Raising the Bar: Belva Lockwood A Story of Ego and
Entrepreneurship
Belva Ann Lockwood is known as one of America’s first
female attorneys. However, her story goes far beyond that of
law. She was also a politician, activist, entrepreneur, and
the first women to run for the Presidency of the United
States. Historians who study Lockwood often portray her
simply as a women’s right’s activist with a promising career
in law. Although this is true, prominent historians on
Lockwood such as Jill Norgren gloss over Lockwood’s greater
story, one of ego and entrepreneurship. When historians
write about Lockwood’s historical presidential run, her
commitment to the expansion of women’s rights is invoked as
the main reason for her running.1 While Norgren’s writings1 For more information see, Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007); Jill Norgren, Lockwood: Equal Rights Pioneer. (New York: Twenty-First Century Books, 2009); Jill Norgren, Rebels At The Bar. (New York: New York University Press, 2013); Catherine Clinton,The Other Civil War: American Women In The Nineteenth Century. (New York: Hill and Wang, 1984); Julia Winner, Belva A. Lockwood. Lockport, (NY: Niagara County Historical Society, 1969)
1
tell a story of ambition and ideals, she omits significant
information and what this information may entail. Lockwood’s
story is unquestionably one of ambition and ideals; yet, she
cannot be so simply deduced. By the end of Lockwood’s life
she would never cast a ballot, but she would enter the
upper-middle class and have a successful life as one of
America’s most underrated-female entrepreneurs. Her story is
one of chasing the American dream.
Belva Ann Lockwood was born in Lockport, New York in
1833. Her education ceased temporarily when she was fourteen
after accepting a position instructing at a local school. As
a child Lockwood would read the bible and literally
attempted to perform miracles. Before her efforts to become
a lawyer, Lockwood tried her hand at raising the dead,
moving mountains, and walking on water.2 Although her
religiosity may appear on the surface insignificant, it not
only would influence her later participation in her
activism, but fit into the larger story of Lockwood’s ego.
She writes that in many ways she considered herself a2 Lockwood Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 215.
2
“prophet.”3 When looking at Lockwood’s early years one can
see a large ego developing. Despite being bitter about
receiving a teaching salary that was half of a man’s, early
on Lockwood was more concerned with establishing economic
independence. There is no question that money influenced
Lockwood before any activist movement did. In fact, she
always saw economic parity as mutually constitutive with
equality for herself, and later women in general. These
beliefs would influence her constant attempts at
entrepreneurship.
Though Lockwood’s first marriage would last only a few
years, her ego and entrepreneurship would ultimately allow
her a marriage to the middle-class, and with it the economic
security she desired. Ego would underwrite the audacity of
her future endeavors, while religion would plant the seeds
of benevolence.
Her parents did not approve of her continued education,
and in lieu of school Lockwood was pressed to marry a local
farmer Uriah McNall at eighteen. However, McNall died after
3 Ibid.,216.
3
just five years of marriage. Lockwood was left with a child,
and no financial support system. Lockwood’s first marriage
would instill many of the principles she would spend her
career supporting, namely economic parity between men and
women. However, law was not amongst the initial list of
careers Lockwood would pursue. To be precise, Lockwood was
not very concerned with what she did; her end was to make a
living. Lockwood wrote that after her marriage, her purpose
was “to fit myself for some active employment where I could
earn a livelihood for myself and child.”4 It was clear that
being widowed at a young age impacted Lockwood and
ultimately changed the course of her life.
There are essentially two reasons Uriah’s death were
significant to Lockwood’s future career. First, his death
offered Lockwood a second chance to obtain an education. It
is likely that if he remained alive Lockwood would have
continued to be a conventional housewife, as she was for the
five years her first marriage lasted. During her marriage we
have no reason to believe she was discontent with a life as4 Jill Norgren, Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 4.
4
a housewife, supported by her husband, and raising her
daughter Lura. Uriah’s death made it a necessity that
Lockwood considered a career of her own. Second, Uriah’s
death pushed Lockwood to the conclusion that financial
independence was essential, especially if women were to be
treated as equals. Left with little money and a three-year
old daughter, Lockwood took what was left of their savings
and enrolled in Genesee Wesleyan in 1853. Her daughter Lura
would live with her parents until she finished college.5
Lockwood graduated with honors in 1857, and accepted a
salaried teaching position in Lockport, New York. By this
time she had already expressed her dissatisfaction with
teaching. She felt it unfulfilling and lacking in the
intellectual pursuits she desired.6 However, teaching was
one of the few professions women could obtain, and Lockwood
was more concerned with economic stability than ideals. For
the next several years she worked for Lockport Union School,
and with the money she earned eventually opened a school of
5 Ibid.,33.6 Belva Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 218.
5
her own in 1865.7 This would be the beginning of her life-
long career as an entrepreneur. Her ego had driven her to
refuse unequal pay, and therefore she took the bold action
of opening a school of her own.
Continuing her undesirable career as a teacher by
opening a school would not be the last time Lockwood had put
financial gains above her convictions. Her writings made it
clear that after she finished college she was set on
pursuing a career in law.8 As Lockwood discusses in her
autobiographical article My Efforts To Become a Lawyer, she had
been inspired by the greats, fascinated by American
Statesmen such as Adams and Hamilton. She reported having
found a common thread, that in almost every instance “law
had been the stepping-stone to greatness.”9 Disillusioned by
teaching, Lockwood sold her school, doubling her initial
investment.10 She then moved to Washington, D.C. in 1866,7 Jill Norgren, Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 7-8.8 Lockwood Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 216.9 Belva Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 215.10 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 13.
6
with, as she writes, “no claim to being a public
benefactor.”11 When she moved to Washington she was thirty-
seven and lacked any political or activist background.
Historian Jill Norgren writes a different narrative
that depicts Lockwood as coming to Washington with a
purpose; arming herself with a law degree; fighting for
women’s rights, and developing a new identity.12 The real
story is that she lacked the proper financial support system
to pursue law, and was never above putting economics over
principle. Furthermore, she came to Washington with no
particular purpose in mind as her writings state13 She was
caught between following her dreams of pursuing law and
obtaining economic stability. In fact, Lockwood would teach
again, unfulfilled for several years in Washington. She was
also the heir of great luck with her move to Washington,
arriving at the time she did. Her timing put her in the
position to become an active member of both the suffrage and11 Belva Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 221.12 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 14.13 Belva Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 220-221.
7
temperance movements. Lockwood arrived in the nation’s
capital just as the Congress convened for the first time
since the end of the Civil War. During this time questions
of constitutionality were looming throughout the capital. In
1866, as Lockwood arrived, a Constitutional amendment for
universal suffrage was before Congress. While the bill
ultimately failed, perhaps too ahead of its time, it would
ultimately strengthen her identity by showing her it was a
possibility.14
During the next four years, amendments would be passed
that would give black men citizenship and enfranchisement
under the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments respectively.
The timing was significant because it drew women suffragist
to Washington to fight for the ballot.
However, as Lockwood arrived, in need of employment,
she rented out rooms in a union hall and opened up yet
another school where she would again teach for several
years. Lockwood’s attraction to entrepreneurship was clear
due to her having left previous teaching jobs. She probably14 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 20.
8
conceded to the fact that although she did not like
teaching, at least if she ran her own school, she avoided
the inequalities in pay women suffered. Her ego was such
that she refused to work for half of what a man earned.
Throughout the decade of the 1860s she would own, run, and
sell two schools—making a profit on the sale of both.15 With
her profits she began to rent out four additional rooms in
the same building, adding to her expanding business. 16
Women from both the suffrage and temperance movements began
renting the rooms Lockwood owned for meetings. This allowed
her to encounter the women within the movements, network,
and become an active member.17 More importantly were the
women leading the movements. Many of whom were seen as
radicals compared to the other suffragists of the time.
Ultimately these women would cultivate her commitment to
their cause.
Among these women were notable leaders of the suffrage
movement like Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and
15 Ibid.,13.16 Ibid.,13.17 Ibid.,19.
9
Marietta Beecher Stow. These women were unquestionably
daring, and inspired Lockwood to leave her unsatisfied life
as a teacher and pursue her dreams of law. Lockwood applied
to Columbian Law College in 1869 and was denied on the
grounds that she would be a distraction to the men in the
class.18 By a chance of luck, National University Law School
invited her to take classes beginning her career as a law
student in late 1869.19 While she attended, Lockwood became
increasingly involved in the women’s rights movement, which
had recently split into two factions. The split was a result
of a disagreement over the fifteenth amendment, which was
before Congress, and would give black men the right to vote.
The Stanton-Anthony faction would only support a bill of
universal suffrage. Conversely, the other more conservative
faction hoped that the Republicans would support them in a
quid pro quo if they pledged their support to help pass the
fifteenth amendment. The Stanton-Anthony faction was
officially named the National Woman Suffrage Association.
18 Belva Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 222.19 Ibid., 222.
10
Lockwood’s commitment remained to the Stanton-Anthony
faction until their split in 1884.
In 1867, while Lockwood was fighting to be accepted
into law school, she met a local dentist, Ezekiel Lockwood.
He was twenty-eight years her senior, but a pious and
established man.20 By the following year the two were
married, and he would provide Lockwood with a financial
“stepping stone” to law school.21 Much is unknown about the
dynamics and details of her second marriage. It is very
likely that it was little more than a marriage of
practicality and partnership according to her writings about
him. We do know from her writings that he supported her
fight for women’s suffrage. 22 Little else is known about
her mysterious-second husband.
While attending National University Law School,
Lockwood began to move up the ranks in the National Women’s
Suffrage Movement, forging a close relationship with Susan
20 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 23.21 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 52.22 Ibid.,53
11
B. Anthony. They both shared a teaching background and
advocated an expansion of the sphere of labor for women.
Lockwood was placed on an important resolutions committee.
She also served as a regular speaker and suffrage convention
coordinator where she was outspoken and unwavering. Her
speeches were well received by the conventions and helped
her ascend the ranks of the movement. By the time she
graduated law school in 1869, Lockwood was a prominent
member of the Suffrage movement and active within the
Temperance movement. Her religion undoubtedly played a role
in her commitment to the temperance cause and its benevolent
ideals.
Her ego had undeniably been the main factor for the
newcomer’s sudden assent of the ranks of the National
Women’s Suffrage Association. Ego prevented her from
internalizing criticisms from the local men and women who
thought the suffragist—in the nineteenth century a term of
mockery—too radical. Although she joined the National
Women’s Suffrage Association for reasons such as an approval
of its national suffrage strategy, its emphasis on issues
12
that intersected with women’s employment and fair pay, it is
fair to say Lockwood joined for substantive reasons, not
just ego per se. However once a member, she worked to be a
part of the leadership and was pleased when her political
activism and that her convention speeches were well
received. She desired to climb the ranks of the leadership
to push her policies and, of course, to be important which
played into her ego. It was highly unusual for a woman of
her time to have consistently acted so forcefully in public,
and consistently fed articles about her activities to local
papers, as she did.23 It was clear she liked the attention
her activism brought her.
Following her graduation of law school, Lockwood began
a fight to become a bar certified attorney. Determined to
establish her law practice, when her Alma matter refused to
grant her a diploma for several months, Lockwood wrote to
President Grant and ex-officio of National University Law
School demanding her diploma. She wrote a discourteous
letter in 1873. 23 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 86.
13
“Sir-, You are, or are you not, President of theNational University Law School. If you are itsPresident, I desire to say to you that I have passed throughthe curriculum of study in this school, and am entitled toand demand, my diploma. If you are not its President,then I ask that you take your name from its papers, and
not hold out to the world to be what you are not. ”24
Finally two weeks later she received her diploma.
Without the boldness and ego to write such a letter, it is
very doubtful she would have ever received it, as the
university had continuously denied her. In a way her ego
rescued her law career before it began.
Lockwood wasted no time in establishing a solo law
practice, taking advantage of her proximity to downtown
Washington. She worked diligently to establish a successful
law practice. Her success stemmed from her ego in that
preceding her graduation, she began finding clients,
providing legal counsel to neighbors and friends.25 Thus, by
the time she began practicing, her ego had afforded her a
multitude of clients, mostly working class men and women.
Her novelty as the only female attorney in Washington during24 Belva Ann Lockwood, “My Efforts To Become a Lawyer,” Lippincott’s Magazine 58, no. 4 (1888): 223.25 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 86.
14
this time also functioned as free advertisement. Her
practice specialized in government claims, veteran benefits,
and patent law.26 She also represented women in divorce
cases, and tried her hand at criminal law as well. During
the 1870’s she was earning on average $3500 a year, when the
average family was earning just $500 a year in the United
States.27 Her most famous case was representing the Eastern
Cherokee Indians, resulting in a 3 million dollar claim in
their favor for land that was taken from them. This was not
just a significant case because of the amount awarded, but
because she would become the first women to practice in
front of the Supreme Court and the U.S. Court of Claims.28
This later became part of her legacy, because she is seen as
opening up the highest courts in the country to women.29 By
the end of the 1870s, it was clear her venture at beginning
her law practice was successful.
26 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), ?.27 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007),108.28 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 84.29 Ibid., xi.
15
Her law practice provided her the adequate success to
enter the upper-middle class. In 1877 she was able to
purchase a twenty-room home in Washington.30 Aside from
functioning as her residence and law office, she continued
her career as a landlady and rented out rooms as a boarding
house with a shop on the ground floor. Boarding houses were
popular residences for the politicians who lived transient
lives, only in town as Congress convened.
Throughout the 1870s Lockwood found sufficient success
in her law practice. Coupled with this, her involvement in
the suffrage and temperance movements began to compound,
giving her a name in the Washington region. She continued to
speak at women’s rights conventions, and solidified herself
as a leader within the movement. By 1880 Lockwood was a
local celebrity as a result of her outspokenness at public
appearances and conventions.31 Most women would be content
with her status and success, but Lockwood’s ego desired more
notoriety and her chance would come in 1884, at fifty-three
30 Ibid.,93.31 Ibid.,101-102.
16
years old, when the Equal Rights Party nominated her to run
for President of the United States.
Clara Foltz, a fellow lawyer and suffragist had become
president of the newly formed Equal Rights Party in 1880.
Foltz later insisted that the nomination had been nothing
more than “a good joke.”32 However, Lockwood took the
nomination seriously. In the days after Lockwood announced
her candidacy, she probably thought of it as a bit of a
joke. She knew she could not win with women lacking the
ballot, and wrote that she was not concerned with the number
of votes she would receive, but rather making her campaign
“lively.”33 With a keen eye for opportunity she quickly saw
the possibilities inherent in a candidacy vis-à-vis her
entrepreneurship. Foltz was later surprised by Lockwood’s
use of the nomination for self-promotion.34 It became clear
to both Stanton and Anthony that Lockwood craved attention,
and even more so, the opportunity to develop an additional
career as a lecturer. This was something a number of
32 Ibid.,139.33 Ibid.,164.34 Ibid.,139.
17
educated women with causes did at this time, such as
Anthony. It permitted travel, which Lockwood enjoyed, and
brought in money, which she needed for her campaign and
livelihood.
After accepting the nomination for president in 1884,
Lockwood and Anthony soon became at odds, resulting in a
rift between Lockwood and the National Women’s Suffrage
Association. Both Anthony and Stanton had thought the best
pathway to parity for women was to work within a major
party. Furthermore, Anthony saw Lockwood’s presidential
campaign as “grandstanding.”35 Anthony thought that her
campaign would discredit the women’s rights movement because
she had been nominated as a joke and to illuminate the irony
that a woman could run for the highest office in the land,
but not vote. Lockwood’s ego surpassed that of Anthony, and
she paid little attention to Anthony’s concerns.
Additionally, Lockwood running as a third-party candidate
under the fledging Equal Right’s Party posed many problems.
Mainly because the Equal Rights Party was so new, it lacked35 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 137.
18
leadership, a treasury, and any concrete platform. These
were problems that Lockwood would solve with her business-
minded spirit, transforming her weaknesses as a candidate
into power.
Immediately after accepting the nomination, Lockwood
sent Washington’s National Republic newspaper her fifteen-point
platform with confirmation that she would accept the
nomination.36 To raise money for the campaign she offered
herself as a public lecturer. With Marietta Stow as her
running mate, she began a nation wide speaking tour.
Although she lacked a treasury, she found a business model
in lectures at churches, counties, and fairs.37 Her platform
was not based on the single issue of women’s suffrage as
many of the suffragist would have liked, but on important
issues of the day. For example, she supported high-
protective tariffs, universal suffrage, citizenship for
36 Washington National Republic Paper, undated. Papers of Belva Lockwood, NYSL Manuscripts and Special Collections, box, andfile. 37 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007),152.
19
Native Americans, and temperance.38 However her support of
temperance was not predicated on any validity, which is
confirmed by her endorsement of alcohol-infused medicines.
In an attempt at venture capitalism in 1884, Lockwood
endorsed an alcoholic patent medicine with high percentage
of alcohol content during her campaign. Lockwood’s
endorsement of an alcoholic-patent medicine was probably
driven by a need for money, but also name recognition. It
was not uncommon for public figures in the nineteenth
century to endorse these types of products. Norgren writes
that “American’s were self-medicating with alcoholic-infused
tonics and Lockwood did not disapprove.”39 However, this
produces two irreconcilable claims. On one hand, Lockwood in
1884 as a part of her presidential platform stated that she
wanted
“The discountenance by every legal means the alcohol,
because its tendency is to demoralize the youth of the land;
to lower the standard of morality among the people; and we38 Julia Winter Hull, Belva A. Lockwood, (Lockport, NY: Niagara County Historical Society, 1969), 133-134. 39 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007),152.
20
do not believe that the revenue derived from it would feed
the paupers it makes…”40 Lockwood’s disapproval of any legal
means of alcohol was of such importance that she made it a
centerpiece of her presidential platform, running as a well
known supporter of temperance. She also spoke virulently in
public about the dangers of alcohol to society.
Yet, simultaneously while campaigning Lockwood
publically endorsed this alcoholic-patent medicine named Dr.
Greene’s Nervura, a “blood and nerve tonic,”41 which included
17% alcohol. One argument historians may posit is that
intellectually, many people of that time separated constant
drinking from the relief given by alcohol in a patent
medicine. While this may be true, Lockwood specifically
emphasized in her platform “every legal means.” Lockwood was
aware of these medicines’ abuse, and admitted to using the
product herself. Again this is an example of Lockwood
sacrificing principle for profit, which fits the larger
narrative of her business-minded nature. A Magazine Woman’s40 Julia Winner Hull, Belva A. Lockwood, (Lockport, NY: Niagara County Historical Society, 1969), 133.
41 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007),152.
21
Tribune advertised that Lockwood was the president of the
venture, and looking for investors.42 Her sponsoring of
alcoholic products while she was an active part of the
Temperance movement continues to be an action that no
historian attempts to square.43
In the absence of television and Internet, newspaper
articles give us a unique window into how Lockwood was
viewed in the era of nineteenth century politics. There was
not much coverage of Lockwood’s run, largely because she was
seen as a novelty candidate. During her 1884 campaign she
was often mocked in the papers and magazines. Many of the
reports on her focus on her appearance and age, the
political cartoons are in conjunction with such depictions.
For example, Puck Magazine illustrates her as an old woman,
with manly features, yelling at presidential candidate
Benjamin Butler.44 Although there are many inconsistencies
42 Ibid., 153.43 Authors Jill Norgren and Julia Hull mention her endorsements of patent medicines, but make no attempt to explain the inconsistencies with Lockwood’s temperance support while backing alcoholic patent medicines. 44 Puck, (September 17, 1884), p. 16 NYSL Archives
22
among the newspaper articles of the time, one motif is the
notion that Lockwood was running for notoriety.
In 1884 the New Northwest accused Lockwood of using the
campaign for “advertising purposes,” and “notoriety
seeking.”45 In an article from the New York Times in September
1884, Stanton was interviewed and expressed her concern that
if Belva were to be elected, she would continue her
“junketing.”46 During the nineteenth century it was common
for presidential candidates to go on speaking tours, but
junketing is different as it implies leisure, and to be paid
for such an appearance. If Stanton’s concerns were valid, it
affirms Lockwood was stepping into the limelight as a
celebrity, rather than a women’s right activist, or serious
presidential candidate. It also indicated that she enjoyed
lecturing which she would continue after the election.
Furthermore, in the same article Stanton accuses Lockwood of
being a Barnum, denoting she was more concerned with
entertaining and expanding her brand, rather than running a
serious campaign. 45 New Northwest, Nov. 1884. NYSL Archives46 New York Times, Sept.1884. NYSL Archives
23
It is clear from the little evidence we have on
Lockwood’s campaign speeches that she learned to master the
art of campaigning, as she changed her rhetoric depending on
where she was speaking. She did speak on women’s rights,
specifically the idea that if women were to be equals, they
did not just need the right to vote, but with it economic
independence. A St. Louis Dispatch article describes her speaking
topics, and it is clear they differed from state to state.
For instance in the west, she emphasized the importance of
silver and gold, and the economic importance of mining. In
Utah, despite her Christian upbringing, she did not condemn
Mormonism or polygamy, something many women of the suffrage
movement did. Lockwood instead gave it approval, stating
that she truly believed in their right to engage in the
religion’s doctrine.47 She also glorified Utah’s saloons
despite her temperance support. In any case, from the
newspaper reports, and Lockwood’s writings, it appears that
she ran without the intention of winning office, but rather
47 When Belva Reigns Ah! Woful [sic] St Louis Dispatch, Nov. 6, 1884.
24
for name recognition. She even went on to say she was
disinterested in the number of votes she received. 48
Not surprisingly, Lockwood lost the election, receiving
less than 5000 votes.49 Although campaigning and travel had
been an expensive venture, Lockwood came away from the
political loss with a profit. The notoriety she received
from campaigning furthered her career as a lecturer,
something she would do professionally for the rest of her
life. She had a background in public speaking through the
speeches she gave while still part of the National Women’s
Suffrage Association. In the wake of her split with the
National Women’s Suffrage Association, she still spoke about
women’s rights, but began giving paid lectures about topics
such as her experiences as a candidate, her travels across
the country, and the importance of arbitration. Her ego grew
larger as she continued for eight years, travelling across
the country on speaking tours. Yet her topics slowly began
to shy away from discussing women’s rights or temperance,48 Jill Norgren, Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. (New York: New York University Press, 2007),164.49 Julia Winter Hull, Belva A. Lockwood, (Lockport, NY: Niagara County Historical Society, 1969) 72.
25
which were replaced by pontificating about her
“observations” on her candidacy and travels.50
The Daily Gazette in 1884 reported, “Mrs. Lockwood’s lecture
lasted about one and a half hours. She opened by saying that
she had achieved more success and honor than other women and
had opened the field [law] for herself and co-workers of her
sex.”51 One can see how her ego had acquired as her topics
became increasingly personal and less about women’s rights.
Lockwood would run again under the Equal Rights Party
in the presidential race in 1888. Although she ran her
campaign in a similar fashion to her 1884 run, her status as
a celebrity was waning, and her appeal as a novelty had
largely been exhausted. Furthermore, her previous split from
the National Women’s Suffrage Association lost her the
support of many suffragists who would have otherwise
supported her. There are no recorded votes for Lockwood in
1888, but she did not seem to see this as a defeat and
continued her career in lecturing until her death in 1917.
50 The Denver Times, Nov. 12 1885. NYSL Archives51 The Daily Gazette, Nov. 14 1885. NYSL Archives
26
Ego is important to Lockwood’s story because it allowed
her the audacity to pursue unconventional goals. When
Lockwood enrolled in law school the nation was without a
known female attorney. It would take this sort of ego to run
a full presidential campaign, especially with the daunting
fact that women could not vote. Although Norgren mentions
that name recognition was part of why Lockwood ran, the
author leaves out significant details that lead to the
conclusion that Lockwood’s campaign was more than a symbolic
run in the name of women’s rights, but rather a self-serving
one to aid her entrepreneurship, and further her career as a
lecturer. While Lockwood would die with out ever casting a
ballot, her legacy cannot be simply distilled into a women’s
rights activist, lawyer, or presidential candidate. Her
story goes far beyond those of her contemporaries, in that
she created a brand for herself. While Anthony and Stanton
had come from relatively well-off backgrounds, Lockwood
began life on a farm, and was able to obtain middle-class
status during her lifetime. She understood her candidacies
as symbolic, but also as a building block in strengthening
27
her career. All of which would not have been possible
without her ego or her entrepreneurism.
Secondary Sources
Norgren, Jill. Belva Lockwood: Equal Rights Pioneer. New York: Twenty-First Century Books, 2009.
Norgren, Jill. Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would Be President. New York: New York University Press, 2007.
Norgren, Jill. Rebels At The Bar. New York: New York University Press, 2013.
Clinton, Catherine: The Other Civil War: American Women In The Nineteenth Century. New York: Hill and Wang, 1984.
Winner, Julia. Belva A. Lockwood. Lockport, NY: Niagara County Historical Society, 1969.
Primary Sources
Lockwood, Belva “How I Ran for the Presidency” (National Magazine,Vol. 17, No. 6, March 1903, pp. 728-33)
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Lockwood, Belva “My Efforts to Become a Lawyer,” (Lippincott’s Magazine, February 1888, 215-229.)
Lockwood, Belva “The Present Phase of the Woman Question” (Cosmopolitan, Vol. 5, No. 6, October 1888, pp. 4-6)
Papers of Belva Lockwood, Manuscripts and Special Collections, New York State Library.
Newspapers: the New York Times, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, and ColoradoDenver Times.
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