[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI1
REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI
Ma. Jezia Talavera
Abstract
Verbal aspect constitues one of the semantic domains of the
temporal category Tense, Aspect and Modality (henceforth TAM).
This paper focused on the verb aspectual system of T’boli, an
Austronesian language spoken in Mindanao, Philippines, which
seems to be manifested differently compared to most Philippine
languages. This paper also aimed to determine these aspectual
markers through the Aspect Test and to re-examine the studies
of Porter (1977) and Forsberg (1992), and compare their data
with the 500 sentence elicitation list (Constantino and
Hernandez). Results showed that there are lexicalized
morphemes that encode the aspect in T’boli, while the affixes
attached to the verb encode the focus system. This study also
explores the syntactic and aspectual functions of these
lexical aspectual markers in simple and complex sentences. It
was observed that such markers have optionality rules in
between the two clauses in complex sentences. More aspectual
markers and a combination of these were encountered in
analysing T’boli aspect in complex sentences. An inventory of
these markers were made.
Keywords: T’boli, aspectual markers, TAM-system
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI2
1. INTRODUCTION. This paper primarily focused on the verb
aspectual system of T’boli. T’boli is externally classified as
a Western Malayo-Polynesian Austronesian language and descends
from the Proto-Philippine ancestral language (Zorc, 1986). It
is internally classified as a Bilic language, which
constitutes one of the nine Philippine microgroups (Blust
1991, p. 81). T’boli is spoken in Southwestern Mindanao with
93 500 speakers as of 2000 (Lewis, 2009). Other Bilic
languages include Tiruray and B’laan and are known to have
linguistic features distinct to other Philippine languages.
These include their seven-vowel system (Porter 1977, p. 11)
and initial consonant clusters (Forsberg 1992, p. 6).
1.1. TAM System. Tense, aspect and mode are grammatical
categories which are often labelled as the TAM system
(Schmidtke 2006, p. 3). There are a number of interactions and
interrelationships between these three categories, but are
often distinguished from each other using a semantic approach
(Dahl 1985, p. 23). Tense may be defined as the deictic
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI3
category which locates a situation with respect to an absolute
or relative time reference and basically divides time into
past, present and future tenses (Comrie 1976, p. 2), while
aspect expresses a situation with respect to the “temporal
constituency of time” and mainly employs the terms perfective,
imperfective and prospective (Comrie 1976, p. 3).
1.2. PH Languages. There are 170+ languages in the
Philippines, which account for its diverse and multilinguistic
landscape (Lewis, 2009). Filipino and English are the official
languages in the Philippines, while the twelve major languages
are Tagalog, Kapampangan, Pangasinense, Ilokano, Bikol,
Cebuano, Hiligaynon, Waray, Tausug, Maguindanaoan, Maranao,
and Chabacano (Ronda, 2013). There are also vernacular or
‘auxiliary’ languages which are spoken by a substantial number
of ethnolinguistic groups in the Philippines (Gonzales 1998,
p. 499).
1.3. TAM in PH Languages. Philippine languages are marked for
aspect (Reid 1992, p. 65), compared to English which is marked
for tense. The aspect and focus systems in most Philippine
languages are usually encoded in the affixes that are attached
to verbs; that is, they function as portmanteau morphemes.
Mode is also encoded in the verbal affixes in most Philippine
languages (Constantino 1965, p. 76).
1.4. T’boli TAM System. There seems to be lexicalized
morphemes that express the aspect in T’boli, while the affixes
attached to the verbs only encode the focus system. Moreover
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI4
there also seems to be a significant correlation between the
optionalities of these lexicalized morphemes or aspectual markers
and the time adverbials in T’boli. While previous studies have
extensively discussed the focus system in T’boli, they have
not examined its verb aspectual system in detail.
1.5. Objectives. This paper aimed to revisit the verb
aspectual system of T’boli. Moreover it aimed to determine the
different aspectual markers indicating the perfective,
imperfective and prospective aspects and the possible natural
classes to which they belong to through the Aspect Test.
Perfective aspect refers to a completed and resultative
action, while imperfective aspect to an “internal temporal
situation” with a specific time reference (Comrie 1976, p.
18-25). The imperfective aspect may also be subdivided into
habitual, progressive and continuous categories (Comrie 1976,
p. 25). Prospective aspect refers to a present situation that
is relative to some subsequent event (Comrie 1976, p. 64).
Finally this paper aimed to analyze the respective
optionalities and restrictions of the aspectual markers in
T’boli verbal sentences.
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI5
2. METHODOLOGY. The Aspect Test and a reanalysis of the
linguistic studies of Porter (1977) and of Forsberg (1992)
were employed in the study to determine the different
aspectual markers in T’boli and their respective
optionalities.
2.1. Aspect Test. The Aspect Test determined the default forms
of the verb and the optionality of the aspectual markers in
T’boli. The Perfective (PFV), Imperfective (IPFV), Prospective
(PROS), Infinitive (INF) and Imperative (IMP) constituted the
aspectual paradigm. These five aspects were further examined
and subgrouped into two focus systems: actor and goal focus.
2.2. Reanalysis. A reanalysis of the linguistic studies of
Porter (1977) and of Forsberg (1992) was also employed and was
compared to the 500 sentence elicitation list of Constantino
with additional addenda from Hernandez. A modified sentence
list was also constructed to further analyze the optionality
of the aspectual markers in T’boli.
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI6
3. ANALYSIS. The following results determined the different
basic aspectual markers in T’boli that indicate the
perfective, imperfective and prospective aspects. Moreover the
results showed that compared to the initial analyses of of
Porter (1977, pp. 72-75) and Forsberg (1992, p. 18) there are
more restricted optionalities of the aspectual markers that
are correlated with the presence of time adverbials in T’boli.
3.1. Aspect in Simple Verbal Sentences.
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI7
3.1.1. Aspect Test. The Aspect Test determined the
classification of the verb forms into natural classes to
indicate the optionality of the aspectual markers in T’boli.
Table 1. Default Verb Forms in Five Aspects
Infinitive Imperative Perfective Imperfectiv
e
Prospective
Vb Vb deng + Vb tolo/hana +
Vb
angat + Vb
Table 1 illustrates that without time adverbs the perfective,
imperfective and prospective aspects all have distinct verb
forms; the perfective, imperfective and prospective verbs
carry the obligatory aspectual markers deng, tolo/hana and angat
respectively, while the infinitive and imperative aspects
belong to a single natural class with the same verb form.
Table 2. Actor Focus Verb Forms in Five Aspects
Aspect Tagalog T’boliInfinitiv
e
to eat meken
Imperativ
e
You eat. Mekeni.
Perfectiv
e
The child ate a mango. Deng meken mangga, yom
nga.Imperfect
ive
The child is eating a
mango.
Tolo/Hana meken mangga,
yom nga.Prospecti The child will eat a Angat meken mangga, yom
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI8
ve mango. nga.
Table 2 illustrates the different verbal sentences with the
obligatory aspectual markers. The infinitive and imperative
verb of kain are the same in the form [meken]; the affix [me-]
indicates the actor focus in both aspects, while the morpheme
[-i] attached to the verb functions as the second person singular
nominative enclitic pronoun in the imperative sentence.
On the other hand although the verb [meken] is manifested in
the next three verb forms, the deng, tolo/hana and angat aspectual
markers are obligatory to indicate the aspect in the sentence.
Table 3. Goal Focus Verb Forms in Five Aspects
Aspect Tagalog T’boliInfinitiv
e
to eat ken
Imperativ
e
You eat (this). Kenem ni.
Perfectiv
e
The mango was eaten by
the child.
Deng ken mangga, yom nga.
Imperfect
ive
The mango is being
eaten by the child.
Tolo/Hana kenen ne mangga,
yom nga.Prospecti
ve
The mango will be eaten
by the child.
Angat ken ne mangga, yom
nga.
Table 3 also illustrates that the infinitive and imperative
verb forms may be grouped into a single natural class
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI9
manifested by the goal focus verb form [ken]; the second person
singular accusative enclitic pronoun [-әm] is attached to the
verb in the imperative sentence.
Moreover the obligatory aspectual markers deng, tolo/hana and
angat are illustrated in the next three verbal sentences; the
third person singular nominative enclitic coreferential
pronoun [-әn] is attached to the verb in the imperfective
sentence.
Table 4. Verb Forms in Five Aspects with Time Adverbials
Infinitive Imperative Perfective Imperfectiv
e
Prospective
Vb Vb (deng) Vb
+time
adverb
(tolo/hana)
Vb
(angat) Vb
+ time
adverb
In Table 4 however, when a time adverb is present all five
aspects may be grouped into a single natural class with the
same verb form. The aspectual markers deng, tolo/hana and angat in
the perfective, imperfective and prospective aspects
respectively may optionally appear and co-occur with the time
adverb.
Table 5. Actor Focus Verb Forms with Time Adverbials
Aspect Tagalog T’boli
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI10
Perfectiv
e
I bought a pencil at the
store a while ago.
(Denge) meli (he) lapis be
fedyan eginu.
Imperfect
ive
I am buying a pencil at the
store.
(Tolohe) meli (he) lapis be
fedyan.Prospecti
ve
I will buy a pencil at the
store later.
(Angate) meli (he) lapis
kedeng be fedyan.
Table 5 illustrates the optionality of the aspectual markers
deng, tolo and angat when there is a time adverb in the sentence.
The verb form [meli] is the same in all five aspects where the
morpheme [me-] functions as the actor focus affix and the time
adverb [eginu] and [kedeng] in the perfective and prospective
sentences respectively mainly determine the aspect of the
sentence.
Moreover the first person singular nominative enclitic pronoun
[-e]/ [-he] is attached to the aspectual markers and not to the
verb because the markers always attract such pronouns
(Forsberg 1992, p. 18). However when the aspectual marker is
not present in the sentence the enclitic pronoun is either
attached to or placed after the verb.
Table 6. Goal Focus Verb Forms with Time Adverbs
Aspect Tagalog T’boliPerfectiv
e
I bought a pencil at the
store a while ago.
(Dengu) benli (hu) lapis be
fedyan eginu.
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI11
Imperfect
ive
I am buying a pencil at the
store.
(Tolohu) benli (hu) lapis
be fedyan.Prospecti
ve
I will buy a pencil at the
store later.
(Angatu) benli (hu) kedeng
lapis be fedyan.
Table 6 also illustrates the optionality of the aspectual
markers when there is a time adverb in the goal focus verb
manifested by the form [benli]. The morpheme [-en-] functions as
the goal focus affix while the time adverb [eginu] and [kedeng] in
the perfective and prospective aspects respectively mainly
indicate the aspect in the sentences. The aspectual markers
may also co-occur with the time adverbs.
When the aspectual markers are present in the sentences the
first person singular accusative enclitic pronoun [-u]/[-hu] is
also attracted to the aspectual marker and not to the verb
(Forsberg 1992, p. 18).
3.1.2. Reanalysis of Studies. A reanalysis of the studies of
Porter (1977) and of Forsberg (1992) on the optionality of the
aspectual markers was also employed in the study. Results
showed that such markers are not simply optional adjuncts and
peripheries of the verb phrase (Porter 1977, p. 73); rather they are
aspectual arguments of the verb with a more restricted
optionality that correlates with the presence or absence of
time adverbials.
Table 7: Porter’s Tagmemic Structure of the Verb Phrase in T’boli (1977, pp. 73-74)
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI12
Periphery of the Verb Phrase
± Mood mood markers
± Negative be ‘don’t’; la ‘not’
± Intensifier2 abay, ko, dog
± Intensifier1 tey, ali, hol
± Durational Aspect todo class
± Tense Aspect tehe class
± Frequency Aspect bud class
Nucleus
± Descriptive verb stative
+ Head verb
Table 7 shows the tagmemic function of the Tense Aspect unit
as one of the peripheries of the verb phrase, which also
includes the mood, negative and intensifier markers among
others. Only an optional descriptive or stative modifier and
an obligatory head constitute the nucleus or the main verbal
argument of the verb phrase (Porter, 1977, pp. 73-74).
Table 8: Porter’s List of Tense Aspect markers in T’boli (1977, p. 75)
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI13
Table 8 on the other hand presents the seven Tense Aspect
markers proposed by Porter (1977, p. 75), which include the
three main aspectual markers that are also identified in this
study, namely deng, tolo (not hana) and angat.
Table 9: Forseberg’s List of Tense Markers in T’boli (1992, p. 18)
angat distant futuredeng past tenseeles action completed
beforehandlomi recent pastmoyon near futuretehe remote pasttolo present continuative
tehe remote past
deng nonspecific past
(completed action)
lomi near past
tolo present continuative
moyon near future
angat future, nonspecific
(incomplete action)
eles pluperfect
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI14
Table 9 also shows the list of Tense Markers proposed by
Forseberg (1992, p. 18), which are classified as adverbs that
occur before the verb.
It can be observed from the data given by Porter (1977) and
Forseberg (1992) that such markers simply function as optional
adjuncts. The same aspectual markers which are identified in
this study are all found in both studies, but a different
optionality rule is observed and proposed in the reanalysis.
3.1.2.1. Deng. The perfective aspectual marker deng belongs to
the Tense Aspect group of markers under the tehe class that
function as optional adjuncts (Porter 1977, pp. 72-75).
3.1.2.1.1. Obligatory Deng. Reanalysis of Porter’s data showed
that deng is not an optional aspectual marker but an
obligatory one to express the perfective aspect. This
condition is illustrated in (1).
(1) deng me-ken nga mangga
PFV AF-eat child mango
‘The child ate a/the mango.’
Sentence (1) illustrates that the deng aspectual marker isobligatory to indicate the perfective aspect when there is notime adverb in the sentence.
3.1.2.1.2. Optional Deng. On the other hand when there is a
time adverb in the sentence indicating a perfective action,
then the deng aspectual marker becomes optional.
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI15
(2) me-ken nga mangga ekimel
AF-eat child mango yesterday
‘The child ate a/the mango yesterday.’
Sentence (2) illustrates that deng may be omitted from thesentence when there is a time adverb manifested by [ekimel].
3.1.2.1.3. Co-occurrence of Deng and Time Adverb. The
aspectual marker deng may also co-occur with the time adverb,
as illustrated in (3).
(3) deng l<em>wot du ekimel
PFV <AF>leave 3SG.NOM yesterday
‘He/She left yesterday.’
3.1.2.1.4 Reanalysis of Porter’s Data. Sentences in Porter’s
study (1977, p. 105) were also examined and seemed to be
problematic in translation. Sentence (4) illustrates a
perfective sentence with no time adverb that may indicate the
aspect. However the given sentence also does not have the deng
aspectual marker that should indicate the perfective aspect.
When the sentence was shown to the researcher’s informant it
was interpreted in the imperfective action instead (see 3.1.2.3.
Tolo/Hana).
(4) Ø-eted be Kas Ting yem bayad
GF-deliver DET.LOC Kas Ting DET.NOM payment
be kahi
DET.LOC salt
‘Kas delivered the payment to Ting for the salt.’
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI16
Without the time adverb and the deng aspectual marker in (4)
the sentence cannot be interpreted in its perfective aspect,
which is in contrast with the English translation.
The reanalysis of the sentence to become a perfective
statement is shown in (5).
(5) deng Ø-eted be Kas Ting yem
PFV GF-deliver DET.LOC Kas Ting DET.NOM
bayad be kahi
payment DET.LOC salt
‘Kas delivered the payment to Ting for the salt.’
Sentence (5) illustrates the perfective aspect in the sentence
manifested by the deng aspectual marker; if a time adverb is
present in the sentence the marker may be omitted.
On the other hand (6) based on Porter’s data (1977, p. 102)
satisfies the condition that if a time adverb is present it
determines the aspect of the sentence and the aspectual marker
deng may only be optional.
(6) M-it Min bulung be Kasi ekimel
AF-bring Min medicine DET.LOC Kasi yesterday
‘Min brought some medicine to Kasi yesterday.’
The perfective aspect in the sentence is mainly determined by
the time adverb [ekimel] where the aspectual marker deng may only
be optional in (6).
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI17
3.1.2.1.5. Reanalysis of Forsberg’s Data. The same problem is
encountered in Forsberg’s data (1992, p. 11, 40), where some
sentences in T’boli are translated as perfective statements
where in fact, when reanalyzed were imperfective or
prospective in aspect.
(7) N-uket le sila le Gadu lewu le
GF-pick 3PL.ACC corn 3PL.ACC Gadu two
3PL.ACC Fludi
Fludi
‘Both Gadu and Fludi picked corn.’
Given that there is no deng aspectual marker or any time
adverb, the sentence is not in perfective aspect; rather in
its imperfective form. Also the verb [uket] is not translated as
‘to pick’ but ‘to peel’. The reanalysis of (7) is shown in
(8).
(8) deng l<en>uket le sila le
Gadu PFV <GF>peel 3PL.ACC corn 3PL.ACC
Gadu lewu le Fludi
two 3PL.ACC Fludi
‘Both Gadu and Fludi peeled the corn.’
The deng aspectual marker mainly determines the perfective
aspect in (8); unless there is a time adverb the deng may be
omitted.
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI18
On the other hand Forsberg’s data (1992, p. 58) in (9) also
satisfies the optionality of the aspectual marker deng when a
time adverb is present in the sentence.
(9) Ø- ton-u uu koni
AF.ABL-see-1SG.ACC 1SG.NOM just now
‘I saw you just now.’
Sentence (9) illustrates that the time adverb koni mainly
determines the perfective aspect.
3.1.2.1.6. Other Functions of Deng. It may also be proposed
that the aspectual marker deng may occur twice in the
sentence, where the first deng functions as the perfective
aspectual marker and the second deng functions as an intensity
marker that modifies adjectives.
3.1.2.1.6.1. Addressed to Second Person. This function seems
to be only limited in use; that is, it will only occur when
the statement is directly addressed to the second person and
not to the first or third person.
(10) Deng-i deng tey hulung
k<m>intang
PFV-2SG.NOM INT1 INT2 good.at
<AF>k’lintang
‘You are already very good at playing the kulintang.’
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI19
(11) Deng yu deng tey hulung m-udel
T’boli PFV 2PL.NOM INT1 INT2 good-at
AF-speak t’boli
‘You are already very good at speaking T’boli.’
Sentences (10) - (11) illustrate that deng may also function as
an intensifier (INT1) when a sentence is directly addressed to
the second person. The first deng functions as the perfective
aspectual marker. The second person enclitic pronouns are also
attracted to the first deng (Forsberg 1992, p. 18) followed by
the second deng that functions as the adjective intensifier.
3.1.2.1.6.2. Addressed to Third Person. On the other hand,
deng cannot occur twice in the sentence when the statement is
addressed to the first or third person.
(12) Deng tey hulung Foyfoy
k<m>intang
PFV INT good.at foyfoy
<AF>kulintang
‘Foyfoy is already very good at playing the kulintang.’
Sentence (12) illustrates that deng cannot occur as another
intensifier; rather the tey morpheme mainly functions as the
default intensity marker in the sentence.
Deng was not classified as an intensity marker in Forsberg’s
(1992) and Porter’s (1977) studies and is still subject to
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI20
further research. Such feature may only be seen in the deng
aspectual marker.
3.1.2.2. Angat. The optionality rule similar to that of deng
also applies to the aspectual marker angat. It also belongs to
the Tense Aspect group of markers under the tehe class which
expresses the prospective aspect of the sentence (Porter 1977,
p. 75).
3.1.2.2.1. Obligatory Angat. The angat aspectual marker is
obligatory when there are no time adverbials in the sentence.
This condition is illustrated in (13).
(13) angat Ø- ton-em ou
PROS AF.ABL-see-2SG.ACC 1SG.NOM
‘You will be able to see me.’
Sentence (14) illustrates that the angat aspectual marker is
obligatory when there is no time adverb to determine the
prospective aspect.
3.1.2.2.2. Optional Angat. On the other hand angat may also be
optional when there is a time adverb that mainly indicates the
prospective aspect in the sentence. This condition is
illustrated in (14).
(14) l<em>wot-e haya
<AF>leave-1SG.NOM tomorrow
‘I will leave tomorrow.’
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI21
Sentence (14) illustrates that the aspectual marker may be
omitted as the time adverb [haya] mainly indicates the aspect.
3.1.2.2.3. Co-occurrence of Angat and Time Adverb. Both the
angat aspectual marker and the time adverb may also co-occur in
the sentence.(15) angat Ø- ton-u yu haya
PROS AF.ABL-see-1SG.ACC 2PL.NOM tomorrow
‘I will (be able to) see you tomorrow.’
Sentence (15) illustrates that the angat aspectual marker and
the time adverb [haya] may also co-occur in the sentence to
indicate the prospective aspect.
3.1.2.3. Tolo/Hana. The aspectual marker tolo that expresses the
imperfective aspect in T’boli is also classified in the Tense
Aspect group of markers under the tehe class as an optional adjunct
(Porter 1977, p. 75).
A different optionality rule applies to the imperfective
aspectual marker in T’boli. The morpheme tolo or hana indicates
the imperfective aspect in the sentence and is only optional.
Moreover when there are no aspectual markers and time adverbs
in the sentence it is inherently interpreted in the
imperfective aspect.
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI22
Sentence (16) illustrates an imperfective aspect where the
aspectual markers tolo/hana may only be optional; hence can also
be expressed as in (18).
(16) tolo/hana le s- fatay yom lewu
nga
IPFV 3PL.ACC AF.RCP-fight DET.NOM two
child
‘The two children are fighting each other.’
(17) s- fatay le yom lewu nga
AF.RCP-fight 3PL.ACC DET.NOM two child
‘The two children are fighting each other.’
When the tolo/hana aspectual markers are not present in (17) the
third person plural nominative enclitic pronoun [le] is
permutated after the verb [sfatay] to achieve grammaticality.
3.2. Aspect in Complex Verbal Sentences. This section deals
with the verb aspect of T’boli in complex sentences and in
different types of temporal relationship sentences. Complex
sentences include coordinating and subordinating sentences,
while temporal relationship sentences include contrastive
sentences, which may be classified as overlap, simultaneity or
succession, and whose clauses are related by subordinating
temporal markers (Porter, 1977, p. 129).
3.2.1. Aspect in Complex Sentences. Complex sentences comprise
of two related clauses which are linked by coordinating or
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI23
subordinating conjunctions. Results show that these
conjunctions seem to correlate with the optionality and
occurrence of the aspectual markers in T’boli.
3.2.1.1. Coordinating Sentences. These sentences consist of
two or more coordinate structures linked by a coordinating
conjunction. This section only deals with simple monosyndetic
coordination; that is, sentences with two coordinate clauses
related by a single overt coordinating conjunction
(Haspelmath, 2000, p. 6). Sentences (18) – (20) illustrate
coordinating sentences in T’boli.
(18) [deng Ø-tungo yom sawang libun]C1
PFV AF-sleep DET.NOM unmarried woman
omin [m-ulek yom sawang logi]C2
and AF-go.home DET.NOM unmarried man
‘The bachelorette went to sleep and the bachelor went
home.’
Sentence (18) shows a simple coordinating conjunction, where
the conjunction [omin] links the two coordinate clauses.
Moreover it can be observed that the aspectual marker [deng]
expresses the perfective aspect in the first coordinate clause
(C1), while the marker may only be optional in the second
coordinate clause (C2). Based on the limited data, the
optionality of the aspectual marker in the second clause may
only be observed in sentences where the aspect of the verb in
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI24
both clauses is the same. Sentence (19) illustrates the
alternative expression of (18).
(19) [deng Ø-tungo yom sawang libun]C1
PFV AF-sleep DET.NOM unmarried woman
omin [deng m-ulek yom sawang
logi]C2
and PFV AF-go.home DET.NOM unmarried man
‘The bachelorette went to sleep and the bachelor went
home.’
It can be observed in sentence (19) that the aspectual marker
[deng] may also be manifested in the second coordinate clause
to express the perfective aspect in the sentence. Sentence
(20) on the other hand shows an adversative coordination.
(20) [angat m-ulek yom sawang
logi]C1, okom/ be de
PROS AF-go.home DET.NOM unmarried man but
[deng k<em>ulon]C2
PFV <AF>rain
‘The bachelor had planned to go home but it rained.’
Sentence (20) illustrates that the adversative conjunction
[okom] or [be de] links the two coordinate clauses in T’boli. It
can also be observed that the aspectual marker [angat]
expresses the prospective aspect in the first clause, while
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI25
the marker [deng] expresses the perfective aspect in the second
coordinate clause.
3.2.1.2. Subordinating Sentences. Subordinating sentences
consist of a matrix or main clause and a subordinate clause,
which is introduced by a subordinating conjunction. Sentences
(21) – (24) illustrate the different subordinating sentences
in T’boli.
(21) [ hana tolo me-ken du mangga]C1, be
[ke-kol INCH IPFV AF-eat 3SG.NOM
mango SBRD NMZ-arrive
ma-en]C2
father-3SG.ACC
‘He/She was eating mango when Father arrived.’
It can be observed in sentence (21) that the subordinating
conjunction [be] introduces the subordinate clause [kekol
ma’en] and links it to the matrix clause [hana tolo meken du
mangga]. Moreover it can be observed that while the obligatory
aspectual markers [hana tolo] express the inchoative imperfective
aspect in the matrix clause, the marker which expresses the
perfective aspect in the subordinate clause may only be
optional. The alternative sentence is illustrated in sentence
(22).
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI26
(22) [hana tolo me-ken du mangga]C1, be
[deng INCH IPFV AF-eat 3SG.NOM mango
SBRD PFV
ke-kol ma-en]C2
NMZ-arrive father-3SG.ACC
‘He/She was eating mango when Father arrived.’
(23) [hana tolo Ø-ken-en yom mangga nim
nga]C1
INCH IPFV GF-eat-3SG.ACC DET.NOM mango DEM
child
be [yom kun hana lomi ke-sut]C2
SBRD DET.NOM 3SG.GEN INCH RECPFV NMZ-arrive
‘The child was eating the mango when he/she just
arrived.’
Sentence (22) – (23) show that the aspectual markers [deng] and
[hana lomi] respectively may also be manifested in the
subordinate clause to express the aspect. Moreover the verb in
the subordinate clause is nominalized and marked by the
nominalizing affix [ke-].
(24) [deng m-ulek du]C1 [Ø hana lomi
s’def
PFV AF-go.home 3SG.NOM SBRD INCH RECPFV to.set
kedaw]C2
sun
‘He went home just as the sun set.’
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI27
Sentence (24) on the other hand shows that the subordinating
conjunction [be] may also be optional to link the matrix and
subordinate clauses. Moreover the verb [s’def] in the
subordinate clause is not nominalized; that is, the
nominalization of the verb in the subordinate clause may also
only be optional.
3.2.2. Aspect in Temporal Relationship Sentences. This type of
sentence consists of two clauses which are linked by
subordinating temporal markers. It may also be categorized
into three types: overlap, simultaneity and succession
(Porter, 1977, p. 129). This study only deals with
simultaneity and succession temporal relationship sentences.
3.2.2.1. Simultaneity. Simultaneous sentences are
characterized by a simultaneous action of two events over a
period of time. This type of temporal relationship sentence
may be divided into Continuous Simultaneous and Punctiliar
Simultaneous sentences.
3.2.2.1.1. Continuous Simultaneous. This type of sentence
consists of two clauses which are characterized by two
simultaneous events and are ongoing over a period of time. The
matrix clause and subordinate clause are linked by the
subordinating temporal marker ‘while’. The relative positions
of both clauses with respect to the subordinating marker may
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI28
also be interchanged with each other without changing the
overall meaning of the sentence (Porter, 1977, p. 133).
(25) [tolo me-nagi Jose,]C1 omin-en [h<em>ungol
be
IPFV AF-study Jose, while-PRT <AF>listen.to
DET.OBL
sengal]C2
music
‘Jose is studying while listening to music.’
(26) [tolo-he h<em>olos kegal,]C1 igo-en
[tolo IPFV-1SG.NOM <AF>hang clothes ,
SIM.while-PRT
Ø-tungo dumu-hu set’woli]C2
AF-sleep companion-1SG.GEN sibling
‘I am hanging clothes (to dry) while my brother/sister is
sleeping.’
Sentences (25) – (26) show that the two clauses in a
continuous simultaneous sentence illustrate a simultaneous
aspect, and may be linked by two types of subordinating
temporal marker: [omin] or [igo] ‘while’. It can also be observed
in sentences (18) and (19) that [omin] may also function as the
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI29
coordinating conjunction ‘and’. The marker [tenana] ‘while’ may
also be used the two clauses in continuous simultaneous
sentences, but is only limited to certain types of sentences
which carry an additional semantic load of simultaneity.
Moreover, the subordinating markers [omin] or [igo] may be used in
free variation.
(27) igo-en [tolo-he me-fuk,]C2 [h<em>lo
Jose
SIM.while-PRT IPFV-1SG.NOM AF-wash.clothes, <AF>clean
Jose
lem defel]C1
inside room
‘While I am washing clothes, Jose is cleaning his room.’
The subordinating clause introduced by the simultaneous aspect
markers [igo] and [omin] may also be fronted in the continuous
simultaneous sentence as illustrated in sentence (27), and may
be preceded by the matrix clause.
3.2.2.1.2. Punctiliar Simultaneous. This type of simultaneity
is characterized by a punctual event manifested in the
subordinating clause and a simultaneous action expressed in
the matrix clause. The subordinating clause is introduced by
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI30
the subordinating temporal marker ‘the moment/the minute’
(Porter, 1977, p. 132).
(28) [deng mem me-loy Ø-helong du,]C1
(m)uni
PFV PRT AF-run ADJF-speed 3SG.NOM
SIM.immediate
deng [Ø-gungol-en udel me-gel ]C2
PFV AF-hear-3SG.ACC sound ADJF-sound
‘The boy ran fast the moment/the minute he heard a loud
sound.’
(29) [deng he-benes nga udi be defel-en,]C1
tembol
PFV AF-hide child small DET.LOC room-3SG.ACC
SIM.immediate
deng [Ø-kol ma-en be gono]C2
PFV AF-arrive Father-3SG.ACC DET.LOC house
‘The child hid in the room the moment/the minute Father
arrived (home).’
Sentences (28) – (29) illustrate punctiliar simultaneous
sentences in T’boli which are marked by a compound
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI31
subordinating temporal marker [(m)uni/tembol deng]. These markers
also function as simultaneous aspect indicators. The markers
[(m)uni] and [tembol] function in dialectal variation.
(30) (m)uni deng [k<em>odok el be
kuleng,]C2 SIM.immediate PFV <AF>boil water
DET.LOC pot
[Ø-heno-en unged s’do]C1
GF-put -3SG.ACC meat pig
‘The moment/The minute the water boiled, he put the meat
in the pot.’
Sentence (30) illustrates that the subordinating clause
introduced by the subordinating temporal marker [(m)uni deng] may
also be fronted and preceded by the matrix clause in the
punctiliar simultaneous sentence.
3.2.2.2. Succession. Succession sentences consist of two
clauses which are characterized by two successive events and
may be divided into Projected Time and Accomplished Time
Succession. Projected Time describes a “general, nonspecific,
recurring event”, while Accomplished Time refers to a “single,
event which has already taken place” (Porter, 1977, p. 133).
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI32
3.2.2.2.1. Projected Time Prior Succession. This type of
succession sentence describes two successive events, where the
event expressed by the subordinating clause occurred prior to
the event in the matrix clause. The subordinating clause is
introduced by the subordinating temporal marker ‘when’ or
‘after’.
(31) [deng le m-ogow be gono se-f(g)ewa,]C1
(m)uni
PFV 3PL.NOM AF-go DET.LOC house RCP-go.out after
deng [le me-(b)li be gono fe(d,r)yan]C2
PFV 3PL.ACC AF-buy DET.LOC house Saturday
‘The children went to the park after they went to the
market (to buy something).’
(32) [deng h<en>tifes le gono me-ken]C1
tembol deng
PFV <GF>wipe.clean 3PL.ACC house AF-eat
after PFV
[ke-ken le]C2
NMZ-eat 3PL.ACC
‘They wiped the table clean after they ate.’
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI33
Sentences (31) – (32) show projected time prior succession
sentences, where the subordinating clauses are also marked by
the same subordinating temporal markers in the punctiliar
simultaneous sentences (See 3.2.1.2. Punctiliar Simultaneous). The two
clauses in sentence (31) are linked by the subordinating
marker [(m)uni deng], while those in sentence (32) are linked by
[tembol deng]. The markers [(m)uni deng] and [tembol deng] also function
in dialectal variation.
(33) muni deng [ke-fuk Ana,]C2
[t<em>ogo ne ye
after PFV NMZ-wash.clothes Ana <AF>cook
PRTmother
ken kemdaw]C1
food noon
‘After Ana washed the clothes, mother cooked lunch.’
Sentence (33) also show that the subordinating clause marked
by the subordinator [(m)uni deng] may also be fronted in the
projected time prior succession sentence.
3.2.2.2.2. Projected Time Subsequent Succession. This type of
succession sentence is characterized by two successive events,
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI34
where the event expressed by the subordinating clause occurred
after the event in the matrix clause. The subordinating clause
is introduced by the subordinating temporal marker ‘before’.
(34) [deng me-(b)li ye ken som ne lemnaw]C1 gu=laan
PFV AF-buy mother food sour CONJ
vegetable before
[k-ogow ye be gono d’wata]C2
NMZ-go mother DET.LOC house god
‘Mother bought fruits and vegetables before she went to
church.’
Sentence (34) illustrates that the subordinating clause in a
projected time subsequent succession sentences is marked by
the subordinator [gu laan] ‘before’.
(35) gu=laan [ke-ken me kifu,]C2 [neme
h<em>lo
before NMZ-eat PRT night PRT
<AF>clean
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI35
Jose defel]C1
Jose room
‘Before he ate dinner, Jose cleaned his room (first).’
Sentence (35) also shows that the subordinating clause
introduced by the temporal marker [gu laan] may be fronted and
preceded by the matrix clause in the projected time subsequent
succession sentence.
3.2.2.2.3. Accomplished Time Subsequent Succession. This type
of succession sentence describes two successive events, where
the event expressed by the matrix clause may only occur once
the event expressed by the subordinating clause has been
achieved. The two clauses are linked by the subordinating
temporal marker ‘until’ or ‘only...when’.
(36) [selong heyu kegenom-u]C1 muni[-he
m-inum
until good feeling-1SG.ACC when-1SG.NOM AF-drink
bulung]C2
medicine
‘I only felt better when I drank medicine.’
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI36
(37) [la=en Ø Ø-tungo] ke=la
ne-hen
NEG-PRT 3SG.NOM AF-sleepCOND=NEG PRT-3SG.ACC
[deng ke-nagi-en]C2
PFV NMZ-study-3SG.ACC
‘He did not sleep until he finished studying.’
It can be observed in sentence (36) that the markers [selong] and
[(m)uni] obligatorily co-occur with each other to achieve an
accomplished time subsequent succession in T’boli. On the
other hand sentence (37) illustrates another mode of
expressing such sentence. Sentence (37) illustrates the two
clauses, where the negation marker [la en] and the subordinating
temporal marker [ke la] co-occur with each other.
3.2.2.2.4. Discontinued Succession. This type of succession
sentence is characterized by two discontinued events, where
the event in the matrix clause may only reach its terminating
point when the event in the subordinating clause is achieved.
The subordinating clause is marked by the subordinator
‘until’.
(38) [m-ogow du] mengang-en]C1 (g)efet
[du
AF-go 3SG.NOM INT-PRT until 3SG.NOM
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI37
be benwu/baryo]C2
DET.LOC countryside/barrio
‘He walked until he reached the countryside.’
Sentence (38) illustrates a sentence in discontinued
succession in T’boli, where the subordinating clause is
introduced by the subordinating marker [(g)efet] ‘until’.
4. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. The Aspect Test and reanalysis of
the studies of Porter (1977, p. 73) and Forsberg (1992, p. 18)
showed that there are lexicalized aspectual markers indicating the
verb aspect in T’boli. Results further showed that the
imperative and infinitive verb forms may be grouped into a
single natural class and the perfective, imperfective and
prospective forms into separate natural classes when there are
no time adverbs present in the sentence.
4.1. Inventory of Aspectual Markers in T’boli.
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI38
4.2. Verb Aspect in Simple Verbal Sentences.
Table 10: Summary of the Optionality Rule of Aspectual Markers in T’boli
Aspectual Paradigm
[-Time Adverb] [+ Time Adverb]
Class 1 Class 2 Class 3 Class 4 Class 1
INF, IMP PFV IPFV PROS INF, IMP, PFV,
IPFV, PROSVb deng + Vb tolo/hana
+ Vb
angat +
Vb
(Aspectual Markers)
+ Vb + Time Adverb
Table 10 summarizes the aspectual paradigm and grammatical
function of the aspectual markers in T’boli. It can be
observed that the grouping of the aspectual paradigm into
natural classes heavily rely on the presence or absence of
time adverbials in T’boli. That is, the infinitive,
imperative, perfective, imperfective and prospective aspects
all fall into one natural class when there are time adverbs in
the sentence, while they fall into four different natural
classes when there are no time adverbs.
4.2.1. T’boli Aspectual Markers. The aspectual markers deng,
tolo/hana and angat indicate the three main verbal forms in
T’boli. Deng functions as the aspectual marker that indicates
the perfective aspect; tolo/hana indicates the imperfective
aspect and angat indicates the prospective aspect. However when
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI39
there are time adverbs, which mainly determine the aspect in
the sentence all the aspectual markers may be omitted.
4.2.2. Optionality of Aspect Markers. Results also showed that
such aspectual markers have a more restricted optionality
compared to the initial analyses proposed by Forsberg (1992,
p. 18) and Porter (1977, p. 73), which classified all the
markers as optional adjuncts. The optionality of the aspectual
markers is correlated with the presence of time adverbs in the
sentence.
4.2.2.1. Deng. Deng functions as an obligatory aspectual
marker that expresses the perfective aspect. Unless there is a
time adverb that indicates the perfective aspect then deng may
be optional. Deng may also be a portmanteau morpheme that
functions as an intensity marker. However such proposal is
still subject to further research.
4.2.2.2. Angat. Angat functions as the prospective aspectual
marker with a similar optionality rule; that is, it becomes
obligatory when it solely indicates the prospective aspect in
the sentence and becomes optional when there is a time adverb
which may indicate the verbal aspect.
4.2.2.3. Tolo/Hana. Finally Tolo/Hana functions as the
imperfective aspectual marker and similar to Porter’s analysis
(1977, p. 72-75) it is only optional. Moreover when there are
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI40
no aspectual markers and time adverbs, the sentence is
inherently interpreted in the imperfective aspect.
4.2.3. Co-occurrence of Aspect Markers and Time Adverb. The
perfective, imperfective and prospective aspectual markers may
also co-occur with the time adverbials in the sentence.
4.3. Verb Aspect in Complex Sentences. Complex sentences in
T’boli may be divided into Coordinating and Subordinating
sentences. Table 1 illustrates the preliminary inventory of
the conjunctions in complex sentences in T’boli.
Table 11. Inventory of Conjunctions in Complex Sentences
Complex SentencesCoordinating Sentences Subordinating Sentences
Coordinating Adversativeomin ‘and’ okom ‘but’ be/ Ø ‘when’
Table 11 shows the different conjunctions in the coordinating
and subordinating sentences in T’boli. The marker [omin]
functions as the coordinating conjunction while [okom] as the
adversative conjunction. The subordinating conjunction [be] may
only be optional in subordinating sentences in T’boli.
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI41
4.4. Verb Aspect in Temporal Relationship Sentences. This
study only deals with two types of temporal relationship
sentences: simultaneity and succession. Table 2 shows the
different temporal subordinating markers of temporal
relationship sentences in T’boli.
Table 12. Temporal Subordinating Markers in Temporal Relationship Sentences
Temporal Relationship SentencesSimultaneity Succession
ContinuousSimultaneo
us
PunctiliarSimultaneous
ProjectedTime Prior
Projected TimeSubsequent
Accomplished Time
Discontinued
Succession
igoomin
tenana‘while’
(m)uni deng tembol‘the moment’
(m)uni deng tembol‘after’
gu laan‘before
’
selong...muni
la en...kela‘only...w
hen’‘until’
(g)efet‘until’
4.4.1. Simultaneity. The markers [igo], [omin] and [tenana] all
indicate the continuous simultaneous subordinator ‘while’ and
function in free variation except for [tenana], where it may only
be used in certain sentences. The compound markers [(m]uni deng]
and [tembol deng] both function as the punctiliar simultaneous
marker ‘the moment/ the minute’. These markers also function
in dialectal variation. The two compound markers also indicate
the simultaneous aspect in this type of sentence.
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI42
4.4.2. Succession. The compound markers [(m]uni deng] and [tembol
deng] also mark the subordinating clause of Projected Time Prior
Succession sentences, while [gu laan] introduce the subordinating
clause of Projected Time Subsequent Succession sentences.
Moreover the obligatory co-occurrence of [selong] and [muni] serve
as the subordinating temporal marker in Accomplished Time
Succession sentences. It may also be expressed by the markers
[la en...kela]. Finally the marker [(g)efet] introduces the
subordinating clause in Discontinued Succession sentences in
T’boli.
4.4.3. Fronted Subordinating Clause. Results also show that
the subordinating clause introduced by these temporal
subordinating markers in T’boli may be fronted and preceded by
the matrix clause.
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI43
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
1 first person
2 second person
3 third person
ABL abilitative mode
ACC accusative case
ACCD accidental mode
ADJF adjective forming
affix
AF actor focus
C1 first clause
C2 second clause
COND conditional marker
CONJ conjunction
CMP complementizer
DEM demonstrative
pronoun
DET determiner
EXCL exclusive person
EXST existential marker
GEN genitive case
GF goal focus
IMM immediate; near
future tense
INCH inchoative aspect;
inceptive
INT intensifier
IPFV imperfective
aspect
LOC locative
NEG negation marker
NMZ nominalizing affix
NOM nominative case
OBL oblique case
PFV perfective aspect
PL plural
PROS prospective aspect
PRT particle
[REVISED] REVISITING VERB ASPECT IN T’BOLI44
RECPFV recent perfective
aspect
RCP reciprocal mode
SBRD subordinating
marker
SG singular
SIM simultaneous
aspect; similative
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