Raising the Bar: Belva Lockwood A Story of Ego and

Entrepreneurship

Belva Ann Lockwood is known as one of America’s first

female attorneys. However, her story goes far beyond that of

law. She was also a politician, activist, entrepreneur, and

the first women to run for the Presidency of the United

States. Historians who study Lockwood often portray her

simply as a women’s right’s activist with a promising career

in law. Although this is true, prominent historians on

Lockwood such as Jill Norgren gloss over Lockwood’s greater

story, one of ego and entrepreneurship. When historians

write about Lockwood’s historical presidential run, her

commitment to the expansion of women’s rights is invoked as

the main reason for her running.1 While Norgren’s writings1 For more information see, Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007); Jill Norgren, Lockwood: Equal Rights Pioneer. (New York: Twenty-First Century Books, 2009); Jill Norgren, Rebels At The Bar. (New York: New York University Press, 2013); Catherine Clinton,The Other Civil War: American Women In The Nineteenth Century. (New York: Hill and Wang, 1984); Julia Winner, Belva A. Lockwood. Lockport, (NY: Niagara County Historical Society, 1969)

1

tell a story of ambition and ideals, she omits significant

information and what this information may entail. Lockwood’s

story is unquestionably one of ambition and ideals; yet, she

cannot be so simply deduced. By the end of Lockwood’s life

she would never cast a ballot, but she would enter the

upper-middle class and have a successful life as one of

America’s most underrated-female entrepreneurs. Her story is

one of chasing the American dream.

Belva Ann Lockwood was born in Lockport, New York in

1833. Her education ceased temporarily when she was fourteen

after accepting a position instructing at a local school. As

a child Lockwood would read the bible and literally

attempted to perform miracles. Before her efforts to become

a lawyer, Lockwood tried her hand at raising the dead,

moving mountains, and walking on water.2 Although her

religiosity may appear on the surface insignificant, it not

only would influence her later participation in her

activism, but fit into the larger story of Lockwood’s ego.

She writes that in many ways she considered herself a2 Lockwood Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 215.

2

“prophet.”3 When looking at Lockwood’s early years one can

see a large ego developing. Despite being bitter about

receiving a teaching salary that was half of a man’s, early

on Lockwood was more concerned with establishing economic

independence. There is no question that money influenced

Lockwood before any activist movement did. In fact, she

always saw economic parity as mutually constitutive with

equality for herself, and later women in general. These

beliefs would influence her constant attempts at

entrepreneurship.

Though Lockwood’s first marriage would last only a few

years, her ego and entrepreneurship would ultimately allow

her a marriage to the middle-class, and with it the economic

security she desired. Ego would underwrite the audacity of

her future endeavors, while religion would plant the seeds

of benevolence.

Her parents did not approve of her continued education,

and in lieu of school Lockwood was pressed to marry a local

farmer Uriah McNall at eighteen. However, McNall died after

3 Ibid.,216.

3

just five years of marriage. Lockwood was left with a child,

and no financial support system. Lockwood’s first marriage

would instill many of the principles she would spend her

career supporting, namely economic parity between men and

women. However, law was not amongst the initial list of

careers Lockwood would pursue. To be precise, Lockwood was

not very concerned with what she did; her end was to make a

living. Lockwood wrote that after her marriage, her purpose

was “to fit myself for some active employment where I could

earn a livelihood for myself and child.”4 It was clear that

being widowed at a young age impacted Lockwood and

ultimately changed the course of her life.

There are essentially two reasons Uriah’s death were

significant to Lockwood’s future career. First, his death

offered Lockwood a second chance to obtain an education. It

is likely that if he remained alive Lockwood would have

continued to be a conventional housewife, as she was for the

five years her first marriage lasted. During her marriage we

have no reason to believe she was discontent with a life as4 Jill Norgren, Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 4.

4

a housewife, supported by her husband, and raising her

daughter Lura. Uriah’s death made it a necessity that

Lockwood considered a career of her own. Second, Uriah’s

death pushed Lockwood to the conclusion that financial

independence was essential, especially if women were to be

treated as equals. Left with little money and a three-year

old daughter, Lockwood took what was left of their savings

and enrolled in Genesee Wesleyan in 1853. Her daughter Lura

would live with her parents until she finished college.5

Lockwood graduated with honors in 1857, and accepted a

salaried teaching position in Lockport, New York. By this

time she had already expressed her dissatisfaction with

teaching. She felt it unfulfilling and lacking in the

intellectual pursuits she desired.6 However, teaching was

one of the few professions women could obtain, and Lockwood

was more concerned with economic stability than ideals. For

the next several years she worked for Lockport Union School,

and with the money she earned eventually opened a school of

5 Ibid.,33.6 Belva Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 218.

5

her own in 1865.7 This would be the beginning of her life-

long career as an entrepreneur. Her ego had driven her to

refuse unequal pay, and therefore she took the bold action

of opening a school of her own.

Continuing her undesirable career as a teacher by

opening a school would not be the last time Lockwood had put

financial gains above her convictions. Her writings made it

clear that after she finished college she was set on

pursuing a career in law.8 As Lockwood discusses in her

autobiographical article My Efforts To Become a Lawyer, she had

been inspired by the greats, fascinated by American

Statesmen such as Adams and Hamilton. She reported having

found a common thread, that in almost every instance “law

had been the stepping-stone to greatness.”9 Disillusioned by

teaching, Lockwood sold her school, doubling her initial

investment.10 She then moved to Washington, D.C. in 1866,7 Jill Norgren, Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 7-8.8 Lockwood Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 216.9 Belva Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 215.10 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 13.

6

with, as she writes, “no claim to being a public

benefactor.”11 When she moved to Washington she was thirty-

seven and lacked any political or activist background.

Historian Jill Norgren writes a different narrative

that depicts Lockwood as coming to Washington with a

purpose; arming herself with a law degree; fighting for

women’s rights, and developing a new identity.12 The real

story is that she lacked the proper financial support system

to pursue law, and was never above putting economics over

principle. Furthermore, she came to Washington with no

particular purpose in mind as her writings state13 She was

caught between following her dreams of pursuing law and

obtaining economic stability. In fact, Lockwood would teach

again, unfulfilled for several years in Washington. She was

also the heir of great luck with her move to Washington,

arriving at the time she did. Her timing put her in the

position to become an active member of both the suffrage and11 Belva Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 221.12 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 14.13 Belva Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 220-221.

7

temperance movements. Lockwood arrived in the nation’s

capital just as the Congress convened for the first time

since the end of the Civil War. During this time questions

of constitutionality were looming throughout the capital. In

1866, as Lockwood arrived, a Constitutional amendment for

universal suffrage was before Congress. While the bill

ultimately failed, perhaps too ahead of its time, it would

ultimately strengthen her identity by showing her it was a

possibility.14

During the next four years, amendments would be passed

that would give black men citizenship and enfranchisement

under the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments respectively.

The timing was significant because it drew women suffragist

to Washington to fight for the ballot.

However, as Lockwood arrived, in need of employment,

she rented out rooms in a union hall and opened up yet

another school where she would again teach for several

years. Lockwood’s attraction to entrepreneurship was clear

due to her having left previous teaching jobs. She probably14 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 20.

8

conceded to the fact that although she did not like

teaching, at least if she ran her own school, she avoided

the inequalities in pay women suffered. Her ego was such

that she refused to work for half of what a man earned.

Throughout the decade of the 1860s she would own, run, and

sell two schools—making a profit on the sale of both.15 With

her profits she began to rent out four additional rooms in

the same building, adding to her expanding business. 16

Women from both the suffrage and temperance movements began

renting the rooms Lockwood owned for meetings. This allowed

her to encounter the women within the movements, network,

and become an active member.17 More importantly were the

women leading the movements. Many of whom were seen as

radicals compared to the other suffragists of the time.

Ultimately these women would cultivate her commitment to

their cause.

Among these women were notable leaders of the suffrage

movement like Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and

15 Ibid.,13.16 Ibid.,13.17 Ibid.,19.

9

Marietta Beecher Stow. These women were unquestionably

daring, and inspired Lockwood to leave her unsatisfied life

as a teacher and pursue her dreams of law. Lockwood applied

to Columbian Law College in 1869 and was denied on the

grounds that she would be a distraction to the men in the

class.18 By a chance of luck, National University Law School

invited her to take classes beginning her career as a law

student in late 1869.19 While she attended, Lockwood became

increasingly involved in the women’s rights movement, which

had recently split into two factions. The split was a result

of a disagreement over the fifteenth amendment, which was

before Congress, and would give black men the right to vote.

The Stanton-Anthony faction would only support a bill of

universal suffrage. Conversely, the other more conservative

faction hoped that the Republicans would support them in a

quid pro quo if they pledged their support to help pass the

fifteenth amendment. The Stanton-Anthony faction was

officially named the National Woman Suffrage Association.

18 Belva Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 222.19 Ibid., 222.

10

Lockwood’s commitment remained to the Stanton-Anthony

faction until their split in 1884.

In 1867, while Lockwood was fighting to be accepted

into law school, she met a local dentist, Ezekiel Lockwood.

He was twenty-eight years her senior, but a pious and

established man.20 By the following year the two were

married, and he would provide Lockwood with a financial

“stepping stone” to law school.21 Much is unknown about the

dynamics and details of her second marriage. It is very

likely that it was little more than a marriage of

practicality and partnership according to her writings about

him. We do know from her writings that he supported her

fight for women’s suffrage. 22 Little else is known about

her mysterious-second husband.

While attending National University Law School,

Lockwood began to move up the ranks in the National Women’s

Suffrage Movement, forging a close relationship with Susan

20 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 23.21 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 52.22 Ibid.,53

11

B. Anthony. They both shared a teaching background and

advocated an expansion of the sphere of labor for women.

Lockwood was placed on an important resolutions committee.

She also served as a regular speaker and suffrage convention

coordinator where she was outspoken and unwavering. Her

speeches were well received by the conventions and helped

her ascend the ranks of the movement. By the time she

graduated law school in 1869, Lockwood was a prominent

member of the Suffrage movement and active within the

Temperance movement. Her religion undoubtedly played a role

in her commitment to the temperance cause and its benevolent

ideals.

Her ego had undeniably been the main factor for the

newcomer’s sudden assent of the ranks of the National

Women’s Suffrage Association. Ego prevented her from

internalizing criticisms from the local men and women who

thought the suffragist—in the nineteenth century a term of

mockery—too radical. Although she joined the National

Women’s Suffrage Association for reasons such as an approval

of its national suffrage strategy, its emphasis on issues

12

that intersected with women’s employment and fair pay, it is

fair to say Lockwood joined for substantive reasons, not

just ego per se. However once a member, she worked to be a

part of the leadership and was pleased when her political

activism and that her convention speeches were well

received. She desired to climb the ranks of the leadership

to push her policies and, of course, to be important which

played into her ego. It was highly unusual for a woman of

her time to have consistently acted so forcefully in public,

and consistently fed articles about her activities to local

papers, as she did.23 It was clear she liked the attention

her activism brought her.

Following her graduation of law school, Lockwood began

a fight to become a bar certified attorney. Determined to

establish her law practice, when her Alma matter refused to

grant her a diploma for several months, Lockwood wrote to

President Grant and ex-officio of National University Law

School demanding her diploma. She wrote a discourteous

letter in 1873. 23 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 86.

13

“Sir-, You are, or are you not, President of theNational University Law School. If you are itsPresident, I desire to say to you that I have passed throughthe curriculum of study in this school, and am entitled toand demand, my diploma. If you are not its President,then I ask that you take your name from its papers, and

not hold out to the world to be what you are not. ”24

Finally two weeks later she received her diploma.

Without the boldness and ego to write such a letter, it is

very doubtful she would have ever received it, as the

university had continuously denied her. In a way her ego

rescued her law career before it began.

Lockwood wasted no time in establishing a solo law

practice, taking advantage of her proximity to downtown

Washington. She worked diligently to establish a successful

law practice. Her success stemmed from her ego in that

preceding her graduation, she began finding clients,

providing legal counsel to neighbors and friends.25 Thus, by

the time she began practicing, her ego had afforded her a

multitude of clients, mostly working class men and women.

Her novelty as the only female attorney in Washington during24 Belva Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 223.25 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 86.

14

this time also functioned as free advertisement. Her

practice specialized in government claims, veteran benefits,

and patent law.26 She also represented women in divorce

cases, and tried her hand at criminal law as well. During

the 1870’s she was earning on average $3500 a year, when the

average family was earning just $500 a year in the United

States.27 Her most famous case was representing the Eastern

Cherokee Indians, resulting in a 3 million dollar claim in

their favor for land that was taken from them. This was not

just a significant case because of the amount awarded, but

because she would become the first women to practice in

front of the Supreme Court and the U.S. Court of Claims.28

This later became part of her legacy, because she is seen as

opening up the highest courts in the country to women.29 By

the end of the 1870s, it was clear her venture at beginning

her law practice was successful.

26 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), ?.27 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007),108.28 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 84.29 Ibid., xi.

15

Her law practice provided her the adequate success to

enter the upper-middle class. In 1877 she was able to

purchase a twenty-room home in Washington.30 Aside from

functioning as her residence and law office, she continued

her career as a landlady and rented out rooms as a boarding

house with a shop on the ground floor. Boarding houses were

popular residences for the politicians who lived transient

lives, only in town as Congress convened.

Throughout the 1870s Lockwood found sufficient success

in her law practice. Coupled with this, her involvement in

the suffrage and temperance movements began to compound,

giving her a name in the Washington region. She continued to

speak at women’s rights conventions, and solidified herself

as a leader within the movement. By 1880 Lockwood was a

local celebrity as a result of her outspokenness at public

appearances and conventions.31 Most women would be content

with her status and success, but Lockwood’s ego desired more

notoriety and her chance would come in 1884, at fifty-three

30 Ibid.,93.31 Ibid.,101-102.

16

years old, when the Equal Rights Party nominated her to run

for President of the United States.

Clara Foltz, a fellow lawyer and suffragist had become

president of the newly formed Equal Rights Party in 1880.

Foltz later insisted that the nomination had been nothing

more than “a good joke.”32 However, Lockwood took the

nomination seriously. In the days after Lockwood announced

her candidacy, she probably thought of it as a bit of a

joke. She knew she could not win with women lacking the

ballot, and wrote that she was not concerned with the number

of votes she would receive, but rather making her campaign

“lively.”33 With a keen eye for opportunity she quickly saw

the possibilities inherent in a candidacy vis-à-vis her

entrepreneurship. Foltz was later surprised by Lockwood’s

use of the nomination for self-promotion.34 It became clear

to both Stanton and Anthony that Lockwood craved attention,

and even more so, the opportunity to develop an additional

career as a lecturer. This was something a number of

32 Ibid.,139.33 Ibid.,164.34 Ibid.,139.

17

educated women with causes did at this time, such as

Anthony. It permitted travel, which Lockwood enjoyed, and

brought in money, which she needed for her campaign and

livelihood.

After accepting the nomination for president in 1884,

Lockwood and Anthony soon became at odds, resulting in a

rift between Lockwood and the National Women’s Suffrage

Association. Both Anthony and Stanton had thought the best

pathway to parity for women was to work within a major

party. Furthermore, Anthony saw Lockwood’s presidential

campaign as “grandstanding.”35 Anthony thought that her

campaign would discredit the women’s rights movement because

she had been nominated as a joke and to illuminate the irony

that a woman could run for the highest office in the land,

but not vote. Lockwood’s ego surpassed that of Anthony, and

she paid little attention to Anthony’s concerns.

Additionally, Lockwood running as a third-party candidate

under the fledging Equal Right’s Party posed many problems.

Mainly because the Equal Rights Party was so new, it lacked35 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 137.

18

leadership, a treasury, and any concrete platform. These

were problems that Lockwood would solve with her business-

minded spirit, transforming her weaknesses as a candidate

into power.

Immediately after accepting the nomination, Lockwood

sent Washington’s National Republic newspaper her fifteen-point

platform with confirmation that she would accept the

nomination.36 To raise money for the campaign she offered

herself as a public lecturer. With Marietta Stow as her

running mate, she began a nation wide speaking tour.

Although she lacked a treasury, she found a business model

in lectures at churches, counties, and fairs.37 Her platform

was not based on the single issue of women’s suffrage as

many of the suffragist would have liked, but on important

issues of the day. For example, she supported high-

protective tariffs, universal suffrage, citizenship for

36 Washington National Republic Paper, undated. Papers of Belva Lockwood, NYSL Manuscripts and Special Collections, box, andfile. 37 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007),152.

19

Native Americans, and temperance.38 However her support of

temperance was not predicated on any validity, which is

confirmed by her endorsement of alcohol-infused medicines.

In an attempt at venture capitalism in 1884, Lockwood

endorsed an alcoholic patent medicine with high percentage

of alcohol content during her campaign. Lockwood’s

endorsement of an alcoholic-patent medicine was probably

driven by a need for money, but also name recognition. It

was not uncommon for public figures in the nineteenth

century to endorse these types of products. Norgren writes

that “American’s were self-medicating with alcoholic-infused

tonics and Lockwood did not disapprove.”39 However, this

produces two irreconcilable claims. On one hand, Lockwood in

1884 as a part of her presidential platform stated that she

wanted

“The discountenance by every legal means the alcohol,

because its tendency is to demoralize the youth of the land;

to lower the standard of morality among the people; and we38 Julia Winter Hull, Belva A. Lockwood, (Lockport, NY: Niagara County Historical Society, 1969), 133-134. 39 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007),152.

20

do not believe that the revenue derived from it would feed

the paupers it makes…”40 Lockwood’s disapproval of any legal

means of alcohol was of such importance that she made it a

centerpiece of her presidential platform, running as a well

known supporter of temperance. She also spoke virulently in

public about the dangers of alcohol to society.

Yet, simultaneously while campaigning Lockwood

publically endorsed this alcoholic-patent medicine named Dr.

Greene’s Nervura, a “blood and nerve tonic,”41 which included

17% alcohol. One argument historians may posit is that

intellectually, many people of that time separated constant

drinking from the relief given by alcohol in a patent

medicine. While this may be true, Lockwood specifically

emphasized in her platform “every legal means.” Lockwood was

aware of these medicines’ abuse, and admitted to using the

product herself. Again this is an example of Lockwood

sacrificing principle for profit, which fits the larger

narrative of her business-minded nature. A Magazine Woman’s40 Julia Winner Hull, Belva A. Lockwood, (Lockport, NY: Niagara County Historical Society, 1969), 133.

41 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007),152.

21

Tribune advertised that Lockwood was the president of the

venture, and looking for investors.42 Her sponsoring of

alcoholic products while she was an active part of the

Temperance movement continues to be an action that no

historian attempts to square.43

In the absence of television and Internet, newspaper

articles give us a unique window into how Lockwood was

viewed in the era of nineteenth century politics. There was

not much coverage of Lockwood’s run, largely because she was

seen as a novelty candidate. During her 1884 campaign she

was often mocked in the papers and magazines. Many of the

reports on her focus on her appearance and age, the

political cartoons are in conjunction with such depictions.

For example, Puck Magazine illustrates her as an old woman,

with manly features, yelling at presidential candidate

Benjamin Butler.44 Although there are many inconsistencies

42 Ibid., 153.43 Authors Jill Norgren and Julia Hull mention her endorsements of patent medicines, but make no attempt to explain the inconsistencies with Lockwood’s temperance support while backing alcoholic patent medicines. 44 Puck, (September 17, 1884), p. 16 NYSL Archives

22

among the newspaper articles of the time, one motif is the

notion that Lockwood was running for notoriety.

In 1884 the New Northwest accused Lockwood of using the

campaign for “advertising purposes,” and “notoriety

seeking.”45 In an article from the New York Times in September

1884, Stanton was interviewed and expressed her concern that

if Belva were to be elected, she would continue her

“junketing.”46 During the nineteenth century it was common

for presidential candidates to go on speaking tours, but

junketing is different as it implies leisure, and to be paid

for such an appearance. If Stanton’s concerns were valid, it

affirms Lockwood was stepping into the limelight as a

celebrity, rather than a women’s right activist, or serious

presidential candidate. It also indicated that she enjoyed

lecturing which she would continue after the election.

Furthermore, in the same article Stanton accuses Lockwood of

being a Barnum, denoting she was more concerned with

entertaining and expanding her brand, rather than running a

serious campaign. 45 New Northwest, Nov. 1884. NYSL Archives46 New York Times, Sept.1884. NYSL Archives

23

It is clear from the little evidence we have on

Lockwood’s campaign speeches that she learned to master the

art of campaigning, as she changed her rhetoric depending on

where she was speaking. She did speak on women’s rights,

specifically the idea that if women were to be equals, they

did not just need the right to vote, but with it economic

independence. A St. Louis Dispatch article describes her speaking

topics, and it is clear they differed from state to state.

For instance in the west, she emphasized the importance of

silver and gold, and the economic importance of mining. In

Utah, despite her Christian upbringing, she did not condemn

Mormonism or polygamy, something many women of the suffrage

movement did. Lockwood instead gave it approval, stating

that she truly believed in their right to engage in the

religion’s doctrine.47 She also glorified Utah’s saloons

despite her temperance support. In any case, from the

newspaper reports, and Lockwood’s writings, it appears that

she ran without the intention of winning office, but rather

47 When Belva Reigns Ah! Woful [sic] St Louis Dispatch, Nov. 6, 1884.

24

for name recognition. She even went on to say she was

disinterested in the number of votes she received. 48

Not surprisingly, Lockwood lost the election, receiving

less than 5000 votes.49 Although campaigning and travel had

been an expensive venture, Lockwood came away from the

political loss with a profit. The notoriety she received

from campaigning furthered her career as a lecturer,

something she would do professionally for the rest of her

life. She had a background in public speaking through the

speeches she gave while still part of the National Women’s

Suffrage Association. In the wake of her split with the

National Women’s Suffrage Association, she still spoke about

women’s rights, but began giving paid lectures about topics

such as her experiences as a candidate, her travels across

the country, and the importance of arbitration. Her ego grew

larger as she continued for eight years, travelling across

the country on speaking tours. Yet her topics slowly began

to shy away from discussing women’s rights or temperance,48 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007),164.49 Julia Winter Hull, Belva A. Lockwood, (Lockport, NY: Niagara County Historical Society, 1969) 72.

25

which were replaced by pontificating about her

“observations” on her candidacy and travels.50

The Daily Gazette in 1884 reported, “Mrs. Lockwood’s lecture

lasted about one and a half hours. She opened by saying that

she had achieved more success and honor than other women and

had opened the field [law] for herself and co-workers of her

sex.”51 One can see how her ego had acquired as her topics

became increasingly personal and less about women’s rights.

Lockwood would run again under the Equal Rights Party

in the presidential race in 1888. Although she ran her

campaign in a similar fashion to her 1884 run, her status as

a celebrity was waning, and her appeal as a novelty had

largely been exhausted. Furthermore, her previous split from

the National Women’s Suffrage Association lost her the

support of many suffragists who would have otherwise

supported her. There are no recorded votes for Lockwood in

1888, but she did not seem to see this as a defeat and

continued her career in lecturing until her death in 1917.

50 The Denver Times, Nov. 12 1885. NYSL Archives51 The Daily Gazette, Nov. 14 1885. NYSL Archives

26

Ego is important to Lockwood’s story because it allowed

her the audacity to pursue unconventional goals. When

Lockwood enrolled in law school the nation was without a

known female attorney. It would take this sort of ego to run

a full presidential campaign, especially with the daunting

fact that women could not vote. Although Norgren mentions

that name recognition was part of why Lockwood ran, the

author leaves out significant details that lead to the

conclusion that Lockwood’s campaign was more than a symbolic

run in the name of women’s rights, but rather a self-serving

one to aid her entrepreneurship, and further her career as a

lecturer. While Lockwood would die with out ever casting a

ballot, her legacy cannot be simply distilled into a women’s

rights activist, lawyer, or presidential candidate. Her

story goes far beyond those of her contemporaries, in that

she created a brand for herself. While Anthony and Stanton

had come from relatively well-off backgrounds, Lockwood

began life on a farm, and was able to obtain middle-class

status during her lifetime. She understood her candidacies

as symbolic, but also as a building block in strengthening

27

her career. All of which would not have been possible

without her ego or her entrepreneurism.

Secondary Sources

Norgren, Jill. Belva Lockwood: Equal Rights Pioneer. New York: Twenty-First Century Books, 2009.

Norgren, Jill. Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. New York: New York University Press, 2007.

Norgren, Jill. Rebels At The Bar. New York: New York University Press, 2013.

Clinton, Catherine: The Other Civil War: American Women In The Nineteenth Century. New York: Hill and Wang, 1984.

Winner, Julia. Belva A. Lockwood. Lockport, NY: Niagara County Historical Society, 1969.

Primary Sources

Lockwood, Belva “How I Ran for the Presidency” (National Magazine,Vol. 17, No. 6, March 1903, pp. 728-33)

28

Lockwood, Belva “My Efforts to Become a Lawyer,” (Lippincott’s Magazine, February 1888, 215-229.)

Lockwood, Belva “The Present Phase of the Woman Question” (Cosmopolitan, Vol. 5, No. 6, October 1888, pp. 4-6)

Papers of Belva Lockwood, Manuscripts and Special Collections, New York State Library.

Newspapers: the New York Times, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, and ColoradoDenver Times.

29