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Restructuring Reconstruction: A Sociohistorical Perspectiveon a Digital Curriculum Initiative within a Southern
Historically Black College or University (HBCU)
“We seldom study the condition of the Negro to-day honestlyand carefully. It is so much easier to assume that we knowit all. Or perhaps, having already reached conclusions inour own minds we are loth to have them disturbed by facts”
(Du Bois 1903)
“Higher education in the South during the early years wasinseparably intertwined with the personalities of presidentswho headed the respective institutions of higher learning”
(Neyland, Those Who Tresspass, “Introduction” v)
Historically blacks colleges and universities (HBCUs)
are unique sites of education and led by administrators who
are equally unique. According to Gasman et al., “Leadership
at HBCUs is a current and vital topic in higher education”
(43). The level of collaboration and foresight required to
traverse the many challenges surrounding these institutions
recognition and admiration, yet it is often met with closed
hands, zipped pockets, and excessive criticism. Constantly
trying to equip their students with an education, Black
people often perceived education as liberation: “a promised
land where black people are seen as fully human by whites—
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even by the racist whites who first consigned blacks to the
status of subhuman slaves” (Williams, “Forward,” xiii).
Unfortunately, the challenges that HBCU presidents
traditionally encounter and continue to face stem from
systemic injustices. As Charles V. Willie, Richard J.
Reddick, and Ronald Brown quote the Negro spiritual, “Nobody
Knows,” they compare the plight of a president of a Black
college to the message of the song. Interestingly enough,
the plight of the president of a Black college has not
changed drastically since the first black college opened.
Since the overt campaign to close HBCUs began in the 1970s
(Willie, Reddick, & Brown 18), financial woes,
understaffing, budget cuts, and underpaying seem to be as
much a part of the black college experience as the targeted
population.
Some prevailing attitudes among HBCU suggest that these
institutions are far removed from the foundational, polemic
nineteenth century debate between Booker T. Washington and
W. E. B. DuBois concerning the appropriate direction for the
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black race. Washington, a former enslaved African
privileged physical labor; as a result, his vocational
curriculum mirrored his work ethic. DuBois’s liberal arts
education arguably was an outgrowth of his personal academic
advancements (Willie, Reddick, & Brown 19); however, this
resolve might be more accurate in theory than in practice.
Juan Williams and Dwayne Ashley, with Shawn Rhea, highlight
the resilience of these institutions: “Despite many
obstacles facing black institutions of higher learning, 83
of the 108 HBCUs in existence today opened their doors by
the turn of the century” (75). African Americans were
legally prohibited from participating in and significantly
influencing the political processes which brought adequate
appropriations from state legislatures, their survival was
dependent mainly upon the ability of the presidents of these
institutions to persuade the legislatures to give support to
their causes” (Neyland V).
This research project is an attempt to unpack the
“facts” concerning the integral ways the formative
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presidents, namely President Young, had radical visions for
the State Normal and Industrial College for Colored
Students, now known as Florida Agricultural and Mechanical
University (FAMU), and the surrounding community grounded in
literacy. By understanding the university’s leadership, one
can gain a greater insight into its founding vision while
gauging the relevance or necessity for upholding this vision
for the future. Thus, the question remains: How will HBCUs
survive the evolution of education in the new millennium?
Some HBCU presidents address this question with a greater
emphasis on developing a greater digital presence, a network
of HBCUs, HBCUsonline.com, which anticipates providing an
educational experience equivalent to each HBCUs geographical
location in the digital interface. FAMU’s President, Dr.
James H. Ammons, is making the push for distance learning in
his new millennium initiative.
Prior to the launch of its new distance learning
initiative, President Ammons, (2011 FAMU), proposed a plan
that, as he terms it, is a “paradigm shift” (website): he
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plans to focus on science, technology, engineering, and
mathematics (STEM) programs. As a result, Ammons has had to
restructure the University to maintain its existence and
secure its growth over the next ten years, which ultimately
results in significant budget cuts and programmatic changes
(FAMU web). To his credit, Ammons has spent most of his
three years in office attempting to assuage the impact of
these cuts, resulting in cutting approximately 200 jobs—
including faculty positions, When he initially called for
meetings to address the state of affairs with all of its on
campus constituents within his first year in office, Ammons
eagerly accepted suggestions from employees, students, and
staff, yet he reminded everyone that his plan will be
primarily influenced by the financial condition of the state
of Florida. Yet, his financial woes have not impeded upon
his quest to make the University a competitive institution.
Considering that the founding presidents also placed a
great emphasis on establishing a strong liberal arts program
alongside a strong emphasis on career preparation, this
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programmatic shift is trickling throughout the university
and into the writing classrooms. There is an influx in
undergraduate students to these institutions. The conflict
lies in the disproportionate influx of new hires or pay
increases for writing instructors. Of the 200 plus faculty
released from their positions, some of these instructors
were teaching three and four freshman writing courses. This
essay does not focus on this primarily, but it is necessary
to consider the current insurgence of online education in
these site-specific spaces and attempt to predict the future
implications on the universities at large. While these
changes are the direct result of the financial crisis in the
state of Florida, they are challenges reminiscent of the
Reconstruction era, a time when black people regardless of
their motivation, were not provided with an equitable
educational experience.
The impetus of this project stemmed from several HBCU
writing center staff’s desire to publish the historical
relationships among African American literacies, its English
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Department, and the University’s founding presidents in a
special edition, peer-reviewed journal, Reflections: A Journal of
Writing, Service-Learning, and Community Literacy. The initial project
did not survive our rigorous schedules, but with the team’s
permission, I continued pursuing the project. In the end, I
found comparing the University’s recent affiliation with
HBCUsonline.com with its historically traditional curriculum
during the precipice of the Washington-DuBoisian debates to
be more relevant.
Overall, I sustain my assertions that literacy is not
limited to reading and writing and that it most certainly
should not be an English instructor’s or writing enthusiasts
primary focus. In fact, I found that HBCU administrators
provide a case of appropriate concern for enhancing literacy
across the university curriculum. Moreover, a focus on
critical consciousness and lifelong learning permeate
curriculum development in the sciences, mathematics, and
other fields not readily associated with literacy; making
the method of delivery of the highest concern.
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The Great Debate: Liberal Arts versus Vocational
Over one hundred years ago, W.E.B DuBois engaged in a
controversial discussion concerning the status of the
“Negro” which has outlived its orator. It is important to
note that his educational philosophies still hold fast in
current curriculum developments. Immediately following the
Reconstruction era, DuBois argued for an immediate shift
towards equitable education for African Americans. He, was
a strong proponent of mobilizing African Americans with
equitable educational and political opportunities. His
political contemporary, Booker T. Washington, argued for an
intellectual compromise in educating Black folks per his
1895 speech, “Up from Slavery,” which argued that African
Americans would be satisfied and better served with a
vocational education, as opposed to a liberal arts
education. In time, both scholars agreed that both parties
held valid points that added to the racial uplift of the
Black race, yet their strong leanings—while not valued by
hegemonic society—left a framework by which traditional
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HBCUs can be understood. While there is a wealth of
scholarship concerning the both DuBois and Washington, their
polemic speeches and writings have traversed into the 21st
century, especially evidenced in schools historically
designed to educate blacks in the U.S.
A close examination of FAMU’s history can provide a
perspective on this debate, as well as the relevance of the
concerns it raises. A brief contextualization of the origins
of historically black institutions is necessary to hedge the
conversation because these intentional educational
communities were forged together by legal segregation and
oppression: historically black colleges and universities
(HBCUs), by their mere existence, are counterculture.
Carmen Kynard and Robert Eddy define HBCUs in terms of
Perry’s definition, stating that these intentional
educational communities traditionally serve as
‘counterhegemonic figured communities’ on the American
educational landscape” (Perry, Steele, and Hilliard 92 qtd.
in Kynard and Eddy W25). In other words, HBCUs, along with
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Hispanic serving institutions (HSIs) and Tribal Colleges,
have always been identifiable by their unique aims to
prepare students of color for professionalization, being the
“central, primary locus of defining and constructing an
education for racially/economically subordinated students in
the United States (W27). Both M. Christopher Brown II and
Kassie Freeman note Roebuck and Murty’s share perspectives
on HBCUs: “HBCUs, unlike other colleges, are united in a
mission to meet the educational and emotional needs of black
students. They remain the significant academic home for
black faculty members and many black students” (xii). These
facts are significant when considering over a century of
pedagogy that have been in use within these institutions.
HBCUs: My Personal Experience
After spending most of my adult years working and
enrolled in a HBCU, I have observed patterns of behavior
that can be supported by literature about African American
communities as a whole. Students typically understand that
their professors are to be addressed by the title “doctor,”
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even if it were not the appropriate identifier. Faculty
reserve the right to “close their door”1 and candidly speak
to any of their students about the real world. Faculty and
students often celebrate their university’s legacy, honoring
founding fathers especially during homecoming. Beverly J.
Moss in A Community Text Arises, explains this practice through
her perspective on the African American church and shared
culture knowledge. She explains that “shared cultural
knowledge (or understanding, including norms, ideology, and
artifacts) contributes significantly to the roles and
expectations of participants, intertextual relations, and
just about everything else in this [African American
churches] institution. That is, there are expectations and
1 This is not to say that this level of personal engagement is specific to HBCUs or that all professors on HBCU campusesrespond in this way. I am attempting to depict community practice, which includes community expectations. Unearthing Promise and Potential: Our Nation’s Historically Black Colleges and Universities (2010), by Marybeth Gasman, Valerie Lundy-Wagner, and Tafaya Ransom, provide a literature review of the research conducted over the past thirty years concerning the HBCU environment.
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shared experiences that dictate ‘the way we act’ and ‘what
we recognize as acceptable behavior…’” (8-9).
Setting A Precedence: The Founding Presidents
President Thomas DeSaille Tucker, the first president
of FAMU, wrote letters and speeches that address many of
these same concerns as it related to the Tallahassee,
Florida—centered university: providing the Black attendees
with a liberal arts education, one that directly opposed the
Hampton-Tuskegee Model, and thus provided blueprint for an
alternative model for Blacks in the university. Though his
biography is elusive, Tucker is generally remembered for
being a proponent of a liberal arts education, which made
him countercultural during a time when educating Blacks in
the South primarily meant teaching them a trade (Anderson
34). The Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute became
the programmatic model for systematically instructing
Southern black students in such a way that assuaged most
white people’s fear of empowering formerly enslaved Africans
with what they—the enslaved Africans—wanted most, literacy.
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Anderson details the passion that freed black people, as a
collective, had for becoming literate citizens. This
institute became the prototype in their “curriculum, values,
and ethos” even though the curriculum was ironically a
juxtaposition of a “Yankee” and former slave’s ideology
(Anderson 33). In essence, General Samuel C. Armstrong, an
American educator, philanthropist, and Booker T.
Washington’s mentor, attempted to ameliorate the notion of
education in the South while desiring to assuage the
cataclysmic retaliation of ingrained racism.
Tucker went on to highlight his philosophy in not only
words but in how he spent the college’s annual budget. For
example, in 1896, he allocated money from the Morrill Fund
into five categories: English Language, $4,320.10;
Agriculture, $2,018.77; Mechanical Arts, $1,790.49;
Economics Science, $1,360; and Mathematics and Natural
Science, $1,250. He invested more money in English language
education because he saw parallels between successful
progression of black people as farmers, masons or welders,
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as well as scholars in the arts and sciences. This balance
of an industrial and literary prowess, Tucker believed,
would prepare black people to understand the philosophies
that American society and the world was modeled after,
therefore, allowing them to have a better understanding of
various worldviews in comparison to their own (Neyland 54-
55; Neyland and Porter 35; Florida Department, Bi-ennial Report
ending June 30, 1896,125).
While President Nathan Young, the second president,
replaced Tucker, he did not supplant his educational vision.
Instead, he enhanced it by balancing the science component
with his predecessor’s (and his own) passion for the
Classics. President Young also valued strong oral and
written skills, regardless of the field of study. In fact,
one of his biographers, James H. Blow, retells an instance
when Young uses a casual conversation with a student as a
life lesson for him and later, a University lecture. The
student used nonstandard English, and in a non-repudiative
manner, Young used his silence to teach the student how to
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sharpen his use of Standard English (Blow 9-10). As he
reflected, Young wrote a memo that connected the learning
the student experienced that day to the overall aims of the
university: “Every student in the school should be made to
feel the kind of English he uses in his recitations and
written exercises has much to do with the success or failure
of any particular exercise” (Blow 10).
Some would question whether President Ammons’ new
vision is undoing what these founding presidents
established, however. Ammons is arguably facing a new
crossroads: he has to compete with internet colleges, such
as the University of Phoenix. And, this shift towards a
digital age is already evidenced in the campus lifestyle.
Ammons is recommending a major shift towards distance
learning initiatives (web), but he has already begun
restructuring programs, such as foreign languages and fine
arts, resulting the dismissal of at least eight English
faculty. Considering the University’s goals, not much
different from many other HBCUs for that matter, shifting
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his platform from supporting liberal arts education might
appear to be counterproductive if he intends to uphold the
founding presidents’ vision. On the other hand, Ammons could
be making the necessary changes that will preserve the
wealth of literacy rooted in the institution while
contributing a new literacy curriculum into the university’s
historical biography. In the end, this research will
hopefully encourage other researchers to provide further
studies concerning HBCU presidents and their roles in
influencing the culture of the University, including how
their ways of knowing is still valued within this academic
space or shifting in new directions, and thus may even
require a different method of analysis.
African American Literacy and HBCUs
This different level of analysis requires a university-
wide uptake of African American literacy. Defining African
American literacy is a slippery task, given the varied
perspectives on its importance and place in academia.
However, when considering the rich literate legacy of HBCUs,
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namely FAMU, its extended to include literary acts that may
not traditionally subscribe to the traditional definitions
of reading and writing: developing a vision, such as
becoming a social advocate or serving in the Black
community. Jacqueline Jones Royster makes this distinction
in Traces of a Stream, as she championed to bring awareness to
the many “literacy arenas” of African American women on the
nineteenth century. Royster’s observations of these women’s
literate actions foreground our literacy definition: “. . .
African American women present to the world their visions,
values, and desires—with one of those desires . . . being a
desire to inspire advocacy and activism in the interests of
humanity and particularly the African American Community”
(23-24). As it is the foundation of all extended definitions
of the term, this way of understanding is quite necessary
and implicit in the extended versions. These literacy
events are reflective of a community of people who created a
community-driven campaign for “universal education”
(Anderson 4). With an attempt to implement this plan during
Reconstruction, slaves envisioned gaining the ability to 17
read and write as a means of liberation. This ideology was
not a new concept to them; Logan (2008) and other scholars
have indicated that there were other sites of rhetorical
education for enslaved blacks long before they ever were
able to establish a school.
In the U.S., literacy has been measured through census
data; however, the question of accuracy comes to the
forefront of many arguments regarding this measurement
system. For example, in 1787, one hundred years prior to
the founding of The State Normal College for Colored
Students, presently FAMU, the 3/5 Compromise was enacted,
which counted black people as 3/5 of a person for tax and
voting purposes.
Literacy and Black Dialect (AAVE/BVD)
Geneva Smitherman provides an earlier presence of black
dialect dating back to 1619, when “a Dutch vessel landed in
Jamestown with a cargo of twenty Africans” (Smitherman 5).
Since extant records noting the ways in which these Africans
communicated with the Dutch, Smitherman suggests that we 18
examine the patterns within African American communities.
For example, in the 1900 Federal Census (the Twelfth
Census), the total numbers of both black and white
illiterate school age children (10-21 years) are
misrepresented. The reported total of black illiterate
children in Table 57 of that census is reported as 64,816,
and the reported total of white illiterate children is
19,184, which comes to a total of 84,000. The census
reported the total as being 84,285 (74). One could accredit
these conflated numbers to the high rate of human error.
Much of how African Americans spoke and wrote (and
continue to speak and write) is largely informed by an
African worldview (Smitherman 75). Therefore, Geneva
Smitherman’s explanation about how these documents reveal
the impetus of the disparity in the U.S. educational system
was and remains relevant to the current educational system.
Smitherman also questions records, such as the Census,
because they fail to record data from an African American
perspective. The spiritual and material aspects coalesce
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with this worldview where the spiritual aspect dominates the
secular (75). This unifying of the sacred-secular, as
Smitherman posits, is evident in black colleges and
universities; arguably, the same conflation of the sacred-
secular is ingrained in the FAMU culture. Since FAMU, as did
most of these colleges, received funding and support from
religious organizations (i.e. African Methodist Episcopal,
Baptist), an emphasis on the church has always played a
prominent role in the affairs of the University.
Smitherman also argues that there is little empirical
evidence of the cultivation of this hybrid form of literacy
known within African American communities explaining that it
was not until 1771 that a black person records black speech
patterns and writing. So, the larger question is who
decides what literacy counts? Against the backdrop and
challenges of this era, Smitherman’s research proves how the
mainstream notion of literacy has been used as the standard
language measure for African American literacy: “with such
close linguistic-cultural contact, the influence of the
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majority culture and language on its minorities is powerful
indeed, and there is great pressure on the minorities to
assimilate and adopt the culture and language of the
majority. However, this pressure to maintain home language
and culture while blending much of the dominant culture is
an attribute that makes black literacy unique. Smitherman
calls it the “push-pull” momentum that, much like W.E.B.
DuBois’s “double consciousness, accounts for the push
towards white culture and the simultaneous pull from it (10-
11).
Other unique unquantifiable black ways of knowing are
rooted within the community involvement. According to an
African purview, “all modes of existence are necessary for
the sustenance of its balance and rhythm” (Smitherman 75).
In other words, many black people draw on this
interdependence upon each other and nature, so “individual
participation is necessary for community survival. Balance
in the community, as in the universe, consists of
maintaining these interdependent relationships” (75).
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Therefore, many black campuses are spaces that have
intersections between a strong sense of spirituality and a
strong push towards education. They are often deemed
interdependent.
Because there is a rich history of controversy
surrounding literacy, Jacqueline Jones Royster goes to great
lengths to contextualize the need of an alternative way of
studying African American literacy acts. The polemic term,
literacy, has been historically limited to solely meaning
one’s ability to read and write. Sylvia Scribner and Michael
Cole, however, urged scholars to reach for a more nuanced
understanding of literacy in their ethnographic study of the
Vai people. Shirley Brice Heath’s extensive case study
allows us to see that literacy is specific to certain sites,
and Beverly Moss also asserts that “literacy is defined in
context,” thus requiring a more specified study (Moss 4).
This understanding of literacy excludes the multifaceted
ways of knowing evident in African American discourse, as
Royster, Moss, Richardson, Delpit, and other scholars of
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African American scholars argue. Bishop Walter Ong is one
that privileges literacy as the progression of a more
developed society, oversimplifying “primitive” cultures that
do not always value writing in the same ways or for the same
purposes. This linear and narrow understanding of literacy
problematic because there are cultures, like African
American, that intertwine writing and speech acts.
In A Community Text Arises: A Literate Text and A Literacy Tradition in
African-American Churches, Moss identifies one of the key
problems with privileging one definition of literacy:
This discussion of literacy in composition studies is
not about one’s ability to read and write; that
represents too narrow a definition of literacy. The
discussion is more about the relation between how
language is used and what counts as literacy. Far too
many past and current discussions about African-
Americans’ literacy and language skills paint us in a
negative light (2).
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She continues to uncover the stigma attached to this
alternate way of knowing, correlating the myths entrenched
in hegemonic society concerning Black communities that
ultimately were reflected in statistical data designed to
hinder scholarship, the Bell Curve discussions for example,
within this community (Moss 2). Moss initiates the “forced
relationships” between home and school literacy (4) by
surveying ethnographic research that repeatedly amplify the
disparity between community literacies or home literacies
among within diverse populations (Moss 3).
Geneva Smitherman broadens the definition of African
American speech acts—the function of literacy-- to include
language and style, noting that the two usually overlap
(Smitherman 3). In her often quoted text, Talkin and Testifyin,
she illustrates both the layering of language and style
common in African American culture: “Here the language
aspect is the use of the be to indicate a recurring event or
habitual condition…But the total expression…also reflects
Black English style, for the statement suggests a point of
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view, a way of looking at life, and a method of adapting to
life’s realities” (3). She concludes that “Black English,
then, is a language mixture, adapted to the conditions of
slavery and discrimination, a combination of language and
style interwoven with and inextricable from Afro-American
culture” (3). Smitherman goes on to posit that varying
speech acts typical to the African American community,
include inflection or preacher style and narrativization,
also appear in student’s composition and their composing
process. In one study of African American students’
writings, Arnetha Ball “noticed formulaic patterns of
repetition, intimate dialogue with the reader, storytelling
as a transitional device, and popular African American
idioms” (Ball qtd. in Redd 79). Other common identifiers
within African American speech are as follows: “redundancy,
preaching, folk sayings, wordplay, word coining, image
making, indirection, alliteration, and rhyme” (Campbell;
Gilyard and Richardson; Noonan-Wagner; Smitherman “African
American”; Redd; Thompson “Rescuing”; Troutman qtd. in Redd
“Keepin’ It Real” 79).25
In her article, “Keepin’ It Real: Delivering College
Composition at an HBCU,” Teresa Redd provides an example of this
range of common interests within the African American
community. She notes that writing as liberation is embedded
in African American history, citing Frederick Douglass,
Thomas Jones, Ida B. Wells, and many others (73). Redd
makes the case that this rich, African American heritage is
not limited to an oral tradition, but enriched by both an
oral and written tradition. In fact, she makes parallels to
writing behaviors among present African American youth and
African customs.
However, it is noteworthy to stress that black colleges
are no more ubiquitous than black people, or any people for
that matter. Although they are similar to predominantly
white institutions in many ways, their historical traditions
and their levels and types of support make them distinct.
Similar to many other institutions of higher learning, black
colleges reflect the diversity that is so characteristic of
the United States’ postsecondary education system” (Brown
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and Freeman xii). In spite of turbulent times, these
institutions have repurposed what was supposed to be a site
of oppression into a site of liberation. These colleges,
often under dire situations, used minimal resources and
maximum potential to create access for African Americans in
hegemonic society. In making a conscious effort to examine
how the historical expectations and political atmosphere
necessitate inform epistemological and pedagogical
practices.
Beyond the Binary? HBCUsOnline.com
In the Time Magazine 1998 Princeton Review, FAMU was
recognized as “The College of the Year.” Less than ten years
later, this school that outranked Ivy League schools in
providing the most baccalaureate degrees to African
Americans no longer held the honor: online, for-profit
universities became its formidable opponents. This
insurgence of a greater virtual presence in academia has
been anticipated for years, yet it is now that HBCUs, with
the assistance of radio personality Tom Joyner, are
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attempting to place black institutions in the running to
regain some of their nontraditional students who find it
difficult to attend the geographical institutions, as has
been the history. During a recent interview, Tennessee
President, Dr. Portia Holmes Shields, and Florida A&M
University President, Dr. James H. Ammons, discuss the
launching of this collaborative site that resembles
mainstream online institutions such as University of
Phoenix:
President Shields: “…and then there’s the bachelor’s of
interdisciplinary studies for people who have gone through …
gotten some credits and need to fold them into a
degree. ..you can get two undergraduates right now [and] one
master’s. In one day and a half, twenty-five people have
already applied for the program. ..the master’s is in
professional studies, also…[the types of jobs a student can
get with a master’s in professional studies is as follows:]
systems analysts, info technology, software design, and be
the boss. Tom Joyner: because getting these degrees is all
about getting a better job.28
President Shields: people are in dead-end jobs because they
don’t have a degree, yet they have some classes. This will
help them complete. It’s a unique program, and we have been
doing this for ten years with online degrees.
Tom Joyner: That’s at Tennessee State. Now, everybody has
heard about the MBA program at Florida A&M. Now, you can get
an online executive MBA degree from Florida A&M.
President Ammons: You can get the Master’s of Business
Administration from Florida A&M University, one of our
signature programs that is in high demand. One that has
prepared so many people to go into the private sector and to
land in leadership positions within corporations across the
globe…our placement rate right now is, even in this tough
economy; we’re placing over 90% of our students. One of the
things that we saw with our last commencement is that our
students are leaving…with multiple job offers in this
economic environment. It is a very productive and high
demand degree…Master’s in Science of Nursing—this is a Nurse
Practitioner Program, and this program will give the
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students the clinical expertise they need to go into the
various healthcare settings whether we’re working hospitals,
clinics, nursing homes, etc. It has a specialty in
Gerontology, Women’s Health, and other areas that are
critical for today’s nurses. Master’s in Public Health—this
program in Public Health that we’re offering online will
give the students who complete this degree the kind of
background that they will need to go into the clinical
setting and be on the cutting edge of research as well as
administration. A program that is so critical to the African
American community.
Although Ammons posits that these programs are “so
critical to the African American community,” there are
inherent complications with any attempt to recreate a
material experience in a virtual space without the adequate
amount of training. Scott Reid concurs: “Online courses are
a disruptive technology in the sense that it requires
different pedagogical methods which may not yet be fully
understood. In many ways it is a break with the past and
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requires professors to rethink their teaching practices”
(“Online Courses”). Reid’s research, however, suggests that
the scholarship is still evolving concerning this new method
of education. Some scholars describe “the instructional
development process for distance education, consisting of
the customary stages of design, development, evaluation, and
revision” (Sherry 337). Many scholars concurred with a
more traditional purview for quite some time, “…based on the
concept of a computer performing formal operations on
symbols” (Seamans, 1990: qtd. in Sherry 338).
The alternative approach is based on constructivist
principles, in which a learner actively constructs an
internal representation of knowledge by interacting with the
material to be learned. This is the basis for both situated
cognition (Streibel, 1991) and problem-based learning
(Savery & Duffy, 1995). According to this viewpoint, both
social and physical interactions become both the definition
of a problem and the construction of its solution. Neither
the information to be learned, nor its symbolic description,
is specified outside the process of inquiry and the 31
conclusions that emerge from that process. Prawat and Floden
(1994) state that, to implement constructivism in a lesson,
one must shift one's focus away from the traditional
transmission model to one which is much more complex,
interactive, and evolving.” (Sherry 338). What these
institutions might find challenging is their claim to uphold
traditions without acknowledging these dynamic shifts in
this new media.
Another consideration these schools need to consider is
acquiring additional costs for training current staff or
hiring new staff with this level of expertise. In order for
this virtual HBCU experience to be successful, the virtual
space has to provide the same perceived level of uniqueness
as experienced in the institutional physical locations,
which heavily relies on the varying levels of face-to-face
mentoring occurring in these physical locations. Sherry
states it as such: “Successful distance education systems
involve interactivity between teacher and students, between
students and the learning environment, and among students
themselves, as well as active learning in the classroom” 32
(338). And, this experience is feasible, given the
universities are able to hire trained, technologically savvy
professors. Yet, given FAMU’s recent budget cuts, it may be
difficult to invest in the quality training or the
previously trained staff required to provide the same
engaging social and educational experience as the face-to-
face model.
Similar to Reid’s acknowledgement that the “nature” of
the classroom will be altered, Johndan Johnson-Eilola makes
similar claims concerning what he terms the “datacloud”. He
notes that when well-meaning enthusiasts leap to simplify
work or learning using new interfaces,
[t]he space of learning and work here collapse[s]:
Work is no longer something visibly, socially
situated in a large space (an office, a classroom,
etc.), but now has condensed, in many ways, into a
19-inch glass window. In addition, as that
workplace has collapsed, it has sucked learning
right down with it. However, because the pace of
33
work has accelerated, the information space has
flattened, with users increasingly unlikely to
look outside their immediate interface for
assistance on using the computer—the assistance
that used to frequently position the technical,
functional aspects of their work within a broader,
richer framework. (51)
Therefore, it is likely that these HBCUs, in an effort to
remain relevant, may not afford their students with the
quality education they are known to offer. Johnson-Eilola
cautions educators to avoid hasty, ill-informed
juxtapositions of learning and the digital space:
We have to recognize that more effective
documentation or even more effective, usable
interfaces will not resolve the complex social,
cognitive, emotional, and economic problems
situated in both micro- and macrocontexts and the
breakdowns among various aspects of the two”
(Johnson-Eiola 51, 53). Where previously work was
34
enmeshed in a social context—and learning how to
work involved a process of education over time—
work now is shrunken and decontextualized so that
only the most functional aspects are visible at
the surface. In effect, the interface is not
simply a tool, but a structure for work—a set of
forces articulating a specific form of work, a set
of forces articulating work. (51)
Sherry emphasizes another important point as it relates
to the successful fusing of technology and classroom
instruction:
Although technology is an integral part of
distance education, any successful program must
focus on the instructional needs of the students,
rather than on the technology itself. It is
essential to consider their ages, cultural and
socioeconomic backgrounds, interests and
experiences, educational levels, and familiarity
with distance education methods and delivery
35
systems (Schamber, 1988). Students usually adapt
more quickly than their teachers to new
technology. On the other hand, teachers who have
begun to feel comfortable with the equipment don't
mind having their students teach them new tips and
tricks (Apple Classrooms of Tomorrow, 1992). The
most important factor for successful distance
learning is a caring, concerned teacher who is
confident, experienced, at ease with the
equipment, uses the media creatively, and
maintains a high level of interactivity with the
students. (338)
For these institutions that are experiencing challenging
setbacks as it relates to understaffing and limited
technological support and training, ensuring that the
instructors are confident in teaching their students through
this new learning space can be a costly risk, one that may
cause the instructors to question the accuracy and relevance
of the presidents’ vision. And, without a vision, the
university will perish.36
Reid reminds us that incorporating new technologies
will always alter the learning experience. Therefore, for
the affiliate presidents of the HBCUsOnline.com to assume
that learning in this new medium will not both increase and
yet aslo alter the face-to-face interaction inherent to the
traditional black college experience would be an inaccurate
assumption. Reid’s findings also gives us a balanced
perspective of what mirror an alternative way to continue
the HBCU legacy: “Many professors noted that, compared to
in–class day time students, the students in online courses
have more work experience and were bringing this experience
to class interactions. In some fields of study the students
were more likely to be full–time, on campus students who
were adding a course to provide more flexibility in their
schedule. These were very different from the part–time
students. One professor noted that the online students who
were doing the course part–time were generally more mature
and “a little bit more timely and responsible in terms of
getting work in” (Prof. 003).
37
Although the change that these presidents are offering
seems to push against their target population and
traditional goals, John Seely Brown and Paul Duguid remind
us of the longevity and resilience of universities over the
past millineum (208). Many high school graduates have been
educated in a direction that will lead to pursuing some form
of higher education at a college. Yet, what was once
accompanied with the traditional farewell: the journey
towards scholastic maturity in the traditional college dorm
is now visibly changing, shifting into a noticeable
alternative. Distance learning is moving us from the binary.
Considering their original intent could not have possibly
foreseen the emergence of the information age, many HBCUs
are typically written out of the future of higher education
because of the disparity between educating blacks and other
minorities in the U.S. HBCUsonline.com could be their way of
restructuring the aftermath of Reconstruction, repositioning
these institutions of higher learning for generations to
come.
38
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