[Revised] Revisiting Verb Aspect in T'boli

[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI1

REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI

Ma. Jezia Talavera

Abstract

Verbal aspect constitues one of the semantic domains of the

temporal category Tense, Aspect and Modality (henceforth TAM).

This paper focused on the verb aspectual system of T’boli, an

Austronesian language spoken in Mindanao, Philippines, which

seems to be manifested differently compared to most Philippine

languages. This paper also aimed to determine these aspectual

markers through the Aspect Test and to re-examine the studies

of Porter (1977) and Forsberg (1992), and compare their data

with the 500 sentence elicitation list (Constantino and

Hernandez). Results showed that there are lexicalized

morphemes that encode the aspect in T’boli, while the affixes

attached to the verb encode the focus system. This study also

explores the syntactic and aspectual functions of these

lexical aspectual markers in simple and complex sentences. It

was observed that such markers have optionality rules in

between the two clauses in complex sentences. More aspectual

markers and a combination of these were encountered in

analysing T’boli aspect in complex sentences. An inventory of

these markers were made.

Keywords: T’boli, aspectual markers, TAM-system


1. INTRODUCTION. This paper primarily focused on the verb

aspectual system of T’boli. T’boli is externally classified as

a Western Malayo-Polynesian Austronesian language and descends

from the Proto-Philippine ancestral language (Zorc, 1986). It

is internally classified as a Bilic language, which

constitutes one of the nine Philippine microgroups (Blust

1991, p. 81). T’boli is spoken in Southwestern Mindanao with

93 500 speakers as of 2000 (Lewis, 2009). Other Bilic

languages include Tiruray and B’laan and are known to have

linguistic features distinct to other Philippine languages.

These include their seven-vowel system (Porter 1977, p. 11)

and initial consonant clusters (Forsberg 1992, p. 6).

1.1. TAM System. Tense, aspect and mode are grammatical

categories which are often labelled as the TAM system

(Schmidtke 2006, p. 3). There are a number of interactions and

interrelationships between these three categories, but are

often distinguished from each other using a semantic approach

(Dahl 1985, p. 23). Tense may be defined as the deictic


category which locates a situation with respect to an absolute

or relative time reference and basically divides time into

past, present and future tenses (Comrie 1976, p. 2), while

aspect expresses a situation with respect to the “temporal

constituency of time” and mainly employs the terms perfective,

imperfective and prospective (Comrie 1976, p. 3).

1.2. PH Languages. There are 170+ languages in the

Philippines, which account for its diverse and multilinguistic

landscape (Lewis, 2009). Filipino and English are the official

languages in the Philippines, while the twelve major languages

are Tagalog, Kapampangan, Pangasinense, Ilokano, Bikol,

Cebuano, Hiligaynon, Waray, Tausug, Maguindanaoan, Maranao,

and Chabacano (Ronda, 2013). There are also vernacular or

‘auxiliary’ languages which are spoken by a substantial number

of ethnolinguistic groups in the Philippines (Gonzales 1998,

p. 499).

1.3. TAM in PH Languages. Philippine languages are marked for

aspect (Reid 1992, p. 65), compared to English which is marked

for tense. The aspect and focus systems in most Philippine

languages are usually encoded in the affixes that are attached

to verbs; that is, they function as portmanteau morphemes.

Mode is also encoded in the verbal affixes in most Philippine

languages (Constantino 1965, p. 76).

1.4. T’boli TAM System. There seems to be lexicalized

morphemes that express the aspect in T’boli, while the affixes

attached to the verbs only encode the focus system. Moreover


there also seems to be a significant correlation between the

optionalities of these lexicalized morphemes or aspectual markers

and the time adverbials in T’boli. While previous studies have

extensively discussed the focus system in T’boli, they have

not examined its verb aspectual system in detail.

1.5. Objectives. This paper aimed to revisit the verb

aspectual system of T’boli. Moreover it aimed to determine the

different aspectual markers indicating the perfective,

imperfective and prospective aspects and the possible natural

classes to which they belong to through the Aspect Test.

Perfective aspect refers to a completed and resultative

action, while imperfective aspect to an “internal temporal

situation” with a specific time reference (Comrie 1976, p.

18-25). The imperfective aspect may also be subdivided into

habitual, progressive and continuous categories (Comrie 1976,

p. 25). Prospective aspect refers to a present situation that

is relative to some subsequent event (Comrie 1976, p. 64).

Finally this paper aimed to analyze the respective

optionalities and restrictions of the aspectual markers in

T’boli verbal sentences.


2. METHODOLOGY. The Aspect Test and a reanalysis of the

linguistic studies of Porter (1977) and of Forsberg (1992)

were employed in the study to determine the different

aspectual markers in T’boli and their respective

optionalities.

2.1. Aspect Test. The Aspect Test determined the default forms

of the verb and the optionality of the aspectual markers in

T’boli. The Perfective (PFV), Imperfective (IPFV), Prospective

(PROS), Infinitive (INF) and Imperative (IMP) constituted the

aspectual paradigm. These five aspects were further examined

and subgrouped into two focus systems: actor and goal focus.

2.2. Reanalysis. A reanalysis of the linguistic studies of

Porter (1977) and of Forsberg (1992) was also employed and was

compared to the 500 sentence elicitation list of Constantino

with additional addenda from Hernandez. A modified sentence

list was also constructed to further analyze the optionality

of the aspectual markers in T’boli.


3. ANALYSIS. The following results determined the different

basic aspectual markers in T’boli that indicate the

perfective, imperfective and prospective aspects. Moreover the

results showed that compared to the initial analyses of of

Porter (1977, pp. 72-75) and Forsberg (1992, p. 18) there are

more restricted optionalities of the aspectual markers that

are correlated with the presence of time adverbials in T’boli.

3.1. Aspect in Simple Verbal Sentences.


3.1.1. Aspect Test. The Aspect Test determined the

classification of the verb forms into natural classes to

indicate the optionality of the aspectual markers in T’boli.

Table 1. Default Verb Forms in Five Aspects

Infinitive Imperative Perfective Imperfectiv

e

Prospective

Vb Vb deng + Vb tolo/hana +

Vb

angat + Vb

Table 1 illustrates that without time adverbs the perfective,

imperfective and prospective aspects all have distinct verb

forms; the perfective, imperfective and prospective verbs

carry the obligatory aspectual markers deng, tolo/hana and angat

respectively, while the infinitive and imperative aspects

belong to a single natural class with the same verb form.

Table 2. Actor Focus Verb Forms in Five Aspects

Aspect Tagalog T’boliInfinitiv

e

to eat meken

Imperativ

e

You eat. Mekeni.

Perfectiv

e

The child ate a mango. Deng meken mangga, yom

nga.Imperfect

ive

The child is eating a

mango.

Tolo/Hana meken mangga,

yom nga.Prospecti The child will eat a Angat meken mangga, yom


ve mango. nga.

Table 2 illustrates the different verbal sentences with the

obligatory aspectual markers. The infinitive and imperative

verb of kain are the same in the form [meken]; the affix [me-]

indicates the actor focus in both aspects, while the morpheme

[-i] attached to the verb functions as the second person singular

nominative enclitic pronoun in the imperative sentence.

On the other hand although the verb [meken] is manifested in

the next three verb forms, the deng, tolo/hana and angat aspectual

markers are obligatory to indicate the aspect in the sentence.

Table 3. Goal Focus Verb Forms in Five Aspects

Aspect Tagalog T’boliInfinitiv

e

to eat ken

Imperativ

e

You eat (this). Kenem ni.

Perfectiv

e

The mango was eaten by

the child.

Deng ken mangga, yom nga.

Imperfect

ive

The mango is being

eaten by the child.

Tolo/Hana kenen ne mangga,

yom nga.Prospecti

ve

The mango will be eaten

by the child.

Angat ken ne mangga, yom

nga.

Table 3 also illustrates that the infinitive and imperative

verb forms may be grouped into a single natural class


manifested by the goal focus verb form [ken]; the second person

singular accusative enclitic pronoun [-әm] is attached to the

verb in the imperative sentence.

Moreover the obligatory aspectual markers deng, tolo/hana and

angat are illustrated in the next three verbal sentences; the

third person singular nominative enclitic coreferential

pronoun [-әn] is attached to the verb in the imperfective

sentence.

Table 4. Verb Forms in Five Aspects with Time Adverbials

Infinitive Imperative Perfective Imperfectiv

e

Prospective

Vb Vb (deng) Vb

+time

adverb

(tolo/hana)

Vb

(angat) Vb

+ time

adverb

In Table 4 however, when a time adverb is present all five

aspects may be grouped into a single natural class with the

same verb form. The aspectual markers deng, tolo/hana and angat in

the perfective, imperfective and prospective aspects

respectively may optionally appear and co-occur with the time

adverb.

Table 5. Actor Focus Verb Forms with Time Adverbials

Aspect Tagalog T’boli


Perfectiv

e

I bought a pencil at the

store a while ago.

(Denge) meli (he) lapis be

fedyan eginu.

Imperfect

ive

I am buying a pencil at the

store.

(Tolohe) meli (he) lapis be

fedyan.Prospecti

ve

I will buy a pencil at the

store later.

(Angate) meli (he) lapis

kedeng be fedyan.

Table 5 illustrates the optionality of the aspectual markers

deng, tolo and angat when there is a time adverb in the sentence.

The verb form [meli] is the same in all five aspects where the

morpheme [me-] functions as the actor focus affix and the time

adverb [eginu] and [kedeng] in the perfective and prospective

sentences respectively mainly determine the aspect of the

sentence.

Moreover the first person singular nominative enclitic pronoun

[-e]/ [-he] is attached to the aspectual markers and not to the

verb because the markers always attract such pronouns

(Forsberg 1992, p. 18). However when the aspectual marker is

not present in the sentence the enclitic pronoun is either

attached to or placed after the verb.

Table 6. Goal Focus Verb Forms with Time Adverbs

Aspect Tagalog T’boliPerfectiv

e

I bought a pencil at the

store a while ago.

(Dengu) benli (hu) lapis be

fedyan eginu.


Imperfect

ive

I am buying a pencil at the

store.

(Tolohu) benli (hu) lapis

be fedyan.Prospecti

ve

I will buy a pencil at the

store later.

(Angatu) benli (hu) kedeng

lapis be fedyan.

Table 6 also illustrates the optionality of the aspectual

markers when there is a time adverb in the goal focus verb

manifested by the form [benli]. The morpheme [-en-] functions as

the goal focus affix while the time adverb [eginu] and [kedeng] in

the perfective and prospective aspects respectively mainly

indicate the aspect in the sentences. The aspectual markers

may also co-occur with the time adverbs.

When the aspectual markers are present in the sentences the

first person singular accusative enclitic pronoun [-u]/[-hu] is

also attracted to the aspectual marker and not to the verb

(Forsberg 1992, p. 18).

3.1.2. Reanalysis of Studies. A reanalysis of the studies of

Porter (1977) and of Forsberg (1992) on the optionality of the

aspectual markers was also employed in the study. Results

showed that such markers are not simply optional adjuncts and

peripheries of the verb phrase (Porter 1977, p. 73); rather they are

aspectual arguments of the verb with a more restricted

optionality that correlates with the presence or absence of

time adverbials.

Table 7: Porter’s Tagmemic Structure of the Verb Phrase in T’boli (1977, pp. 73-74)


Periphery of the Verb Phrase

± Mood mood markers

± Negative be ‘don’t’; la ‘not’

± Intensifier2 abay, ko, dog

± Intensifier1 tey, ali, hol

± Durational Aspect todo class

± Tense Aspect tehe class

± Frequency Aspect bud class

Nucleus

± Descriptive verb stative

+ Head verb

Table 7 shows the tagmemic function of the Tense Aspect unit

as one of the peripheries of the verb phrase, which also

includes the mood, negative and intensifier markers among

others. Only an optional descriptive or stative modifier and

an obligatory head constitute the nucleus or the main verbal

argument of the verb phrase (Porter, 1977, pp. 73-74).

Table 8: Porter’s List of Tense Aspect markers in T’boli (1977, p. 75)


Table 8 on the other hand presents the seven Tense Aspect

markers proposed by Porter (1977, p. 75), which include the

three main aspectual markers that are also identified in this

study, namely deng, tolo (not hana) and angat.

Table 9: Forseberg’s List of Tense Markers in T’boli (1992, p. 18)

angat distant futuredeng past tenseeles action completed

beforehandlomi recent pastmoyon near futuretehe remote pasttolo present continuative

tehe remote past

deng nonspecific past

(completed action)

lomi near past

tolo present continuative

moyon near future

angat future, nonspecific

(incomplete action)

eles pluperfect


Table 9 also shows the list of Tense Markers proposed by

Forseberg (1992, p. 18), which are classified as adverbs that

occur before the verb.

It can be observed from the data given by Porter (1977) and

Forseberg (1992) that such markers simply function as optional

adjuncts. The same aspectual markers which are identified in

this study are all found in both studies, but a different

optionality rule is observed and proposed in the reanalysis.

3.1.2.1. Deng. The perfective aspectual marker deng belongs to

the Tense Aspect group of markers under the tehe class that

function as optional adjuncts (Porter 1977, pp. 72-75).

3.1.2.1.1. Obligatory Deng. Reanalysis of Porter’s data showed

that deng is not an optional aspectual marker but an

obligatory one to express the perfective aspect. This

condition is illustrated in (1).

(1) deng me-ken nga mangga

PFV AF-eat child mango

‘The child ate a/the mango.’

Sentence (1) illustrates that the deng aspectual marker isobligatory to indicate the perfective aspect when there is notime adverb in the sentence.

3.1.2.1.2. Optional Deng. On the other hand when there is a

time adverb in the sentence indicating a perfective action,

then the deng aspectual marker becomes optional.

(2) me-ken nga mangga ekimel

AF-eat child mango yesterday

‘The child ate a/the mango yesterday.’

Sentence (2) illustrates that deng may be omitted from thesentence when there is a time adverb manifested by [ekimel].

3.1.2.1.3. Co-occurrence of Deng and Time Adverb. The

aspectual marker deng may also co-occur with the time adverb,

as illustrated in (3).

(3) deng lwot du ekimel

PFV <AF>leave 3SG.NOM yesterday

‘He/She left yesterday.’

3.1.2.1.4 Reanalysis of Porter’s Data. Sentences in Porter’s

study (1977, p. 105) were also examined and seemed to be

problematic in translation. Sentence (4) illustrates a

perfective sentence with no time adverb that may indicate the

aspect. However the given sentence also does not have the deng

aspectual marker that should indicate the perfective aspect.

When the sentence was shown to the researcher’s informant it

was interpreted in the imperfective action instead (see 3.1.2.3.

Tolo/Hana).

(4) Ø-eted be Kas Ting yem bayad

GF-deliver DET.LOC Kas Ting DET.NOM payment

be kahi

DET.LOC salt

‘Kas delivered the payment to Ting for the salt.’


Without the time adverb and the deng aspectual marker in (4)

the sentence cannot be interpreted in its perfective aspect,

which is in contrast with the English translation.

The reanalysis of the sentence to become a perfective

statement is shown in (5).

(5) deng Ø-eted be Kas Ting yem

PFV GF-deliver DET.LOC Kas Ting DET.NOM

bayad be kahi

payment DET.LOC salt

‘Kas delivered the payment to Ting for the salt.’

Sentence (5) illustrates the perfective aspect in the sentence

manifested by the deng aspectual marker; if a time adverb is

present in the sentence the marker may be omitted.

On the other hand (6) based on Porter’s data (1977, p. 102)

satisfies the condition that if a time adverb is present it

determines the aspect of the sentence and the aspectual marker

deng may only be optional.

(6) M-it Min bulung be Kasi ekimel

AF-bring Min medicine DET.LOC Kasi yesterday

‘Min brought some medicine to Kasi yesterday.’

The perfective aspect in the sentence is mainly determined by

the time adverb [ekimel] where the aspectual marker deng may only

be optional in (6).

3.1.2.1.5. Reanalysis of Forsberg’s Data. The same problem is

encountered in Forsberg’s data (1992, p. 11, 40), where some

sentences in T’boli are translated as perfective statements

where in fact, when reanalyzed were imperfective or

prospective in aspect.

(7) N-uket le sila le Gadu lewu le

GF-pick 3PL.ACC corn 3PL.ACC Gadu two

3PL.ACC Fludi

Fludi

‘Both Gadu and Fludi picked corn.’

Given that there is no deng aspectual marker or any time

adverb, the sentence is not in perfective aspect; rather in

its imperfective form. Also the verb [uket] is not translated as

‘to pick’ but ‘to peel’. The reanalysis of (7) is shown in

(8).

(8) deng l<en>uket le sila le

Gadu PFV <GF>peel 3PL.ACC corn 3PL.ACC

Gadu lewu le Fludi

two 3PL.ACC Fludi

‘Both Gadu and Fludi peeled the corn.’

The deng aspectual marker mainly determines the perfective

aspect in (8); unless there is a time adverb the deng may be

omitted.

On the other hand Forsberg’s data (1992, p. 58) in (9) also

satisfies the optionality of the aspectual marker deng when a

time adverb is present in the sentence.

(9) Ø- ton-u uu koni

AF.ABL-see-1SG.ACC 1SG.NOM just now

‘I saw you just now.’

Sentence (9) illustrates that the time adverb koni mainly

determines the perfective aspect.

3.1.2.1.6. Other Functions of Deng. It may also be proposed

that the aspectual marker deng may occur twice in the

sentence, where the first deng functions as the perfective

aspectual marker and the second deng functions as an intensity

marker that modifies adjectives.

3.1.2.1.6.1. Addressed to Second Person. This function seems

to be only limited in use; that is, it will only occur when

the statement is directly addressed to the second person and

not to the first or third person.

(10) Deng-i deng tey hulung

k<m>intang

PFV-2SG.NOM INT1 INT2 good.at

<AF>k’lintang

‘You are already very good at playing the kulintang.’

(11) Deng yu deng tey hulung m-udel

T’boli PFV 2PL.NOM INT1 INT2 good-at

AF-speak t’boli

‘You are already very good at speaking T’boli.’

Sentences (10) - (11) illustrate that deng may also function as

an intensifier (INT1) when a sentence is directly addressed to

the second person. The first deng functions as the perfective

aspectual marker. The second person enclitic pronouns are also

attracted to the first deng (Forsberg 1992, p. 18) followed by

the second deng that functions as the adjective intensifier.

3.1.2.1.6.2. Addressed to Third Person. On the other hand,

deng cannot occur twice in the sentence when the statement is

addressed to the first or third person.

(12) Deng tey hulung Foyfoy

k<m>intang

PFV INT good.at foyfoy

<AF>kulintang

‘Foyfoy is already very good at playing the kulintang.’

Sentence (12) illustrates that deng cannot occur as another

intensifier; rather the tey morpheme mainly functions as the

default intensity marker in the sentence.

Deng was not classified as an intensity marker in Forsberg’s

(1992) and Porter’s (1977) studies and is still subject to

further research. Such feature may only be seen in the deng

aspectual marker.

3.1.2.2. Angat. The optionality rule similar to that of deng

also applies to the aspectual marker angat. It also belongs to

the Tense Aspect group of markers under the tehe class which

expresses the prospective aspect of the sentence (Porter 1977,

p. 75).

3.1.2.2.1. Obligatory Angat. The angat aspectual marker is

obligatory when there are no time adverbials in the sentence.

This condition is illustrated in (13).

(13) angat Ø- ton-em ou

PROS AF.ABL-see-2SG.ACC 1SG.NOM

‘You will be able to see me.’

Sentence (14) illustrates that the angat aspectual marker is

obligatory when there is no time adverb to determine the

prospective aspect.

3.1.2.2.2. Optional Angat. On the other hand angat may also be

optional when there is a time adverb that mainly indicates the

prospective aspect in the sentence. This condition is

illustrated in (14).

(14) lwot-e haya

<AF>leave-1SG.NOM tomorrow

‘I will leave tomorrow.’


Sentence (14) illustrates that the aspectual marker may be

omitted as the time adverb [haya] mainly indicates the aspect.

3.1.2.2.3. Co-occurrence of Angat and Time Adverb. Both the

angat aspectual marker and the time adverb may also co-occur in

the sentence.(15) angat Ø- ton-u yu haya

PROS AF.ABL-see-1SG.ACC 2PL.NOM tomorrow

‘I will (be able to) see you tomorrow.’

Sentence (15) illustrates that the angat aspectual marker and

the time adverb [haya] may also co-occur in the sentence to

indicate the prospective aspect.

3.1.2.3. Tolo/Hana. The aspectual marker tolo that expresses the

imperfective aspect in T’boli is also classified in the Tense

Aspect group of markers under the tehe class as an optional adjunct

(Porter 1977, p. 75).

A different optionality rule applies to the imperfective

aspectual marker in T’boli. The morpheme tolo or hana indicates

the imperfective aspect in the sentence and is only optional.

Moreover when there are no aspectual markers and time adverbs

in the sentence it is inherently interpreted in the

imperfective aspect.


Sentence (16) illustrates an imperfective aspect where the

aspectual markers tolo/hana may only be optional; hence can also

be expressed as in (18).

(16) tolo/hana le s- fatay yom lewu

nga

IPFV 3PL.ACC AF.RCP-fight DET.NOM two

child

‘The two children are fighting each other.’

(17) s- fatay le yom lewu nga

AF.RCP-fight 3PL.ACC DET.NOM two child

‘The two children are fighting each other.’

When the tolo/hana aspectual markers are not present in (17) the

third person plural nominative enclitic pronoun [le] is

permutated after the verb [sfatay] to achieve grammaticality.

3.2. Aspect in Complex Verbal Sentences. This section deals

with the verb aspect of T’boli in complex sentences and in

different types of temporal relationship sentences. Complex

sentences include coordinating and subordinating sentences,

while temporal relationship sentences include contrastive

sentences, which may be classified as overlap, simultaneity or

succession, and whose clauses are related by subordinating

temporal markers (Porter, 1977, p. 129).

3.2.1. Aspect in Complex Sentences. Complex sentences comprise

of two related clauses which are linked by coordinating or


subordinating conjunctions. Results show that these

conjunctions seem to correlate with the optionality and

occurrence of the aspectual markers in T’boli.

3.2.1.1. Coordinating Sentences. These sentences consist of

two or more coordinate structures linked by a coordinating

conjunction. This section only deals with simple monosyndetic

coordination; that is, sentences with two coordinate clauses

related by a single overt coordinating conjunction

(Haspelmath, 2000, p. 6). Sentences (18) – (20) illustrate

coordinating sentences in T’boli.

(18) [deng Ø-tungo yom sawang libun]C1

PFV AF-sleep DET.NOM unmarried woman

omin [m-ulek yom sawang logi]C2

and AF-go.home DET.NOM unmarried man

‘The bachelorette went to sleep and the bachelor went

home.’

Sentence (18) shows a simple coordinating conjunction, where

the conjunction [omin] links the two coordinate clauses.

Moreover it can be observed that the aspectual marker [deng]

expresses the perfective aspect in the first coordinate clause

(C1), while the marker may only be optional in the second

coordinate clause (C2). Based on the limited data, the

optionality of the aspectual marker in the second clause may

only be observed in sentences where the aspect of the verb in

both clauses is the same. Sentence (19) illustrates the

alternative expression of (18).

(19) [deng Ø-tungo yom sawang libun]C1

PFV AF-sleep DET.NOM unmarried woman

omin [deng m-ulek yom sawang

logi]C2

and PFV AF-go.home DET.NOM unmarried man

‘The bachelorette went to sleep and the bachelor went

home.’

It can be observed in sentence (19) that the aspectual marker

[deng] may also be manifested in the second coordinate clause

to express the perfective aspect in the sentence. Sentence

(20) on the other hand shows an adversative coordination.

(20) [angat m-ulek yom sawang

logi]C1, okom/ be de

PROS AF-go.home DET.NOM unmarried man but

[deng kulon]C2

PFV <AF>rain

‘The bachelor had planned to go home but it rained.’

Sentence (20) illustrates that the adversative conjunction

[okom] or [be de] links the two coordinate clauses in T’boli. It

can also be observed that the aspectual marker [angat]

expresses the prospective aspect in the first clause, while


the marker [deng] expresses the perfective aspect in the second

coordinate clause.

3.2.1.2. Subordinating Sentences. Subordinating sentences

consist of a matrix or main clause and a subordinate clause,

which is introduced by a subordinating conjunction. Sentences

(21) – (24) illustrate the different subordinating sentences

in T’boli.

(21) [ hana tolo me-ken du mangga]C1, be

[ke-kol INCH IPFV AF-eat 3SG.NOM

mango SBRD NMZ-arrive

ma-en]C2

father-3SG.ACC

‘He/She was eating mango when Father arrived.’

It can be observed in sentence (21) that the subordinating

conjunction [be] introduces the subordinate clause [kekol

ma’en] and links it to the matrix clause [hana tolo meken du

mangga]. Moreover it can be observed that while the obligatory

aspectual markers [hana tolo] express the inchoative imperfective

aspect in the matrix clause, the marker which expresses the

perfective aspect in the subordinate clause may only be

optional. The alternative sentence is illustrated in sentence

(22).


(22) [hana tolo me-ken du mangga]C1, be

[deng INCH IPFV AF-eat 3SG.NOM mango

SBRD PFV

ke-kol ma-en]C2

NMZ-arrive father-3SG.ACC

‘He/She was eating mango when Father arrived.’

(23) [hana tolo Ø-ken-en yom mangga nim

nga]C1

INCH IPFV GF-eat-3SG.ACC DET.NOM mango DEM

child

be [yom kun hana lomi ke-sut]C2

SBRD DET.NOM 3SG.GEN INCH RECPFV NMZ-arrive

‘The child was eating the mango when he/she just

arrived.’

Sentence (22) – (23) show that the aspectual markers [deng] and

[hana lomi] respectively may also be manifested in the

subordinate clause to express the aspect. Moreover the verb in

the subordinate clause is nominalized and marked by the

nominalizing affix [ke-].

(24) [deng m-ulek du]C1 [Ø hana lomi

s’def

PFV AF-go.home 3SG.NOM SBRD INCH RECPFV to.set

kedaw]C2

sun

‘He went home just as the sun set.’


Sentence (24) on the other hand shows that the subordinating

conjunction [be] may also be optional to link the matrix and

subordinate clauses. Moreover the verb [s’def] in the

subordinate clause is not nominalized; that is, the

nominalization of the verb in the subordinate clause may also

only be optional.

3.2.2. Aspect in Temporal Relationship Sentences. This type of

sentence consists of two clauses which are linked by

subordinating temporal markers. It may also be categorized

into three types: overlap, simultaneity and succession

(Porter, 1977, p. 129). This study only deals with

simultaneity and succession temporal relationship sentences.

3.2.2.1. Simultaneity. Simultaneous sentences are

characterized by a simultaneous action of two events over a

period of time. This type of temporal relationship sentence

may be divided into Continuous Simultaneous and Punctiliar

Simultaneous sentences.

3.2.2.1.1. Continuous Simultaneous. This type of sentence

consists of two clauses which are characterized by two

simultaneous events and are ongoing over a period of time. The

matrix clause and subordinate clause are linked by the

subordinating temporal marker ‘while’. The relative positions

of both clauses with respect to the subordinating marker may

also be interchanged with each other without changing the

overall meaning of the sentence (Porter, 1977, p. 133).

(25) [tolo me-nagi Jose,]C1 omin-en [hungol

be

IPFV AF-study Jose, while-PRT <AF>listen.to

DET.OBL

sengal]C2

music

‘Jose is studying while listening to music.’

(26) [tolo-he holos kegal,]C1 igo-en

[tolo IPFV-1SG.NOM <AF>hang clothes ,

SIM.while-PRT

Ø-tungo dumu-hu set’woli]C2

AF-sleep companion-1SG.GEN sibling

‘I am hanging clothes (to dry) while my brother/sister is

sleeping.’

Sentences (25) – (26) show that the two clauses in a

continuous simultaneous sentence illustrate a simultaneous

aspect, and may be linked by two types of subordinating

temporal marker: [omin] or [igo] ‘while’. It can also be observed

in sentences (18) and (19) that [omin] may also function as the

coordinating conjunction ‘and’. The marker [tenana] ‘while’ may

also be used the two clauses in continuous simultaneous

sentences, but is only limited to certain types of sentences

which carry an additional semantic load of simultaneity.

Moreover, the subordinating markers [omin] or [igo] may be used in

free variation.

(27) igo-en [tolo-he me-fuk,]C2 [hlo

Jose

SIM.while-PRT IPFV-1SG.NOM AF-wash.clothes, <AF>clean

Jose

lem defel]C1

inside room

‘While I am washing clothes, Jose is cleaning his room.’

The subordinating clause introduced by the simultaneous aspect

markers [igo] and [omin] may also be fronted in the continuous

simultaneous sentence as illustrated in sentence (27), and may

be preceded by the matrix clause.

3.2.2.1.2. Punctiliar Simultaneous. This type of simultaneity

is characterized by a punctual event manifested in the

subordinating clause and a simultaneous action expressed in

the matrix clause. The subordinating clause is introduced by


the subordinating temporal marker ‘the moment/the minute’

(Porter, 1977, p. 132).

(28) [deng mem me-loy Ø-helong du,]C1

(m)uni

PFV PRT AF-run ADJF-speed 3SG.NOM

SIM.immediate

deng [Ø-gungol-en udel me-gel ]C2

PFV AF-hear-3SG.ACC sound ADJF-sound

‘The boy ran fast the moment/the minute he heard a loud

sound.’

(29) [deng he-benes nga udi be defel-en,]C1

tembol

PFV AF-hide child small DET.LOC room-3SG.ACC

SIM.immediate

deng [Ø-kol ma-en be gono]C2

PFV AF-arrive Father-3SG.ACC DET.LOC house

‘The child hid in the room the moment/the minute Father

arrived (home).’

Sentences (28) – (29) illustrate punctiliar simultaneous

sentences in T’boli which are marked by a compound

subordinating temporal marker [(m)uni/tembol deng]. These markers

also function as simultaneous aspect indicators. The markers

[(m)uni] and [tembol] function in dialectal variation.

(30) (m)uni deng [kodok el be

kuleng,]C2 SIM.immediate PFV <AF>boil water

DET.LOC pot

[Ø-heno-en unged s’do]C1

GF-put -3SG.ACC meat pig

‘The moment/The minute the water boiled, he put the meat

in the pot.’

Sentence (30) illustrates that the subordinating clause

introduced by the subordinating temporal marker [(m)uni deng] may

also be fronted and preceded by the matrix clause in the

punctiliar simultaneous sentence.

3.2.2.2. Succession. Succession sentences consist of two

clauses which are characterized by two successive events and

may be divided into Projected Time and Accomplished Time

Succession. Projected Time describes a “general, nonspecific,

recurring event”, while Accomplished Time refers to a “single,

event which has already taken place” (Porter, 1977, p. 133).

3.2.2.2.1. Projected Time Prior Succession. This type of

succession sentence describes two successive events, where the

event expressed by the subordinating clause occurred prior to

the event in the matrix clause. The subordinating clause is

introduced by the subordinating temporal marker ‘when’ or

‘after’.

(31) [deng le m-ogow be gono se-f(g)ewa,]C1

(m)uni

PFV 3PL.NOM AF-go DET.LOC house RCP-go.out after

deng [le me-(b)li be gono fe(d,r)yan]C2

PFV 3PL.ACC AF-buy DET.LOC house Saturday

‘The children went to the park after they went to the

market (to buy something).’

(32) [deng h<en>tifes le gono me-ken]C1

tembol deng

PFV <GF>wipe.clean 3PL.ACC house AF-eat

after PFV

[ke-ken le]C2

NMZ-eat 3PL.ACC

‘They wiped the table clean after they ate.’

Sentences (31) – (32) show projected time prior succession

sentences, where the subordinating clauses are also marked by

the same subordinating temporal markers in the punctiliar

simultaneous sentences (See 3.2.1.2. Punctiliar Simultaneous). The two

clauses in sentence (31) are linked by the subordinating

marker [(m)uni deng], while those in sentence (32) are linked by

[tembol deng]. The markers [(m)uni deng] and [tembol deng] also function

in dialectal variation.

(33) muni deng [ke-fuk Ana,]C2

[togo ne ye

after PFV NMZ-wash.clothes Ana <AF>cook

PRTmother

ken kemdaw]C1

food noon

‘After Ana washed the clothes, mother cooked lunch.’

Sentence (33) also show that the subordinating clause marked

by the subordinator [(m)uni deng] may also be fronted in the

projected time prior succession sentence.

3.2.2.2.2. Projected Time Subsequent Succession. This type of

succession sentence is characterized by two successive events,

where the event expressed by the subordinating clause occurred

after the event in the matrix clause. The subordinating clause

is introduced by the subordinating temporal marker ‘before’.

(34) [deng me-(b)li ye ken som ne lemnaw]C1 gu=laan

PFV AF-buy mother food sour CONJ

vegetable before

[k-ogow ye be gono d’wata]C2

NMZ-go mother DET.LOC house god

‘Mother bought fruits and vegetables before she went to

church.’

Sentence (34) illustrates that the subordinating clause in a

projected time subsequent succession sentences is marked by

the subordinator [gu laan] ‘before’.

(35) gu=laan [ke-ken me kifu,]C2 [neme

hlo

before NMZ-eat PRT night PRT

<AF>clean


Jose defel]C1

Jose room

‘Before he ate dinner, Jose cleaned his room (first).’

Sentence (35) also shows that the subordinating clause

introduced by the temporal marker [gu laan] may be fronted and

preceded by the matrix clause in the projected time subsequent

succession sentence.

3.2.2.2.3. Accomplished Time Subsequent Succession. This type

of succession sentence describes two successive events, where

the event expressed by the matrix clause may only occur once

the event expressed by the subordinating clause has been

achieved. The two clauses are linked by the subordinating

temporal marker ‘until’ or ‘only...when’.

(36) [selong heyu kegenom-u]C1 muni[-he

m-inum

until good feeling-1SG.ACC when-1SG.NOM AF-drink

bulung]C2

medicine

‘I only felt better when I drank medicine.’


(37) [la=en Ø Ø-tungo] ke=la

ne-hen

NEG-PRT 3SG.NOM AF-sleepCOND=NEG PRT-3SG.ACC

[deng ke-nagi-en]C2

PFV NMZ-study-3SG.ACC

‘He did not sleep until he finished studying.’

It can be observed in sentence (36) that the markers [selong] and

[(m)uni] obligatorily co-occur with each other to achieve an

accomplished time subsequent succession in T’boli. On the

other hand sentence (37) illustrates another mode of

expressing such sentence. Sentence (37) illustrates the two

clauses, where the negation marker [la en] and the subordinating

temporal marker [ke la] co-occur with each other.

3.2.2.2.4. Discontinued Succession. This type of succession

sentence is characterized by two discontinued events, where

the event in the matrix clause may only reach its terminating

point when the event in the subordinating clause is achieved.

The subordinating clause is marked by the subordinator

‘until’.

(38) [m-ogow du] mengang-en]C1 (g)efet

[du

AF-go 3SG.NOM INT-PRT until 3SG.NOM


be benwu/baryo]C2

DET.LOC countryside/barrio

‘He walked until he reached the countryside.’

Sentence (38) illustrates a sentence in discontinued

succession in T’boli, where the subordinating clause is

introduced by the subordinating marker [(g)efet] ‘until’.

4. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. The Aspect Test and reanalysis of

the studies of Porter (1977, p. 73) and Forsberg (1992, p. 18)

showed that there are lexicalized aspectual markers indicating the

verb aspect in T’boli. Results further showed that the

imperative and infinitive verb forms may be grouped into a

single natural class and the perfective, imperfective and

prospective forms into separate natural classes when there are

no time adverbs present in the sentence.

4.1. Inventory of Aspectual Markers in T’boli.


4.2. Verb Aspect in Simple Verbal Sentences.

Table 10: Summary of the Optionality Rule of Aspectual Markers in T’boli

Aspectual Paradigm

[-Time Adverb] [+ Time Adverb]

Class 1 Class 2 Class 3 Class 4 Class 1

INF, IMP PFV IPFV PROS INF, IMP, PFV,

IPFV, PROSVb deng + Vb tolo/hana

+ Vb

angat +

Vb

(Aspectual Markers)

+ Vb + Time Adverb

Table 10 summarizes the aspectual paradigm and grammatical

function of the aspectual markers in T’boli. It can be

observed that the grouping of the aspectual paradigm into

natural classes heavily rely on the presence or absence of

time adverbials in T’boli. That is, the infinitive,

imperative, perfective, imperfective and prospective aspects

all fall into one natural class when there are time adverbs in

the sentence, while they fall into four different natural

classes when there are no time adverbs.

4.2.1. T’boli Aspectual Markers. The aspectual markers deng,

tolo/hana and angat indicate the three main verbal forms in

T’boli. Deng functions as the aspectual marker that indicates

the perfective aspect; tolo/hana indicates the imperfective

aspect and angat indicates the prospective aspect. However when


there are time adverbs, which mainly determine the aspect in

the sentence all the aspectual markers may be omitted.

4.2.2. Optionality of Aspect Markers. Results also showed that

such aspectual markers have a more restricted optionality

compared to the initial analyses proposed by Forsberg (1992,

p. 18) and Porter (1977, p. 73), which classified all the

markers as optional adjuncts. The optionality of the aspectual

markers is correlated with the presence of time adverbs in the

sentence.

4.2.2.1. Deng. Deng functions as an obligatory aspectual

marker that expresses the perfective aspect. Unless there is a

time adverb that indicates the perfective aspect then deng may

be optional. Deng may also be a portmanteau morpheme that

functions as an intensity marker. However such proposal is

still subject to further research.

4.2.2.2. Angat. Angat functions as the prospective aspectual

marker with a similar optionality rule; that is, it becomes

obligatory when it solely indicates the prospective aspect in

the sentence and becomes optional when there is a time adverb

which may indicate the verbal aspect.

4.2.2.3. Tolo/Hana. Finally Tolo/Hana functions as the

imperfective aspectual marker and similar to Porter’s analysis

(1977, p. 72-75) it is only optional. Moreover when there are


no aspectual markers and time adverbs, the sentence is

inherently interpreted in the imperfective aspect.

4.2.3. Co-occurrence of Aspect Markers and Time Adverb. The

perfective, imperfective and prospective aspectual markers may

also co-occur with the time adverbials in the sentence.

4.3. Verb Aspect in Complex Sentences. Complex sentences in

T’boli may be divided into Coordinating and Subordinating

sentences. Table 1 illustrates the preliminary inventory of

the conjunctions in complex sentences in T’boli.

Table 11. Inventory of Conjunctions in Complex Sentences

Complex SentencesCoordinating Sentences Subordinating Sentences

Coordinating Adversativeomin ‘and’ okom ‘but’ be/ Ø ‘when’

Table 11 shows the different conjunctions in the coordinating

and subordinating sentences in T’boli. The marker [omin]

functions as the coordinating conjunction while [okom] as the

adversative conjunction. The subordinating conjunction [be] may

only be optional in subordinating sentences in T’boli.


4.4. Verb Aspect in Temporal Relationship Sentences. This

study only deals with two types of temporal relationship

sentences: simultaneity and succession. Table 2 shows the

different temporal subordinating markers of temporal

relationship sentences in T’boli.

Table 12. Temporal Subordinating Markers in Temporal Relationship Sentences

Temporal Relationship SentencesSimultaneity Succession

ContinuousSimultaneo

us

PunctiliarSimultaneous

ProjectedTime Prior

Projected TimeSubsequent

Accomplished Time

Discontinued

Succession

igoomin

tenana‘while’

(m)uni deng tembol‘the moment’

(m)uni deng tembol‘after’

gu laan‘before

’

selong...muni

la en...kela‘only...w

hen’‘until’

(g)efet‘until’

4.4.1. Simultaneity. The markers [igo], [omin] and [tenana] all

indicate the continuous simultaneous subordinator ‘while’ and

function in free variation except for [tenana], where it may only

be used in certain sentences. The compound markers [(m]uni deng]

and [tembol deng] both function as the punctiliar simultaneous

marker ‘the moment/ the minute’. These markers also function

in dialectal variation. The two compound markers also indicate

the simultaneous aspect in this type of sentence.


4.4.2. Succession. The compound markers [(m]uni deng] and [tembol

deng] also mark the subordinating clause of Projected Time Prior

Succession sentences, while [gu laan] introduce the subordinating

clause of Projected Time Subsequent Succession sentences.

Moreover the obligatory co-occurrence of [selong] and [muni] serve

as the subordinating temporal marker in Accomplished Time

Succession sentences. It may also be expressed by the markers

[la en...kela]. Finally the marker [(g)efet] introduces the

subordinating clause in Discontinued Succession sentences in

T’boli.

4.4.3. Fronted Subordinating Clause. Results also show that

the subordinating clause introduced by these temporal

subordinating markers in T’boli may be fronted and preceded by

the matrix clause.


LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

1 first person

2 second person

3 third person

ABL abilitative mode

ACC accusative case

ACCD accidental mode

ADJF adjective forming

affix

AF actor focus

C1 first clause

C2 second clause

COND conditional marker

CONJ conjunction

CMP complementizer

DEM demonstrative

pronoun

DET determiner

EXCL exclusive person

EXST existential marker

GEN genitive case

GF goal focus

IMM immediate; near

future tense

INCH inchoative aspect;

inceptive

INT intensifier

IPFV imperfective

aspect

LOC locative

NEG negation marker

NMZ nominalizing affix

NOM nominative case

OBL oblique case

PFV perfective aspect

PL plural

PROS prospective aspect

PRT particle


RECPFV recent perfective

aspect

RCP reciprocal mode

SBRD subordinating

marker

SG singular

SIM simultaneous

aspect; similative

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[Revised] Revisiting Verb Aspect in T'boli

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