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Transcript of RI3TE CUNDE: NATURE AND PREFERMENT IN THE OWL ...
RI3TE CUNDE: NATURE AND PREFERMENT IN
THE OWL AND THE NIGHTINGALE
by
LOLA JANELL SIMMONS, B.A.
A THESIS
IN
ENGLISH
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for
the Degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
Approved
August. 1986
7 ^ ,
O op' ---- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express my sincere appreciation to Dr. Charles
Wright whose patience, guidance and knowledge enabled me to complete
this thesis.
I would also like to thank Dr. Joseph Mogan who first introduced
me to medieval literature and whose instruction in both Old and
Middle English enabled me to enjoy it in the original languages.
Additional thanks go to Dr. George Robert whose instruction in
the history of the Middle Ages has provided so many insights into
the literature as well.
Very special thanks go to Norman and Kathy Looney and to my fel
low graduate students, particularly Durrell Dew, for their constant «
encouragement, assistance and tolerance.
Finally, I would like most of all to thank my parents, husband,
and children for patiently enduring a great deal of neglect.
11
CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . ii
LIST OF FIGURES iv
PREFACE V
I. THE OWL AND THE NIGHTINGALE AND MEDIEVAL POETICS: GENRE, STRUCTURE AND STYLE 1
The Debate Genre and the Structure Of The Owl and the Nightingale 2
The Beast-Fable and the Satiric Mode
Of The Owl and the Nightingale 16
II. THE TOPIC OF DEBATE 28
III. THE BISHOPS AND THE BIRDS 45
WORKS CONSULTED 55
111
PREFACE
Interpretations of The Owl and the Nightingale have generally
fallen into two categories: those which read it as an allegory of
either political, religious or intellectual issues, and those which
read it as a burlesque of some aspect of human nature. The nearest
consensus among recent analyses seems to be that the poem is a sat
ire involving debate and birdlore motifs; that, unlike other debate
poems, allegorical interpretations are difficult to substantiate be
cause the poem makes no extended allusions to contemporary issues;
and that the most likely purpose of the poem is an appeal for the
preferment of Nicolas of Guildford. Critical argument over theme,
however, has been nearly as vitriolic as the debate between the two
birds, partly because of the poem's apparent lack of thematic unity.
Hume, who has provided a convenient review of previous interpreta
tions and of weaknesses associated with each, summarizes the prob
lem caused by this lack of unity: "No one, in fact, has been able
to extract from the birds' squabbles a single issue which would give
the poem a plausible raison d'etre. This state of affairs exists
because there is no meaningful subject; the birds' debate is point
less" (127).
Unfortunately, this assumption also forces Hume to conclude
that "the author bungled" in not clearly identifying his subject
early within the poem, ". . . an admission [which] damages all in
terpretations alike" (106). Such a conclusion is objectionable on
two grounds: bungling is inconsistent with the adeptness evident in
every other aspect of the poem, and failing to identify a subject
for debate would ill suit an appeal for preferment, if such indeed
is the purpose of the poem. Thus, as Lumiansky has noted, two key
interpretive problems remain unresolved: identification of a single
issue which unifies all the particulars of the birds' quarrel, and
explanation of how the poem functions as an appeal for either secu
lar or religious advancement (413).
The present study suggests a solution to both problems. Chap
ter I analyzes the poem's structure in light of the conventions of
the debate genre, and relates the poem's satiric mode to the ethos
of the bestiary and beast-fable traditions. Chapter II identifies a
unifying issue in the idea of "kind" or nature, signalled by the re
currence of the term "cunde," which emerges as the consistent stand
ard of judgment in the birds' charges and countercharges. Chapter
III then demonstrates how the prejudice exposed by the birds' ob
session with "kind" serves as a satiric counterpart to the nepotism
and poor judgment of the bishops who have failed to promote the
worthy Nicolas of Guildford.
VI
CHAPTER I
THE OWL AND THE NIGHTINGALE AND MEDIEVAL POETICS:
GENRE, STRUCTURE AND STYLE
Medieval literary theory was notoriously concerned with form,
definition and classification, including a hierarchy of "proper" or
"fitting" styles. As Leclercq describes this phenomenon, "In the
Middle Ages, as in antiquity, no writing is done without 'composi
tion': the stylistic material is arranged in a certain order. Au
thors conform to ways of writing and types of composition, each of
which has its own rules" (187). The Poetria Nova, Geoffrey of
Vinsauf's influential textbook on medieval poetics, advised:
. . . let the poet's hand not be swift to take up the pen,
nor his tongue be impatient to speak; trust neither hand
nor tongue to the guidance of fortune. To ensure greater
success for the work, let the discriminating mind, as a
prelude to action, defer the operation of hand and tongue,
and ponder long of the subject matter. . . . Let a defin
ite order chart in advance at what point the pen will take
up its course, or where it will fix its Cadiz. As a pru
dent workman, construct the whole fabric within the mind's
citadel; let it exist in the mind before it is on the
lips. (17)
It is reasonable to assume, then, that the debate form of The Owl
and the Nightingale (identified as a conflictus or altercatio in the
manuscripts) was deliberately chosen because that genre could more
1
effectively achieve the poet's preconceived purpose than could any
other. This chapter traces the development of the literary debate
in the Middle Ages and describes contemporary university debate
practice in order to uncover the system of expectations that in
formed the poem's conception and its final form. It then examines
the poem's satiric mode in relation to the beast-fable and literary
traditions. The ultimate goal of this chapter, then, is to deter
mine what the poem's genre and mode can tell us about its raison
d'etre.
The Debate Genre and the Structure of The Owl and the Nightingale
As Hanford has demonstrated, the medieval conflictus began as a
modification of the classical eclogue. The primary characteristics
of the eclogue are a pastoral setting and a contest of wit between
two singers. In the eclogue, the dispute between the singers does
not concern a single issue, but shifts from one subject to another;
the argument is highly vituperative; and the characters embody the
issues being debated (19-21). During the Middle Ages, the pastoral
setting became a mere formality as interest increasingly centered on
the content of the debate, and the dialogue began to concentrate on
a single issue; the characters then became allegorical embodiments
of two extreme positions concerning the disputed topic (22-23).
The standard pattern of the conflictus is exhibited in one of
its earliest examples, the Conflictus Veris et Hiemis, attributed to
Alcuin. Nine lines of introduction establish the setting and the
occasion of dispute: shepherds. Daphne, Palaemon, Spring and Winter
have all assembled in a bucolic setting to praise the cuckoo, herald
of spring. The debate, eleven three-line stanzas of alternating ar
gument, begins with Spring speaking in favor of the lightness and
mirth of the cuckoo's song, which brings warmth and renewal of life;
she charges Winter with being turpid and lazy. Winter counters that
the cuckoo's song always causes turmoil, and she claims her own su
premacy over both Spring and Summer. At this point. Daphne and
Palaemon end the dispute, ruling in favor of Spring. This poem thus
exhibits the conventional debate format: a brief introduction iden
tifies both the topic and participants in a debate; then comes an
argument between personified figures who frequently resort to per
sonal insult; finally, a human figure, with or without symbolic sig
nificance, renders judgment. The pastoral setting is of minimal
importance, though it may retain some of the metaphorical value of
the eclogue.
Godman points out the significance of the relationship between
this early example of the genre and deliberative rhetoric:
Emphasis may also be placed on the contribution of rhe
toric to the form and character of this work . . . the
poem is indivisible from this rhetorical context. Its
origins lie in the classroom, and its form is influenced
both by the style of exchange in which instruction was
conducted and by the authors, particularly Virgil, of pas
toral eclogue. . , . What mattered in such a context was
less the subject being debated than the way in which it
was presented; Winter and Spring are not so much two op
posing principles as two contending personifications and
interest is focussed on the cut and thrust of argument
rather than on its resolution. Not even the different
attitudes to life which the two seasons so effortlessly
represent are at issue in the Conflictus: attention is
engaged instead by the pace and wit of the verbal repar
tee. Exemplifying the importance attached to style and
presentation of argument in the rhetorical debates of
Alcuin and his circle, Conflictus Veris et Hiemis is a
striking poetic testimony to their influence and success.
(21)
The disputants in debate poems follow the precepts of deliberative
rhetoric in developing their arguments, and in analyzing specific
examples of the genre, we need to remember that the argument itself
is often.as significant, if not more so, than the arguers. Debate
poems are, almost literally, arguments for the sake of argument.
Later developments, as seen in the dispute between the Rhine
and the Vosges rivers embedded in the Carmen Nigelli Ermoldi Exulis
in Laudem Gloriosissimi Pippine Regis, include not granting a clear
victory to either disputant and changing the earlier balanced alter
nation of speeches into extended arguments of irregular length in
accord with university dialectic practice (Hanford 27-30). In the
still later Ecloga Theoduli, the two disputants are allegorical
champions for Christianity and paganism, the purpose is blatantly
5
didactic, and we see added to the conventional pattern a formal
challenge and selection of a judge before the debate (129-31).
A fourth early example of the genre is the "Rosae Liliique
Certamen" by Sedulius Scottus. The lines of this poem are arranged
primarily in four-line stanzas of alternating argument. The narra
tive introduction is a bare four lines, two describing the spring
setting, the third naming the two disputants and the nature of the
dispute, and the fourth stating that the rose begins the quarrel.
The argument progresses as a contrast of personal qualities, and the
degree of personal insult is much greater than in previous examples;
the rose even calls the lily an "occata vetustas/old hag" (1.21).
Also significant is the fact that each claims precedence over the
other because she is preferred by others, Apollo for the lily and
Phoebus for the rose. Furthermore, narrative commentary is inserted
between the last statement of the argument and the final decisive
stanza where Spring chastises both disputants for excessive pride,
insisting that both are of equal though different merit (11. 33-42);
the poem then closes with a narrative description of the restoration
of peace and goodwill between the quarrelers.
From the late ninth through the mid-eleventh centuries there
exist no clear examples of the genre, and only a few are found from
the middle of the eleventh century; then, during the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries, the genre resurged in popularity, partially in
response to the concurrent emphasis on dialetic in the universities.
Abelard's Sic et Non is frequently cited as a major influence on
this resurrection (Atkins, xlviii). Some of the most frequently
read works included debates between the Soul and Body, Summer and
Winter, and Water and Wine; debates were composed both in Latin and
2 in the vernacular, the latter including Chardry's "Petit Plet,"
which is found in the same manuscripts as The Owl and the
Nightingale.
Altogether, then, we can identify six primary characteristics
of the genre. First, an introduction briefly describes the setting,
the topic of debate and the participants. Second, the pastoral ele
ments are reduced in significance but remain as part of the poem's
symbolism. Third, the participants are limited to either humans,
animals and plants, or personified abstractions, and the kinds are
rarely mixed within the same poem. Fourth, the narrator who over-
3 hears and reports the debate is usually uninvolved and impartial.
Fifth, the judge does not always render a final judgment in favor of
one or the other disputant. Finally, the argument is normally a
formal exchange, frequently degenerating into personal invective but
always patterned after rhetorical models of debate.
Some noteworthy Latin examples include "Altercatio Ganymedis et Helenae," "Conflictus Ovis et Lini," "Goliae Dialogus Inter Aquam et Vinum," "Phillis et Flora," and "Disputatio Inter Cor et Oculum."
These include the later English examples, Clanvowe's Cuckoo and the Nightingale, Chaucer's Parliament of Fowls, Lydgate's Horse, Goose and Sheep, and the Parliament of the Three Ages.
o
Clanvowe's poem is a notable exception; cf. Lampe, "Debate Poems," 55 ff.
7
These six characteristics are reflected in the structure of The
Owl and the Nightingale. To begin with, the first stanza, twelve
lines divisible into three four-line groups, conforms to the conven
tional debate introduction but is rather more elaborate than earlier
examples. The first four lines introduce the narrator, give the
setting ["one sumere dale,/In one supe dijele hale"], state that a
debate occurs ["iherde ich holde grete tale"], and identify the com
batants ["an Hule and one Ni3tingale"]. None of this is especially
noteworthy: in debate poems, the narrator is usually anonymous and
rarely directly involved in the subsequent argument; summer is the
usual time, though spring is sometimes substituted; the setting is
typical of later examples of the genre where the elaborate bucolic
setting of the eclogue is collapsed for the sake of extra emphasis
on the debate itself; and the disputants are rarely described by the
narrator in any great detail. What is distinctive is the subsequent
expansion of detail in the second group of four lines (5-8), which
expands on the first, describing the tone of the "grete tale" men
tioned in line 3 ["ji at plait was stif & stare & strong,/Sum wile
softe & lud among"] and the attitudes of the arguers ["]pat vvole
mod"] in line 4; lines 9 to 12, the third group, give still more
detail, specifically naming the topic of debate, each bird's
"custe," most especially each other's song.
All quotations from the poem are taken from Stanley's edition of the C text, unless specified otherwise.
8
This expanded introduction sets a pattern for the development
of the poem: with few exceptions, the second line of each couplet
expands on the meaning of the first line, and the second couplet
within each group expands on the meaning of the first. Subsequent
groups then expand on those immediately preceding until a new topic
is introduced; most frequently, these groups are either four-line or
six-line combinations. In fact, very few new topics are ever intro
duced after the initial contact between the birds, most shifts in
the immediate topic of discussion being reversions to one brought up
much earlier, and all topics relate ultimately to the one question
of the relative merit of the two birds.
Following this expanded narrative introduction, in standard
poetic debate fashion, the narrator identifies the initiator of the
quarrel: "]3e Nijtingale bigon ie speche" (1.13). However, where
earlier poems follow immediately with the disputative dialogue, The
Owl and the Nightingale inserts an apparently digressive detailed
description of the physical location of each bird (11. 14-28). The
obvious place for such a description would have been earlier in the
first stanza, as an expansion of lines 1-2, ". . . one sumere dale,/
In one snbe dijele hale," in the same pattern as the earlier expan
sions of lines 3 and 4. Since this description seems digressive and
goes beyond the normal scope of pastoral descriptions in debate
poems, we can reasonably suppose that the poet intended to stress
the symbolic value of the physical location of each bird. As Lampe
notes, this setting is referred to several times in the process of
the debate and helps establish the subsequent characterization of
the birds ("Debate Poems" 8-10).
By the end of the third stanza, then, we can see that the poet
has modified the traditional pattern of the conflictus to serve his
own purposes. I suggest that lines 29-214 represent an even greater
modification than the descriptive insertion of lines 14-28 into the
introductory section. While this second section is an argumentative
dialogue, it is not a formal rhetorical debate. In the first place,
there is no formal exchange of assertions, refutations and proofs;
of the 144 lines, the nightingale speaks 111, the narrator 21, and
the owl a mere 12, nor does the owl attempt to refute the nightin
gale's charges. Nor can this initial section be considered the
nightingale's opening assertion, since this section is followed by
another long speech by the same disputant; the nightingale would
have two assertive speeches before the owl had one of refutation.
That this section is not a formal debate but a mere quarrel is con
firmed at the end of the section when the nightingale says: "Ac
For the purposes of this study, it is enough to note that the nightingale is pointedly linked to spring, which symbolically associates her with temporal joy, rebirth and fecundity. The owl is linked with winter, symbol of death and decay, and with ivy, a symbol of eternal spiritual values. The setting thus "establishes an initial contrast between the two birds—a contrast that is essential to the rest of the poem and is more fully developed there" (Lampe, "Debate Poems" 10, 11).
10
lete we awei^os cheste,/Vor suiche wordes hop unwerste;/& fo we on
mid ri^te dome,/Mid faire worde & mid ysome." The contrast between
"strife" and "futile" words (cheste/wordes . . . unwerste) and
"right judgment" with "fair" and "friendly" words (rigte dome/faire
worde & . . . ysome) is pointed. Atkins effectively translates the
entire passage, including the four lines immediately following:
But let us now stop this squabbling, for such talking
serves no purpose: and let us get on with a proper trial,
using fair and friendly words. For though we may not be
agreed, we can conduct this case in better fashion, by ob
serving decency and law, and with friendly argument, free
from strife and violence: so that each may say whatever
he will, with due regard to law and reason.
The birds are involved in an emotional quarrel that almost dis
solves into physical violence. The owl in lines 49-54 wishes she
could get her claws on the insulting nightingale:
Home jju dest me grame,
& seist me hdhe tone & schame.
3if ich ie holde on mine note—
So hit bitide iat ich mote!—
& iu were vt of 2)ine rise,
]Pu sholdest singe an a6er wise!
This violence is only averted by the decision in lines 177-214 to
debate the issue formally and to let Nicolas of Guildford, a wise
and worthy man, decide the final outcome.
11
Section three, the core of the poem, is the formal debate and
begins in line 215, after the conventional appointment of a judge,
when the narrator says the nightingale was "al are,/Ho hadde
ilorned wel aivvare." Since, under the influence of university dia
lectics, formal rhetoric had become so significant in debate poems,
I suspect that "she had learned well everywhere" is an allusion to
the training required by the quodlibet, the dialectic debate prac
tised at every university in medieval Europe:
The medieval disputation . . . was a major formative agent
in the university training process. The student entering
the university was obliged to learn the methods of dialec
tical argument and the method was used in turn for class
room demonstration by the master and for the examination
of the student. Since the university-trained writer or
speaker emerged with an extensive experience in this
method, it had an effect on medieval thinking about vari
ous kinds of writing and speaking. (Murphy, Medieval
Rhetoric 82)
Unfortunately, extant accounts of the exact procedure in these
disputations are vague (Pelligrini 16). However, one of the most
popular textbooks on rhetoric distinguishes between three parts of
an argument: the kataphasis or assertion; the apophasis or refuta
tion; and the krinomenon, the "point concerning which judgment must
be given." The krinomenon is derived from the aetion, the cause of
the charge. The synekon is the strategy whereby the defense tries
12
to disprove the aetion (Fortunatianus 26). During the debate, the
kataphasis was represented by the Respondent, and the apophasis was
represented by a team of four Opponents; the Moderator maintained
order and summed up the krinomenon after the dispute (Pellegrini
17). The formal debate was conducted in two stages, the disputatio
and the determinatio, sometimes separated by several days. The dis
putatio was an improvised discussion of extremely diverse questions,
frequently not related to a single topic, between the Respondent and
the Opponents, beginning with the kataphasis (Lampe, "Debate Poems"
99-100).
The determination, or krinomenon, was a reprise of the disputa
tion, requiring the master to find some vv/ay of logically integrating
all the diverse issues brought up in the disputation and to discuss
any objections and responses missed by the debaters (Lampe, "Debate
Poems" 109). Furthermore, although there was a noticeable decline
in the seriousness of debate topics as the disputation moved into
the 15th and 16th centuries (Pellegrini 18), the arguments continued
to be hotly prosecuted, frequently leading to violent disorder in a
practice called "coursing" (Smith, "Extracurricular Disputations"
474-75). This accords well with the fact that debate poems empha
size the debate itself, becoming an exercise in wit as much as an
investigation of serious philosophic questions, and with the fact
These same divisions of an argument into kataphasis and apophasis are discussed in the pseudo-Augustinian "De Rhetorica Quae Supersunt," pp. 16-17.
13
that the argument often seems disjointed in topic, trite, and unduly
vehement.
It is quite likely, I believe, that these university practices
would have influenced both the structure of debate poems and the
roles of the participants. Thus, the task proposed for Master
Nicolas would be, in view of university practice, to keep the argu
ment from dissolving into a physical riot between supporters of the
two birds, to find a logical connection between the points brought
up during the debate (to restate the krinomenon), and to give an
additional explication of the issue, as well as to decide the vic
tor. The nightingale may be labeled the Respondent, her initial
statements the kataphasis or accusation, and her subsequent remarks
the aetion or supportive proofs. The owl is then the Opponent, her
initial statements are the apophasis, and her subsequent remarks are
the synekon of the debate.
Section three, the formal debate, ends in lines 1635-66, when
the nightingale claims victory based on a rhetorical technicality.
Section four of the poem, lines 1667-1788, another modification of
the earlier debate format, is an insertion between the closing words
of the formal argument and what would normally be a judgmental con
clusion. The topic of this section reverts to the earlier quarrel
in section two (11. 29-214), demonstrating in even greater detail
just how easily this dispute could dissolve into open warfare, this
time involving the entire bird kingdom, not just the two birds.
Again, violence is averted by reference to Nicolas of Guildford.
14
Still another significant variation on the debate conventions is the
fact that the selected judge is not himself actually present during
the debate, which forces the owl to assume one of the duties of the
Moderator, the recitation of the disputation. The nightingale asks,
"Ah wa schal unker speche rede,/An telle touore unker deme?" (11.
1782-83), and the owl responds:
}Darof ich schal e wel icweme,
. . . for al, ende of orde.
Telle ich con, word after worde.
An Jef ^e pinch i6at ich misrempe
]DU stond a^ein & do me crempe.
Section five of the poem, the last six lines, then moves to a rapid,
if not abrupt, conclusion, stating that the narrator cannot relate
which of the two birds actually won the argument.
The conventions of the debate genre, together with the techni
ques of scholastic debate, thus indicate that the poem is divisible
into five distinct sections structured somewhat like a Chinese box
A
(Figure 1). As Patterson has demonstrated, such an emboitement or
chiastic organization is common in medieval literature and often has
thematic value (669-71). In this particular case, the most external
layer of the poem, sections one and five, is merely an organiza
tional unit, that is, it establishes the poem as a debate, identi
fies the disputants, and as Chapter II will demonstrate, identifes
both the potential violence of the quarrel, effusively praising
Nicolas and bluntly condemning the bishops. Thus, the middle layer
15
(1) Lines 1-28 Lines 1789-94 (5)
( 2) Lines 29-214 Lines 1667-1788 (4
(3) Lines 215-1666
)
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
Introduction Informal Quarrel Formal Debate Informal Quarrel Conclusion
Figure 1: Emboitement Structure In The Owl and the Nightingale
16
helps interpret the center, much of which would be otherwise ob
scure. Section three (11. 215-1666), the formal debate, is the
structural core of the poem; as Chapter III will demonstrate, this
section is a satiric picture of the behaviors and beliefs of the
bishops mentioned in lines 1761-63.
The Beast-Fable and the Satiric Mode Of The Owl and the Nightingale
Perhaps one of the most striking characteristics of the poem is
the comedy of the argument between the birds, a "spirit of jest and
fiction which pervades the whole," to use Hanford's description of
later developments in the genre, which included a freer style,
greater liveliness resulting from rhythmic verse, and an increased
use of parody and satire (Hanford 131, 138). In The Owl and the
Nightingale, the potential for satire present in the debate genre is
fully realized through the influence of the beast-fable genre with
its own satiric potential. Since debate poems often feature the per
sonification of animals, we should not be surprised to find in The
Owl and the Nightingale close associations with both satiric carica
ture and beast-fable conventions.
Several critics have noted the close parallels between specific passages in The Owl and the Nightingale and the fables of Marie de France and Odo of Cheriton, most notably in the falcon's nest anecdote (11. 101-26) and in the story of the knight's lady (11. 1049-66). The Appendix of Stanley's edition includes a chart of specific points of correlation between the poem and contemporary beast-fables.
17
Priscian the Grammarian defines a fable as "a composition made
up to resemble life, projecting an image of truth in its structure,"
and states as a chief principle for the genre that "This technique
applies to the needs of life and becomes realistic if the things
which happen to the subject are then related to the experiences of
real men." He then discusses the need to match the human character
istic being described with the presumed characteristics of an ani
mal: the peacock's pride with human pride, the fox's cleverness
with human cleverness, and the imitative nature of the ape with the
imitative nature of men (53).
This system of representation is based on the idea that human
types have their correlaries within the animal kingdom, and that all
the poet need do is search for the appropriate correlative species
and describe its behavior in a fictional situation; thus he simul
taneously describes the behavior of men. Lady Philosophy explains
the analogy in depth in Boethius' Consolation of Philosophy:
You will say that the man who is driven by avarice to
seize what belongs to others is like a wolf; the restless,
angry man who spends his life in quarrels you VN?ill compare
to a dog. The treacherous conspirator who steals by fraud
may be likened to a fox; the man who is ruled by
intemperate anger is thought to have the soul of a lion.
The fearful and timid man who trembles without reason is
like a deer; the lazy, stupid fellow is like an ass. The
volatile, inconstant man who continually changes direction
18
is like a bird; the man who is sunk in foul lust is trap
ped in the pleasures of a filthy sow. In this way, anyone
who abandons virtue ceases to be a man, since he cannot
share in the divine nature, and instead becomes a beast.
Jacobs has called this correlation between human and animal realms a
"correspondence theory of truth" (27), based on a perception of the
universe as hierarchically ordered with man between the purely spir
itual realm of God and angels and the purely physical realm of ani
mals. In this median position, man has both a spiritual and a
physical nature, and he is capable of rising or falling in the scale
of beings, depending upon his behavior.
We have only to turn to the bestiaries to see how this system
of correspondences worked. Animals were perceived as having person
ality and character divinely instilled into their natures so that
man, observing those natures, might perceive moral truth and the di
vine nature of the Creator who is the referent point for moral
truth. Moreover, visible images of the same invisibilia could be
seen at every level in the hierarchical cosmic scale. For example,
the sin of pride could be seen at the angelic level in the figure of
Satan, at the human level in various persons, and at the animal
level in the peacock. This idea, which Curley calls the "analogic
structure of nature," furnished "a ready set of divinely provided
symbols to bridge the otherwise impassable gulf between the visi-
bilis of this world and the invisibilia of the other" (Phvsiologus
X ii-iv). If animals were seen to have human characteristics, it was
19
not because of personification, i.e., the deliberate and conscious
attribution of human traits to an entirely different nature, but
because of the divinely appointed system of images and likenesses.
Animals, in and of their own natures, have characteristics which
mirror the same moral truth as man, and the two natures are alike in
those mirror images.
This theory of correspondences and mirror imagery throughout
the cosmic hierarchy underlay the form of the widely disseminated
bestiaries. For instance, an anonymous twelfth-century bestiary
says that the fox is "a fraudulent and ingenious animal," demon
strated in the way the fox fakes death in order to trap birds for
food (White 53); the fox is, thus, an appropriate representative for
fraudulent human behaviors because he is himself devious. The lion
reflects the resurrection in that the lioness gives birth to a dead
whelp which the father awakens by breathing into its face on the
third day (Phvsiologus 4). The swordfish, because he emulates sail
ing ships but grows tired and quits after three or four miles, is
similar to a man who does not persevere in emulating the prophets
and apostles (6).
According to Priscian, this same system of correspondences
functions in the beast fable. If a fabulist wishes to satirize
human pride, he has merely to create a tale about a peacock, which
is itself guilty of pride. He can then control the length of his
tale by either telling a simple narration or by "giving speech to
the participants," and he can make his tale serve a moral purpose by
20
incorporating an epimythion, "a statement which points out the moral
of the fable," either at the beginning or, more normally, at the end
of the work (53). Jacobs, in speaking of this moralistic aspect in
the fables of Odo of Cheriton, states that while many of his stories
are simply "cautionary," many are ". . . properly (if loosely) to be
termed 'satiric'—that is, they are fictions designed primarily to
attack" (26); they are "fictive commentaries on the abuses and abu
sers of his age . . . attacks which seek to transform the way men
see themselves and their world and, therefore, the way they act"
(26-27). In essence, then, the beast fable functions through a sys
tem of correspondences, and, when its corrective method is satiri
cal, its moral involves the idea that a true man would not act as
these lesser creatures are seen to act.
As Hume and others have noted, in The Owl and the Nightingale
the two birds are most definitely birds; they retain distinctly
bird-like characteristics which prevent total allegorical identifi
cation with human concerns. In fact, the natural lore contained
within the poem has caused a great deal of investigation into folk
lore concerning the two birds and identification of parallels with
scientific works such as Alexander Neckam's De naturis rerum. In
Hinckley's words, "A salient point of interest in The Owl and the
Nightingale is the amount of knowledge, expressed or implied in the
poem, concerning animal life which is correct and possibly due to
direct personal obvservation" ("Science and Folk-Lore" 303). In
this respect, the poem does no more than comply with the principle
21
of natural realism, which Charles Baldwin discusses, quoting a pass
age from John of Salisbury's Metalogicon (c. 1159):
In other things, too, grammatica imitates nature; for the
precepts of poetica set forth the habits of nature and ex
act of the craftsman in this art that he follow nature—
to that degree, indeed, that the poet shall not depart
from the footprints of nature, but apply himself to stick
to them in manner, gesture, even word. Moreover, the the
ory is to be kept not only in feet or tenses, but in ages,
places, seasons, and other details beyond our present pur
pose, for all these come from the workshop of nature.
(Charles Baldwin 157-159)
However, it is equally obvious that both birds also represent
humans: they quarrel as men do, resorting to the rules of formal
rhetorical debate; they are governed as men are governed; and they
constantly relate their concerns to human issues. In short, there
is a man behind each of the two birds. This has never been a point
of critical contention; what has been hotly argued is exactly which
human issues the birds are supposed to represent. Hume succinctly
summarizes the situation:
In 1948 Albert C. Baugh denied that the poem was "anything
more than a lively altercation between two birds," and al
most every critic since has gone out of his way to protest
this assessment. And it ±s_ difficult to believe that a
poem of such length and quality should be merely a jeu
22
d'esprit. Failure to see its meaning has driven critics
to try explaining the poem by means of external contexts;
in other words, to reading it allegorically. (51)
I suggest that the problem has been trying to find an allegorical
context outside of the poem, when the poem is using instead the same
system of analogical correspondences at work in the bestiary and the
beast-fable. The birds, while thev remain birds, exhibit behaviors
which are blameworthy behaviors and become comic descriptors of the
same behaviors in human beings. Thus the birds are a satirical pic
ture of human nature.
Here, Tucker's analysis of satiric conventions can help us
grasp the satiric functioning of the poem. In the first place, he
defines the "satirical spirit" as the "spirit of adverse or negative
criticism, the spirit that prompts attack" (7). This satiric spirit
is characterized by exaggeration and ridicule of human beliefs and
behaviors and by a reformatory purpose which is a by-product of the
more direct purpose of destructive criticism. Also, while satiric
humor is similar to comedy, which seeks merely to amuse, in that
both depend on a perception of incongruities, it is dissimilar "in
that it must attack these absurdities made evident by humor and
reduce them to harmony" (Tucker 8). This sense of the ridiculous
results in exaggeration, an attempt to increase the sense of incon
gruity (9). Essentially, then, the difference between humor and
satire is the ratio of amusement to invective contained within the
ridicule of the incongruous, as well as satire's corrective purpose.
23
Dramatic satire attacks the incongruous by creating an exaggerated
fictional situation in which the audience sees beliefs and behaviors
functioning in such a way that they reject those beliefs and behav
iors, resulting in the transformation of a particular case into an
archetype of contemptible human behavior (18, 30). This type of sa
tire is best exemplified in the Middle Ages, according to Tucker, by
the beast-fables in which "the beast . . . always concealed a man"
(26-27). It is my belief that this same type of satire is at work
in the argument between the birds and that we must look at their be
haviors and beliefs as exaggerations of human patterns.
The satiric mode of The Owl and the Nightingale is reflected
in its tone and style. Medieval poetics distinguished between two
styles, the "high" style for tragedy and panegyric and the "low"
style for comedy and satire, a distinction which Judson Allen char
acterizes as "both a sense of social hierarchy and an answering
sense of a hierarchy of styles" (21). Minnis cites an accessus com
mentary on Persius in which the author's low style is defended as
appropriate to satiric comedy with reference to the etymology of the
term "satire," supposedly named after the goat-like satyrs:
The satyrs are depicted naked; similarly satire employs a
plain and unembellished style. In its use of vulgar words
it differs from tragedy, which always uses elevated lang
uage. Moreover, a satire jumps about, in the fashion of a
goat, because it has neither a circumscribed theme nor a
flowing rhythm. The goat is a stinking animal, and satire
24
employs pungent and unpleasant words. By such drastic
methods, the satirist made manifest his moral, outrage and
censured the vices of men.
Thus, the scatalogical references (scitwordes) which Atkins felt ob
liged to omit from his translation of The Owl and the Nightingale
(for example, cp. 11. 585-596 with p. 161) are actually quite appro
priate to satiric comedy and even an integral part of the poem's
style. So also is its non-sequential development (supra 8) and the
obvious game of rhetorical one-up-manship, so to speak, revealed by
narrative description of the birds' thoughts as they plan their at
tacks and counter-attacks. All of these elements combined help to
create within the debate itself a relatively light tone based on
simple amusement over the birds' foibles.
The tone changes, however, in the fourth section, lines 1667-
1788, moving away from light amusement and toward invective aroused
by the author's personal animus against the bishops who have failed
to promote Nicolas. This is Tucker's "direct" satire, stimulated by
"a sense of injury, or a feeling of dislike or hatred toward an in
dividual, institution, or class" (Tucker 10-11). Lines 1761-1778
are a blatant attack on those responsible for not promoting Nicolas
of Guildford: "pat his bischopen muchel schame,/An alle pan p^t of
his nome/Habbeyb ihert, & of his dede" (11. 1761-63). Even more se
vere is the criticism in lines 1770-78:
peos riche men wel muche misdoyO
]9at lete^ y6ane gode mon.
25
pat of so feole ijinge con.
An 7iuei6 rente wel misliche.
An of him lete^ wel lihtliche;
Wi^ heore cunne heo hedh mildre,
An 'zexiep rente litle childre:
Swo heore wit hi demi a dwole,
pat euer abid Maistre Nichole.
The severity of these strictures is increased by juxtapostion with
the panegyric concerning the neglected Nicolas in lines 1752-1768.
Earlier, in lines 191-214, Nicolas had been described as a man "wis
an war of worde," "of dome suhe gleu," and as a man to whom is "loyb
eurich unlbeu." Furthermore, "He wot insist in eche songe,/Wo singet
wel, wo singet wronge:/& he can schede vrom e ri^te/pat woje, yOat
Ibuster from-oe li7te." Thus, although Nicolas in youth had been
"breme" and overly devoted to the nightingale, the owl is willing to
trust him to render true judgment: "He is him ripe & fastrede,/Ne
lust him nu to none unrede:/Nu him ne lust na more pleie,/He wile
gon a rijte weie."
This encomium is then expanded in lines 1755-58: "par he dem^
manie rijte dom,/An diht & writ mani wisdom,/An^urh his mu^e &^urh
his honde/Hit is j?)e betere into Scotlonde." The birds do not under
stand why the bishops and others do not recognize this great wisdom,
and there is certainly a sense of injury and bitter irony in the no
tion that, instead of giving Nicolas those "rente a uale stude" (1.
1767) which would enable him to join their councils "for teche heom
26
of his wisdome" (1. 1766), the bishops give the rents to children.
Thus, the poem captializes on the contrasts between direct satire
and panegyric to create a highly effective statement about the
preferment issue.
Actually, in The Owl and the Nightingale, we can identify three
distinct modes of development: in the argument between the birds,
the mode is that of indirect satire; in discussion of those bishops
who overlooked Nicolas, the mode shifts from indirect to direct sa
tiric condemnation; and in referring to Nicolas of Guildford (11.
177-215 and 1745-80), the poem shifts to panegyric. The contrasts
between the three modes and their related tonal shifts then enhances
the effectiveness of each.
Ultimately, I have to agree with Hume that it is difficult to
accept The Owl and the Nightingale as merely a jeu d'esprit. The
debate genre, the beast-fable and satire all include a didactic pur
pose, and this purpose logically has to be embodied in the direct
contrast between the praise of Nicolas and the satiric condemnation
of the bishops. It is relatively easy to recognize that this
contrast serves as a condemnation of abuses in the preferment system
(this will be discussed further in Chapter III). The remaining pro
blem is to relate the satirical argument between the two birds,
which is by far the greatest portion of the poem, to this more ex
terior and obvious purpose. The solution to this problem lies in
recognizing that the situation within the bird-kingdom is a satiric
counterpart to that in the human realm, Nicolas serving as the
27
single common element of both. However, it is impossible to define
precisely the nature of this correspondence without first identify
ing an issue which unifies the seemingly diverse argument between
the birds and serves as the point of correspondence between the two
realms. In other words, just as the owl is forced by the physical
absence of the chosen moderator to review the specific points of the
argument, the reader of the poem is forced to find the krinomenon,
the real issue at stake in the debate.
CHAPTER II
THE TOPIC OF DEBATE
As Chapter I established. The Owl and the Nightingale contains
a fairly conventional narrative introduction which progresses by a
gradual expansion of details concerning topics introduced in earlier
couplets. The first stanza of the introduction is divisible into
three four-line groups; the third four-line group is an expansion on
the second, which was itself an expansion on the first. "& elper
seide of o^eres custe/pat aire worste^at hi wuste" adds detail to
"an aiyber a*en o^er sval,/& let^at vvole mod ut al." "& hure &
hure of oheres songe/Hi holde plaiding su e stronge" (11. 11-12) ex
pands on the preceeding couplet, and all four lines together specif
ically identify the topic of the debate, each other's "custe," most
especially each other's song. As Peterson has pointed out, the
topic of debate must be contained within the meaning of "custe" (15)
which the Middle English Dictionary defines as "excellence of char
acter or virtue, character or character trait"; in respect to ac-
o
tions or events, "custe" also means "manner or way." Thus, the
poem explicitly states that the argument is an exchange of insults
concerning each bird's character, inherent nature, and behavior.
The MED lists parallel uses in the Bodley Homilies, La amon's Brut, Floris and Blancheflour, and the Proverbs of Alfred, from which the birds draw most of the adages used to validate their arguments.
28
29
Now, "custe" as the central topic of debate conforms to medie
val poetic theory. Averroes' version of Aristotle's Poetics lists
six aspects of tragic poetry: fictional descriptions ["sermones
fabulares representativi"], customs ["consuetudines"], formalism of
language ["metrum seu pondus"], beliefs ["credulitates"], meaning
["consideratio"] and expressive power ["thonus"]. What is repre
sented are "consuetudines," "credulitates" and "consideratio"—
customs, beliefs and the "proof of the rightfulness of a belief or a
deed, not by persuasive speech, since this does not pertain to the
art of poetry nor does it fit it, but rather by description"; the
other three are the means of representation. The most important of
the six are beliefs and customs, including both actions and manners
(Judson Allen 22-25). Comedic poetry contains the same six ele
ments; the only difference is that, while tragedy proceeds by af
firmation of customs and beliefs, comedy proceeds by repudiation,
which is the basis of the medieval definition of tragedy as the art
of praising and comedy as the art of blaming. As Allen notes, "the
act of assent to the normative which is expressed by laughter is,
with regard to the norm itself, exactly the same as the quieter but
no less definitive assent generated by well-deserved praise—that
is, by the effective description of the admirable" (31). In other
words, both comedy and tragedy center on human behaviors, assuming
that certain actions and beliefs are normative and praiseworthy
while deviations are to be repudiated.
30
Chapter II of this study first identifies the aetion and kata
phasis, the nightingale's charge and proof, and the apophasis and
synekon, the owl's refutation and defensive strategy, within the de
bate. It then addresses the primary interpretive problem by identi
fying "kind" or nature as the unifying issue, the krinomenon on
which judgment must be passed, cued by the repeated use of the word
"cunde" and its related forms. Once we recognize "cunde" as the un
ifying issue and make the requisite judgment of the relative merits
of each bird's argument, we can recognize the customs and beliefs,
the consuetudines and credulitates, which are being satirized within
the poem. We can then identify the theme or consideratio of the de
bate, which can be related directly to the preferment issue.
In lines 13-14, the nightingale initiates the quarrel, calling
the owl an "ynwi^^t"; throughout the poem, this word and "wrecche" in
combination with "ful" are primary terms of insult between the birds
as each tries to demonstrate that her opponent is a foul being unfit
to associate with other birds. This combination of "foul" with a
word that literally means "uncreature" seems to be an allusion to
the lists of clean and unclean animals by specific "kinds" or genera
in Leviticus and Deuteronomy. A comparison of these lists in the
Vulgate with yElfric's Heptateuch is enlightening. Whereas the
Vulgate in Lev.11:13-14 specifically names the eagle, ossifrage, os-
prey, falcon, and vulture as unclean birds, yElfric condenses these
into the hafoccynn [hawk-tribe] and earncynn [eagle-tribe]. The
Vulgate ban on the raven in verse 15 is translated into English as
31
Ne ulan [owl], ne nan^inge hrefncynnes [raven-tribe]." The rest
of the list, which the Heptateuch does not translate, also includes
the noctua [night-hawk], bubo [white owl], and the ibis [horned or
9 great owl]. The nightingale obviously identifies the owl as one of
these unclean birds, contact with which makes a man also unclean.
If the owl is unclean in the Mosaic sense, there is some justifica
tion for the nightingale's attempt to drive her away, and in her
subsequent attacks on the owl, the nightingale attempts to substan
tiate her classification of the owl as an "unwiijt."
Thus the formal debate begins with the rhetorical question in
line 217, "seie me so^,/Wi dostu y6at unwijtis doy6?" Most of the
nightingale's assertions during the debate are a reprise of state
ments made in the second section, the informal quarrel, and can be
reduced to six specific points concerning the owl's foul nature.
First, the owl is violent by nature, attacking other birds (11. 63-
70). Second, the owl deviates in her physical appearance (11. 71-
84). Third, the owl is nocturnal (11. 89-90, 227-52). Fourth, she
has filthy nesting habits (11. 91-126). Fifth, her song is more a
horrid screech than music and bodes only of evil to come (11. 224-
27, 411-32, and 1169-74). Finally, the owl is useless, except in
death, and hated by all men (11. 1111-74).
Part of the problem in tracing Latin influences in The Owl and the Nightingale is the fact that the Vulgate recognizes more than one type of owl, especially the noctua, the bubo and the nycticorax or nightraven, all of which may be translated by the one English word, ule.
32
Peterson notes that this attack is based on the doctrine of
evil as deprivation or deviation from nature; the nightingale in
effect accuses the owl of being a natural deviate, and she repeat
edly uses the word "cunde." Since the owl is herself a fowl, yet
attacks other creatures which have the nature or inherent qualities
of fowls, she betrays her own kind and hence is unnatural, an "vn-
wizt"; therefore, all other birds are justified in driving the owl
from their midst (11. 66-70). The word is even more significant
in lines 85-88, a comparison of the owl with obviously unclean crea
tures: "pe were icundur to one frogge/[pat sit at mulne vnder
cogge: ]/Snailes, mus, & fule wi7te/Bo%^ine cunde &^ine rijte."
Among the possible meanings listed in the Middle English Dictionary
for "icundur" is "more natural, more characteristic; related by kin
ship, more akin," giving us the translation, "a frog that sits under
the cogstone at the mill would be more akin to you: snails, mice
12 and foul creatures are your kind and your proper order."
Concerning the owl's nocturnal habits, the nightingale claims
that only evil creatures prefer the night to day, and says, "So do^
1)at boi of 2>ine cunde:/Of lijte nabbe^ hi none imunde" (11. 251-52).
^^Peterson cites Augustine's Confessions, VII, 11-17, and Aquinas, Summa Contra Gentiles, II, 10-13, in The Basic Writings of Saint Thomas Aquinas, ed. and trans. Anton C. Pegis.
^^Martin along with Atkins sees parallels of the owl's characterization in Alexander Neckam's De laudibus divinae sapientiae. He also identifies a metaphorical use of the owl mobbed by smaller birds in the Liber de similitudinibus (PL 159, col. 699-700).
33
Another form of the same word is paired with "custe" in lines 114-
15, the falcon's nest episode, where the adjective "icunde" clearly
signifies "natural": "Segget me, wo hauety6is ido?/Ov nas neuer
icunde^arto:/Hit was idon ov a lope custe." When the young falcons
accuse the owlet, pointing out his deviant appearance ("pe ond,
y{)at haued y&at grete heued"), as a justifiable punishment for its
loathsome nature, the falcon throws the owlet from the nest for mag
pies and crows to tear apart. The proverbs about the "ungode" who
knows always that he came "of fule brode" (11. 127-134) and the
apple that, however far it may roll from the parent tree, knows
"whonene he is icume" (11. 135-38) seem to signify that the owl her
self knows that she comes from a foul brood and cannot escape her
inherent nature.
The word "kind" is also used repeatedly in the nightingale's
defense against the owl's countercharges. In lines 713-14, she
claims that one of her songs is better than all '"jat eure i kun
kuie," and in line 1099 she claims that the cuckolded knight had
been punished by King Henri, which was "wr6sipe al mine kunne." The
question of "kind" or "nature" even appears in the long, apparently
digressive argument over whether the nightingale causes sexual
misconduct, when, in lines 1395-98, the nightingale distinguishes
12 Hirsh traces the association between owls, jackdaws and frogs
in Plato, Ambrose, Gregory of Nyssa, and Aeneas of Gaza, among others, commenting on these lines in The Owl and the Nightingale that the nightingale is obviously associating the owl "with the very lowest forms of life" (146-47).
34
between two kinds of sin and claims that at least the erring woman
sins through natural instinct instead of through pride (11. 1423-
24).
In her own defense, the owl also resorts to the idea of kinds,
especially to natural law for birds of prey, in order to prove that
she is not an unclean creature. To the first two charges, that she
attacks smaller fowls and that she is physically ugly, the owl an
swers that this is part of her inherent nature as one of the hawk
family (269-76):
Ich habbe bile stif & stronge,
& gode cliuers scharp & longe.
So hit bicumei to hauekes cunne.
Hit is min hi2te, hit is mi wnne
pat ich me draffe to mine cunde,
Ne mai no man^areuore schende:
On me hit is wel isene
Vor ri7te cunde ich am so kene.
Atkins' translation of this passage is loose but effective, convey
ing its emphasis on natural law:
"I have a strong and sturdy beak, good claws as well both
sharp and long, as befits one of the hawk-tribe. It is my
joy, my delight as well, that I live in accord with Na
ture: and for this no man can blame me. In me it is
plainly seen that by Nature's laws I am so fierce . . . "
(225)
35
Because of the idea that evil is a deviation from natural law, the
owl must establish the fact that she does no more than is natural to
her own kind within the natural order of the universe (Peterson 16).
No man can blame the owl for either her violence or her appearance,
since both are determined by the divinely appointed laws of kind or
genus.
To refute the charge that owls have filthy nesting habits, she
mentions similar habits among other creatures (11. 605-54), each of
which is "clean" by Mosaic law, so this cannot count as proof that
the owl is an "unwi7t." In defense of her nocturnal, winterish hab
its and her singing, the owl alludes to the nycticorax allegory.
Augustine in his Enarrationes in Psalmos developed a special signif
icance for this one particular type of owl, based on its metaphori
cal association with David in Psalm 101:7-8. Thus, the owl had a
double metaphorical value; while the bubo and the noctua symbolized
sinful man avoiding the light of Christ and blind to the true faith,
as well as the prophet of doom, the nycticorax, or nightraven, sym
bolized both Christ and the selfless Christian voluntarily living in
the darkness of the world in order to save those who were not total-
13 ly irreclaimable (Donovan 207-8). This defense is, thus, based on
a distinction between two kinds of owls.
Finally, when she thinks she is about to be mobbed by the
nightingale's supporters, the owl makes one more claim on her kin
ship with the "hauekes cunne":
36
pe schule wite, ar e fleo heonne,
Hwuch is >6e stren^ of mine kunne,
For eo pe haue^ bile ihoked,
An cliures charpe & wel icroked,
Alle heo beoS of mine kunrede.
An walde come jif ich bede.
(11. 1673-78)
Thus, we can define the kataphasis of the debate as the night
ingale s charge that the owl is by nature unclean and deserving of
the animosity of all other creatures; the aetion or proof of the
charge is six specific examples of the owl's unclean "custes." The
owl's defensive strategy, the synekon of the debate, is her claim
that those six behaviors are not unclean but are, in actuality, the
natural characteristics of her own kind, the hawk family, combined
with her countercharges that the nightingale is guilty of equally
offensive behaviors:
Go so hit go, at eche fenge
pu fallest mid ybine ahene swenge;
Al at u seist for me to schende.
Hit is mi wur2)schipe at an ende.
1 3 Donovan also cites Cassiodorus (PL 37, 1298-1300), the
Pseudo-Bede (PL 93, 994-95), Honorius of Autun (PL 172, 300), Peter Lombard (PL 191, 908-9), St. Isidore (PL 82, 464-65), Rabanus Maurus (PL H I , 251) and Hugh of St. Victor (PL. 177, 30-31).
37
Bute ^u wille bet aginne,
Ne shaltu bute schame iwinne.
(11. 1285-90)
The owl claims superiority for herself and her own kind over the
nightingale and her kind.
'Kind," then, must be the krinomenon of the debate, the single
point which unifies through constant repetition. Just as the owl
claims that she is keenly in favor of "ri'zte cunde" (1.276), the
nightingale also firmly establishes herself as the proponent of
"rihte ikunde," cursing all who violate "proper nature" (11. 1382-
83). Also, both birds speak of their deaths as past events, apply
ing to themselves qualities and actions which strictly speaking can
only pertain to some other member of their species. Obviously, the
issue of the relative merits of each bird includes not only the par
ticular birds speaking in the poem, but extends to their entire spe
cies. As C.S. Lewis's study of the word "kind" reveals, although
the word, deriving from the Anglo-Saxon cynd, certainly can mean
"type" or sort of thing, it can also mean "nature." From another
meaning, "progeny," derives the meaning "family," "stock" or "kin
dred" (26- 33). In The Owl and the Nightingale, the word "cunde" is
used in all these ways as the birds argue over the relative merits
of each other's "kind," or family.
In lines 1653-1738, this quarrel nearly becomes open warfare,
14 not just between the two birds but within the entire bird kingdom.
An uneasy peace is maintained only through the wren's intervention.
38
when she urges both to keep their agreement to abide by the judgment
of Nicolas and warns,
Hwat! wulle^ey6is pes tobreke.
An do an kinge swuch schame?
3e! nis he nou^er ded ne lame.
Hunke schal itide harm & schonde
3ef pe ^op gri^bruche on his londe.
(11. 1730-34)
Although much has been made of this particular passage in an effort
to correlate the phrase "this peace" with a specific historical in
cident, it is possible to read it as simply a general reference to
the ancient Anglo-Saxon principle known as "the king's peace."
Based on the idea that fighting or violence by strangers in the
King's house was a serious offense, and that this peace temporarily
included any area where he happened to be, the concept gradually
came to include places where he was present in theory, local courts,
roads and rivers, and churches and monasteries. After the Norman
Conquest, this concept of the King's peace was extended to include
An interesting analogue to this idea of a gigantic battle between the supporters of the nightingale and the owl occurs in a Carolingian poem by Theodulf called "The Battle of the Birds." After a highly graphic description of the battle, the poem ends with the ironic note that the people who came to see the mass of corpses covering the earth after the battle took the once-gallant vvrarriors home for food.
Huganir suggests the reign of Henry II, Tupper suggests the Edict of 1195, and Anne Baldwin argues for the peace established between Henry II and the Church after Becket's death.
39
the entire realm (Willson 37). The significance of these lines in
The Owl and the Nightingale, immediately followed as they are by the
praise of Nicolas, seems to be that well-trained clerics able to
judge wisely in disputes like that between the birds are necessary
for maintaining the King's peace and preventing social violence,
which, notably, is also one of the tasks of the moderator of the
university quodlibet.
The final task of the moderator, after he had summarized the
arguments presented during the disputatio and identified a krino
menon, a central issue (in The Owl and the Nightingale, as I have
suggested, the relative natural merits of each bird's "kind" or fam
ily) was to decide the winner of the debate. The sheer number of
the studies which have attempted to establish either the owl or the
nightingale as the victor is itself evidence of how unsatisfactory
the efforts have been. The nightingale declares herself the winner
because the owl admits that she is hateful to men and that "every
creature is angry" with her, gloating "Me unc^ Xat^u forleosty6at
game:/Pu julpest of ire oje schame;/Me unc^ at y6u me gest an
honde:/pu 3ulpest of ;6ire o»ene schonde" (11. 1638-52); however,
the claim is based on a rhetorical technicality, and, for every
point in favor of the nightngale, there is an equally convincing one
in favor of the owl.
Again, the precepts of unversity dialectics can help solve the
dilemma. The pseudo-Augustine identifies four kinds of
40
controversiae asystatae," which he calls "irrational mouthings,"
The second type is the "kat' isoteta":
When the very same things can be said on both sides and
there is not the slightest shade of difference to be dis
cerned, then this kind of plegma befouls the status; the
two parties are equally guilty. . . . There is absolutely
no way to distinguish between the two; so if either of
them accuses the other he automatically incriminates
himself, and if he defends himself, he also removes all
suspicion from the very neighbor he wants to accuse.
(17-18)
This characterizes the whole argument between the owl and the night
ingale, and in such an asystata there can be no victory for either
disputant; neither bird has proven that she and her kind are inher
ently more worthy than the other. But, if the poem does not clearly
demonstrate the superiority of either bird, we must conclude that
victory in the debate is insignificant to the poem's raison d'etre;
so also are the specific points which each makes concerning the oth
er's "custe." Thus, the significance of the debate must be the fact
that it occurs at all, that certain attitudes, customs and beliefs
led to the argument in the first place and resulted in the consider
able venom of the specific charges each makes about her opponent.
This leads us back to the very first stanza, "An ai^er ajen o^r
sval/& let ybat vvole mod ut al" (11. 7-8).
41
Exactly what is the nature of this "vvole mod?" Kinneavy, cit
ing the owl's claim to foreknowledge (11. 1187-90), says.
The statement, then, if not strongly supported with evi
dence in the debate, becomes evidence of the Owl's pride
or of an intended misrepresentation of truth—or of both
. . . the Owl—through pride or in the heat of her attempt
to win an argument or, again, of both—lays claim on more
than her nature (either as bird or as representative of
man) allows" (658-59).
The owl is unduly proud of her own inherent qualities and natural
gifts, and this pride blinds her to true merit. A traditional alle
gorical interpretation of the owl, transmitted by St. Ambrose, sees
in the owl a lesson about those who are blind to spiritual truth:
I speak of the eyes of the mind which the wise in
this world have and see not. . . . They open their mouths
as if in possession of all knowledge. To subjects of
little value their minds are acute, but to the eternal
verities they are blind. In the prolixities of prolonged
disputation they reveal the obscurity of their own know
ledge. Therefore, while they flit around in subtle dis
course, they act like the night owl by vanishing at the
approach of the light of day. (222-23)
Furthermore, the verb used in line 7 of the poem, "swelled"
(sval), is reminiscent of the idea expressed by Paul in 1 Cor. 8:1,
"Scientia inflat, charitas vero aedificat." In lines 41-45 the owl
42
is described as so swollen with anger that she could barely breathe.
Finkelstein, discussing the poem's references to heart and emotions
in light of medieval physiology, notes that anger was thought to un
naturally restrict the blood supply of the heart, the seat of the
soul and the discerning faulty, causing the heart to hold nothing
but useless air (623). Again, in lines 145-46, the owl is so swol
len with anger that she looks as if she's swallowed a frog. Thus,
the owl is so puffed up by both pride and anger that she has lost
the ability to discern true merit; knowledgeable about things "of
little merit," she is blind to "eternal verities."
The same can be equally said of the nightingale. She exagger
ates repeatedly, for example when she refutes the owl's charge of
uselessness by exaggerating the spirituality of her song (11. 715-
42) and when she claims that her song v /arns women about the short
lived quality of physical love (11. 1331-1406). She deliberately
resorts to principles of rhetoric to overcome her opponent not by
logic but by argumentative trickery. She herself becomes so angry
when she is accused of sitting "bihinde pe bure, among pe vvede,/
par men goA to here neode" (11. 937-38) that she has to think for
some time about Alfred's advice that anger robs a man of wisdom:
"Selde erendeyb wely6e loy$e.
An selde plaide^ wel y6e wro^e;"
For \iraj) pe melnp ^ horte blod
pat hit floweyb so wilde flod
An al ^e heorte ouergeA
43
]Oat heo naue^ no ing bute bre^.
An so forleost al hire liht
pat heo ne siZ> sop ne riht.
(11. 943-50)
The nightingale is just as proud, as angry and as blind to the owl's
real worth as the owl is toward her, so much so that she does not
see the parallels between the owl's death and the crucifixion of
Christ.
Thus, the birds argue over the relative merits of their customs
and of their families, their "kinds" of birds, and both are equally
guilty of excessive pride which blinds them to true worth. Theirs is
a hierarchically structured universe, and, if the nightingale can
prove that owls are naturally, inherently, and inescapably unclean
creatures, "vnwi^tes," she herself will take social precedence over
the owl and can justifiably demand sole occupancy of the spinney in
which she has taken such delight. The owl is equally determined to
prove herself the better of the two creatures, and the argument be
tween them becomes a struggle for the supremacy of each other's
"kind" or family. As Gordon notes concerning the "lawe of kynde" in
Chaucer's Parlement of Foules, "'Kynde' is a being's essential na
ture, which puts it in its proper species in the hierarchy of being,
and since it is God himself who determines their natures and the
laws of their development, everything is subject to his laws, and
therefore to the laws of its own kynde. It is God's love, working
through nature within these beings, that causes them to achieve
44
perfection of (conformity to) their kinds . . . " (68). In judging
between them, we can say that both are masters of rhetorical
disputation, but, just as Spring chastizes both the rose and the
lily in "Certamen Rosae Lilique," both the owl and the nightingale
are wrong in failing to realize that all birds, regardless of their
minor natural differences, are of equal quality. This point of
excessive familial pride and blindness to true merit is then the
basis of the analogic correspondence between the birds and the
bishops and the preferment issue brought up in section four of the
poem.
CHAPTER III
THE BISHOPS AND THE BIRDS
Once we realize that neither bird can win the debate because
each is equally blind to true values and equally guilty of excessive
pride in her own "kind," and that the real issue in the debate is
not the individual arguments but the attitudes, the "vvole mod" that
causes the quarrel in the first place, we can see in the fourth sec
tion of the poem (11. 1667-1788) exactly how this relates to the
preferment issue. The key lines are 1769-78, when the owl says,
. . . at is soyb,
peos riche men wel muche misdo^
pat lete^ i ane gode mon,
pat of so feoley^inge con.
An 7iuei rente wel misliche.
An of him letep wel lihtliche;
Wil> heore cunne heo beo^ mildre
An aeuei rente litle childre:
Swo heore wit hi dem^ a dwole,
pat euer abid Maistre Nichole.
"These rich men, who think very lightly of this good man and abandon
him, who knows so many things, very much misdo and give rents very
irregularly; with their own kind they are more generous and give
rents to little children." Again, the word "kind" is significant,
indicating continuity between the arguments of the birds and the is
sue of preferment for Nicolas. Ironically, the owl, herself guilty
45
46
of such strong familial prejudice that she is blind to the nightin
gale's merits, condemns the bishops for not recognizing Nicolas'
merit. "Kind" or physical kinship dominates the values of the bis
hops as much as it does the birds', and the bishops are as guilty of
the same "vvole mod," the same irrational pride.
In order to understand this section of the poem, we must look
at the system of patronage within the medieval Church. In the first
place, as Pantin notes, every Church position could be regarded as
either an office with attendant duties and responsibilities, or as a
benefice, "a mass of rights and emoluments to be received, tithes,
fees, rents, and so forth, to be reckoned in pounds, shillings and
pence." As a result. Church officials frequently collected a large
stipend and paid someone else a much smaller fee to do the actual
work of the office; for example, a parish rector might be an absen
tee government official, a university student, or even an institu
tion such as a monastery or college while the work was done by a
resident vicar or chaplain (35-36). Furthermore, these offices were
sometimes considered more as an estate to be used for personal gain
than as a spiritual obligation, and blatant, irresponsible favorit
ism became as severe a problem as pluralism and absenteeism, as
those who held the power of appointment increasingly used Church of
fices to reward their supporters and to repay favors done for them
by others (Moorman 5).
This was, of course, a favorite ploy of the Crown, which exer
cised patronage through the right of pleno iure over livings perma
nently within its control, through the right of wardship during the
47
minority of some other patron, through the "regalian right" during
the vacancy of a bishopric, and simply through unofficial pressure
which it could exert on someone else who nominally held the right of
patronage (Pantin 30-32). The baronial class also exerted consider
able influence on Church appointments; out of approximately 9,500
parishes, at least 9,000 were country parishes controlled by a local
lord who claimed the right to appoint the local priest, "a privilege
which might be distinctly advantageous if he had a son or relative
whom he wished to set up in life" (Moorman 5).
Bishops and abbots had even more influence, and some religious
houses had in residence a group of "pensionary clerks" waiting for
preferment who served the house in some capacity such as legal coun
sel. A late thirteenth-century formula for the oath of fidelity be
tween such clerks and Durham Cathedral is enlightening:
Know that we have granted and confirmed by this pre
sent charter to our beloved and faithful clerk N. by way
of charity a rent of ten marks to be received yearly out
of our chamber at such terms, until it shall please us to
provide him more richly with an ecclesiastical benefice.
The said N. has sworn to us on the Gospels that he will
keep fealty to us in all things, and that he will faith
fully see to the forwarding of our business, both beyond
the seas and at home, and that he will not reveal our
counsel to our harm, nor will he seek any art or device,
whereby we may in anything be the losers. (Pantin 33)
48
Some of these pensioned counselors were of high birth and enjoyed,
through the practice of pluralism, astonishingly high incomes. For
example, Bogo de Clare, son of the Earl of Gloucester and Hereford,
is included on a Durham list c. 1265-72 at a fee of 66 Lbs.; by
1291, he held livings in Yorkshire and nineteen other shires, as
well as the treasurership of York and five cathedral and collegiate
dignities, for a total income of nearly 150,000 Lbs. in modern cur
rency. The same list includes a future Chancellor, Robert Burnel,
and two archdeacons. A similar list c. 1291 for Christ Church,
Canterbury, includes two royal justices and three royal clerks,
along with future bishops of Chichester (Gilbert of St. Liffard) and
Worcester (Thomas of Cobham), and a cardinal at the Court of Rome
(Moorman 26-27, Pantin 33).
Obviously, appointment to one of these episcopal "counsels"
meant at least immediate economic security if not eventual wealth
and power within the Church, which may be the basis for the refer
ence in The Owl and the Nightingale to the bishops' counsel:
Hwi nulle^ hi nimen heom to rede
pat he were mid heom ilome.
For teche heom of his wisdome.
An Jiue him rente a uale stude
pat he mi^te heom ilome be mide?
(11. 1764-68)
Moorman, describing the potential for advancement within the Church,
states.
49
. . . the Church gave one of the few opportunities for a
man of real ability to rise to the top. . . . In an age
when class distinctions were infinitely more rigid than
they are today the Church opened its doors to men of all
ranks of society, for preferment was by no means limited
to men of the upper and middle classes . . . so far as
real preferment was concerned no man of outstanding abil
ity need despair. (158)
Therefore, it is not surprising that the majority of new ordinations
were the sons of small landowners and yeomen (24-25). Although many
of these were motivated by a strong sense of vocation, others were
attracted by the economic security, by the social prestige, and by
privileges like the "benefit of clergy" which exempted clerics from
trial by the civil courts (154-57).
However, as Moorman also notes, for a clerk not related to one
of the powerful families of Europe to rise within his profession,
his abilities had to be truly outstanding. "Most of those who were
ordained remained all their lives as assistant clergy with no hope
of preferment and never expecting to have more than about 3 Lbs. a
year." Thus the archdeacons of Lincoln in 1230 felt obliged to
check on the number of clergy within their diocese who were not able
to live on their wages (154-57). This latter group was the basis
for Chaucer's "poor parson"; a real-life example, William of Pagula,
a noted theologian, remained a working parish priest and penitenti
ary. In addition to such beneficed but comparatively poor resident
50
clergy, there were large numbers of salaried assistants and depu
ties. Thus, the structure of the Church was actually quite heter
ogeneous, ranging from men described by canon law as "sublime and
literate persons," to important and wealthy officials, to the aver
age parish clerk surviving, at best, on a single, barely-sufficient
benefice. Pluralism and non-residency were "the great dividing line
in the Church and State on the one hand, and the rank and file of
the clergy on the other" (Pantin 28-29).
Unfortunately, acquiring multiple benefices was not possible
unless a man attracted the attention of some powerful patron, and
the patronage system had become highly corrupt through both nepotism
and favoritism; an especially blatant abuse involved the appointment
of underaged and unordained members of important families. For ex
ample, in 1311, an underaged and unordained member of the Berkeley
family was given a canonry at Wells (Moorman 6). In 1292, Peter de
Sabaudia, a young kinsman of the Pope who already held the treasur
ership of Llandaff and positions at York, Salisbury and Hereford,
was given an additional post at Lincoln. In 1298, Aymon, son of the
Count of Savoy, underaged, not in holy orders and already possessed
of benefices valued at 1,000 marks, was given a canonry at York.
John, the twelve-year-old son of Octavian Brunforte of the Pope's
household, received a canonry at Lichfield and the Archdeaconry of
Stafford in 1301 (9). "Children of ten years old and upwards were
constantly presented and instituted to livings; and though many of
51
them were already in minor orders, they were obviously incapable of
serving the churches, since most of them were still at school"
(6-7).
In an effort to check irresponsible patronage, the Church in
stituted seven penalties for simony, a sin ranked above even homi
cide, sacrilege and incest, and no man presented to a living could
draw his income without the bishop's sanction (Moorman 6). While a
number of bishops, like Giraldus Cambrensis of Saint David's, Robert
Grossetest, Adam Marsh, and John Pecham, did make an effort to cur
tail simony, nepotism and pluralism (213-16), it was difficult to
resist pressure from wealthy and powerfully connected families that
wanted their relatives to have lucrative positions, and abuses con
tinued:
However anxious bishops might be not to allow special pri
vileges to men of high rank, they would find it very dif
ficult to resist the demands of those who belonged to the
most powerful families in the land, in spite of the fact
that, as our records show, to many of these men the taking
of holy orders was more an opportunity for acquiring a se
cure and substantial income than the response to a call to
pastoral ministration. . . . Many of these men, having
provided themselves with the necessary dispensation, re
lied upon the influence of their families to provide them
with enough benefices to insure a comfortable income.
Since many of them took very little interest in the
52
parishes from which they drew their money, they were
enabled to live handsomely if not luxuriously, and to
engage in such pursuits as interested them most, whether
political, forensic or sporting. (26)
All of this, of course, explains the owl's remark that rich men
are kinder to their own kin and give rents to little children: "Wi^
heore cunne heo beo^ mildre/An 7eue^ rente litle childre" (11. 1775-
76). While the poem does not condemn pluralism or absenteeism—the
birds actuallv want to see Nicolas given several benefices so that
he can leave his one dwelling to attend the episcopal council—it
very strongly repudiates the practice of preferring child-relatives.
The bishops who do so are every bit as guilty of favoritism and are
as blind to real worthiness as the birds are in relationship to each
other.
Historical records also indicate that these bishops were capa
ble of "swelling up" with the same kind of violent anger against
each other. In the first place, benefices could be and were occa
sionally stolen, "for who was to prevent a member of some powerful
family from intruding himself into a benefice and collecting his
revenue by force of arms?" Against such actions, the papal legates
Otto and Ottobon both passed regulations permitting the use of force
to dislodge usurpers, which enabled Archbishop Wickwayn of York to
use the king's army in ejecting one Richard de Vesci from a stolen
living (Moorman 7). Geoffrey, the illegitimate son of Henry II who
was Archbishop of York between 1181 and 1212, was noted for his
53
violent quarrels with any who opposed him, as was Aymer de Lusignan,
half-brother to Henry III, who held office at Winchester beginning
in 1250. Boniface of Savoy, Archbishop of Canterbury in 1240, was
reputed to have knocked another priest unconscious (165-166). There
were so many like cases that one of the issues which reformers men
tioned repeatedly was the need to stop the endless litigation and
quarreling over rights, privileges and precedence (217-18).
Actually, then, we have no need to seek an allegorical point of
reference for the birds outside of the poem itself; they are a sa
tiric counterpart of the bishops and others who controlled the pre
ferment system. Lines 29-176 are both a satirical picture of these
men and an encomium of worthy but neglected clerics. Lines 1667-
1788 continue with more of the same satire on the bishops' conten
tiousness and praise for the worthy clerks, all of which is capped
by the blunt condemnation in lines 1761-1778. Under prevailing pre
ferment conditions, clerics like Nicolas of Guildford, unrelated to
some influential family but of real ability and with a reasonable
sense of the responsibilities of office, had little hope of prefer
ment unless they could attract the attention of a powerful sponsor;
resentment, even bitterness, over their imposed stagnation within
the lesser positions would be almost impossible to prevent. Thus,
The Owl and the Nightingale makes a significant statement about a
real problem in the English Church. The debate functions as a sa
tiric caricature of the bishops' wrangling over benefices and abuse
of preferment. The birds quarrel as bishops quarreled, seeking
54
dominance over each other, blinded by their pride in "kind" or
family, and they try all the tricks of eloquent rhetoric to estab
lish that dominance. The one thing they do not do is ignore the
merits of Nicolas of Guildford; in this one respect, the bishops are
even more blind than the birds, and "Swo heore wit he demjb a
dwole,/pat euer abid Maistre Nichole" (11. 1777-78): "their wit
judges them to have grown stupid in that Master Nicolas ever
awaits." Thus, far from being irrelevant to the poem's overt
concern with the preferment of Master Nicolas, the debate between
the birds exposes, humorously but pointedly, the very attitudes and
beliefs that have caused him to be passed over.
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