

that sees independent investigative media as an ally and not as a threat.

31

A current issue in many governmental reform processes is transparency. As

state bureaucracies have grown into large, often opaque entities,

practices of secrecy often cover the hidden struggles and interests of

particular sectors and civil servants beyond their stated missions. In

some cases, the social networks that link civil servants and the broader

society lead to conflicts of interest in the practice of governance that

are hidden by the secrecy of administration. Greater transparency in

public administration allows for checks on these possible conflicts of

interests and ensures greater legitimacy for the government. An

independent media that is guaranteed access to public documents and to

decision-making processes is able to bring possible conflicts of interest

to light and assist the government in maintaining clarity in the execution

of its directives. Positive expressions of an open relationship between

the media and democratic governments include judicial protections for the

media, inculcated respect for freedom of expression and access to

information, support for national independent broadcasters and news

agencies in the public service.

Closely linked to the issue of transparency is accountability, where

transparency focuses on the practices of public administration,

accountability points to the responsibility for judging those practices

and their effectiveness by various entities, including the public.

Accountability includes a sense of moral accountability to the public with

various kinds of sanctions guaranteed by the rule of law. While most forms

of state government include internal regimes of accountability, since

accountability to the public is critical to the legitimizing of a

democratic society. In an atmosphere in which the public is free to

examine the transactions of the government and to hold its representatives

accountable for their actions, the public simultaneously takes

32

responsibility for the functioning of their government through this form

of participation.

2.4.4 ACCESS TO INFORMATION AS A GUARANTEE OF HUMAN RIGHT

Ensuring wider access to information, through the enactment of freedom of

information legislation, ensures greater citizen participation in

governance. This allows for maximum verifiability of information and

allows all stakeholders to come to the table equally on important issues.

Governments should also explore ways to strengthen “e-governance” which

provides media and citizens with direct access to administrative

information and decision-making processes. Openness and transparency in

the electoral process is also critical. Media coverage is a crucial

component of elections and it is of vital importance that journalists be

trained to cover the election campaigns and the elections themselves in a

fair and impartial manner, giving equal coverage to the viewpoints

concerned. 

2.4.5 POVERTY REDUCTION

The Millennium Declaration adopted at the Millennium Summit, New York,

September 2000, states as its first goal to reduce the proportion of

people living in extreme poverty by one half by the year 2015 with a view

to eradicating poverty. The eradication of poverty is indeed today a vital

condition for global stability, democracy and peace. As long as the poor

are excluded from participation in global growth, sustainable peace and

development will remain out of reach.

An open and free media can play an important role in the fight against

poverty. Firstly, by on the one hand increasing the accountability of both

33

businesses and governments, and on the other allowing citizens to make

better informed decisions, it promotes and encourages good governance,

without which the battle against poverty cannot be won.  

Secondly, by acting - as mentioned above - as a watchdog against

corruption, it can help ensure that greater importance be attached to

development issues in the allocation of resources, while at the same time

strengthening the institutions responsible for promoting the overall

development of society. 

Finally, it can contribute to combating the exclusion and marginalization

of the poor. This is important, for poverty is more than just a lack of

resources; it is a lack of empowerment. Poor people are generally unable

to participate fully in society and earn a living. Simply providing them

with additional resources is therefore not enough to lift them from their

deprivation. What they need are increased capabilities. Only then can they

gain control over their lives and learn how to productively use whatever

resources are available. Reducing poverty through achieving sustainable

development is thus the key objective of UNESCO programmes.

Providing the poor with access to the media is an important step in

achieving this objective: by supplying them with reliable information, it

allows them to take well-informed decisions and make better choices about

their lives; it also gives them the opportunity to express their views and

have a say in the election of decision-makers, thus increasing the chances

of a more efficient allocation of resources. Finally, a free media can

contribute to the empowerment of citizens through educational programmes

and public health programme such as HIV/AIDS education campaigns.

2.5.6 GOVERNANCE OF THE MEDIA

34

If we affirm that independence and pluralism in the media are in fact

preconditions for democracy to flourish, it is possible for key elements

in government to be committed to media that do not simply repeat what they

would like to hear. A positive relationship between the state and media

goes beyond pure laissez-faire to nourishing an independent and

pluralistic mediascape. A current issue in many countries is the

monopolization of media by powerful interests, whether private or public,

which lessens the plurality of voices in the public sphere. Perhaps the

most important expression of an open relationship between media and the

government is the airing of unpopular viewpoints that may reflect tensions

in the society. If the mediascape is not open and pluralistic, these

viewpoints may leave the democratic sphere and foment violence.

Governance of the media also includes the dimension of governance among

the different sectors and interests present in the media themselves. The

implementation of a legal and regulatory environment that encourages

freedom and pluralism in public information is often facilitated when

governments and professional associations have access to comparative

examples of media legislation, codes, and cooperation strategies for media

development.

Associations dedicated to media accountability such as ombudsmen and press

councils also have a key role to play in the governance of media. One

important role they play is in encouraging discussion within the media

sector about ethical practices and their professional responsibilities.

They can thereby strengthen the media’s internal professional standards

and increase public confidence in the reliability of the information

provided.

In countries with emerging independent mediascapes, professional media

industry associations can take the lead in assisting various media outlets

35

to understand their role as independent media and encourage them to find

ways to be economically self-sustaining. This should include both media as

well as information services such as news agencies, community-based radio,

web-based distribution and media production networks. Considering the

smaller number of women in the media in most societies and the special

situations they may face, professional associations should actively

encourage training for women and greater gender equity within the

profession.

These associations should also promote training among media professionals

and broad education for those who wish to enter the profession. Such

training should emphasize the values of independence, professional ethics,

gender equity and the role of media in democratic societies. Such

associations can sponsor debates that touch at the heart of the particular

circumstances and challenges confronting the media in particular

societies, while opening up wider discussions about the relationship

between governance and media in the region and in the global context.

CHAPTER 3

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.0 INTRODUCTION

36

This study employed the qualitative research method such as surveys,

random sampling, and interviews participant observations and also relied

on the opinions of experts, including other scientific approaches of data

collection and analysis. This method has over the years been considered

scholarly, universally recognized and assumed to be free of biases, hence

gained credibility and therefore became mainstreamed and a standardized

method of conducting research. The research methods used for this study

were carefully selected in order to dig out as much information as

possible so as to effectively deal with the objectives of the study.

3.1 SELECTION OF RESEARCH AREA/SAMPLE SIZE

The research area for the study is mainly Freetown, even though general

references to issues are made countrywide. The selection was done with

several considerations in mind. Freetown is home to almost all the media

outlets, both print and electronics. In other words, these media houses

tend to report more on happenings in the Freetown than in the provinces.

The selection is done based on the fact that voters in Freetown are more

exposed to media activities than their counterparts in the provinces. Most

of the organizations that monitored the electoral process or reported on

it first put out their preliminary or final reports in Freetown. Finally,

the research has to be based in Freetown because accessibility to the

provincial areas still remains to pose financial, time and other

constraints.

The selection of sample size is 100. The sample consisted of eligible

voters (those qualified to partake in an electoral process) with a special

quota for media practitioners working in Freetown. The respondents were

chosen by random sampling, irrespective of sex, age or political beliefs.

37

Studying, a sample represents a more efficient use of energy while still

allowing reliable statements to be made about the whole population.

Moser and Kalton, (1971) indicated that the determination of an

appropriate sample size is somewhat complicated and involves several

considerations. In practice, the aim is either to achieve maximum

precision at a given cost or conversely to obtain a fixed precision at the

lowest cost.

Succinctly, it is always difficult to obtain the desired sample size of

your population because of financial, time and personnel limitations.

Moser and Kalton therefore suggest that one should use the largest sample

size financially possible.

Deciding on the sample size therefore involved finding the right balance,

minimizing the expenditure of time and effort by choosing the smallest

sample which allowed the achievement of an acceptable and well known

degree of accuracy. The sample size was determined as follows,

Firstly, the names of all the broadcasting, print media houses and other

stakeholders involved in the the 2012 Elections were placed in three

separate tiny boxes each representing one category.

For the electronics media category, the following were selected; Radio

Democracy, Independent Radio Network, Sky Radio, Voice of Islam, Believers

Broadcasting Network (BBN), Radio Mount Aureol, and Sierra Leone

Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC)

For the Newspapers the following were selected, New Vision, Awareness

Times, Standard Times, Exclusive, Awoko, We Yone and Concord Times.

For other stakeholders, the independent Media Commission (IMC), Sierra

Leone Association of Journalist (SLAJ) National Electoral Commission (NEC)38

and National Democratic Institute (NDI) were selected. A total of twenty

Media houses and other related stakeholders were selected.

3.2 RESEARCH INSTRUMENTS

Instruments refer to tools mechanism and devices that are used in

generating the needed information in order to fulfill the aim and

objectives of the research.

To be able to fulfill the aim of this research, which is an assessment of

the Role of the media in the Sierra Leone elections case study of the 2012

Parliamentary and Presidential elections, makes this research a purposive

one. To carry out this aim and the objectives successfully required

various interviews, formal and informal discussions with stake holders and

personal observations made. In other words this is a combination of both

primary and secondary sources of data.

3.3 SOURCES AND DATA COLLECTION METHODS

The sources and mode of generating information for this research included

the administration of unstructured or focused interviews, focus group

discussions, experience of experts and participant observation.

3.3.1 PRIMARY SOURCES OF DATA

Mission report on the role of the media in the 2012 electoral process, a

study of the electoral laws, the code of conduct for journalist for the

2012 elections are all part of the sources of data. Newspapers, magazines

were also looked at.

PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION: This method was also used to get information forthe research. The research also made use of both participant and simple

39

observation techniques in determining the media landscape during the

electoral process, physical visitation of the electoral sites like the NEC

headquarters, polling stations and media outlets to see and determine

whether the environment of operation actually conform with efficient and

effective delivery of responsibilities during the elections.

FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS: Discussions, as a research instrument were heldwith veteran media practitioners and other members of civil society. These

discussions were held in restaurants, super sport centers ataya base and

in vehicles. The informal discussion used in the study makes the

respondent feel more relaxed and do not feel threatened by any

circumstances in which they find themselves or are involved in.

INTERVIEW: is another widely used method to extract information in thesocial sciences. Standardized face to face interviews were used in the

data collection since it is slightly less structured than a self completed

questionnaire. To control the impact that interviewer bias may sometimes

have on questioning, protocols were developed to oversee all aspect of the

interview process.

Hence the interview process sought for the following information:

Personal Characteristics of respondents such as age, sex, education and

Training

Knowledge of the 2012 Electoral Process

Role of Media houses on it

Assessment of the media role in the process

Challenges in performing the roles

Recommendations to improve on the role of the media in electoral processes

40

3.3.2 SECONDARY SOURCES O DATA

This study made use of books, journals, dissertations and internet

materials. Secondly, the content of various documents and reports.

3.4 DATA ANALYSIS

An analysis of the data collected focuses on the research topic and

objectives which are in the form of simple descriptive or qualitative

presentations using simple statistical techniques, including mainly

tables.

41

CHAPTER 4

PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS

4.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter presents the findings of the study by analyzing the data

collected from the use / administration of various data collection method

discussed in chapter 3. The raw data collected was analyzed using simple

statistical tables and frequency / percentage counts. The collected data

was discussed and summarized under four broad categories as related to the

specific objective as listed below,

4.1 SEX DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS WHO RECEIVE AND SEND MEDIA MESSAGES

Table 1

CATEGORY MALE(%)

FEMALE(%)

TOTAL(%)

JOURNALIST 12 8 20CONTESTANTS 4 1 5STUDENTS 13 7 20GOVERNMENT AND NGO 6 3 9

42

FUNCTIONARIESTRADER/SALES/ MERCHANTS

2 3 5

SKILL TRADE 10 6 16UNEMPLOYED 12 13 25TOTAL 59 41 100% 59 % 41 % 100 %

Table 1 above shows that the researcher contacted and interviewed more

males 59 % compared to females 41 %. The difference of 18 % may not have

been deliberate but an indication of the low level of female involvement

in national issues and certain professions/employment.

The researcher established Journalist as a separate category with a 20 %

quota of all respondents for the media to evaluate self. The categories of

combined journalists are with the other respondents that consume more than

sending out messages through the media to form the 100 % of the total

respondents.

The table also shows the employment distribution among respondents. 25 %

of the respondents interviewed are unemployed. The other 75 % of the

respondents are either gainfully employed or self employed.

From the table, it is clear that more males are abreast with the

activities of the media than females because of the following reasons:

Firstly, it shows that women are on the receiving end of media information

from their husbands, cousins, brothers and other male relations. As a

result, the females who receive media messages from male relations are

much active in spreading media information among like folks than the

former who directly receive media messages. In effect media information

had a much more multiplier effect on females though with 41 % respondents

and the 59 % male respondents.

43

Secondly, the 59 % male respondents show that males are much more abreast

with direct media messages than females because they had time to listen to

the radio, read newspapers, watch television news and surf the internet

than women in the Sierra Leone context. Seemingly, it has always been a

cultural belief of females in Sierra Leone that men should go out and

bring news be it relevant or not. Since the electioneering process was

crucial to the security of the state in the midst of the speculations of

violent confrontations between supporters of contesting parties and

candidates, the 59 % implies that men are the main source of information.

4.2 AGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS WHO RECEIVE / SEND MEDIA MESSAGES

Table 2

CATEGORIES 18 – 25 YRS

26 – 35 YRS

36 – 45 YRS

46 – 59 YRS

60 YRS & ABOVE

TOTAL

JOURNALIST 4 10 3 3 - 20COUNCILOR / CONTESTANTS

- 1 2 2 - 5

STUDENTS 11 6 3 - - 20GOVERNMENTS /NGO’S 1 2 5 1 - 9

TRADERS / SALES / MERCHANTS

3 2 - - - 5

SKILL TRADE 4 8 2 2 - 16UNEMPLOYED 13 7 1 2 2 25TOTAL 36 36 16 10 2 100% 36 % 16 % 10 % 2 % 100 %

The age distribution as seen in Table 2 above shows that 88 % of the

respondents are between the ages of 18 – 45 years. This may reflect the

fact, as shown in the Sierra Leone census result that Sierra Leone’s 4.9

44

Million populations is largely a growing population. The NEC voting

population is largely made up of people aged 45 years and below. These are

the people who voted most in the past elections. Most of the active media

practitioners fall within this group. 12 % of the research population

comes from the experienced group aged 46 and above.

The Sierra Leone population can best be described as a youthful population

or better still a growing population. As a result of this, youths within

the ages of 18 – 45 years were much eager to get the media perception of

the electioneering process. This is coupled with the fact that most youths

within the said age bracket are without jobs, cannot fend for themselves

and at the same time sees the economy as going against their developmental

plans. It is against this background that a greater percentage of the 88 %

of the respondents that fall within 18 – 45 years consider the media as a

gateway for decisive decision making for elections. Most of these people

who voted in the past elections had little knowledge of the historical

events that occurred in the 1960’s and 70’s. They were therefore looking

at the immediate past precisely the 1990’s and the millennium years.

From the table above, those that fall within the ages of 46 and above (12

%), give little attention and response to the media. This implies that

most of the respondents within the said age bracket were either well

placed at the government functionary levels and / or sympathetic to the

SLPP. Some section of the media was advancing the interests of the ruling

party to the extent that the media was described as taking sides. They

therefore interpreted media publications and broadcasts in their own way

to reflect their convenience.

4.3 DISTRIBUTION OF EDUCATIONAL BAKGROUND OF RESPONDENTS

Table 3

45

CATEGORY NON PRIMARY SECONDARY TERTIARY TOTALJOURNALIST _ _ 11 9 20CONTESTANT / ELECTED REP _ _ 2 3 5STUDENTS _ _ 12 8 20GOV’T & NGO _ _ 4 5 9FUNCTIONARIES 1 2 1 1 5TRADERS/SALES/MERCHANTS 2 2 8 4 16SKILL TRADE 5 6 8 6 25UNEMPLOYED _ _ _ _ _TOTAL 8 10 46 31 100% 8 % 10 % 46 % 31 % 100 % Tables3 above deals with the educational background of the

respondents. It gives an insight into the standards, quality and

nature of their educational backgrounds.

The journalists interviewed are working in both the print and

broadcast media. 11% of them went through secondary school education

with 9 % reported having studied and specialized in one aspect of

the media (Print, Television or Radio)

A total of 18 % of respondents did not go to school or attained

primary school education. 46 % are said to have gained some

secondary school education and 36 % of all categories along the

educational strata were interviewed and the findings represent their

personal view of what the Sierra Leone media did during the

elections.

The 82 % literacy rate of respondents as shown in the table does not

reflect the adult illiteracy rate, which currently stands at 65 % in

the country. The role of the media goes beyond the percentages as it

influences both the educated and illiterate alike.

46

The 36 % of the respondents with the tertiary level of education

shows that most educated folks were deeply concerned and keen about

media programmes and publications despite their political

affiliations. The 46 % of respondents with the secondary level of

education were seen to be the advocates for the illiterate groups.

At the end, media education was so much effective on the 46 % that

they turned out to largely influence the voting pattern of the 18 %

illiterate. The 18 % in turn educated their colleagues within the

same bracket about the process. The media itself had direct impact

on all as it reached all in different Sierra Leonean languages.

4.4 RESPONSE TO THE MEDIA AS THE ONLY SOURCE OF GIVING AND RECEIVING

INFORMATION

Table 4

CATEGORY YES/TRUE NO /FALSE

DON’TKNOW

TOTAL PERCENTAGES(%)

JOURNALIST 20 - - 20 20CONTESTANT/ COUNCILOR 3 2 - 5 5STUDENT 12 5 3 20 20GOV’T & NGO - - - - -FUNCTIONARIES 4 4 1 9 9TRADERS/SALES/MERCHANTS 4 1 - 5 5SKILLED TRADE 12 4 - 16 16UNEMPLOYED 20 2 3 25 25TOTAL 75 18 7 100 100

% 75 % 18 % 7 % 100 % 100 %

As shown in Table 4 above, 75 % of respondents agreed on the media being

the main source of giving out and receiving information on the elections.

Radio was mentioned by many as their major channel. Respondents mentioned

47

the availability of electricity, cost of television sets and weak signals

of SLBC/TV for their inadequacy in accessing television programmes.

Newspaper, it was observed does not have a wider readership. In fact very

few newspapers could boast of selling over 2,000 copies a day. The high

level of illiteracy among several categories, lack of reading culture, and

the poverty level nationwide were reasons advanced for people’s

inaccessibility to newspaper. Some of the respondents who had access to

newspapers claimed that the content of what they sees in many of the

papers were sensational and highly opinionated rather than factual.

Most of the 18 % that said “No” spoke of what they heard in discussion

sessions with their party leaders and other party members as they trusted

nothing absolutely they were hearing or seeing in the papers.

7 % of the respondents that said “I don’t know” spoke of their exposure to

the varied ways of receiving information and could therefore not pick on

anyone. It was observed that radio stations directed voters to polling

stations where they should vote, time of voting, and announced both the

polling station results and the NEC cumulative results daily.

The 75 % that responded “Yes” represent those that had little stake in

partisan politics and were mostly neutral as a result they saw the media

as the way through to making a decisive choice in voting that could impact

positively on the nation. They belong to the sit and watch group that

politicians often target during election periods, and even after, during

periods when riots and strike actions are eminent.

The 18 % that responded “No” represents those who figured out that the

independent media was biased. For them the media is seen as an obstructive

instrument for peaceful elections.

48

The 7 % “I don’t know” category represent those who were sitting on the

fence because they did not want to be blamed either by the Yes group or No

group. This category of people represents some religious leaders, some

representatives of the Bar Association, SLAJ, Medical and Dental

Association, NEC et al.

4.5 ASSESSMENT OF THE MEDIA AND VOTING BEHAVIOR

4.5.1 RESPONSES TO THE QUESTION “DID THE MEDIA INFLUENCED THE WAY YOU AND THOSE YOU KNOW VOTED?”

Table 5

CATEGORY YES/TRUE NO/FALSE I DON’TKNOW

YES/NO TOTAL

JOURNALIST 5 10 1 4 20CONTESTANT/COUNCILLOR 2 3 - - 5STUDENT 13 5 2 - 20GOVT / NGO 3 5 - 1 9FUNCTIONARIES 3 2 - 1 5TRADERS/SALES/MERCHANTS 9 4 3 - 16SKILL TRADE - - - - -UNEMPLOYED 17 3 5 - 25TOTAL 52 32 11 5 100% 52 % 32 % 11 % 5 % 100 %

From Table 5 above, 52 % of the respondents agreed with the proposition

that the media influenced their decision before the day of the polling.

Many of them relate it to the songs they were hearing on the different

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radio stations that speak of corruption, poverty, injustice and health

related issues that is affecting the citizenry. Examples sighted include

Emmerson Bockarie’s Album,’ Yesterday betteh pass Tiday’ and Bobby’s

‘Feili’ Album. These were hit albums played in bars, clubs and other

entertainment centres during the electioneering period. Some related it to

talk shows and other programmes on radio that have wider coverage huge

listeners. For example, ‘Monologue’ a popular programme produced and

presented by Dr. David Tam-Baryoh on Star Radio, Citizen Radio, and Eagle

Radio. These programme are said to have discussed issues on corruption,

democracy and human rights. The interactive nature of most of the

programmes made them very popular among listeners.

Very few made references to newspapers, such as Standard Times and the

Exclusive Newspaper on poverty and corruption. Most of these respondents

are between the 18 – 35 years of age and know very little about Sierra

Leone’s history in the 60’s and 70’s.

The 32 % that said “No” to the Media being the main source that influenced

how they voted related their voting pattern to their party affiliations.

Many said regardless of what they heard nothing will change them from

voting for their own parties. Most of them based their decision on

history, tribal, religious, regional, old school affiliation and other

interests.

The 11 % of respondents that said” I don’t know” made their voting

decisions on the influence of the community, family or institutions in

which they found themselves.

The 5 % that said “Yes and No” at the same time were not sure of what

influenced their decision.

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From this analysis one could ascertain that voting behavior was influenced

by so many factors, and the press with the support of other forms of media

played a major role. A study of the voting pattern shows that voters in

the South – East voted mainly for the SLPP while the North – West voted

APC.

4.6 THE MEDIA, ELECTORAL VIOLENCE AND CORRUPTION

4.6.1 RESPONSES ON HOW THE MEDIA, APART FROM NEC CONTRIBUTED TO THE LOW LEVEL OF VIOLENCE AND MALPRACTICES THAN ANY OTHER INSTITUTION?

TABLE 6

Category Yes/True No/False

I don’tKnow

Total

Journalist 10 9 1 20Contestant/Councillor

2 2 1 5

Students 11 7 2 20Govt/NGO/Functionaries

3 6 - 9

Trades/Sales/Merchants

3 2 - 5

Skill Trade 8 6 2 16Unemployed 14 9 2 25Total 51 41 8 100% 51 % 41 % 8 % 100 %

Judging from the findings in Table 6 above, 51 % of respondents said “yes”

to the media contributing greatly to the low level of electoral

malpractices and violence. They relate it to the various radio programmes

aired throughout and even after the electioneering process with the

objective of preaching non-violence and transparency in the process.

The activities of the Artist for Peace on various radio stations in and

around the Freetown environs, IRN, CTN and Civil Society Talk Shows were

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also mentioned. They also claimed that the frequent discussion of the

isolated violent incidents that occurred on air reminded many of the ills

of the rebel war and prompted a strong commitment to non-violence.

The 45 % of respondents that said “no” praised the security forces mainly

the police and the army for their effectiveness in handling sensitive and

volatile issues. They view the actions of the security forces during the

election as unbiased. Some also added the activities of other members of

civil society, and the commitment of the Electoral Commission itself to

transparency as plausible acts that minimized the level of any unfortunate

situation that would have emerged.

8 % of respondent who said “I don’t know” saw no institution’s role as

dominant over others apart from NEC for the peaceful conclusion of the

elections. In fact some blamed the media in some instances for over

reporting on issues and putting out information that was not thoroughly

sourced, investigated or ascertained to be authentic.

4.7 GRADING THE MEDIA

4.7.1 RESPONSES TO “HOW WOULD YOU GRADE THE MEDIA PERFORMANCE IN THE2012 ELECTIONS?”

TABLE 7

Category Excellent

Good Fair Poor Total

Journalist 12 6 2 - 20Contestant/Councillor

1 3 1 - 5

Students 7 8 3 2 20Govt/NGO/Functionaries

3 4 2 - 9

Trades/Sales/Merchants

4 1 - - 5

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Skill Trade 7 6 3 - 16Unemployed 15 10 - - 25Total 49 38 11 2 100% 49 % 38 % 11 % 2 % 100 %

Table 7 above shows that, 49 % of the respondents recognized the role of

the media as “excellent,”they spoke of the media presenting all shades of

opinion, providing NEC an opportunity to reach the whole country in

seconds of each release of information through networks like IRN and

producing programmes focusing on non-violence.

The 38 % that said “good” noted weakness in the publishing of speculative

election results in certain newspapers that turned out not to be true.

Some of these newspapers are the Awareness Times and Exclusive.

Those who rated the media as” fair” 11 % of them mostly sighted weakness

of staged managed programmes and publications. SLPP at work was one of

such programmes. Even though it was always pre- recorded, presenters

pretended they were taking calls and text messages from the public. These

respondents viewed it as deceitful broadcast.

The 2 % of respondents that rated the media as “Poor” even though not

having a significant influence, spoke of connivance between the media and

NEC for the ruling APC to retain power. They saw a greater percent of the

media as the mouthpiece of the ruling party, mainly the APC.

What is so far clear from the responses is that over 80 % of the

respondents have a positive view of the media in the whole electoral

process.

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CHAPTER 5

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATION

5.1 SUMMARY OF KEY FINDINDS

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The main aim of the research is to assess the role of the media in the

2012 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Sierra Leone. Data was

collected from people who voted or qualified to vote in the elections and

residents in the western area urban irrespective of their status. The

method used for data collection included interview, discussions,

observation and the review of relevant election results / statements. The

data collected was analyzed using simple data analysis and presentation.

The media was involved at every level of the process not just reporting on

it but also doing voter education. The media is noted particularly for

providing its audiences adequate knowledge on political parties,

candidates, and registration, voting and counting processes. Most

considered the media as their first point of contact with their

constituents and / or their elected representatives.

Radio was considered as the most influential and effective medium

throughout the electoral process as radio broadcast on frequency

modulation could reach every corner of the city and almost the entire

country. There were about twenty – six radio stations registered to

operate in the western area out of the total of fifty – one nationwide.

Many Freetown residents boasted of access to radio and variety of choices

as to what to listen to and where.

The independent Radio Network (IRN) was applauded the most for providing

timely and accurate information on the elections.

Independent radio stations gave equal access to all political parties. In

the case of SLBC more access was given to the APC. The UNDP UN and other

Non Governmental Organizations were commended for promoting Artist for

Peace as a conflict prevention measure. Artist for Peace comprised of

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musicians and comedians and they toured the whole country ahead of the

elections to promote peace during the elections.

The print media a Freetown based phenomenon also covered the election at a

lesser magnitude to radio. Some print media ran inaccurate and imbalanced

stories that were a blatant violation of the media code of conduct. Some

of the print houses openly supported or aligned themselves with particular

parties and candidates.

The media broadcasted NEC information and gave the commission free

airtime. This was in line with SLAJ commitment towards access to

information on the electoral process.

The media raised and discussed issues that took prominence for many voters

namely, food security, health, energy etc. These radio programmes are

noted to have enlightened voters about issues of corruption.

Some media outlets gave undue preferences to certain civil society

organizations thereby misusing some of the media instruments. Charles

Mambu of Coalition for Civil Society and Human Rights and Ngolo Katta

National Elections Watch (NEW) for instance were more frequent on Radio

Democracy morning programme “Good Morning Sierra Leone” than several

others . Respondents claimed that they were mainly speaking in favour of a

particular candidates and political party; and their organizations are not

truly representative of the tribal and regional diversities of the

country. The media guided the youths to vote their conscience and not to

be influenced by any other consideration.

On the whole, the media is appraised for contributing immensely to voter

education, exposing electoral corruption, preaching non-violence and

political tolerance, and promoting democratic values.

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5.2 RECOMMENDATIONS

The role of the media in the elections was very crucial to the peace and

stability of Sierra Leone. Having discussed the findings of this research

derived mainly from the interviews with respondents and reports the

following recommendations are made;

The level of electoral violence and corruption was very minimal as artists

sang and dramatized about non- violence and democratic values. These songs

and dramas were broadcast on almost all the radio stations.

Many journalists too greatly committed themselves to the same goal despite

the few cases of what those media houses supporting political parties were

doing. All these were made possible through training. IRN and UN organized

training sessions for the reporters they took onboard to monitor and

report on the process. UNDP organized training for members of SLAJ on

peace building. Even though, the standard of journalism is still low in

the country, the media success story in the 2012 Elections mean there

should be frequent training on reporting electoral processes to equip and

refresh journalist.

Workshops and seminars should be organized often as the academic standing

of most media practitioners is still secondary level. The training should

focus and include packages on information communication technology, Media

ethics and law and Crisis Management.

Very few Newspapers have very wide readership and there are currently a

lot of newspapers that come out as dailies. It could work best for the

print outlets to merge to increase sales and improve on the quality of

their papers. This may go a long way to address poor working conditions of

print journalists.

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Government should repeal the Public Order Act of 1965 which makes

seditious libel a state offence. This has restrained big capital

investment into the media industry especially the print. The repeal of the

Public Order Act may bring huge investment into the media industry and

reduce the alignment openly of press men to sensational and fabricated

stories for brown envelopes.

SLAJ code of conduct for elections should be transformed to something

permanent for all elections with some modifications and inclusions to

reflect changing times.

SLAJ and IMC should encourage media houses to start their coverage on the

elections earlier instead of just focusing on Election Day. This may help

address those issues that have tendency of sparkling violent

confrontations.

Government should provide equal access to SLBC for all political parties

except where a party can’t afford the funds needed to do so. This will end

the dominance of the ruling party over others on SLBC; and will in turn

have a truly non-partisan character instead of always drumming praises for

whoever is in government.

International media support is needed to strengthen the work of the press

in creating networks like IRN in covering elections. The support may also

be in the form of providing equipment and training.

Finally, there is also a need to do a similar study in the other regions

to pick on peculiarities even though many of what is stated in the study

may not be too different from the situations in the other regions

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