REVIEW OF MDG GOAL 3: PROMOTE GENDER EQUALITY AND EMPOWER WOMENIN NIGERIA

Amina Salihu 2012

1. Introduction

The Millennium Development Goal - 3 aims to promote gender equalityand empower women preferably by 2005, and in all levels of educationno later than 2015. MDG 3 has three indicators (ratio of girls toboys in primary, secondary and tertiary education, share of women inwage employment in the non-agricultural sector, and the proportionof seats held by women in national parliament). These are veryimportant indicators designed to measure the achievement of thegoal.

It should be emphasized that gender equality is not just aboutliteral balance between male and female but also about equity, i.e.,meeting the needs of each sex in relation to the other in a way thatserves to enhance access to opportunities. Women’s empowerment iscreating opportunities that would enable women have greater choiceand control over decisions that affect them. That is why, promotinggender equality and empowering women is critical for sustainableeconomic growth. Empowering women invariably gives women betteraccess to life-transforming opportunities through greaterparticipation, knowledge, personal security and economicindependence leading to reduction in poverty, hunger and inequality.

Gender equality and women’s empowerment is a cross cutting issue –awoman’s life is interconnected with many other facets and systems ofthe society, which must work to enable her, take advantage ofopportunities. Therefore, while MDG-3 focuses on gender equalityand empowerment, it can achieve the intended impact, only when theother seven MDGs integrate a gender awareness and responsivenessinto their analysis and recommendations. This point is emphasized inthe 2006 National Gender Policy which maintains that women’sempowerment and gender equality underpin the achievement of all theother MDGs. It is therefore inevitable that as the targets for MDG-3 are analyzed, areas where complementary action is required orpositive changes are happening in other goals be taken into account.

ile Although MDG-3 focuses on gender equality andempowerment, it can achieve the intended impact,only when the other seven MDGs integrate agender awareness and responsiveness into theiranalysis and recommendations

2.0 The Existing Policy and Structural Environment for MDG 3

It is on record that some amount of success has been recorded interms of women’s empowerment in Nigeria which can be attributed toincreased demand-side agitations; strategic partnerships betweengovernments and non-governmental players; and the role ofdevelopment partners, reformers in Government, and strategicpartnership with men.1 NGOs and other demand side players canpositively influence action in this direction through concertedadvocacy at different levels of government, and technical support toreformers in government to enable them design programmes thatprovide opportunities for the advancement of girls and women(Ajibade Oct 2012, Key Informant interview).However, overallreduction in the quality of life resulting from poor governance,corruption, poverty and the feminization of poverty, falling qualityof education, insecurity, poor health system, environmentaldegradation and low life expectancy, limit the enabling environmentfor women’s empowerment (V4C programme E- conversation analysis2012). For Women, “the personal is truly political” - personalproblems are political problems.2 This basically means that many ofthe personal problems women experience in their lives are not theirfault, but are the result of systematic oppression (Hanish, 1969).

Nigeria ratified the convention on the elimination of all forms ofdiscrimination against women (CEDAW) in 1985. Twenty-five yearsafter, it has not been domesticated as required by section 12 of the1999 constitution. A large percentage of Nigerian policy makers aremen without a deep understanding of gender issues, making themsometimes resistant to gender focused policies. Findings revealedthat though, enabling laws and policies are necessary, they areinsufficient in themselves to have any impact on attitudinal/behavioral change unless there is effective implementation of thepolicy. An example is the policy in some northern states (Niger,

1Amina Salihu analysis of why change happens V4C e -conversation on the structural barriers in the path of women’s empowerment 2http://mindthegapuk.wordpress.com/2008/01/27/the-personal-is-political/ Posted byWinter in Feminism 101, feminist theory. 2008, assessed 14th March, 2012

Kebbi, and Kano for example) to promote the enrolment and retentionof girls in school and stop the pervasive practice of hawking.Implementation has proved difficult especially in rural areas wherethere is no means of monitoring (Yusuf, 2012).

The national gender policy was introduced in 2006 as a strategy todraw attention to the relative disadvantaged position of women inrelation to men and to serve as a call to action to work to bridgethe gap. However, the changes that occurred as a result of thatpolicy appears infinitesimal compared to the scale of the problem.Moreover as new changes happen, they do so against the backdrop ofold ways, which persist. These include unequal gender division oflabour, work place discrimination, poverty and hidden cost ofservices such as education, health and cultural practices. As arespondent rightly put it: “From Primary 1 to 3, there is female participationadequately, sometimes even higher than boys but as these girls come to maturity, theybegin to drop out gradually and the impact is lost.”3

The passage of enabling laws at the Federal level has galvanizedaction on the passage of same laws in some states. An example ofthis is the Child Rights Act which was passed by the NigerianGovernment in 2003 and since then (2003 – 2012), 24 states havepassed the same law. Policies are required to achieve and sustainretention of girls in schools, increase employment options for womenand accelerate women’s participation in decision making.

An equal opportunities bill is before the 7th National Assembly. Abill on violence against women in 2001 articulated by Civil SocietyOrganizations has been on and off thelegislative agenda since itsintroduction on May 24th 2002.4 Itappears it may now be passed as aViolence Against Persons (VAP) bill.If this bill is passed, it willprovide a much needed foundation forthe protection and contestation ofviolation of the rights of allincluding girls and women.

3 KII with MJ Doko 27 October 2012 Abuja 4Salihu and Mahdi , Weaving a green and white Tapestry 2010, page 2

though, enabling laws andpolicies are necessary,they are insufficientin themselves to haveany impact onattitudinal/ behavioralchange unless there is

The passage of the Violence against Women law in some states, andthe increased number of women in the State Houses of Assembly in2011 at a time when the number of women at the national levelinstitutions dipped, demonstrates the possibility of change from thebottom up. In 2011 the highest number of women in appointivepositions in the federal executive council was recorded. 32% womenin President Jonathan’s cabinet are holding key policy positions.The first female Chief Justice of Nigeria Justice, MaryamAlomaMukhtar was appointed in 2012. There are now more women on theBench, and others are heading key parastatals.

The “YouWin” programme is a federal government initiative throughwhich the federal government gives grants of 1- 10 Million Naira to1,200 youths who want to start or expand their businesses in orderto employ other Nigerians. The second phase of the programme wasdesigned for women only who are between the ages of 18 – 45 and whohave post- secondary education. This is laudable, but the challengeis that it targets elite women and does not make provision for thepoor, uneducated but entrepreneurial women. The assertion that othergovernment programmes will take care of the needs of these otherwomen’s categories does not address this exclusion (Salihu 2012).

Another change worthy of mention is the pattern of politico –religious discourse where decade old debates about women’s right toparticipate in public life are being resolved within religiousmovements themselves. An interesting recent development was in Kwarastate – North central Nigeria, where some Islamic clerics pronouncedthat women may not aspire to be Governors of a State or President ofthe country but it was acceptable if they were Ministers andcommissioners. In a swift rejoinder, another community of Islamiccleric disagreed and re- asserted women’s right to aspire to allpublic offices. So, there is a shift in perceptions andinterpretation of religion vis-à-vis the everyday realities of whatis already possible (Salihu and Mahdi, 2010).

The Creation of the Female Football Federation opened up avenues fortalented girls who were otherwise labeled as ‘tom boys’ toparticipate in sport and thus re-define girlhood. Another importantlandmark is the Nigeria Defense Academy policy to begin to admitfemales in the hitherto all-male security training institution. TheFederal Ministry of Women Affairs mentoring programme for girls insecondary schools provides opportunities for mentees to understudy

mentors in established careers as a way to connect young girls frompoor homes with values, opportunity and knowledge, if sustained;this can expand the socio – economic space for young girls.

few women have access to mobile technology 30% of Nigerians haveaccess to the internet out of these (only) 4.6% of them arewomen. 5 However policy sites are coming up with innovative waysto use information technology particularly, the use of phones asimportant tool in getting opportunity to women and evaluatingtheir needs.

The Federal Ministry of agriculture is committing resources to thee - wallet scheme and 50% of beneficiaries will be women. The E -Wallet scheme, can cut out middle person’s costs, and give inputssuch as fertilizer and seedling to women in a timely and moreaffordable manner, if designed in a manner that can reach poorwomen.

Other initiatives to empower women include: the training and equippingof post National Youth Service Scheme (NYSC) women with farmingtechniques and resources initiated by the Federal Ministry ofAgriculture; the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) policy whichincludes insurance for farmers, thus increasing access to credit forwomen; the CBN policy to increase the number of women in itsmanagerial positions (Governor Lamido at the launch of the Gender inNigeria report May 10 2012); the Ekiti State Youth CommercialAgricultural Development (YCAD) project which is intended to grow acrop of young agricultural entrepreneurs from its female and maleyouth population; etc. All of these initiatives can go a long wayin transforming the lives of Nigerian women and empowering themeconomically if well implemented.

Gradual gains in parliamentary representation for women and the needto greatly expand these gains in coming elections inspired the MDGsoffice in the Presidency to collaborate with the Federal Ministry ofWomen Affairs and Social Development to set aside N100 million($600,000 ) in the first year to provide a start-up grant for theNigerian Women’s Trust Fund. Grants from the Fund are meant toencourage more women to participate in politics and to overcomesocial and political barriers, such as inadequate financialresources and skills. The Fund supported the campaigns of 153 women

5 Mrs Omobola Johnson during the Nigerian Internet Governance Forum in September 2012 stated that

candidates for the 2011 elections. The women fund gives wings toMDG-3 by promoting equality and empowering women.6 It however, facesthe challenges of sustainability including funding and continuedgovernment interest.

Increased effective participation of women in the electoral processby running for elected office will ultimately increase the number ofwomen in elected positions in future elections in the legislatureand other structures as well as their visibility in leadershippositions within the party structure rather than as head of a partywing. For example, the election of MrsJumokeAnifowose as the StateChairperson of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) in Ondo State in2011 was a landmark in the elevation of women in the party structure(Olateru – Olagbegi and Suraj, 2011).

3.0 Trends in the Achievement Of MDG 3

Education and gender Disparity

Nigeria is ranked 120th in the 2011 Global Gender Gap Index (out of135 countries), with a score of 0.6011 (SIGI 2012)7. ‘Most of theMillennium Development Goals face a deadline of 2015, but genderparity deadline was set to be achieved in 2005, acknowledging thatequal access to education is the foundation for all otherdevelopment goals. According to World Bank Report of 2008,‘education, especially of girls, is widely regarded, as one of thekey strategies to bring about fundamental change, and empowering andbuilding human, social and economic capital. For example,international comparisons show a 1% increase in the number of girlswith secondary education, boosts annual per capita income growth by0.3% and four years additional schooling lowers fertility rates’(World Bank 2008)

Fluctuating rate of Female Primary School enrolment6Hajiya Amina Az-Zubair former SSAP to the President on MDGs in politics, strategy and sustainability. The story of the Nigerian women Trust Fund 2011.7The Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) was first launched by the OECD   Development   Centre  in 2009 as an innovative measure of the underlying drivers of gender inequality for over 100 countries.

Figures from data provided by the Federal Ministry of Education,Abuja and the Universal Basic Education Commission show a rise infemale enrolment in Primary schools between 2004 and 2008as shownbelow.8

Table 14: National Summary of Primary School Statistics 2004-2008 Year 2004 2005 2006* 2007* 2008*

Total Schools 60, 189 60, 189 54, 434 54, 434 54, 434Total Enrolment 21, 395,

51022, 115,

43223, 017, 124 21, 632,

07021, 294,

517Total Male

Enrolment11, 824,

49412, 189,

07312, 575, 689 11, 683,

50311, 483,

943Total Female

Enrolment9, 571,

0169, 926,

35910, 441, 435 9, 948,

5679, 810,

575Total Teachers 591, 474 599, 172 586, 749 468, 202 586, 930Total Male

Teachers291, 384 294, 434 323, 798 241, 826 300, 931

Total FemaleTeachers

300, 090 304, 738 262, 951 226, 376 285, 999

Total Classrooms 254, 319 254, 319 319, 590 319, 590 319, 590Teacher/Pupil

Ratio36 37 39 46 36

Sources: Federal Ministry of Education, Abuja/Universal Basic Education Commission, Abuja

Transition of the girl-child from Primary to Secondary school still low

Research also shows that Nigerian girls who enroll in school leaveschool earlier than their male counterparts as revealed in thefollowing 2011 data provided by National Population Commission.Despite the fact that net attendance ratio for female studentsdoubled between 1990 and 2010, the data show that many of schoolgoing age do not make the transition to secondary school. One of thereasons for this is child (early) marriage. About 47 percent ofwomen are married before they are twenty years old, (Gender inNigeria report 2012).

Table 15: Net Primary and Secondary Attendance Ratio 1990-2010 All % Female % Male %

Year Primary Secondary Primary Secondary Primary Secondary1990 51 24 48 22 54 262003 60 35 57 33 64 382010 61 44 58 44 64 44

8 Gender in Nigeria Report, 2012 page 23

Source: National Population Commission 20119

Only a slight increase in the Percentage of Female enrolment in Secondary School

Between a period of 5 years (2004 to 2008) data provided by NationalBureau of Statistics (NBS) shows that female enrolment in secondaryschools increased by only 8 percent. Male enrolment was 20 percenthigher than female, though this is lower than the 26 percentdifference as of 2004. Between2004 and 2008 female enrolmentonly increased by 7percent.

Parity in ratio of Female to male admission into the Universities dropped by 5%

Looking at data provided by JAMB as shown in Table 16 below, maleadmission was 29% higher than female admission into Universities in2000. By 2007 male admission into the Universities was 34% higherthan that of female admission into the Universities.

Table 16: Admission Statistics into Nigerian Universities by Sex,2000 – 2008

Year SexApplicatio

ns byGender

TotalApplicatio

ns

Admissions by Gender

TotalAdmissions

2000 MF

238,456177,835

416,291 26,66519,101 29%

45,766

2001 MF

743,725312,892

1,056,617 54,97235,797

90,769

2002 MF

580,338414,042

994,380 31,94219,903

51,845

2003 MF

603,179443,771

1,046,950 59,74245,415

105,157

2004 MF

486,539355,339

841,878 69,71552,777

122,492

2005 MF

526,281390,090

916,371 45,25631,728

76,984

2006 MF

456,953346,519

803,472 52,41336,111

88,524

9 Gender in Nigeria Report 2012

Education, especially of girls,is widely regarded, as one of thekey strategies to bring aboutfundamental change, andempowering and building human,

2007 MF

911,653390,876

1,302,529 64,70642,664 66%

107;370

2008 MF

598,667455,393

1,054,060 - 113,100

Source: Joint Admission and Matriculation Board (JAMB) Annual Reports10

From the above, the number of females admitted into the universitydoubled but the gender gap widened as more males are now beingadmitted into the university in 2007 compared to 2000.

Geographical Analysis of Gender inequality in Education

In eight northern states of Nigeria, over 80% of women are unable toread (with 54% for men). In Jigawa state in particular, women’silliteracy is 94% against 42% for men. Only 3% of females completesecondary school in parts of the northern zones. In comparison withthe southern region, more than two thirds of 15–19 year old girls inNorthern Nigeria are unable to read a sentence compared to less than10% in the southern part of the country (BC/DFID Gender in NigeriaReport, 2012).

There are large geographical differences in gender parity inNigeria. ‘Statistics from the 2006 School Census show an enrolmentfigure of 24,422,918 (male -13,302,269, 54.5%; female - 1,120,649:45.5%) indicating a gender parity of 83.6%. There are however largegeographical differences, with more males enrolled in primaryschools than females in the North while a near parity is recorded inthe South. About 65% of primary school children in the North aremale while 35% are female’ (Akunga and Attfield 2010:2).

Table 17: Human Development Indicators for Nigeria, Jigawa andLagos State

Human Development Indicators for Nigeria, Jigawa and LagosState11

Indicators National Jigawa LagosPoverty Incidence 54.7% 95% 63%Net Enrolment Rate at Primary School

Urban: 65.5%Rural: 55.7%Girls: 56.7%

Urban:58.4%Rural:

27.1%

Urban:82.4%

Rural:

10 See Gender in Nigeria Report, 2012 Page 28

11 Data sourced from Education Data Survey (2004), Core Welfare Indicators (2006),Living Standards Survey (2004), UNDP (2008),

www.nigeriastat.gov.ng and www.lagosstate.gov.ng/c/portal

Boys: 63%7% Girls: 24%Boys: 32.3%

76.8%Girls:

79.3%Boys:

84.2%Access to safe water 12% 64.6% 83.4%

Source: UNGEI/E4 Project (Engendering Empowerment: Education Equality) 2010

According to UNGEI/E4 reports, while accurate and up to datestatistical information is lacking, all sources indicate (i) verylow school enrolment rates; and (ii) a major gender disparityagainst girls in the North West and North East zones of Nigeria’ asshown below. Data also shows that though attendance rates for girlsare improving, there is marginal increase among girls from thelowest quintile.

Table 18: Existing Gender Gaps by focus Schools/States from 2004until 2008

Regions 2004/05 2005/06 2006/07 2007/08Bauchi 12% 10% 6% 6%Borno 13% 10% 9% 9%Katsina 27% 24% 20% 19%Jigawa 20% 19% 16% 16%Niger 35% 26% 20% 19%Sokoto 39% 40% 25% 26%

Source: UNGEI/E4 Project (Engendering Empowerment: Education Equality) 2010

One of the reasons for gender disparity is early marriage of thegirl child. The Social Institution and Gender Index (SIGI)reports that the 2003 Demographic and Health Survey estimatedthat 33.2 percent of girls between 15 and 19 years of age weremarried, separated, divorced or widowed.  Additionally, the DHSfound that nearly 22 percent of marriedNigerian women were betrothed by age 15, afigure that rises to 46 percent by age 18(SIGI 2012). They have babies early and have noguarantee of medical attention. 56% of womenfrom the highest wealth quintile deliver inhealth facilities compared to only 7% inthe lowest (Nigeria Demographic and HealthSurvey 2008).

In In eightnorthernstates ofNigeria,over 80% ofwomen areunable to

A second reason is male-child preference entrenched in the Nigerianpatriarchal society, which results in giving more opportunities toboys than the girls (ODI/ HTSPE analysis 2011). Of thoseinterviewed for the 2008 DHS, 30% of women aged 20-24 had receivedno education, compared to 13.7% of men in the same age bracket. According to findings of the Strategy for the Acceleration of Girls’Education in Nigeria (SAGEN 2003):

“…girls’ and boys’ primary school Gross Enrolment Rate (GER) between1991 to 2001 shows that the gender gap favoring boys remainedconsistently wide. SAGEN came up with an alarming finding in 2001when the GER in some states (Anambra, Osun, Kogi, Sokoto, Zamfaraand Yobe) shows that in northern states, the gap averages over 30% infavors of boys while in the south Eastern states like Anambra the gapis about 10% in favor of girls. The challenge is to achieve gender paritywhilst ensuring that all children go to school.” (Saleh and Kwache2012)

Women’s Work and Income

Although 60-79% of the rural work force comprises women, men arefive times more likely to own land. Women make up only 21% of thenon-agricultural paid labour force. At every educational level,women earn less than their male counterparts and in some situationsmen with less education earn more than better educated female peers.Nigeria has one of the lowest rates of female entrepreneurship insub-Saharan Africa. The majority of women are concentrated incasual, low-skilled, low paid informal sector employment. (BritishCouncil / DFID Gender in Nigeria report 2012).

There are far more men in the formal employment sector than women

Recent studies show that a high number of women with high vocationand graduate education are found in the micro enterprise sectorcompared to men. There are suggestions that barriers to both formalemployment and opportunities for formal enterprise may in partexplain this. In general there are more women in the formal sectorin the southern parts of the country than in the northern parts with36% in the former compared to 23 per cent in the latter. 12 Thiscould be explained by the lower level education in Northern Nigeriacompared to Southern Nigeria.

12 Gender in Nigeria Report, Page 43

Gender pay gap is still high

The gender pay gap is still disturbingly high in Nigeria. It isreported that female bankers earn US1440 less than men (Okpara,2004:77). The income disparities can be traced to biases at the workplace in both the private and public sectors. One major reason forthe gender gap in paid employment is traceable to thedisconnectbetween women’s reproductive and productive roles. Women arediscriminated against because of time taken away from paid work fornecessary domestic unpaid work. The state does not see the linkbetween women’s child bearing and rearing and reproduction of humanresources for the sustenance of the state. The Social Institutionand Gender Index (SIGI) shows that:

“Employed women in Nigeria are entitled to maternity leave for twelveweeks at the state level and up to four months at the national level, andduring this time are entitled to receive 100 percent of their wages.However a number of discriminatory practices still exist in Nigeria in theprivate sector; many employers force young single and married women tosign job contracts stipulating that they will not get pregnant for the firstthree years of their employment (SIGI 2012).”

When incomes are compared in relation to educational level,’ womenat every educational level earn less than their male counterpartsand, in some situations; men with less education earn more thantheir more educated female counterparts. For example, women withtertiary education earn at the same level as men with a secondaryeducation while women with secondary education have similar incomesto men with no education at all.

The non-agricultural sector wageemployment isdominated by men

According to 2007 data from the National Bureau of Statistics, non-agricultural sector wage employment is dominated by men with womenconstituting less than 30 percent of the total number of employedpersons in the sector. As at 2004 the figure was 29.5% as shown in

At every educational level, women earn lessthan their male counterparts and in somesituations men with less education earnmore than better educated female peers.Nigeria has one of the lowest rates offemale entrepreneurship in sub-Saharan

Table 19 below (Fatile, 2011). By 2011 the figure was 21% (BC DFIDGender in Nigeria Report 2012).

Table 19: Male and Female Senior Appointments in the Public Sector2001-2007

Source: National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) (2009:51)

During the last seven years, there has only been an increase of 3.7%in the appointment of women into senior positions in the publicsector. The MDGs Gender parity target of 35 per cent has, therefore,not been achieved. Nearly six million young women and men enter thelabour market each year but only 10% are able to secure a job in theformal sector, and just one third of these are women. This situationhas dire consequences for human development and conflict mitigation(Yusuf, 2012).

The Geopolitical Picture

The bottom ten states in the jobless list in Nigeria are; Zamfara State with 42.6%; Bauchi, 41.4%; Niger, 39.4%; Gombe, 38.7%;Nassarawa, 36.5%, Jigawa, 35.9%; Edo, 35.7%; Yobe, 35.6%; Adamawa,33.8%, and Kaduna with 30.3%. Edo State with a 35.7% unemploymentrate is the only state from the southern part of the country that isamong the bottom ten states listed. Osun State leads the employmentlevels list with 3.0%, followed by Kwara, 7.1%; Lagos, 8.3%, andOyo, 8.9% (Esene 2012).

Seventy percent of the Nigerian population of 160million is said tobe within the ages of 17 and 65. It therefore means that with a23.9% national unemployment rate as revealed by the NBS, 40.6m ofworking age Nigerians lack any form of employment whatsoever’ (Esene2012). Beyond the averages, is a worse scenario for women in theNorthern Nigeria who have lessaccess to opportunities than theirOnene major reason for the gender

gap in paid employment istraceable to the disconnectbetween women’s reproductive andproductive roles. Women arediscriminated against because oftime taken away from paid work

Judges Permanent SecretariesType Women Men Women

Percent

Women Men WomenPer cent

2001 146 724 16.8 135 657 17.02002 178 764 18.9 131 697 15.82003 184 787 18.9 149 787 15.92004 198 809 19.7 154 802 16.12005 208 887 19.0 163 839 16.32006 208 913 18.6 178 826 17.72007 226 901 20.1 208 797 20.7

counterparts in the southern parts of the country, given theireducational level.

4.0 The Challenges

Political participation in the Legislature and other structures

Women’s representation in parliament in Africa is 19 percent but asof 2011 in Nigeria women’s representation in Nigeria was only fourpercent representing a drop from 7 percent in 2007. Currently thereare only 7 female senators out of 109 and 19 female House of Repsmembers out of 360. In the April 2011 elections, women lost theground they had begun to claw back since 1999. 13 “This is because itis generally recognized that ‘Nigeria is a highly patriarchal society, where mendominate all spheres of women’s lives” (Federal Ministry of Women’s Affairsand Social Development, 2006: 6)

Legal framework

The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria guaranteesevery citizen of age the right to participate in politicalactivities. Section 40 of that Constitution specifically says that“Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associatewith other persons, and in particular he (she) may form or belong toany political party, trade union or any other association for theprotection of his (her) interests.”14

This provision equips women with the constitutional right to bepolitically active. Much more so, the right of the Nigerian woman tofully participate in the political process is enshrined in severalinternational, regional and national instruments. Notable amongstthese is the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) whichstipulates that “All human beings are born free and equal in dignityand rights” and the Convention on the Elimination of all forms ofDiscrimination Against Women (CEDAW). There is, therefore, nothingin the Constitution that excludes women from participating inpolitics in Nigeria yet, when it comes to actual practice, there isextensive discrimination. Since the return to democratic rule in1999, the participation of women in politics, and the number electedor appointed to positions has not been remarkable. However, there

13 Gender in Nigeria Report, Page 914 The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria

Onene major reason for the gendergap in paid employment istraceable to the disconnectbetween women’s reproductive andproductive roles. Women arediscriminated against because oftime taken away from paid work

has been steady improvement (Achakpa and Abdu – Biu, 2011). AlthoughMDG-3 is most concerned with parliamentary representation, it isimportant to examine women’s involvement in all elective positionsand appointive positions. This gives a broader scope forunderstanding the dimension of the challenges facing women as wellas where opportunities for increased political participation maylie.

As the Gender in Nigeria report opines:

“During the National Assembly elections in April 2011, only 9 per cent ofthe candidates were female while just 12 women out 338 candidatescontested under various political parties for the office of governor. A mere909 of the 10037 (9.06%) candidates for the available seats were women.With only 19 women elected into a 360 member House of Representatives,Nigeria is now ranked 118 out of 192 countries in terms of gender parity.The lowly figure of 9 per cent representation in the Nigeria House ofRepresentatives is significantly below the global average of 15 per centrepresentation for women and way behind high achieving South Africa andRwanda with 43 per cent and 56 per cent respectively.’ (Gender inNigeria Report 2012:10)”.

Very few women occupy executive positions in political parties andthere are no obvious measures by the political parties to increasewomen’s participation in the political arena (CEDAW report 2006:64).

Some of the factors responsible for the poor showing of women inpolitics include:

Discriminatory social practices (related to deep rootedculture, religion)

Lack of education and adequate financial support Lack of employment; Being tied down with household reproductive and subsistence

roles. Exclusion by patronage networks. Lack of political will within parties to effect quotas.

(Irabor, 2011:6)

Violence and lack of internal party dynamics are equally seriousproblems keeping women out of politics (Jibrin and Salihu 2003).Political parties have adopted or alluded to the principle ofaffirmative action for women since 2003 either in theirconstitutions or in their electoral guidelines. The parties have

exhibited a higher inclination for non-justifiable mechanisms forexpanding women’s space through the waiver of nominationregistration fees. This has proved counter-productive where maleparty members treat such women as second class citizens because theyhave not made ‘financial contributions’ to the party (Jibrin andSalihu, 2003).

While some have progressive clauses such as quota system and women-friendly provisions in their party policies and manifestos,translating these into credible action has been a problem and may,in fact, have resulted in some backlash. For example, some femalepoliticians think that the promotion of policies for gender equityhas made male politicians more resistant to women’s participationbecause these male politicians think that fee waivers and otherconcessions give women an unfair advantage. This hostility oftentranslates into name calling, sexual harassment and sometimesphysical violence. In addition, promoting affirmative action canresult in a backlash after elections if women are prevented fromsharing rewards that are due party members on the grounds that theywere given undue advantages in contesting the elections.

Political party hierarchy

There are several dimensions to problem of political partyhierarchy. The most common is that women rarely form part of theformal governing structure of political parties. The most seniorleadership role ‘reserved’ for women is often what is termed ‘womenleader’ which, in the overall scheme of things, is not a criticalrole in party governance, even though it is an improvement over the“women wing leader” position that was common in the 1980s. Thismeans that when it is time for the party to make decisions, womenare not involved and have no chance of ensuring that the decisionsthat are made will favour them or at least create a level playingfield15.

The pyramid (Figure 2) below summarizes the themes running throughthe analysis of women’s political struggles in Nigeria. Eachcomponent of the pyramid is important but the value of the whole isgreater than the sum of the parts. The components of this frameworkfor change are structure, politics and strategy. Each is important

15Osori and Dada in Salihu (ed) Politics, strategy and sustainability 2011 DRAFT

StructurePatriarchy The State Poverty Violence

StrategyResources Communicati

onPartnership

sOrganising

THE CHANGE WE SEEK

PoliticAn agendaKnowledgeGender

consciousness

on its own but, put together, they work powerfully to grow women’svoice in a sustainable manner. This framework for change demandsthat while people should be aware of the structural problems, theright strategy and the right politics are needed to counter them.Women and their advocates must, therefore, take advantage ofopportunities, plan, consistently stay the course, and know when tostand back and review their gains or partnerships. Although womencannot ignore the nature of the state and its failure to protectwomen and to deliver basic services, they must, however, not letthis challenge distract and divert their time and energy from thechange they seek.

Figure 2: Women’s Framework for Change

The Geopolitical Picture

In many areas, there have been significant successes andachievements in the face of overwhelming odds. The past 14 years ofreturn to democratic rule have witnessed an acceptance, on the partof governments at state and federal levels, of the need to addresswomen’s empowerment and gender equality but the challenges remain.

The playing field is not level. As women begin to think that theyhave a grasp of the game, the rules and the goal posts change.Individuals who finance political parties start acting as though the

party is their personal enterprise. The party becomes the propertyof a few ‘men of means’. Politics then becomes a cash-and-carryaffair requiring ‘godfathers’ to pave the way for politicians.‘Godfather’ is a concept that has been misappropriated in Nigerianpolitics to mean not a benevolent mentor but a mafia-style don whopays for and thus dictates the tune of politics through thepolitician they have chosen to ‘endorse’. The concern is not justthe existence of ‘godfathers’ but the danger that comes from womenthinking they must have one to get ahead in politics. For example,the Women Fund study of 2011 found that ‘godfatherism’ is skewedtowards some female candidates. This phenomenon makes women’spolitics little better than that of some of the men that womencriticize. It makes women vulnerable to the same issue of capture by‘godfathers’. A politician beholden to a ‘godfather’ is susceptibleto corruption, misappropriation of resources and an inability toprovide credible leadership. (Osori and Asubiaro, 2011).Figure 3: Women’s Political Participation by Zones in 2011

05101520253035

House of AssemblyHouse of Reps.Senate Governor

Ssource: Ministry of Women Affairs and Social Development databank June 2011

From the foregoing analysis, it can be inferred that the challengesfacing the attainment of MDG3 are structural, policy related andpolitical in nature. The challenges can be summarized as follows:

The cost of elections is linked to corruption. Political office isattractive so there is a desperation to do all that is legal

and illegal to get there. Spending to attain public office isan investment, which the politician will struggle to recoupthrough underhand deals and corruption. Hence the high cost ofelections.

Women against women : There is lack of support for womencandidates from women. At times, women are sponsored by men tocompete against other women, usually in order to split theirvotes. This is confirmed by Mrs. Peace Ideozu, Rivers State(South – South region), PDP House of Assembly aspirant, whoexclaimed,

“A very horrible trend that female politicians face now is a hugeintrigue by men, when a woman is tough, they set them upagainst each other (another woman)” (Ekanem and Okon, 2011)”.

Religious, cultural barriers and variations pose a challenge to acceptance of change: Cultural practices:Example is male-child preference and earlymarriage are major barriers to the girl-child’s education (AFY2012). Women’s freedom of movement is restricted in some caseswhere they are obliged to obtain their husbands’ permission toget a passport or to travel outside the country.  Women inPurdah (in Muslim communities in northern areas) cannot leavetheir homes without permission from their husbands and must beaccompanied by a male relative when in public (SIGI 2012).These consequently affect political participation and adulteducation as well as survivors of early marriage that may wantto return to school.

Economic problems: High level of poverty and unemployment and lackof social amenities in many areas of the country have been ahindrance to realizing MDG-3. Poverty has also been achallenge in female school enrolment especially in higherinstitutions. ‘Although formal tuition fees have beenabolished for female students in many State Colleges ofEducation, the costs of subsistence and security ofaccommodation deter admission seekers from rural areas’(Akunga and Attfield 2010). There are hidden cost even wheretuition is freee.g. primary level, PTA, costs of work toolskeep children from the lower quartile away from school.

A hoe and cutlass agriculture sector: The majority of poor women work inthe agricultural sector rather than the non-agriculture sectorand where their work is subsistence in nature. While it isuseful for MDG-3 to focus on non-agriculture wages, it isequally important to look at how to revolutionize agriculture

by turning it into an enterprise that can generate higherincome employment and security.

Understanding of the legal system and attendant confidence to use it is weak :Aside from the legal system not being friendly towards womenfew women will seek legal redress and fewer women go to courtto challenge violations of their rights (KII Felicia Onibon2012). They do not feel that there is a guarantee that thecourts will yield justice.

Political instability and insecurity: There has been political upheavaland ethno-religious crises that have caused a fragility in thestate and society with consequent challenges to therealization of the MDGs. Women have been victims of conflict.They experience rape, suffer bodily harm, loss of familymembers and means of livelihood and their lives. They sufferdisplacement and have to struggle to keep together what isleft of their lives in a situation of barely existentinfrastructure.

Resistance to affirmative action : The concept of affirmative action isnot new to Nigeria. It has always been adopted as a diversityand equity lever in a plural society such as Nigeria with itscompeting interests. This is evident in the Federal Characterprinciple as well as the quota system and catchment areapolicies in the University system. The opposition toaffirmative action appears when it is applied from a genderedperspective. Affirmative action for women becomesmisrepresented as discrimination or lowering the standard.Therefore, while there is a lot of international and localpressure exerted on the political system to recognize and openup opportunities for women who represent 49.7% of the NigerianPopulation, the response has been tokenistic in nature, withhuge disconnect between political party pronouncements,constitutions, manifestoes and implementation.

Weak legal framework; the bill to domesticate CEDAW has not been passed: It hasbeen on the table of the House of Assembly since 2006. The1999 constitution has some ambiguities that aid discriminationand violation of rights. The lack of clarify of the rights of‘residents’ versus ‘indigenes’. Section 29 (4b) which statesthat any woman who is married shall be deemed to be of age’clearly endorses child marriage and therefore makes nonsenseof the Child’s Rights Act.

Weak capacity of advocates is an issue: Women’s rights advocates are notable to reproduce themselves and reproduce the knowledge and

other resources needed to sustain advocacy. It is not a fieldthat is attractive to many young people because it requires apassion and a willingness to work long hours for littlemonetary incentive. The result is a depletion of the coregroup of skilled trainers, advisers and mentors.

Poor communication strategy: Lack of strength in media engagement onthe part of women is one main challenge.16 The media houses areowned by men, one or two are owned by women. Media trivializeswomen’s issues and reduces them to a focus on fashion andsocial gossip. Like a respondent said, most people who vote forpeople don’t usually read these papers. But papers like the Guardian, the Punch, youknow, main newspapers, where you read about people and begin to relate with thembefore they come to say I want to vie for a particular position, they don’t give womenadequate space. KII Felicia Onibon October 2012).

Weak M&E systems: The Monitoring and Evaluation system of any MDGintervention has to balance both technical paper evaluationand field results. It must design participatory system thatcan answer the question how do we measure impact on the livesof the poor? This has not been the case (KII Obono Oct2012).Data contradictions and disconnect between thecollectors and users creates gaps in policy analysis and mayconfound evidence based advocacy.

Legislative laxity and lack of political will to implement laws favoring women results in a situation where women have very limited ownershiprights. Civil law entitles women to have access to land, and afew states have enshrined equal inheritance rights into law,but certain customary laws stipulate that only men have theright to own land.  For women without the means to purchaseland on their own, in practice, their ability to obtain landflows solely through marriage or family’ (SIGI 2012). In someSouthern states in Nigeria where women’s right to inherit landis not recognized under customary law, this means a barrier toland acquisition.

Discrimination on gender grounds: While the 1999 Constitution ofNigeria prohibits discrimination on the grounds of gender,customary and religious laws continue to restrict women’srights.  As Nigeria is a federal republic, each state has theauthority to draft its own legislation. However, any law which

16 KII Felicia Onibon 2 Nov 2012

is contradictory to Federal Law or the Constitution can bechallenged in a Federal Court and cannot subsist. Thecombination of federation and a tripartite system of civil,customary and religious law makes it very difficult toharmonize legislation and remove discriminatory measures.Moreover, certain states in the north follow Islamic (Sharia)law, although not exclusively and only in instances whereMuslims make use of Islamiccourts.http://genderindex.org/country/nigeria -_ftn11 Adherence to Islamic law reinforces some customs thatare unfavorable to women, including those relating to freedomof movement, and to marriage and inheritance. 

High cost of doing business limits enterprise: The literature shows that inNigeria women run only 20% of businesses in the formal sector23% of which are in the retail sector (World Bank 2009). Womenalso have competing/multiple roles. This means they are alwaysat the short end of their time and cannot fully explore theirpotentials to do income earning work outside the home. Thislimits access to opportunities such as information when passedthrough certain channels.17

The gap and tension between the domestic and public roles of women: plays outin the dynamics of the workplace and is reproduced in thesphere of partisan politics. Society sees the role of womenas largely domestic and internal. When women enter politics,it is seen as crossing the barrier into the public andexternal spheres. Because of this socialization, politicalparties frustrate and label women who dare to aspire to bepoliticians. Though perceptions are changing, remnants of thisattitude linger and come to the fore in the form of politicalviolence against women, denial of citizenship based onresidency in some cases, or ethnic and religious doctrinesetc. Within women’s spaces too, years of socialization standin the way of women who are not aware of the multiple roles

17The ENABLEBusiness Leader Perception Survey (ENABLE/ NOI 2012) – givespower as the most significant factor making business very difficult inNigeria irrespective of gender. Corruption, roads, water, finance andsecurity also appear to be factors that are perceived to be more difficultfor men than women. The level of tax (amount and frequency) andavailability of skilled labour are the two factors that women perceive tobe more difficult than to men. Both men and women agree on the fact thatabsence of security makes business very difficult in Nigeria.

they could play and the need to affirm women who choose toplay both internal and external roles.

5.0 Moving Forward: Lessons and Recommendations for achievingMomentum towards achieving MDG 3

The starting point for pressing forward on the attainment of MDG-3is an appreciation of the dimensions of empowerment. This beginswith developing the abilities of women to collectively andindividually take control of their own lives, identify their needs,set their own agenda and demand support from their communities andthe state to meet those needs. One without the other will notachieve the holistic change or empowerment, which women need andwhich they seek from MDG-3 (V4C e - conversation on AGW Oct 2012).Next is the need to gear up for a longterm steady campaign based ona communication strategy that understands the social dynamicssurrounding women and gender issues.

Some Useful Lessons from the analysis

Some of the key lessons learnt from the analysis that could guidepolicy recommendations are as follows:

Change is happening but only in incremental steps. 2015 is thereforenot a realistic timeframe to expect dramatic change to be observed.However there are foundational issues that if tackled at both thepolicy and practice level can keep the momentum going, sustain thegains and prevent further regression on the gains made.

A focus on girls as a distinct but interrelated category to women isrequired. Categorization of analysis should be by girls and womenand not just women alone. Girls have needs that are different fromthose of women. Service providers have to be aware of how to meetthe needs of the young whether in or out of school.

While enrolment is important, retention is most critical. Thelonger girls stay in school the lower their fertility rate andthe safer they are from maternal related problems. 62% ofNigerian women with higher education have used contraceptives,whereas only 8% of women without education have done so. (Genderin Nigeria Report 2012).

Though MDG-3 focuses on women’s and by inference girls’ empowerment,the location of boys should not be ignored. As the future men,programming must target their needs and raise their awareness at ayoung age so that they can become better aware and supportive men.

There are gaps in existing analysis relating to MDG-3. Hard to reachsub - categories of women are missing in them. While attention togirls is pronounced through the works of agencies such as Ministriesof education, UNICEF, UNFPA and DFID, attention to girls and womenwith disabilities and aged women has almost been nonexistent in MDG-3 related interventions. According to UN data, 15% of everypopulation comprises Persons with Disability (PWD). Women’s burdenincreases when institutions fail to deliver services, and the burdenbecomes harder to bear with old age and attendant infirmity. Theseare areas that policy and action can address.

Women in political parties cannot relyonly on quotas to bring real changeto their political organizations. Theywill need to mobilize and organize forchange from within, throughalliances that could include other partymembers, women from other parties andgender-focused civil society groups.

Political education for women in public office can, with theright knowledge and resources, transform the politicallandscape.

Acknowledging what has worked and affirming it gives an impetus anda legitimate basis to raise issues that have not worked. Governmentand gatekeeper bashing can be counterproductive as it leads tofurther lethargy and unwillingness to listen or negotiate. Thiscloses the doors of opportunity and achieves less for the poor. Itis best to acknowledge what has worked, has not, what can be donedifferently and to proffer innovative ideas and best practices togovernment.

A strengthened demand side, whichcan consistently push back and chipaway at the barriers while encouraging

While attention to girlsis pronounced throughthe works of agenciessuch as Ministries ofeducation, UNICEF,UNFPA and DFID,attention to girls andwomen with disabilities

62% of Nigerianwomen withhigher educationhave usedcontraceptives,whereas only 8%of women withouteducation have

government (supply side) to think innovatively, can make changehappen.

Recommendations: Specific entry points for acceleration of the attainment of MDG 3

A number of specific recommendations of entry points foraccelerating the attainment of MDG-3 are outlined below:

Review of the 1999 Constitution : The ongoing review of the 1999constitution should include:o Affirmative action: A clause to demand that the state

shall at every level put in place 35% affirmative actionto ensure that women, minorities, people withdisabilities and other marginalized groups participateand are represented in governance and other spheres oflife.

o That the affirmative action policy herein provided shallbe a temporary measure to operate for not less than 10years after which it shall be assessed to determine itscontinuance.

o Minimum age of marriage : Section (29) of the Constitutionto be amended to stipulate 18 years as the minimum agefor marriage in line with the Child Rights Act, 2003.This is because early marriage has contributed largely tothe gap in gender parity, especially in the North.

o The Land Use Act should be removed from the constitutionand amended to guarantee equal access to land andadequate compensation to men, women and the poor.

o Citizenship:To make a clear declaration that citizenship shall be based on residency irrespective of the state oforigin of a Nigerian citizen

Legal reform: The Act establishing the Federal CharacterCommission and principles should be reviewed and replacedwith an “Equal Opportunities Commission” so that, besidesgeography and ethnicity, gender and disability are reflectedin the criteria for operating the federal characterprinciple/policy.

Political party reform : Reform of existing financing mechanismsassociated with entry into politics is needed to ensure moreparticipation by women. A key point of the campaign tochange the face of politics must be the democratization ofpolitical party structures and leadership.

Mobilization and organization: Advocates of women should encouragewomen to register as card-carrying members with parties oftheir choice and get actively involved in party primaries.Besides campaigns for balanced gender representation inpolitical decision-making positions, an integral part of thecore strategy for women's political participation isbuilding women's agenda for change (Achakpa and Abdu – Biu,2011).

Partnerships across differences: A communication strategy to presentissues of women’s empowerment in a way that isnonthreatening to men is needed. For development to happenfor girls and women, change agents from the demand(nongovernmental) side must work with those in the supply(governmental).

Review of media curriculum: Gender reporting is an area thatshould be included in the curriculum for basic journalismtraining in Nigeria.

Incentivizing school retention: Delay early marriage and earlychildbirth by creating incentives for all girls to completesecondary school. The Ministry of Finance’s example ofgiving extra resources to key ministries which deliverresults for girls and women is an innovative way to work toget results for girls. This can be applied to the cashtransfer strategy of rewarding families who keep theirchildren in school, and rewarding schools who encouragegirls and boys to finish a course of schooling, boysespecially in the South eastern part of the country.

Further research : The period of 2004 to 2008 when there was anupsurge in the enrolment of girls into schools should beconsidered as an achievement even though there was a declinelater. Why was this? What are the lessons the period holdsthat can be adapted to buoy attendance and sustainretention.

Strengthened demand side: Development partners’ interventionthat work with government should include a demand sidecomponent to programmes. A greater synergy of development

partner gender interventions at the state and federal levelis required for effective use of resources.

Nurturing the Nigerian Women’s Trust Fund: Strengthening the WomenFund will help increase representation by women inappointive and elective positions in Nigeria and give themthe skills to govern differently and better.

Revisiting and implementing the Uwais Panel report : The Justice UwaisElectoral Reform Committee (ERC) made some far-reachingrecommendations which, if implemented would lead to morewomen in elective and appointive leadership positions. Theserecommendations include a new role for political parties inachieving gender balance in political representation. Onerecommendation makes it mandatory for political parties topay more attention to the nomination of women and youth ascandidates and to ensure that women have equal access andleadership opportunities within the political parties. Aground-breaking change advocated by the ERC is the adoptionof a proportional representation electoral system to replacethe first-past-the-post system which translates into ‘winnertakes all’.

Early business opportunities for young women from poor homes areneeded to drive women’s entrepreneurship.

An accountability tracking mechanism: A tracking mechanism thatallows nongovernmental players to validate findings ondirection of investment on girls and women and demonstrateimpact of government spending on lives should be scaled up.

Deepening the gains: Policy action must be geared towards moreresources to sustain educational attainment. Bettermechanism to track spends and accountability in socialsector spending should be strengthened. Educationalcurriculum should be revised to include learning on maternalhealth including breast feeding and reducing ViolenceAgainst Women (VAW).

Post MDG thinking should focus on the debilitating effect ofconflict on women, families and societies. It must recognizethat no development intervention can succeed in a context ofconflict and fragility. Conflict, peace and security should top theagenda. The rights of displaced persons and application of indigenous conflictresolution tool.

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