RACEREBELS

Culture,Politics,andtheBlackWorkingClass

ROBIND.G.KELLEY

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RACEREBELS

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1.Afro-Americans—History—1877-19642.Afro-Americans—History—1964-3.Afro-Americans—Politicsandgovernment4.Workingclass—UnitedStates—History—20thcentury5.Radicalism—UnitedStates—History—20thcenturyI.Title

E185.61.K3561994

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TheFreePressandtheauthorgratefullyacknowledgepermissiontoreprintexcerptsfromthefollowingpoems,songlyrics,orbookchapters.

“ANewSong”byLangstonHughes,TheLiberator,October15,1932.Copyright©1932.ReprintedbypermissionofHaroldOberAssociatesInc.Allrightsreserved.

“TheBalladofEthiopia”byLangstonHughes,BaltimoreAfro-American,September28,1935.Copyright©1935.ReprintedbypermissionofHaroldOberAssociatesInc.Allrightsreserved.

“LetterfromSpain:AddressedtoAlabama”byLangstonHughes,VolunteerforLiberty1,no.23(November15,1937).Copyright©1937.ReprintedbypermissionofHaroldOberAssociatesInc.Allrightsreserved.

“TheLameandtheWhore,”reprintedbypermissionofthepublishersfromGetYourAssintheWaterandSwimLikeMe:NarrativePoetryfromBlackOralTraditionbyBruceJackson,HarvardUniversityPress,Cambridge,Mass.Copyright©1974bythePresidentandFellowsofHarvardCollege.

“MalcolmX—AnAutobiography”byLarryNeal,inForMalcolm:PoemsontheLifeandDeathofMalcolmX,editedbyDudleyRandallandMargaretC.Burroughs(Detroit,Mich.:BroadsidePress,1967),10.UsedbypermissionofBroadsidePress.

“RomanceWithoutFinance”byLloyd“Tiny”Grimes.Copyright©1944,renewed1972,MillsMusic,Inc.UsedbypermissionofCPP/Belwin,Inc.,P.O.Box4340,Miami,FL33014.Allrightsreserved.

“Amerikkka’sMostWanted”byIceCubeandEricSadler.Copyright©1990WBMusicCorp.,GangstaBoogieMusic,WarnerTamerlanePublishingCorp.,

YourMother’sMusic.AllrightsonbehalfofGangstaBoogieMusicadministeredbyWarnerChapellMusic(ASCAP).AllrightsonbehalfofYourMother’sMusicadministeredbyWarnerTamerlanePublishingCorp.Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

“TheNiggaYaLovetoHate”byIceCubeandEricSadler.Copyright©1990WBMusicCorp.,GangstaBoogieMusic,WarnerTamerlanePublishingCorp.,YourMother’sMusic.AllrightsonbehalfofGangstaBoogieMusicadministeredbyWarnerChapellMusic(ASCAP).AllrightsonbehalfofYourMother’sMusicadministeredbyWarnerTamerlanePublishingCorp.Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

“It’saMan’sWorld”byIceCube,YoYo,andSirJinx.Copyright©1990GangstaBoogieMusic.AllrightsonbehalfofGangstaBoogieMusicadministeredbyWarnerChapellMusic(ASCAP).Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

“YouCan’tFadeMe”byIceCubeandEricSadler.Copyright©1990WBMusicCorp.,GangstaBoogieMusic,WarnerTamerlanePublishingCorp.,YourMother’sMusic.AllrightsonbehalfofGangstaBoogieMusicadministeredbyWarnerChapellMusic(ASCAP).AllrightsonbehalfofYourMother’sMusicadministeredbyWarnerTamerlanePublishingCorp.Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

“EndangeredSpecies(TalesfromtheDarkside)”byIceCubeandEricSadler.Copyright©1990WBMusicCorp.,GangstaBoogieMusic,WarnerTamerlanePublishingCorp.,YourMother’sMusic.AllrightsonbehalfofGangstaBoogieMusicadministeredbyWarnerChapellMusic(ASCAP).AllrightsonbehalfofYourMother’sMusicadministeredbyWarnerTamerlanePublishingCorp.Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

“TheProduct”byIceCube.Copyright©1990GangstaBoogieMusic.AllrightsonbehalfofGangstaBoogieMusicadministeredbyWarnerChapellMusic(ASCAP).Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

“HowICouldJustKillaMan.”Copyright©1993BMGSongs,Inc.(ASCAP),CypressPhunkyMusic,MCAMusicPublishing,BudgetMusic,andPowerforceMusic.AllrightsforPowerforceMusicandBudgetMusicadministeredbyCareers-BMGMusicPublishing,Inc.(BMI).AllrightsforCypressPhunky

MusicadministeredbyBMGSongs,Inc.(ASCAP).Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

“OneLessBitch”byT.Curry,L.Patterson,andA.Young.Copyright©1991RuthlessAttackMusik(ASCAP)/SonySongsInc.(BMI).Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

“DressCode”byWilliamCalhoun.Copyright©1991337Music,BasePipeMusic,UrbanMusic.Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

“FuckMyDaddy”byWilliamCalhoun.Copyright©1991337Music,BasePipeMusic.Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

“IfYouDon’tWork,UDon’tEat”byWilliamCalhoun.Copyright©1991337Music,BasePipeMusic.Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

“StraightUpNigga”byIceT(TracyMarrow).Copyright©1991RhymeSyndicateMusic(ASCAP).Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

“TheTower”byIceT(TracyMarrow).Copyright©1991RhymeSyndicateMusic(ASCAP).Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

Portionsofchapters1,2,and3previouslyappearedinRobinD.G.Kelley,“‘WeAreNotWhatWeSeem’:Re-thinkingBlackWorking-ClassOppositionintheJimCrowSouth,”JournalofAmericanHistory80,no.1(June1993):75-112.Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

Portionsofchapter4previouslyappearedinRobinD.G.Kelley,“TheBlackPoorandthePoliticsofOppositioninaNewSouthCity,1929-1970,”inThe“Underclass”Debate:ViewsfromHistory,editedbyMichaelKatz(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1993),293-333.Usedbypermission.Allrightsreserved.

Portionsofchapters5and6appearedinRobinD.G.Kelley,“Introduction,”African-AmericansandtheSpanishCivilWar:“ThisAin’tEthiopia,ButIt’llDo,”editedbyDannyDuncanCollum(NewYork:G.K.Hall,1992),5-57.UsedbypermissionofG.K.HallPublishersandtheAbrahamLincolnBrigadeArchives.Foundedin1979,theAbrahamLincolnBrigadeArchives’missionistopreservehistoricalmaterialsrelevanttotheSpanishCivilWarandtoencouragebroaderpublicandscholarlyunderstandingoftheissuesraisedby

thatconflict.ThearchiveislocatedatBrandeisUniversity,P.O.BoxL11,Waltham,Mass.,02254.

Chapter7previouslyappearedinaslightlyrevisedforminRobinD.G.Kelley,“TheRiddleoftheZoot:MalcolmLittleandBlackCulturalPoliticsDuringWorldWarII,”inJoeWood,ed.,MalcolmX:InOurOwnImage.Copyright©JoeWood.ReprintedwithpermissionofSt.Martin’sPress,Incorporated.

Tomytwobestfriends,DIEDRAANDELLEZA,whotaughtmemoreaboutresistancethanIevercaredtoknow.

Contents

ForewordbyGeorgeLipsitz

Introduction:WritingBlackWorking-ClassHistoryfromWay,WayBelow

PARTI.“WEWEARTHEMASK”:HIDDENHISTORIESOFRESISTANCE

1.ShiftlessoftheWorldUnite!

2.“WeAreNotWhatWeSeem”:ThePoliticsandPleasuresofCommunity

3.CongestedTerrain:ResistanceonPublicTransportation

4.Birmingham’sUntouchables:TheBlackPoorintheAgeofCivilRights

PARTII.TOBEREDANDBLACK

5.“Afric’sSonsWithBannerRed”:AfricanAmericanCommunistsandthePoliticsofCulture,1919-1934

6.“ThisAin’tEthiopia,ButIt’llDo”:AfricanAmericansandtheSpanishCivilWar

PARTIII.REBELSWITHOUTACAUSE?

7.TheRiddleoftheZoot:MalcolmLittleandBlackCulturalPoliticsDuringWorldWarII

8.Kickin’Reality,Kickin’Ballistics:“GangstaRap”andPostindustrialLosAngeles

Afterword

Notes

Bibliography

Acknowledgments

Index

Foreword

ItisgettinghotterallthetimeonthestreetsofAmerica’scities.TwoyearsafterthemostdestructivecivilinsurrectioninU.S.history,manythingshavechangedandfewthingshaveimproved.Homelessmen,women,andchildrencongregateondowntownstreetsorseekshelterinabandonedwarehousesandfactories.Theseemingpermanenceofalow-wage,low-employmenteconomyunderminesmoraleinthepresentandcurtailshopeforthefuture.Racialantagonismssparkoutburstsofhate,hurt,andfearinhighschools,inshoppingcenters,andonthestreetsthemselves.Anentiregenerationofyoungpeoplecanseethattheyaresociety’slowestpriority:thattheyhavebeenallocatedtheveryworstineducation,healthcare,transportation,andsocialservices;thattheyareunwantedasworkers,asstudents,ascitizens,orsometimes,evenasconsumers.

Atthesametime,thereisapowerfulandalmostdesperatedesireforchange.Inschoolsandonstreetcorners,inmedicalclinicsandcommunitycenters,inplacesofworkandplacesofworship,theverdictisinonthedisastercreatedinthiscountrybytwentyyearsofneoconservativeeconomics.MostpeoplehavesufferedterriblyfromthesystematicdismantlingofthehumanandsocialcapitaloftheUnitedStatesthattookplaceinthe1970sand1980s,atthesametimethattaxpayerdollarswenttosubsidizethespendingspreesandspeculativeschemesofawealthyfew.Inorganizedprotest,butmoreinembryonicculturalcoalitionscallingattentiontothecontradictionsofourtime,thecontoursofanewkindofsocialmovementarestartingtoemerge.

Thingsaremovingveryfast,butinoppositedirections—oscillatingbetweentherenewedracismandclassstratificationofthe1970sand1980s,andtheemergenceofegalitarian,multi-issue,pan-ethnicantiracistcoalitions.Thepresentandthefutureareupforgrabsinawaythathappensrarelyinhistory.Ourproblemisthatwedon’tknowenough—enoughabouthowegalitariansocialchangetakesplace,abouthowsocialmovementsstartandhowtheysucceed,abouthowpeoplefindthewilltostruggleandthewaytowinwhen

theyarefacingforcesfarmorepowerfulthanthemselves.

RaceRebelsarmsuswithwhatweneedtoknow.Itprovidesuswithknowledge,withdescriptionsandanalysesofwhatstrugglesforsocialchangeactuallyentail.RobinD.G.Kelleypresentsuswithapictureofmassesinmotion,ofpeopleastheyactuallyareratherthanasotherswishthemtobe.Heshowsthatpoliticalactivismcanneverbeaperfect,pure,ornoncontradictoryendeavor,thatitismessyandcannotbeheldinplacebysimplesloganssuggestedfromtheoutside.Instead,Kelleylookstohistorytolearnhowwecanmakesenseoutofwhatishappeningbeforeourveryeyes,howwecanparticipateinamovementthatspeaksfrompeopleratherthanforthem,andthatallowspeopletoopenlyacknowledgethethingsthatdividethemevenastheyrallytogetherforcommongoals.

Inhisdiscussionofblackworking-classoppositiontoracismandexploitation,offightsoverpublicspaceonBirmingham’spublicbuses,oftherelationshipbetweenthecivilrightsmovementandtheblackpoor,ofthecurrentsofblacknationalismnurturedwithintheCommunistParty(USA),andhispositivelybrilliantandinspiringreadingsofrapmusicandthezootsuitasiconsofoppositionamongaggrievedpeoples,Kelleyreadsbacktousthepoliticaltruthoftheliveswelive.Heshowshowhardpeoplehavetofighttospeakforthemselves,tofindspacesforaction,andtodefendthegainsthey’vewon.Furthermore,Kelleyframestheselively,insightful,andsubtlestudieswithinabroaderanalysisthatdelineatesthebankruptcyofprevailingsocialsciencetheoriesaboutculturewhilepointingthewaytowardnewones.RaceRebelsisabookforourtime,abookthatisontime,andabookthatunderstandsitispasttimetofaceuptoourresponsibilitiesandtomakethemostofouropportunities.

—GEORGELIPSITZDepartmentofEthnicStudiesUniversityofCaliforniaatSanDiego

Introduction

WritingBlackWorking-ClassHistoryfromWay,WayBelow

Againstthismonster,peopleallovertheworld,andparticularlyordinaryworkingpeopleinfactories,mines,fields,andoffices,arerebellingeverydayinwaysoftheirowninvention.Sometimestheirstrugglesareonasmallpersonalscale….Alwaystheaimistoregaincontrolovertheirownconditionsoflifeandtheirrelationswithoneanother.Theirstrivingshavefewchroniclers.Theythemselvesareconstantlyattemptingvariousformsoforganization,uncertainofwherethestruggleisgoingtoend.

—C.L.R.JAMES,GRACEC.LEE,ANDPIERRECHAULIEU,FacingReality1

“McDonald’sisaHappyPlace!”

IreallybelievedthatsloganwhenIbeganworkingtherein1978.FormanyofusemployedatthecentralPasadenafranchise,MickeyD’sactuallymeantfood,folks,andfun,thoughourmainobjectivewasfunds.Don’tgetmewrong;theworkwastiringandthepolyesteruniformsunbearable.Theswingmanagers,whomadeslightlymorethantherank-and-file,wereconstantlyonourasstomovefastandsmilemorefrequently.Thecustomerstreatedusasifwewerestupid,probablybecause90percentoftheemployeesatourfranchisewereAfricanAmericansorChicanosfrompoorfamilies.Butwefoundinventivewaystocompensate.Likevirtuallyallofmyfellowworkers,IliberatedMcDonaldlandcookiesbytheboxful,volunteeredtoclean“lotsandlobbies”inordertotalktomyfriends,andaccidentallycookedtoomanyQuarterPoundersandapplepiesnearclosingtime,knowingfullywellthatwecouldtakehomewhateverwasleftover.Sometimeswe(mis)usedtheavailabletechnologytoouradvantage.Backinourday,theshakesdidnotcomereadymixed.Wehadtopourthefrozenshakemixfromtheshakemachineintoapapercup,addflavoredsyrup,andplaceitonanelectricblenderforacoupleofminutes.Ifitwasnot

attachedcorrectly,themixerbladewouldcutthesidesofthecupandcauseadisaster.Whilethesemishapsslowedusdownandcreatedamesstocleanup,anyonewithanextracuphandygotalittleshakeoutofit.Becausewewereunderpaidandoverworked,weacceptedconsumptionasjustcompensation—thoughinhindsighteatingBigMacsandfriestomakeupforlowwagesandmistreatmentwasprobablyclosertoself-flagellation.

Thatwewerepartofthe“workingclass”engagedinworkplacestrugglesnevercrossedourminds,inpartbecausethebattlesthatweredeartomostofusandthestrategiesweadoptedfelloutsidetheparametersofwhatmostpeoplethinkofastraditional“labordisputes.”I’veneverknownanyoneatourMcDonald’stoargueaboutwages;rather,someofusoccasionallyaskedourfriendstopunchourtimecardsbeforewearrived,especiallyifwewererunninglate.Andnoonetomyknowledgedemandedthatmanagementextendourbreak;wesimplyoperatedon“CP”(coloredpeople’s)time,turningfifteenminutesintotwenty-five.Whatwefoughtoverweremoreimportantthingslikewhatradiostationtoplay.Theownerandsomeofthemanagersfeltboundtoeasylistening;weturnedtostationslikeK-DAYonAMorKJLHandK-ACEontheFMdialsowecouldrocktothefunkysoundsofRickJames,Parliament,Heatwave,TheOhioPlayers,and—yes—MichaelJackson.Hairwasperhapsthemostcontestedbattleground.Thoseofuswithoutcloselycroppedcutswereexpectedtowearhairnets,andweweresimplynothavingit.Ofcourse,thekidswhoidentifiedwiththeblackandChicanogangsofthelateseventieshadnoproblemwiththisrulesincetheyworehairnetsallthetime.Buttonetone’sghericurl,alingeringAfro,afreshlypermeddoowasoutrageous.Wefoughtthosebattleswithamazingtenacity—andwonmostofthetime.Weevenattemptedtoalterouruglyuniformsbyopeningbuttons,wearingourhatstiltedtotheside,rollingupoursleevesacertainway,oraddingavarietyofdifferentaccessories.

Nothingwassacred,noteventhelaborprocess.Weundoubtedlyhadourshareofslowdownsanddeliberateactsofcarelessness,butwhatIremembermostwasthewaymanyofusstylizedourwork.Weignoredthefilmsandmanualsandturnedworkintoperformance.Womenonthecashregistermaneuveredeffortlesslywithlong,carefullymanicurednailsandfourfingerrings.TossingtrashbecameanopportunitytotryoutourbestDr.Jmoves.Thebrotherswhoworkedthegrill(itwasonlybrothersfromwhatIrecall)werefarmoreconcernedwithlookingcoolthanensuringanequaldistributionofreconstitutedonionsoneachall-beefpatty.Justimagineayoungblackmale“gangstalimpin’”betweenthetoasterandthegrill,brandishingaspatulalikeawalkingstickora

microphone.Andwhileallofthiswasgoingon,folksweresignifyingononeanother,talkingloudlyabouteachother’smommas,daddys,boyfriends,girlfriends,automobiles(orlackthereof),breath,skincolor,uniforms;onoccasiondescribinginhilariousdetailthepeculiaritiesofcustomersstandingontheothersideofthecounter.Suchchatteroftendrewinthecustomers,whofoundthemselvesentertainedoroffended—orboth—byourverbalcircusandcollectivedialogues.2

TheemployeesatthecentralPasadenaMcDonald’swereconstantlyinventingnewwaystorebel,waysrootedinourownpeculiarcircumstances.Andweneverknewwherethestrugglewouldend;indeed,Idoubtanyofusthoughtwewerepartofamovementthatevenhadanendotherthanpunchingoutatimecard(thoughIdothinkthe“Taylorizing”ofMcDonald’s,theintroductionofnewtechnologytomakeservicesimplerandmoreefficient,hasalottodowithmanagement’sstruggletominimizetheseactsofresistanceandrecreation).3Butwhatwefoughtforisacrucialpartoftheoverallstory;theterrainwasoftencultural,centeringonidentity,dignity,andfun.Wetriedtoturnworkintopleasure,toturnourbodiesintoinstrumentsofpleasure.Generationalandculturalspecificityhadagooddealtodowithouruniqueformsofresistance,butalotofouractionswerelinkeddirectlytothelaborprocess,genderconventions,andourclassstatus.

Likemostworkingpeoplethroughouttheworld,myfellowemployeesatMickeyD’swereneithertotalvictimsofroutinization,exploitation,sexism,andracism,norwerethey“rational”economicbeingsdrivenbythemostbaseutilitarianconcerns.Theirlivesandstrugglesweresomuchmorecomplicated.Ifwearetomakemeaningofthesekindsofactionsratherthandismissthemasmanifestationsofimmaturity,falseconsciousness,orprimitiverebellion,wemustbegintodigbeneaththesurfaceoftradeunionpronouncements,politicalinstitutions,andorganizedsocialmovements,deepintothedailylives,cultures,andcommunitieswhichmaketheworkingclassessomuchmorethanpeoplewhowork.Wehavetostepintothecomplicatedmazeofexperiencethatrenders“ordinary”folkssoextraordinarilymultifaceted,diverse,andcomplicated.Mostimportantly,weneedtobreakawayfromtraditionalnotionsofpolitics.Wemustnotonlyredefinewhatis“political”butquestionalotofcommonideasaboutwhatare“authentic”movementsandstrategiesofresistance.By“authentic”Imeantheassumptionthatonlycertainorganizationsandideologiescantrulyrepresentparticulargroupinterests(e.g.,workers’strugglesmustbelocatedwithinlabororganizations,orAfricanAmericanconcernsaremostclearly

articulatedinso-called“mainstream”civilrightsorganizationssuchastheNAACPortheUrbanLeague).Suchanapproachnotonlydisregardsdiversityandconflictwithingroups,butitpresumesthattheonlystrugglesthatcounttakeplacethroughinstitutions.

Ifwearegoingtowriteahistoryofblackworking-classresistance,wheredoweplacethevastmajorityofpeoplewhodidnotbelongtoeither“working-class”organizationsorblackpoliticalmovements?AlotofblackworkingpeoplestruggledandsurvivedwithoutdirectlinkstothekindsoforganizationsthatdominatehistoricalaccountsofAfricanAmericanorU.S.working-classresistance.Theso-calledmarginsofstruggle,whetheritistheunorganized,oftenspontaneousbattleswithauthorityorsocialmovementsthoughttobeinauthenticorunrepresentativeofthe“community’sinterests,”arereallyafundamentalpartofthelargerstorywaitingtobetold.

RaceRebelsbeginstorecoverandexploreaspectsofblackworking-classlifeandpoliticsthathavebeenrelegatedtothemargins.ByfocusingonthedailylivesofAfricanAmericanworkingpeople,strategiesofresistanceandsurvival,expressivecultures,andtheirinvolvementinradicalpoliticalmovements,thisbookattemptstochronicletheinventiveanddiversestruggleswagedbyblackworkersduringthetwentiethcenturyandtounderstandwhattheymeanforrethinkingthewayweconstructthepolitical,social,andculturalhistoryoftheUnitedStates.IchosethetitleRaceRebelsbecausethisbooklooksatformsofresistance—organizedandunorganized—thathaveremainedoutsideof(andevencriticalof)whatwe’vecometounderstandasthekeyfiguresandinstitutionsinAfricanAmericanpolitics.ThehistoricalactorsIwriteaboutareliterallyracerebelsandthushavebeenlargelyignoredbychroniclersofblackpoliticsandlaboractivism.Secondly,thetitlepointstothecentralityofraceinthemindsandexperiencesofAfricanAmericans.Race,particularlyasenseof“blackness,”notonlyfiguresprominentlyinthecollectiveidentitiesofblackworkingpeoplebutsubstantiallyshapestheentirenation’sconceptionsofclassandgender.PartofwhatRaceRebelsexploresistheextenttowhichblackworkingpeoplestruggledtomaintainanddefineasenseofracialidentityandsolidarity.

SomeofthequestionsRaceRebelstakesuphavetheirrootsinworksbyanoldergenerationofradicalscholarswhochosetostudyslaveryanditsdemisewhenfascismwasontheriseinEuropeandthefutureofcolonialismwasuncertain.Thetwomostinfluentialbooksinthisrespectwerewrittennearly

threedecadesbeforeE.P.Thompson’sTheMakingoftheEnglishWorkingClass—namely,W.E.B.DuBois’sBlackReconstruction(1935)andC.L.R.James’sstudyoftheHaitianRevolutiontitledBlackJacobins(1938).Thesemajestichistoriesofrevolution,resistance,andthemakingofnewworkingclassesoutofthedestructionofslaveryanticipatedthe“new”socialhistorians’effortstowrite“historyfrombelow.”TheyalsocontributedenormouslytorevisingthehistoryofWesternrevolutionsbyplacingrace,culture,andtheagencyofAfricanpeople—theslavesandex-slaves—atthecenterofthestory.Neitherauthorviewedthenewlycreatedblackproletariatasmerelypassiveproductsofeconomicexploitationanddislocation.InDuBois’saccountfreedpeopleareonthemove,underminingslaveryateveryhaltingstep.ThemenandwomenwhofoughttoreconstructtheSouthweremorethanservantsandcottonpickers;theywereNegroeswithacapitalN,theybelongedtofamiliesandchurches,andtheybroughtwiththemapowerfulmillenarianvisionoffairnessandequality.Andthewhitepoorwhosupportedeffortstostopthem,thefolkswhosemostvaluablepossessionwasprobablytheirskin,putthenoosearoundtheirownneckinexchangeformembershipinthewhiterace.BlackReconstructionmaystillbethemostpowerfulreminderofhowfundamentalraceisforunderstandingAmericancultureandpolitics.ForC.L.R.Jamestheslaves’memoriesofAfrica,theworldtheycreatedinthequartersborderingthecanefields,thesocialmeaningascribedtoskincolor,theculturalandreligiousconflictswithinAfrican-descendedcommunities,wereascriticaltocreatingandshapingtheRevolutionaswerebackbreakinglaborandthelash.4

The“newlabor”or“newsocialhistorians,”whosetouttowrite“historyfrombelow”intheearlytomid-1960s,traveledevenfurtherdowntheroadopenedupbytheirpredecessors.UnlikeDuBoisandJames,whoseworkonblack“labor”enteredthescholarlyworldeitherquietlyoramidvehementopposition,thisnewgenerationofhistorianscausedarevolution.ThestoryofitsoriginsissofamiliarthatitmayonedaybeaddedtotheNewTestament.ThelateE.P.ThompsonwastheMosesofitall,alongwithhisBritishex-CommunistcomradesandfellowtravelerslikeEricHobsbawmandAfricanistslikeTerrenceRanger;acrosstheChannelwereprophetslikeGeorgeRudé,andacrosstheAtlanticwerediscipleslikeHerbertGutman,DavidMontgomery,EugeneGenovese,andsoon.5Theydifferedintime,place,andsubjectmatter,buttheyallsharedtheradicalbeliefthatonecould,indeed,writehistory“frombelow.”Ofcourse,therewerethosecriticswhofeltthenewgenrefailedtotakeonthestateorignoredpoliticaleconomy.Andforallofitsradicalmoorings,“historyfrombelow”startedoutverymanlyandverywhite(oratleastEuro-ethnic),

thoughthatchangedsomewhatwiththeemergenceofwomen’sandethnicstudies.

Yet,asoldasthe“new”laborhistoryis,“historyfrombelow”initsheydayhadaverysmallimpactonthestudyofAfricanAmericans.6Certainly,therearethosewhomightarguethatallblackhistoryis“frombelow,”sotospeak,sinceAfricanAmericansareprimarilyaworking-classpopulation.Thisviewhasitsproblems,however.AsidefromthefactthateveryracialorethnicgroupintheUnitedStateswasprimarilyworkingclass,itdeniesorminimizesdiversityandconflictwithinAfricanAmericancommunities.Unabletoseeaworldthatleftfewwrittenrecords,manyscholarsconcernedwithstudying“racerelations”foldedtheblackworkingclassintoaverylimitedandattimesmonolithicdefinitionofthe“blackcommunity.”Byoverlookingorplayingdownclassandgenderdifferences,mainstreammiddle-classmaleleadershavetoooftenbeenregardedas,inhistorianNellPainter’swords,“representativecoloredmen.”7

ThechaptersinpartInotonlyquestionwhetherahandfulof“representativeNegroes”canspeakforthemassofworking-classAfricanAmericans,butalsosuggestthatsomeofthemostdynamicstrugglestakeplaceoutside—indeed,sometimesinspiteof—establishedorganizationsandinstitutions.Allfourchaptersexplorethepoliticalsignificanceofeverydayformsofresistanceatworkandinpublicspace,thepleasuresandpoliticsofculture,andcommunityinstitutionsthatareusuallynotdefinedas“working-class”organizations.Inotherwords,Isoughttodigalittledeeper,beneath“below,”tothoseworkerswhoserecordofresistanceandsurvivalisfarmoreelusive.I’mreferringheretoevasive,day-to-daystrategies:fromfootdraggingtosabotage,theftattheworkplacetoabsenteeism,cursingtograffiti.

Thesechaptersalsoexplorethedouble-edgedswordofraceintheSouth,whichiswhyIcalledpartI“WeWeartheMask”fromPaulLaurenceDunbar’spoemofthesametitle.Themaskof“grinsandlies”enhancedblackworkingpeople’sinvisibilityandenabledthemtowageakindofunderground“guerrilla”battlewiththeiremployers,thepolice,andotherrepresentativesofthestatusquo.AlthoughtheSouthcertainlyhaditsshareofmilitantAfricanAmericanandinterracialmovements,andthestatusquowassufficientlyafraidofrebelliontoexpendatremendousamountofresourcesonkeepingthepeaceandsurveillingblackcommunities,themaskworkedpreciselybecausemostSouthernwhitesacceptedtheirownracialmythology;theybelievedthat“darkies”werehappyandcontent,andthatanyopen,collectiveactsofdefiancewereprobably

inspiredfromtheoutside.Ontheotherhand,the“mask”exactedapricefromblackfolksaswell.Theinnerpaingeneratedbyhavingtochokebackone’sfeelingsinthefaceofracismcouldcreatetensions.WriterGloriaWade-Gayles,whogrewupinaMemphishousingprojectandcameofageontheeveofthecivilrightsmovement,beautifullycapturedthisdilemma:“Asteenagers,manyofuswerecaughtbetweenourangeratwhitepeopleandourrespectforourblackelders;betweenaneedtoventourrageinthelightofdayandadesiretoremainalive;andbetweentwoimagesofourpeople:onefordowntownandtheotherforourselves.”8AsIsuggestinmydiscussionofblackresistanceduringWorldWarIIandduringthecivilrightsmovement,the“mask”wasnolongerviable;evasivestrategiescontinued,tobesure,butoftenwithamilitantface.

Nomatterwhatwemightthinkaboutthe“grinsandlies,”theevasivetactics,thetinyactsofrebellionandsurvival,therealityisthatmostblackworking-classresistancehasremainedunorganized,clandestine,andevasive.Thedrivingquestionsthatrunthroughthisbookinclude:howdoAfricanAmericanworkingpeoplestruggleandsurviveoutsideofestablishedorganizationsororganizedsocialmovements?Whatimpactdothesedailyconflictsandhiddenconcernshaveonmovementsthatpurporttospeakforthedispossessed?Canwecallthispolitics?

“Historyfrombelow”clearlypushedmetoexplorethepoliticsoftheeveryday.TheapproachItakeisdeeplyinfluencedbyscholarswhoworkonSouthAsia,especiallypoliticalanthropologistJamesC.Scott.Scottmaintainsthat,despiteappearancesofconsent,oppressedgroupschallengethoseinpowerbyconstructinga“hiddentranscript,”adissidentpoliticalculturethatmanifestsitselfindailyconversations,folklore,jokes,songs,andotherculturalpractices.Onealsofindsthehiddentranscriptemerging“onstage”inspacescontrolledbythepowerful,thoughalmostalwaysindisguisedforms.Theveiledsocialandculturalworldsofoppressedpeoplefrequentlysurfaceineverydayformsofresistance—theft,footdragging,thedestructionofproperty—or,morerarely,inopenattacksonindividuals,institutions,orsymbolsofdomination.Together,the“hiddentranscripts”createdinaggrievedcommunitiesandexpressedthroughculture,andthedailyactsofresistanceandsurvival,constitutewhatScottcalls“infrapolitics.”Asheputsit,“thecircumspectstrugglewageddailybysubordinategroupsis,likeinfraredrays,beyondthevisibleendofthespectrum.Thatitshouldbeinvisible…isinlargepartbydesign—atacticalchoicebornofaprudentawarenessofthebalanceofpower.”9

LikeScott,Iusetheconceptofinfrapoliticstodescribethedailyconfrontations,evasiveactions,andstifledthoughtsthatofteninformorganizedpoliticalmovements.Iamnotsuggestingthattherealmofinfrapoliticsisanymoreorlessimportantoreffectivethanwhatwetraditionallyunderstandtobepolitics.Instead,Iwanttosuggestthatthepoliticalhistoryofoppressedpeoplecannotbeunderstoodwithoutreferencetoinfrapolitics,forthesedailyactshaveacumulativeeffectonpowerrelations.Whilethemeaningandeffectivenessofvariousactsdifferaccordingtotheparticularcircumstances,theydomakeadifference,whetherintendedornot.

Onemeasureofthepowerandhistoricalimportanceoftheinformalinfrapoliticsoftheoppressedistheresponseofthosewhodominatetraditionalpolitics.Dailyactsofresistanceandsurvivalhavehadconsequencesforexistingpowerrelations,andthepowerfulhavedeployedimmenseresourcesinordertoavoidthoseconsequencesortopunishtransgressors.Knowinghowthoseinpowerinterpret,redefine,andrespondtothethoughtsandactionsoftheoppressedisjustasimportantasidentifyingandanalyzingresistance.Thepolicies,strategies,orsymbolicrepresentationsofthoseinpower—whatScottcallsthe“official”or“public”transcript—cannotbeunderstoodwithoutexaminingtheinfrapoliticsofoppressedgroups.TheapproachIamproposingwillhelpilluminatehowpoweroperates,andhowseeminglyinnocuous,individualisticactsofsurvivalandresistanceshapepolitics,workplacestruggles,andthesocialordergenerally.ItaketheleadfromethnographerLilaAbu-Lughodwhoarguesthateverydayformsofresistanceoughttobe“diagnostic”ofpower.Insteadofseeingthesepracticesmerelyasexamplesofthe“dignityandheroismofresisters,”shearguesthattheycould“teachusaboutthecomplexinterworkingsofhistoricallychangingstructuresofpower.”10

Writing“historyfrombelow”thatemphasizestheinfrapoliticsoftheblackworkingclassrequiresthatwesubstantiallyredefinepolitics.Toooftenpoliticsisdefinedbyhowpeopleparticipateratherthanwhy;bytraditionaldefinitionthequestionofwhatispoliticalhingesonwhetherornotgroupsareinvolvedinelections,politicalparties,orgrass-rootssocialmovements.Yetthehowseemsfarlessimportantthanthewhy,sincemanyoftheso-calledrealpoliticalinstitutionshavenotalwaysprovedeffectivefor,orevenaccessibleto,oppressedpeople.Byshiftingourfocustowhatmotivateddisenfranchisedblackworkingpeopletostruggleandwhatstrategiestheydeveloped,wemaydiscoverthattheirparticipationin“mainstream”politics—includingtheirbattleforthefranchise—grewoutoftheverycircumstances,experiences,andmemoriesthat

impelledmanytostealfromtheiremployer,joinamutualbenefitassociation,orspitinabusdriver’sface.Inotherwords,Iamrejectingthetendencytodichotomizepeople’slives,toassumethatclear-cut“political”motivationsexistseparatelyfromissuesofeconomicwell-being,safety,pleasure,culturalexpression,sexuality,freedomofmobility,andotherfacetsofdailylife.Politicsisnotseparatefromlivedexperienceortheimaginaryworldofwhatispossible;tothecontrary,politicsisaboutthesethings.Politicscomprisesthemanybattlestorollbackconstraintsandexercisesomepowerover,orcreatesomespacewithin,theinstitutionsandsocialrelationshipsthatdominateourlives.11

Whenpeopledecidethattheywanttodevotetheirlifeorpartoftheirlifetorollingbackthoseconstraints,thenmanychoosetosupportmovementsorinstitutionsthatspeaktotheirconcerns.Butgiventhemultiplicityofconstraintsandthewiderangeofissuesblackworkingpeoplehavedealtwith(asAfricanAmericans,wagelaborers,women,men,consumers,neighbors,creativepersons,victimsofpolicebrutality,etc.),whatkindsoforganizationsweretheydrawntoandwhy?Howhavetheyreshapedthosemovementstoincorporatemoreoftheirconcernsandhowhavetheybeenchangedintheprocess?AlthoughIcannotpromisetoanswerthesequestionsinanybroadandcomprehensiveway,andIdoubtthattheycanbeansweredinanysinglevolume,theyarethemainthemesinpartII:“ToBeRedandBlack.”IchosetoexploreAfricanAmericaninvolvementintheCommunistPartybecauseitchallengesanyeasyassertionsaboutwhatpoliticalmovementsare“authentic”ormarginaltoblackworking-classexperience.IamnotsuggestingthattheCommunistPartyisabetterrepresentativeofblackworking-classpoliticsthanamorefamiliarorganizationliketheNAACP.Butduringtheinterwarperiod,thousandsofAfricanAmericansweredrawntoCommunistcircles,andtheyenterednotasmalleablevesselsreadytobemoldedbyPartyideology.TheyputtheirownstampontheParty,especiallylocally,andturneditintoanimportantsiteofblackworking-classpolitics.

Thequestionsthissectiontakesupgrowoutofmyfirstbook,HammerandHoe:AlabamaCommunistsduringtheGreatDepression,whichlocatesadistinctiveblackradicaltraditionwithinthelargerscopeofworking-classpolitics.Butbylookingatblackworking-classradicalismwithinthecontextofaninternationalmovement,Isoonrealizedthatwhatever“traditions,”beliefs,orideologiestheselargelyilliterateindustrial,agricultural,andserviceworkersbroughtwiththem,theyultimatelychanged.TheCommunistPartywasnotsimplyaneutralvehicleforthedarkerproletariattorealizesomepredeterminedagenda.Nordidthe

blackrank-and-fileCommunistschecktheirracialpoliticsatthedoor.Forexample,thefirstchapterinpartII(“‘Afric’sSonsWithBannerRed’”)arguesthatalotofthepoetryandsongswrittenbyAfricanAmericanrank-and-fileCommunistsboreacloserresemblancetoGarveyismthantoproletarianliterature—aratherodddevelopmentgiventheCP’svigilantbattleagainstallformsof“pettybourgeoisracialchauvinism.”InthechapterontheexperiencesofAfricanAmericanvolunteersintheSpanishCivilWar,Isuggestthatwhatmotivatedalmostninetypredominantlyworking-classblackmenandoneblackwomantorisklifeandlimbtofightfascismabroadwasakindofrace-conscious,Pan-Africanistinternationalism.AwakenedbyItaly’sinvasionofEthiopia,theseBlackCommunistsandsympathizersfoughtFrancoasabackhandedresponsetoMussolini.ButtheirunexpectedexperiencesintheSpanishRepublicandasmembersofaradicalInternationalBrigadechangedthemforever.Inbothcases,theseblackradicalscreatedakindofhybridmovementthatcombinedGarveyism,Pan-Africanism,AfricanAmericanvernacularculturesandtraditions,andEuro-AmericanMarxistthought.TheiractionsandthewaysinwhichtheyconstructedtheiridentitiesshouldleadustoquestioncategoriesthatwetoofrequentlyregardasmutuallyexclusiveinAfricanAmericancommunities:nationalismandcommunism,religionandcommunism,Pan-Africanismandinternationalism.

ThekindofredefinitionofpoliticsIamcallingforhasbeenoneofthemainprojectsofculturalstudiesscholars,whoseinsightshavedeeplyinfluencedmyrecentwork,especiallyinpartIII:“RebelsWithoutaCause?”Theselasttwochaptersexamineblackworking-classmaleyouthcultureintwoperiods:the1940sandthe1980sand1990s.ThroughanexaminationofMalcolmX’steenageyears,chapter7triestounraveltheculturalpoliticsofthezootsuit,bebop,andthehipsterethic.Chapter8explorestheaestheticsandpoliticsofgangstarap,fromitsirreverentandmisogynistrootsinearlyvernaculartraditionstoitsdarkrenderingofblacklifeinthepostindustrialghetto.

Byincludingasectiononblackyouthculture,Iwantedtomakeacaseforplacingyoungpeople’sexperiencessquarelywithinthecontextofworking-classhistory.Ofcourse,thereareissuesuniquetostudyingyouththatwemustconsider:unlikemorematureadults,youngpeopleareintheprocessofdiscoveringtheworldastheynegotiateit.Theyarecreatingnewcultures,strategiesofresistance,identities,sexualities,andintheprocessgeneratingawiderrangeofproblemsforauthoritieswhosejobitistokeepthemincheck.Nevertheless,becausetheyoungblackmenwhostrolleddownHarlem’s125th

Streetinthe1940s,or“gangstalimped”alongL.A.’sCrenshawBoulevardinthe1990s,werepartlyproductsofdramaticeconomictransformations,theyarecentraltotellingthestoryoftheblackworkingclass.ThusItrytoplaceMalcolmX’steenageyears,hispolitics,style,andthesignificanceofthehipsterculture,withinthecontextofrace,class,andgenderrelationsandthechangingpoliticaleconomyduringWorldWarII.Similarly,thetransformationofSouthCentralLosAngelesasaresultofdeindustrializationandrecentdevelopmentsinpolicingisimportantforunderstandingtheprevalenceofgangstarapinL.A.ThatchapterlooksatwhatthetransformationofL.A.hasmeantto—notjustfor—AfricanAmericanyouth.

ThislastsectionofRaceRebelsbringsusclosertothepresentbutfurtherawayfromtheworldwetraditionallythinkofasthe“workingclass.”Wetraveltothedarkestrecessesof“historyfrombelow,”totheculturalworldbeneaththebottom.BothchaptersengageaspectsofcultureregardedbysomeontheLeft(andallontheRight)asnihilistic,apolitical,orsimplyworthless.Thesearepeople—inthiscase,youngurbanblackmales—whosebehaviorhasbeenregardedbymanycriticswithinAfricanAmericancommunitiesaswelloutsidethemainstream.TheyareracerebelsverymuchlikeRichardWright’s“BiggerThomas,”productsofcapitalisttransformation,urbandecay,persistentracism,malepathos,andnihilisticimaginations,strugglingtocreateacollectiveidentitythatreflectstheirrace,gender,class,andlocationinthecity.

Increasingly,Ihavecometoseethattheglobalrestructuringoftheeconomyduringthelastthreedecadesorsohasmarkedasignificantmomentinthehistoryoftheblackworkingclass.Infact,inthepublicandscholarlydiscourseonthecontemporaryurbancrisis,theterm“workingclass”hassomehowdisappeared.Initsplaceisafairlynewandamorphouscategorycalledthe“underclass.”Ofcourse,wehearofthesuccessfulblackmiddleclass,and,onoccasion,thephrase“stableblackworkingclass”appearsinthetextsofsomeleft-leaningscholars—butthelatterisgenerallyusedasamoralcategorytodistinguishthepeoplewelikefromthepeoplewedon’tlike,thegoodNegroesfromthebadapples,theAmos’sfromtheAndy’s.AsmyfriendandbrillianthistorianofAtlanticlaborhistoryPeterLinebaughhassaidonmanyoccasions,theworkingclassoccupiesmanydifferentlocations:sometimesthey’reatwork,sometimesthey’reathome,sometimesthey’reinjail,andsometimesthey’redrunklyinginagutter.Theyareneitherdevilsnorangels,selfishindividualsnorsocialists.Theydon’tshareacommonworldvieworevenasingleculture(especiallywhenyoucompareacrosstime,space,race,andgender).Theyare

simplypeoplewhoseverysurvivaldependsonworkorsomeformofincome(i.e.,publicassistance,charity,unemploymentinsurance,crime).ThisiswhattheAfricanAmericanworkingclasslookslikefromway,waybelow,anditisnotalwaysaprettysight.

RaceRebelsislessconcernedwithgivingreadersheroicrolemodelsorromanticstoriesoftriumphthanwithchroniclingandrethinkingblackworking-classpolitics,culture,andresistance.Morethananything,thesechapterstrytomakesenseofpeoplewheretheyareratherthanwherewewouldlikethemtobe.Thisbookisjustasmallandveryincompletesteptowardsuggestingwaystoconnecteverydaystrugglestoformalpolitics;tobreakdowntheirontrianglebyrefusingtoprivilegerace,class,orgender;torejectformulaicinterpretationsinfavorofthecomplexityoflivedexperience;toerasetheboundariesbetweensocial,cultural,andpoliticalhistory;topayattentiontoculturalhybridity;andrejectthekindofsubtleessentialismthattreatsAfricanAmericancultureinthesingular.IfwewanttomakesenseofthoseMcDonald’sworkers,ortherebellionswrittenaboutbyC.L.R.James,GraceLee,andPierreChaulieualmostfourdecadesago,thoseofuscommittedtowritingworking-classhistorymustlookway,way,waybelow,totheplaceswherethenobleandheroictraditionoflabormilitancyisnotasevident.

Part1“WEWEARTHEMASK”

HiddenHistoriesofResistance

Wewearthemaskthatgrinsandlies,Ithidesourcheeksandshadesoureyes—Thisdebtwepaytohumanguile;Withtornandbleedingheartswesmile,Andmouthwithmyriadsubtleties.Whyshouldtheworldbeoverwise,Incountingallourtearsandsighs?Nay,letthemonlyseeus,whileWewearthemask.Wesmile,but,OgreatChrist,ourcriesToTheefromtorturedsoulsarise.Wesing,butoh,theclayisvileBeneathourfeet,andlongthemile;Butlettheworlddreamotherwise,Wewearthemask.

—PAULLAURENCEDUNBAR,“WeWeartheMask”1

Chapter1ShiftlessoftheWorldUnite!

If“conspicuousconsumption”wasthebadgeofarisingmiddleclass,“conspicuousloafing”isthehostilegestureofatiredworkingclass.

—DANIELBELL,WorkandItsDiscontents1

Allobserversspokeofthefactthattheslaveswereslowandchurlish;thattheywastedmaterialandmalingeredattheirwork.Ofcoursetheydid.Thiswasnotracialbuteconomic.Itwastheanswerofanygroupoflaborersforceddowntothelastditch.Theymightbemadetoworkcontinuouslybutnopowercouldmakethemworkwell.

—W.E.B.DUBOIS,BlackReconstructioninAmerica2

Nearlyaquartercenturyago,ahistoriannamedGeorgeRawickpublishedanobscurearticleinasmallleftpoliticaljournalthatwarnedagainsttreatingthehistoryoftheworkingclassasmerelythehistoryoftradeunionsorotherformallabororganizations.Ifwearetolocateworking-classresistance,Rawickinsisted,weneedtoknow“howmanymanhourswerelosttoproductionbecauseofstrikes,theamountofequipmentandmaterialdestroyedbyindustrialsabotageanddeliberatenegligence,theamountoftimelostbyabsenteeism,thehoursgainedbyworkersthroughtheslowdown,thelimitingofthespeed-upoftheproductiveapparatusthroughtheworkingclass’sowninitiative.”3Unfortunately,fewhistorianshavefollowedRawick’sadvice.Stillmissingfrommostexaminationsofworkersarethewaysinwhichunorganizedworkingpeopleresistedtheconditionsofwork,triedtocontrolthepaceandamountofwork,andcarvedoutamodicumofdignityattheworkplace.

Notsurprisingly,studiesthatseriouslyconsiderthesloppy,undetermined,everydaynatureofworkplaceresistancehavefocusedonworkerswhofaceconsiderablebarrierstotraditionaltradeunionorganization.Blackdomestic

workersdevisedawholearrayofcreativestrategies,includingslowdowns,theftor“pan-toting”(bringinghomeleftoversandotherfoodstuffs),leavingworkearly,orquitting,inordertocontrolthepaceofwork,increasewages,compensateforunderpayment,reducehours,andseizemorepersonalautonomy.Theseindividualactsoftenhadacollectivebasisthatremainedhiddenfromtheiremployers.

BlackwomenhouseholdworkersintheurbanSouthgenerallyabidedbya“codeofethics”orestablishedasortofblacklisttocollectivelyavoidworkingforemployerswhoprovedunscrupulous,abusive,orunfair.Quittingorthreateningtoquitjustpriortoanimportantsocialaffairtobehostedbyone’semployer—commonlycalledan“incipientstrike”—wasanotherstrategywhosesuccessoftendependedonacollectiverefusalonthepartofotherhouseholdworkerstofillin.4Likewise,inthefactoriesstrategiessuchasfeigningillnesstogetadayoff,slowdowns,sometimesevensabotage,oftenrequiredthecollectivesupportofco-workers.

StudiesofblackNorthCarolinatobaccoworkersrevealawiderangeofclandestine,yetcollective,strategiestocontrolthepaceofworkorstrikeoutagainstemployers.Whenblackfemalestemmershadtroublekeepingupwiththepace,blackmenresponsibleforsupplyingtobaccotothestemmerswouldpackthebasketsmorelooselythanusual.Whenaworkerwasill,particularlyblackwomenwhooperatedstemmermachines,otherwomenwouldtakeuptheslackratherthancallattentiontohercondition,whichcouldresultinlostwagesordismissal.Onthefactoryfloor,wherestemmersweregenerallynotallowedtositortalktooneanother,itwasnotuncommonforwomentobreakoutinsong.Singinginunisonnotonlyreinforcedasenseofcollectiveidentitybutthesongsthemselves—religioushymns,forthemostpart—rangedfromveiledprotestsagainstthedailyindignitiesofthefactorytoutopianvisionsofalifefreeofdifficultwagework.5

Theftattheworkplacewasamongthemorecommonformsofworking-classresistance,andyettherelationshipbetweenpilfering—whetherofcommoditiesortime—andworking-classoppositionhasescapedtheattentionofmosthistoriansoftheAfricanAmericanworkingclass.6Anyattempttounderstandtherelationshipbetweentheftandworking-classoppositionmustbeginbyinterrogatingthedominantviewof“theft”asdeviant,criminalbehavior.Firstofall,whattheftismustbeplacedinhistoricalcontext.AsE.P.ThompsonandPeterLinebaughpointoutintheirstudiesofEnglishworkers,changesinthelaw

inresponsetoworkers’actionsoftenturnedacceptedtraditions—whatThompsoncalls“themoraleconomy”—intocrime.AtthecenterofclassconflictintheeighteenthcenturyweredockworkersinLondonwhosuddenlylosttherighttodipintotobaccocargoesfortheirpersonaluse;farmerswhoweredeniedaccessto“common”landsforgrazingandgatheringwood;shipwrights,caulkers,andotherlaborersintheshipbuildingindustrywhodiscoveredthattheycouldbejailedforcontinuingtheveryoldpracticeoftaking“chips”ofexcesswoodhomewiththem.Foryearsafterward,workerscontinuedtotakethingsfromwork,butnowtheywerestealing.Forsometheconsequenceswereunemployment,jail,deportationtothe“NewWorld,”orthegallows.7

TheideaofthemoraleconomycertainlyoperatedintheJimCrowSouth,asisevidentintheactionsofdomesticworkers.While“pantoting”wasregardedastheftbymanyemployers,householdworkersbelievedtheyhadarighttotakehomeleftovers,excessfood,andredundantorbrokenutensilsfortheirhomeuse.Notonlywasitthemoralthingtodo,giventheexcessesandwastefulnessofwealthyfamiliesandtheneedsofthelessprivileged,butpan-totingalsogrewoutofearliernegotiationsovertherightsandobligationsofwagedhouseholdlabor.Insistingthatpan-totingwasnottheft,oneSoutherndomesticworkerdeclared,“Wedon’tsteal;wejust‘take’things—theyareapartoftheoralcontract,exprest[sic]orimplied.Weunderstandit,andmostofthewhitefolksunderstandit.”The“whitefolks”whotoleratedpan-totingvieweditaseitherfurtherproofofblackwomen’simmoralityorjustificationforlowwages.Inotherwords,becausepan-totingentailedthelossoffoodandclothing,lowwageswereintendedtocompensatefortheemployer’sloss.Otherssimplytreatedpan-totingasaformofcharity.Asoneemployerputit,“WhenIgiveoutmymealsIbeartheselittleblackberrypickaninniesinmind,andIneverwoundthefeelingsofanycookbyaskingher‘’whatthatisshehasunderherapron.’”Asidefromthemorefamiliarinstancesofpan-toting,washerwomenthroughouttheSouthoccasionallykepttheirpatrons’clotheswhentheywerenotpaidinatimelyandadequatefashion.8

Fromthevantagepointofworkers,asseveralcriminologistshavepointedout,theftattheworkplaceisalsostrategytorecoverunpaidwagesand/orcompensateforlowwagesandmistreatment.9InthetobaccofactoriesofNorthCarolina,blackworkersnotonlystolecigarettesandchewingtobacco(whichtheyusuallysoldorbarteredatthefarmer’smarket)but,inDurhamatleast,workersfiguredoutawaytorigtheclockinordertostealtime.Andinthecoal

minesofBirminghamandAppalachia,minerspilferedlargechunksofcokeandcoalfortheirhomeovens.Blackworkerssometimesturnedtotheftasameansofcontestingthepowerpublicutilitieshadovertheirlives.DuringtheGreatDepression,forexample,joblessandunderemployedworkingpeoplewhoseessentialutilitieshadbeenturnedofffornonpaymentliterallystolefuel,water,andelectricity:peopleappropriatedcoal,drewfreeelectricitybytappingpowerlineswithcopperwires,illegallyturnedonwatermains,anddestroyedvacanthomesforfirewood.10

Unfortunately,weknowverylittleaboutblackworkplacetheftinthetwentieth-centurySouthandevenlessaboutitsrelationshiptoworking-classresistance.Historiansmightbegintoexplore,forexample,whatphilosopherandliterarycriticMicheldeCerteaucalls“wigging,”acomplicatedformofworkplaceresistanceinwhichemployeesusecompanytimeandmaterialsforthemselves(e.g.,repairingormakingatoyforone’schild,writingloveletters).Byusingpartoftheworkdayinthismanner,workersnotonlytakebackprecioushoursfromtheiremployersbutresistbeingtotallysubordinatedtotheneedsofcapital.Theworkertakessomeofthatlaborpowerandspendsitonherselforherfamily.Onemightimagineadomesticwhoseizestimefromworktoreadbooksfromheremployer’slibrary.Alesscreativethoughmorelikelyscenarioiswasherwomenwhowashandirontheirownfamily’sclothesalongwiththeiremployers’laundry.11

Judgingfromtheexistinghistories,itseemsthatdomesticworkersadoptedsabotagetechniquesmorefrequentlythanindustrialworkers.Thereisampleevidenceofhouseholdworkersscorchingorspittinginfood,damagingkitchenutensils,andbreakinghouseholdappliances,buttheseactsweregenerallydismissedbyemployersandwhitecontemporariesasproofofblackmoralandintellectualinferiority.Testifyingonthe“servantproblem”intheSouth,afrustratedemployerremarked:

thewasherwomen…badlydamagedclothestheyworkon,iron-rustingthem,tearingthem,breakingoffbuttons,andburningthembrown;andasforstarch!—Coloredcooks,too,generallyabusestoves,sufferingthemtogetcloggedwithsoot,andto“burnout”inhalfthetimetheyoughttolast.12

AlthoughmostoftheliteratureissilentonindustrialsabotageintheSouth,especiallyactscommittedbyblackworkers,thereisnoquestionthatitexisted.InhisworkontobaccoworkersinWinston-Salem,RobertKorstadintroducesus

toblacklabororganizerRobertBlack,whoadmittedtousingsabotageasastrategyagainstspeedups:

Thesemachinesweremoredelicate,andallIhadtodowasfeedthemalittlefasterandoverloaditandthebeltswouldbreak.Whenitsplityouhadtorunthetobaccoinreversetogetitout,cleanthewholemachineoutandthenthemechanicswouldhavetocomeandtakeallthebrokenlinksoutofthebelt.ThemachinewouldbedownfortwoorthreehoursandIwouldenduprunninglesstobaccothantheoldmachines.Wehadtouseallkindoftechniquestoprotectourselvesandtheotherworkers.13

ItissurprisingtonotehowlittlehasbeenwrittenaboutworkplacetheftandsabotageintheurbanSouth.Givenwhatweknowofthepervasivenessofthesestrategiesinotherpartsoftheworld,andthefactthatsabotageandtheftwerecommonpracticesamongslavesaswellasruralAfricanAmericansinthepostbellumperiod,thealmostuniversalabsenceofthesesortsofclandestineactivitiesamongblackindustrialworkersinhistoricalaccountsissurprising.14Partofthereason,Ithink,liesinSouthernlaborhistorians’noblequesttoredeemtheblackworkingclassfromraciststereotypes.Thecompanypersonnelrecords,policereports,mainstreamwhitenewspaperaccounts,andcorrespondencehaveleftuswithasomewhatsereneportraitoffolkswho,onlyoccasionally,deviatefromwhatIliketocallthe“CultofTrueSambohood.”Southernracistideologydefinedpilfering,slowdowns,absenteeism,tool-breaking,andothersuchactsasineptitude,laziness,shiftlessness,andimmorality.15Butratherthanescapethesecategoriesaltogether,sympatheticlaborhistoriansareoftentooquicktoinvertthem,remakingtheblackproletariatintothehardest-working,thriftiest,mostefficientlaborforcearound.Partoftheproblem,Isuspect,liesinthetendencyofhistorianstoeitherassumethatallblackworkerslivedbytheProtestantworkethicorsharedthesamevaluesusuallyassociatedwithmiddle-classandprominentworking-classblacks.Butifweregardmostworkasalienating,especiallyworkperformedinacontextofracistandsexistoppression,thenweshouldexpectblackworkingpeopletominimizelaborwithaslittleeconomiclossaspossible.

Whenwedoso,wegainfreshinsightsintotraditional,oftenveryracistdocuments.Materialsthatdescribe“unreliable,”“shiftless,”or“ignorant”blackworkersshouldbereadasmorethanvicious,racistcommentary;inmanyinstancesthesedescriptionsaretheresultofemployers,foremen,andmanagersmisconstruingthemeaningofworking-classactivitywhichtheywerenever

supposedtounderstand.Fortunately,manySouthernblackworkersunderstoodthe“CultofTrueSambohood”alltoowell,andattimesusedthecontradictionsembeddedinracistideologytotheiradvantage.Incertaincircumstances,theirinefficiencyandpenchantfornotfollowingdirectionscreatedhavocandchaosforindustrialproductionorthesmoothrunningofahousehold.Andallthewhiletheappropriategrins,shuffles,and“yassums”mitigatedpotentialpunishment.16

Theeffectivenessandacceptabilityofthissortof“masking”ispartlyshapedbygender.Althoughbothmenandwomenwereknowntoadoptthesekindsofevasivetacticstoprotectthemselves,theyoftencounteredraciallydefinednotionsofappropriatemasculineandfemininebehavior.Becauseblackwomen—especiallyhouseholdworkers—wereoftenregardedaslessviolentthanmen,andwerethought,bymanyemployersatleast,tobemorecloselyintegratedintothefamilialnetworksofthehomesinwhichtheyworked,theymighthavehadslightlymorespacetospeaktheirmindstothepeopletheyworkedfor.Butwehavetobecarefulnottooverstatethecase:grievancesandcomplaintsbyhouseholdworkershadtobeexpressedinsuchawayastominimizewhatmightbeinterpretedasinsubordination.Despiteclaimsthatdomesticswere“partofthefamily,”householdworkerDorothyBoldenremembershaving“towalkachalkline.Andifyoutalkedbackinthosedays,youwasanuppitynigger,youwassassy,andyouwasfiredandputout.”17

Ontheotherhand,whiletheremighthavebeenfeweropportunitiesforblackmentojettisonthemaskofdeferencesincepublicinsubordinationsometimesledtoviolence,theyalsohadtocontendwithgenderconventionsthatregardeddeferenceandretreatfromconflictasless-than-manlybehavior.Theracialpoliticsofmanhoodhasnotonlycenteredonpublicly“standingup”toracismandotherindignities,butthefailureorinabilitytodosohasbeenfrequentlydescribedintermsof“feminizing”blackmen.WhencombinedwithaU.S.labormovementcharacterizedbyalonghistoryofusingmasculinelanguageandimagerytodescribeworkers’struggles,therace-gendermatrixcanmakeforinterestingexpressionsoflaborpolitics.ApowerfulexampleistheMemphissanitationworkers’strikeof1968,inwhichhundredsofblackpicketersmarchedsilentlywithplacardsbearingtheslogan,“IAmaMan.”18

AsDavidRoedigerhasdemonstratedinapenetratingessayonCovingtonHall,aradicallaborjournalistandsupporteroftheinterracialBrotherhoodofTimberWorkersinLouisiana(anaffiliateoftheIndustrialWorkersoftheWorldorIWW),raceandgenderoperatedsimultaneouslyintherhetoricdefending

interracialworking-classresistance.First,theBTWsoughttouseappealsto“manhood”asthefoundationforbuildingbiracialunity.Hall,andbeforehimBTWleaderEdLehmann,insistedthattherebeno“Niggers,”or“whitetrash”(i.e.,scabs)—onlyMEN—(i.e.,militantunionactivists).Second,becausethesetimberworkerswereunitedbyauniversalizingnotionofmanhood,Hallmadesurethatstrategiesofresistanceweresufficientlymanly;inshort,militantanddirectlyconfrontational.Yet,becausesabotagewasapopulartacticoftheBTWs,ithadtoberecastnotasclandestinebutasopenlyrebellious.Roedigerwrites,“itishardtobelievethezealwithwhich[sabotage]waspropagandizedwasnotintensifiedbythetremendousemphasisonmanhood,inpartasawaytodisarmrace,inBTWthinking.And,ofcourse,thefearofemasculationandtheneedtoassertmanhoodappliedwithspecialforceamongwhitemaleworkersbecausetobe‘cringing’and‘servile’meantnotonlybeingunsexed,butlessthanwhiteaswell.”Thustobemanlymeantnotonlytobeconfrontationalbuttobeasfarawayfromservile(read:“Negro”)laboraspossible.Hallevensymbolizedsabotagebyinvokingtheimageofarattlesnakeratherthanthequieterimageoftheblackcat,whichwasmorecommonelsewhere.Roedigerastutelyobserved,“AgreaterappreciationofAfricanAmericanpatternsofresistancemighthavearguedforusingBrerRabbitasthesymbolforsustained,creative,grittystruggle.Instead,theBTWnotonlysoughtconfrontationbut,liketherattlesnake,madenoiseaboutdoingso.”19

Employersandprobablymostwhiteworkersviewedwhatblackmaleworkersweredoingaslessthanmanly;proofoftheirinferiorityattheworkplaceandevidencethattheyshouldbedeniedupwardmobilityandhigherwages.Forsomeblackmaleindustrialworkers,efficiencyandtheworkethicweresometimesmoreeffectiveassignifiersofmanlinessthansabotageandfootdragging.AsJoeTrotter’spowerfulbookonAfricanAmericansinsouthernWestVirginiaremindsus,theft,sabotage,andslowdownsweretwo-edgedswordsthat,moreoftenthannot,reinforcedthesubordinatepositionofblackcoalminersinaraciallydeterminedoccupationalhierarchy.Asheexplains,“Jobperformanceemergedasoneoftheblackminers’mosttellingsurvivalmechanisms.Tosecuretheirjobs,theyresolvedtoprovidecooperative,efficient,andproductivelabor.”Morethanafewblackworkersapparentlybelievedthatasolidworkrecordwouldeventuallytoppletheracialceilingonoccupationalmobility.Furthermore,blackmenandwomenworkersweretaughtthevirtuesofhard,efficientworkinchurch.TheNationalBaptistConvention,forexample,issuedpamphletsandreportscriticizingworkersforlazinessandidleness,suggestingthathardwork—irrespectiveofwagesofthenatureoftheworkitself

—wouldleadtosuccessandrespectabilityfortheraceasawhole.20

Yet,efficiencydidnotalwaysleadtoimprovedworkconditions,nordidsabotageandfootdraggingalwaysgounnoticedorunpunished.Therefore,whatweneedtoknowiswhycertainoccupationsseemedmoreconducivetoparticularstrategies.Wasefficiencymoreprevalentinindustrieswhereactive,interracialtradeunionsatleastoccasionallychallengedraciallydeterminedoccupationalceilings(i.e.,coalmining)?Wastheextentofworkplacesurveillanceadeterrenttoactsofsabotageandtheft?Wereblackworkerslessinclinedtowardsabotagewhendisruptionsmadeworkingconditionsmoredifficultordangerousforfellowemployees?Wereevasivestrategiesmorecommoninserviceoccupations,particularlythosethatemployedwomen?Thesequestionsneedtobeexploredingreaterdetail.Theysuggestthattoreallyunderstandstrategiesofresistanceweneedtoexplorewithgreaterspecificitythecharacterofsubordinationattheworkplace.21

Butitisevenmorecomplicatedthanthis.Wherewefindarelativeabsenceofresistanceatthe“pointofproduction,”itdoesnotnecessarilyfollowthatworkersacquiescedoraccommodatedtotheconditionsofwork.Onthecontrary,themostpervasiveformofblackprotestwassimplytoleave.Centraltoblackworking-classinfrapoliticswasmobility,foritaffordedworkerssomefreedomtoescapeoppressivelivingandworkingconditions,andpowertonegotiatebetterworkingconditions.Ofcourse,onecouldarguethatinthecompetitivecontextofindustrialcapitalism—NorthandSouth—companiesdidnotnecessarilysufferfromthissortofmigrationsincewagesforblacksremainedcomparativelylownomatterwhereblackworkersendedup.Andemployersdependedonlegalandextralegalmeasurestolimitblackmobility,includingvagrancylaws,debtpeonage,blacklistingofunionactivists,intimidationofNorthernlaborrecruiters,andoutrightterror.Thustheverymagnitudeofworking-classmobilitychallengestheideathatSouthernblackworkingpeopleaccommodated.Besides,thereisplentyofevidencetosuggestthatasignificantportionofblackmigrants,especiallyblackemigrantstoAfricaandtheCaribbean,weremotivatedbyadesiretovote,provideabettereducationfortheirchildren,and/orliveinasettinginwhichAfricansorAfricanAmericansexercisepower.One’sabilitytomoverepresentedacrucialsteptowardempowermentandself-determination;employersandlandlordsunderstoodthis,whichexplainswhysomuchenergywasexpendedlimitinglabormobilityandredefiningmigrationas“shiftlessness,”“indolence,”orachildlikepenchanttowander.22

Locationplaysacriticalroleinshapingworkplaceresistance,identity,and—broadlyspeaking—infrapolitics.BylocationImeanthesocialspacesofworkandcommunity,aswellasblackworkers’positionvis-à-visexistingracialandclasshierarchies.Southernlaborhistoriansandracerelationsscholarshaveestablishedinnouncertaintermsthedegreetowhichoccupationsand,insomecases,workspacesweresegregatedbyrace.23Butonlyrecentlyhasscholarshipbeguntomovebeyondstaiddiscussionsoflabormarketsegmentationandracial(andmorerecently,gender)inequalitytoananalysisofwhatthesedistinctionsatworkandhomemeanforblackworking-classpoliticsandforcollectiveaction.24

EarlLewisoffersapoignantexample.DuringWorldWarI,theallblackTransportWorkersAssociationofNorfolkbeganorganizingAfricanAmericanwaterfrontworkersirrespectiveofskill.Soonthereafter,itsleadersturnedtheirattentiontotheambitioustaskoforganizingallblackworkers,mostnotablycigarstemmers,oystershuckers,anddomestics.TheTWAresembledwhatmighthavehappenedifGarveyitestookcontrolofanIWWlocal:theirultimategoalseemedtobeOneBigNegroUnion.WhatisimportantabouttheNorfolkstoryisthestartlingsuccessoftheTWA’sefforts,particularlyamongworkerswhohadbeendismissedasunorganizable.LewisisnotsatisfiedwithsimplisticexplanationslikethepowerofcharismaticleadershiportheprimacyofraceoverclasstoaccountforthemasssupportfortheTWA;rather,hemakesitquiteclearthatthelaborprocess,workspaces,intraclasspowerrelations,communitiesandneighborhoods—indeed,classstruggleitself—areallracialized.Theresult,therefore,isa“racialized”classconsciousnessshapedbythesociallocationsofworkandhome.Lewiswrites,

Intheworldinwhichtheseworkerslivednearlyeveryonewasblack,exceptforasupervisororemployer.Evenwhiteworkerswhomayhavesharedasimilarclasspositionenjoyedasuperiorsocialpositionbecauseoftheirrace.Thus,althoughitappearsthatsomeblackworkersmanifestedasemblanceofworkerconsciousness,thatconsciousnesswassoimbeddedintheperspectiveofracethatneitherblacksnorwhitessawthemselvesasequalpartnersinthesamelabormovement.25

Aracializedclassconsciousnessshapedblackworkers’relationswithinterracialtradeunionsaswell.Contrarytopopularbelief,blackworkersdidnotalwaysresistsegregatedunionlocals.Indeed,insomeinstancesAfricanAmericanworkerspreferredsegregatedlocals—aslongastheymaintainedcontrolover

theirownfinancesandplayedaleadingroleinthelargerdecision-makingprocess.Tociteoneexample,blackmembersoftheBrotherhoodofTimberWorkersinLouisianafoundtheideaofseparatelocalsquiteacceptable.However,atits1912conventionblackdelegatescomplainedthattheycouldnot“suppressafeelingoftaxationwithoutrepresentation”sincetheirdueswereinthecontrolofwhites,anddemandeda“colouredexecutiveboard,electedbyblackunionmembersanddesignedtowork‘inharmonywithitswhitecounterpart.’”26

GenderalsoundoubtedlyshapedtheworkspacesandcollectiveconsciousnessofSouthernblackworkers.Recentworkonblackfemaletobaccoworkers,inparticular,hasopenedupimportantlinesofinquiry.Notonlywerethedirtyanddifficulttasksofsorting,stemming,andrehandlingtobaccorelegatedtoblackwomen,butthespacesinwhichtheyworkedwereunbearablyhot,dry,dark,andpoorlyventilated.Thecoughingandwheezing,thetragicallycommoncasesofworkerssuccumbingtotuberculosis,theendlessspeculationastothecauseofmiscarriagesamongco-workers,wereconstantremindersthattheseblackwomenspentmorethanathirdofthedaytoilinginahealthhazard.Ifsomethoughtthephysicalspaceinwhichtheyworkedwasaprisonoradungeon,thentheycouldnothelpbutnoticethatallofthe“inmates”wereblackwomenlikethemselves.Andifthatwerenotenough,foremenreferredtothemonlybytheirfirstnames,orchangedtheirnamesto“girl”orsomethingmoreprofane,regardingtheirbodiesasperpetualmotionmachinesaswellassexualobjects.Thus,inadditiontorace,genderbondswerereinforcedbythecommonexperienceofsexualharassment.

Women,unliketheirblackmaleco-workershadtodeviseawholerangeofstrategiestoresistormitigatethedailyphysicalandverbalabuseoftheirbodies,rangingfromputtingforthasortof“asexual”persona,toposturingasa“crazy”person,tosimplyquitting.Althoughtheseactsmightseemindividualandisolated,theywerenot.Inthetobaccofactories,theseconfrontationsusuallytookplaceinacollectivesetting,theadvancesoflecherousforemenwerediscussedamongthewomen,andstrategiestodealwithsexualassaultwereobserved,passeddown,orlearnedinotherworkplaces.(Somewomenwhohadpreviouslyworkedasdomestics,forexample,hadexperiencestavingoffthesexualadvancesofmaleemployers.)27

Yet,intheeyesofmostmaleunionleaders,thesesortsofbattleswereprivateaffairsthathadnoplaceamong“important”collectivebargainingissues.

Unfortunately,mostlaborhistorianshaveacceptedthisview,unabletoseeresistancetosexualharassmentasaprimarystruggletotransformeverydayconditionsattheworkplace.28Outofthecommonsocialspaceandexperienceofracismandsexualexploitation,blackfemaletobaccoworkersconstructed“networksofsolidarity.”Theyreferredtoeachotheras“sisters,”sharedthesameneighborhoodsandinstitutions,attendedthesamechurches,anddisplayedadeepsenseofcommunitybycollectingmoneyforcoworkersduringsicknessanddeathandbycelebratingeachother’sbirthdays.These“networksofsolidarity”wereindispensablefororganizingtobaccoplantsinWinston-Salemandelsewhere.29

Inrethinkingworkplacestruggles,blackwomen’sworkculture,andthepoliticsoflocation,wemustbecarefulnottooveremphasizethedistinctcharacterofhomeandwork.Recentstudiesofpaidhomeworkremindusthatworkingwomen’shomeswereoftenextensionsofthefactory.ForAfricanAmericanwomen,inparticular,assomescholarshaveshown,thedecisiontodopieceworkortakeinlaundrygrewoutofastruggleforgreatercontroloverthelaborprocess,aconsciousefforttoavoidworkplaceenvironmentsinwhichblackwomenhavehistoricallyconfrontedsexualharassment,and“thepatriarchaldesiresofmentocarefortheirwomenevenwhentheybarelycouldmeeteconomicneedsoftheirfamiliesorfromwomen’sowndesirestocarefortheirchildrenundercircumstancesthatdemandedthattheycontributetothefamilyeconomy.”30

Thestudyofhomeworkopensupnumerouspossibilitiesforrethinkingblackworking-classoppositioninthetwentiethcentury.Howdohomeworkersresistunsatisfactoryworkingconditions?Howdotheyorganize?Docommunityandneighborhood-basedorganizationsprotecttheirinterestsaslaborers?Howdoestheextensionofcapital-laborrelationsintothehomeaffecttheuseandmeaningofhouseholdspace,laborpatterns,andthephysicalandpsychologicalwell-beingoftheworkerandherfamily?Howdoesthepresumablyisolatedcharacterofworkshapetheirconsciousness?Howcriticalisfemalehomeworkasasurvivalstrategyforhouseholdsinwhichmalewageearnersareinvolvedinstrikesorotherindustrialconflicts?

FormanyAfricanAmericanwomen,homeworkwasindeedawaytoavoidtheindignitiesofhouseholdservice,forastheexperienceofblacktobaccoworkerssuggests,muchworkplaceresistancecenteredaroundissuesofdignity,respect,andautonomy.Sexualharassmentwaspartofthejob.“Itwasalwaysattempts

madeonblackwomenfromwhitemen,”onedomesticworkerremembers.“Sometimeshehadaknackforpattingyouontheback,notonyourbackbutonyourbehind,andtellingyouthatyouwasanice-lookingblackgalandthistypeofthing.AndIresentedthat.”31

Lessdramaticbutofimmenseimportancewasthepracticeofrequiringblackdomesticstodonuniforms,whichhadtheeffectofreducingtheiridentitiestothatof“employee”andultimatelysignifiedownership—blackworkersbecamethepropertyofwhoeverownedtheuniform.HouseholdworkersinWashington,D.C.,forexample,resistedwearinguniformsbecausetheyweresymbolsoflive-inservice.Theirinsistenceonwearingtheirownclotheswaslinkedtoabroaderstruggletochangethetermsofemploymentfroma“servant”(i.e.,alive-inmaid)toadayworker.“Asservantsinuniform,”historianElizabethClark-Lewiswrites,“thewomenfelt,theytookontheidentityofthejob—andtheuniformseemedtoassumealifeofitsown,separatefromthepersonwearingit,beyondhercontrol.Asdayworkers,wearingtheirownclothessymbolizedtheirnewviewoflifeasaseriesofpersonalchoicesratherthanpredeterminedimperatives.”32

Butstrugglesfordignityandautonomyoftentookonanintraclasscharacter.Blackworkersenduredsomeofthemostobnoxiousverbalandphysicalinsultsfromwhiteworkers,theirsupposed“naturalallies.”Wearewellawareofdramaticmomentsofwhiteworking-classviolence—thearmedattacksonGeorgia’sblackrailroadfiremenin1909,thelynchingofablackstrikebreakerinFortWorth,Texas,in1921,theracialpogromsinMobile’sshipyardsduringtheSecondWorldWar33—buttheseweremerelyexplosive,large-scalemanifestationsoftheverbalandphysicalviolenceblackworkersexperiencedonadailybasis.Withoutcompunction,racistwhitesinmanyoftheSouth’smines,mills,factories,anddocksreferredtotheirdarkercoworkersas“boy,”“girl,”“uncle,”“aunt,”andmorecommonly,justplain“nigger.”MemphisUAWorganizerClarenceCoerecalls,“IhaveseenthetimewhenayoungwhiteboycameinandmaybeIhadbeenworkingattheplantlongerthanhehadbeenliving,butifhewaswhiteIhadtotellhim‘yessir’or‘nosir.’Thatwasdegradingashell[but]Ihadtolivewithit.”Occasionallywhiteworkerskickedandslappedblackworkersjustforfunoroutoffrustration.Blackworkerstookwhateveropportunityavailabletothemtocontestwhiteinsultsandreaffirmtheirdignity,which,moreoftenthanwemightimagine,explodedintofisticuffsafterworkorattheworkplace.BlacktobaccoworkerCharlieDecodarecalledworking“withacrackerandtheylovedtoputtheirfootinyourtailandlaugh.I

toldhimonce,‘YouputyourfootinmytailagaineverandI’llbreakyourleg.’”Evensabotage,astrategyusuallyemployedagainstcapital,wasoccasionallyusedinthemostgruesomeandreactionaryintraclassconflicts.InMichaelHoney’sworkontheMemphisworkingclass,hetellsusaboutablackUAWleadernamedGeorgeHollowaywhoseattemptstodesegregatehislocalandmakeitmoreresponsivetoblackworkers’needspromptedracistwhiteunionmemberstotamperwithhispunchpress.AccordingtoHoney,thisunfortunateactofsabotage“wouldhavekilledormaimedhimhadheturnediton.”ButasHoneyalsopointsout,personalindignitiesandindividualactsofracistviolencepromptedblackworkerstotakecollectiveaction,sometimeswiththesupportofantiracistwhiteworkers.BlackautoworkersinMemphis,forexample,wagedawildcatstrikeafteraplantguardpunchedablackwomaninthemouth.34

Thissortofintraclassconflictwasnotmerelyamanifestationof“falseconsciousness”oracaseofcompanies’fosteringanunwrittenpolicyof“divideandrule.”Rather,whiteworking-classconsciousnesswasalsoracialized.Theconstructionofawhiteworking-classracialidentitywasadynamicprocessemergingfromthepeculiarnatureofclassconflictinasocietywherewagelaborandchattelslaveryexistedsidebyside.StudiesbyRoediger,EricLott,andothersareespeciallyimportantforexplaininghowEuropeanworkerscametoseethemselvesaswhiteandaspartofawhiteworking-classracialidentity.35WhileracismwasnotalwaysintheinterestsofSouthernwhiteworkers,itwasnonethelessvery“real.”

Racistattacksbywhiteworkersdidnotneedinstigationfromwilyemployers.Becausetheyultimatelydefinedtheirownclassinterestsinracialterms,whiteworkersemployedracistterrorandintimidationtohelpsecurebothacomparativelyprivilegedjobandwhatW.E.B.DuBoisandDavidRoedigercalla“psychologicalwage.”Asenseofsuperiorityandsecuritywasgainedbybeingwhiteandnotbeingblack.Andinsomecaseswhiteworkersobtainedveryrealmaterialbenefitsbyinstitutionalizingtheirstrengththroughwhite-controlledunionswhichusedtheirpowertoenforceceilingsonblackmobilityandwages.Blackworkershadtoperform“niggerwork.”Withouttheexistenceof“niggerwork”and“niggerlabor,”towhiteworkerswhitenesswouldbemeaningless.36

Determiningthesocialandpoliticalcharacterof“niggerwork”remainsessentialforanunderstandingofblackworking-classinfrapolitics.First,byracializingthedivisionoflabor,ithastheeffectofturningdirty,physicallydifficult,andpotentiallydangerousworkintohumiliatingwork.Toillustratethispoint,we

mightexaminehowthemeaningoftasksoncerelegatedtoblackworkerschangedwhenindustrialsettingsbecamepredominantly,ifnotexclusively,white.Forexample,associologistMichaelYarrowpointsoutinhisstudyofcoalminersinAppalachia,wherenotonlyaretherefewerblackworkersbutracialceilingshavebeenlargely(thoughnotentirely)removed,difficultanddangeroustasksthatusedtobehumiliating“niggerwork”arenowengenderedwithmasculinistmeaning.Theminersbelievedthat“beingabletodohardwork,toendurediscomfort,andtobravedanger”isanachievementof“manliness.”Whileundeniablyanimportantcomponentoftheminer’sworkculture,ithastheultimateeffectof“obscuringitsrealityasclassexploitation.”Ontheotherhand,theblackminersinTrotter’sstudywerefarmorejudicious,choosingtoleaveajobratherthanplacethemselvesinunduedanger.Thisisnotatalltosuggestthatblackminersdidnottakeprideintheirwork.Onthecontrary,theyoftenchallengeddominantcategoriesofskillandperformedwhathadbeendesignatedasmeniallaborwiththeprideofaskilledcraftsman.Butoncederogatorysocialmeaningisinscribedupontheworkitself(letalonetheblackbodiesthatperformthework),ithastheeffectofunderminingitspotentialdignityandworth—whichfrequentlymeansrendering“niggerwork”lessmanly.Inordertoretainthesociallyconstructedcategoriesinwhichworkdesignatedasmasculineisvalorized,theracializationofthesameworkcan,ineffect,changethegenderedmeaningofcertainjobs.EthnographerPaulWillisfoundthistohavebeenthecaseinhisownstudyofBritishworking-classyouth.Racism,asWillisobserved,

marksthebottomlimitofthescopeofmasculinityanddeliversitnotasavulgarassertionofeverythingphysicalandmenial,butasamorecarefullyjudgedculturalcategory.Butelsewhere,whereimmigrantracialgroupsarestilllikelytotaketheworstandroughestjobs,theyarenotconsidered“harder”and“moremasculine.”Itisuntenablethatsuchsocialgroupsshouldtakethemantleofmasculineassertiveness,sosuchjobsarereclassifiedtofallofftheculturalscaleofmasculinityintothe“dirty,”“messy,”and“unsocial”category.37

Becauseblackmenandwomentoiledinworkspacesinwhichbothbossesandwhiteworkersdemandeddeference,freelyhurledinsultsandepithetsatthem,andoccasionallybrutalizedtheirbodies,itbecomesevenclearerwhyissuesofdignityinformedmuchofblackinfrapoliticsintheurbanSouth.Interracialconflictsbetweenworkerswerenotsimplydiversionsfromsomeidealizeddefinitionofclassstruggle;whiteworking-classracismwassometimesasmuchabarriertoAfricanAmerican’sstrugglefordignityandautonomyatthe

workplaceasthecorporate-definedracialdivisionoflabor.38Thusepisodesofinterracialsolidarityamongworkingpeople,andthefairlyconsistentoppositionbymostblacklaborleaderstoJimCrowlocals,areallthemoreremarkable.39Moreimportantly,forourpurposesatleast,thenormativecharacterofinterracialconflictopensupanotherwaytothinkaboutthefunctionofpublicandhiddentranscriptsforwhiteworkers.ForSouthernwhiteworkerstoopenlyexpresssolidaritywithAfricanAmericanswasadirectchallengetothepublictranscriptofracialdifferenceanddomination.Indeed,throughoutthisperiodSouthernbiracialunionleaders,withtheexceptionofcertainleftwingorganizers,tendedtoapologizefortheiractions,insistingthattheunionwasdrivenbyeconomicnecessityand/orassuringthepublicoftheiroppositionto“socialequality”or“intermixing.”Thus,eventhehintofintimate,closerelationsbetweenworkersacrossthecolorlinehadconsequencesthatcutbothways.Exceptforradicalsandotherboldindividualswillingtoacceptostracism,ridicule,andevenviolence,expressionsoffriendshipandrespectforAfricanAmericanshadtoremainpartofthe“hiddentranscript”ofwhiteworkers.Thisisanimportantobservation,foritmeansthatactsandgesturesofantiracismonthepartofwhiteworkershadtobedisguisedandchokedback;whenwhiteworkerswereexposedas“niggerlovers”orwhentheytookpublicstandsonbehalfofAfricanAmericans,theconsequencescouldbefatal.40

Thischapter,andsomeoftheworkonwhichitdraws,justbeginstoexploretherealmofworkplaceinfrapolitics.ItaimstorecoverdailyactsofresistancebyAfricanAmericanswho,untilrecently,havebeenpresumedtobesilentorinarticulate.GiventheincrediblyviolentandrepressiveformsofdominationintheSouth,workers’dependenceonwages,thebenefitswhiteworkersderivedfromJimCrow,thelimitedinfluenceblackworkingpeopleexercisedoverwhitedominatedtradeunions,andthecomplexandcontradictorynatureofhumanagency,clandestineformsofresistanceshouldbeexpected.

Whetherornotbattleswerewonorlost,themerethreatofresistanceelicitedresponsesfromthepowerfulwhich,inturn,shapedthenatureofstruggle.RepressionandresistanceareinextricablylinkedandAfricanAmericanresistancedidmakeadifference.Weknow,forexample,thatSouthernrulersduringthiseradevotedanenormousamountoffinancialandideologicalresourcestomaintainingorder;policedepartments,vagrancylaws,extralegalterroristorganizations(e.g.,theKuKluxKlanandtheWhiteLegion),andthespectacleofmutilatedblackbodieswerepartofthelandscapeofdominationsurroundingAfricanAmericans.Widelypublicizedaccountsofpolice

homicides,beatings,andlynchings,aswellasblackprotestagainstactsofracistviolence,aboundintheliteratureontheJimCrowSouth.41Yet,whiledramaticactsofracialviolenceandresistanceareusuallywelldocumentedandmakegoodstories,theyrepresentonlythetipofagiganticiceberg.

Weneedtorecognizethatinfrapoliticsandorganizedresistancearenottwodistinctrealmsofoppositiontobestudiedseparatelyandthencompared;theyaretwosidesofthesamecointhatmakeupthehistoryofworking-classresistance.AsIhavetriedtoillustrate,thehistoricalrelationshipsbetweenthehiddentranscriptandorganizedpoliticalmovementsduringtheAgeofJimCrowsuggestthattradeunionsandpoliticalorganizationsabletomobilizesegmentsoftheblackworkingclassweresuccessfulbecausetheyatleastpartiallyarticulatedthegrievances,aspirations,anddreamsthatremainedhiddenfrompublicview.Ontheotherhand,wemustbecarefulnottoassumethatorganizedmovementsaremerelyarticulatingafull-blownhiddenagendathathadbeenpercolatinguntilthepropermoment.Suchaviewunderestimatestheimpactthatsocialmovementsthemselveshaveonworking-classconsciousness.Involvementinamovementoftenradicalizesworkerswhomighthaveotherwiseexpressedtheirgrievancessilently.42Hence,effortsonthepartofgrass-rootsunionstomobilizeSouthernblackworkers,fromtheKnightsofLaborandtheBrotherhoodofSleepingCarPorterstotheCommunistPartyandtheCongressofIndustrialOrganizations(CIO),clearlyplayedaroleinshapingoreventransformingthehiddentranscript.Successfulstrugglesthatdependedonmutualsupportamongworkingpeopleandaclearknowledgeofthe“enemy,”notonlystrengthenbondsofsolidaritybutalsorevealtoworkersthevulnerabilityofthepowerfulandthepotentialstrengthoftheweak.Furthermore,attheworkplaceasinpublicspace,thedailyhumiliationsofracism,sexism,andwagedwork,combinedwiththepresenceofalabormovement,emboldenworkerstotakeriskswhenopportunitiesarise.Andtheirfailuresareasimportantastheirvictories,fortheydrivehomethepointthateventhesmallestactofresistancehasitsprice.Theverypowerrelationsthatforcethemtoresistcovertlyalsomakecleartheterribleconsequencesoffailedstruggles.

AfricanAmericanworkers’actions,thoughts,conversations,andreflectionswerenotalways,orevenprimarily,concernedwithwork,nordidtheyfitwellwithformalworking-classinstitutions,nomatterhowwelltheseinstitutionsmighthavearticulatedaspectsofthe“hiddentranscript.”Inotherwords,wecannotpresumethattradeunionsandsimilarlaborinstitutionswerethe“real”harbingersofblackworking-classpolitics;rather,evenfororganizedblack

workerstheywereprobablyasmallpartofanensembleofformalandinformalavenuesthroughwhichpeoplestruggledtoimproveortransformdailylife.Foraworkertoacceptreformisttradeunionstrategieswhilestealingfromwork,tofightstreetcarconductorswhilevotingdownstrikeactioninone’slocal,toleaveworkearlyinordertoparticipateinreligiousrevivalmeetingsorrendezvouswithone’slover,ortochoosetoattendadanceratherthanaCIOmassmeetingisnotnecessarilyasignofan“immature”classconsciousness,butreflectsthemultiplewaysworkingpeoplelive,experience,andinterprettheworldaroundthem.Itistothislargerworld,theplaceswheretheAfricanAmericanworkingclassspendatleastone-thirdoftheirday,thatwenowturn.

Chapter2“WeAreNotWhatWeSeem”

ThePoliticsandPleasuresofCommunity

Eachdaywhenyouseeusblackfolkuponthedustylandofthefarmsoruponthehardpavementofthecitystreets,youusuallytakeusforgrantedandthinkyouknowus,butourhistoryisfarstrangerthanyoususpect,andwearenotwhatweseem.

—RICHARDWRIGHT,TwelveMillionBlackVoices1

[T]heNegro,inspiteofhisopen-facedlaughter,hisseemingacquiescence,isparticularlyevasive.Youseeweareapolitepeopleandwedonotsaytoourquestioner,“Getoutofhere!”Wesmileandtellhimorhersomethingthatsatisfiesthewhitepersonbecause,knowingsolittleaboutus,hedoesn’tknowwhatheismissing.

—ZORANEALEHURSTON,MulesandMen2

“Inthedark,weventedourrage.Butinthebrightofdayandoutintheopen,wewereoftenwell-behavedandcooperative.”ThedarknesstowhichGloriaWade-GaylesisreferringwasasegregatedmovietheaterinMemphis,Tennessee.The“rage”sheandherfriendsventedtooktheformofpopcornrainingfromthe“NegroesOnly”balcony,ontotheunexpectantheadsof“whitepeoplewhosatbeneathusincushionedchairs,secure,theythought,intheirpower.”3

Thispassageismorethanarevealinganecdoteaboutresistance;itisametaphorforthepleasuresandpoliticsofblackcommunitiesundersegregation.LikethepassagesfromRichardWrightandZoraNealeHurston,thecruciallessonsheoffersusisthatinorderto“know”thehistoryofblackworkingpeoplewemustslipintothedarkness.WemuststripawaythevariousmasksAfricanAmericanswearintheirdailystrugglestonegotiaterelationshipsorcontestpowerinpublic

spaces,andsearchforwaystogainentryintotheprivateworldhiddenbeyondthepublicgaze.Foritishere,inthehomes,socialinstitutions,cultures,thoughts,actions,andlanguagethatonefindsanessentialcomponentofSouthernblackworking-classconsciousnessandpoliticsintheAgeofJimCrow.

BuildingCommunityintheBrightofDay

SeveralSouthernlaborandurbanhistorianshavealreadybeguntounveilthehiddensocialandculturalworldofblackworkingpeopleandassessitspoliticalsignificance.AnumberofrecentstudieshaveestablishedthatduringtheeraofJimCrow,blackworkingpeoplecarvedoutsocialspacefreefromthewatchfuleyeofwhiteauthorityor,inafewcases,themoralizingoftheblackmiddleclass.Thesesocialspacesconstitutedapartialrefugefromthehumiliationsandindignitiesofracism,classpretensions,andwagework,andinmanycasestheyhousedanalternativeculturethatplacedmoreemphasisoncollectivistvalues,mutuality,andfellowship.4

Thisisnottosaythattherewerenovicious,exploitativerelationshipswithinSouthernblackcommunities,orthatblackinstitutionswereimmunefromthetentaclesofJimCrow.Blackworking-classfamilies,forexample,weresitesforinternalconflictsaswellaskeyinstitutionsforsustainingasenseofcommunityandsolidarity.5Ifpatriarchalfamiliesare,attheveryleast,asystembywhichexploitedmalewageearnerscontrolandexploitthelaborofwomenandchildren,thenonewouldpresumablyfindamaterialbasisforagooddealofintrafamilyconflict,andperhapsanarrayofresistancestrategies,allframedwithinanideologythatjustifiesthesubordinatestatusofwomenandchildren.6Wemightask,therefore,howdoconflictsandtheexploitationoflaborpowerwithinthelocusofthefamilyandhouseholdshapelargerworking-classpolitics?

Surprisingly,veryfewU.S.laborandAfricanAmericanhistorianshaveaskedthisquestion.Indeed,theroleoffamiliesintheformationofclassconsciousnessandindevelopingstrategiesofresistancehasnotbeensufficientlyexplored,inpartbecausemostscholarshipcontinuestoprivilegetheworkplaceandproductionoverthehouseholdandreproduction.CritiquingE.RThompson’soft-citedformulationofclassformation,feministlaborhistoriansCarolynSteedmanandElizabethFaueremindusthatclassidentitiesandideologiesarenotsimplymadeatworkorincollectivestrugglesagainstcapital.Steed-man,forexample,pointsoutthatbecauseradicalhistoriesofworkingpeopleareso

investedinamaterialist,workplace-centeredunderstandingofclass,itleavesverylittlespace“todiscussthedevelopmentofclassconsciousness(asopposedtoitsexpression),norforanunderstandingofitasalearnedposition,learnedinchildhood,andoftenthroughtheexigenciesofdifficultandlonelylives.”Likewise,ElizabethFaueasksustolookmorecarefullyattheformationofclass,race,andgenderidentitieslongbeforeyoungpeopleenterthewagelaborforce.Sheaddsthat“focusingonreproductionwouldgivemeaningtotherelationshipbetweenworkingclassfamilyorganizationandbehaviorandworkingclasscollectiveactionandlabororganization.”7

Suchareexaminationofblackworking-classfamiliesshouldprovidericherinsightsintohowthehiddentranscriptinformspublic,collectiveaction.Wemightreturn,forexample,tothecommonclaimthatblackmothersandgrandmothersintheAgeofJimCrowraisedtheirboystoshowdeferencetowhitepeople.Wereblackworking-classparents“emasculating”potentialmilitants,aswasarguedbyseveralblackmalewritersinthe1960s,orweretheyarmingtheirboyswithamuchmoresophisticatedunderstandingofthepoliticalandculturalterrainofstruggle?8Andwhatabouttherecollectionsofblackwomenwhoremembertheirmothersteachingthemvaluesandstrategiesthathelpedthemsurviveandresistrace,class,andgenderoppression?9Oncewebegintolookatthefamilyasacentral(ifnotthecentral)institutionwherepoliticalideologiesareformedandreproduced,wemaydiscoverthatthehouseholdsthemselvesholdthekeytoexplainingparticularepisodesofblackworking-classresistance.AbrilliantexampleisElsaBarkleyBrown’sessayonAfricanAmericanfamiliesandpoliticalactivismduringReconstruction.Shenotonlydemonstratesthecentralroleofblackwomen(andevenchildren)inRepublicanPartypoliticsdespitethelackoffemalesuffrage,butpersuasivelyarguesthatnewlyemancipatedAfricanAmericansconstructedanotionofcitizenshipinwhichthefranchisewasthecollectivepropertyofthewholefamily.Menwhodidnotvoteaccordingtothefamily’swisheswereseverelydisciplinedorostracizedfromcommunityinstitutions.10

Whilethepoliticsoffamilyliferemainselusive,therolethatcommunityorganizationsplayedinshapingblackworking-classpolitics,culture,andideologyismuchclearer.Grass-rootsinstitutionssuchasmutualbenefitassociations,fraternalorganizations,andreligiousgroupsnotonlyhelpedfamilieswithbasicsurvivalneeds,butcreatedandsustainedbondsoffellowship,mutualsupportnetworks,andacollectivistethosthatultimatelyinformedblackworking-classpoliticalstruggle.Fraternalandmutualbenefit

societies,inparticular,providedfundsandotherresourcestomembersinneedandtothepoorgenerally,includingdeathbenefits(mainlytocoverburialcosts)andassistanceforfamilieswhosemembersbecameseriouslyillorlosttheirjob.

ThesociallinkscreatedthroughorganizationssuchastheKnightsofPythias,theOddFellows,theMasons,theElks,andtheIndependentOrderofSt.Lukeoccasionallytranslatedintocommunityandlaborstruggles.InAtlanta,forexample,benevolentandsecretsocietiesamongblackwomenconstitutedtheorganizationalstructuresthroughwhichwasherwomenwagedacitywidestrikein1881.Organizedundertheauspicesofthe“WashingSociety,”asecretprotectiveassociationthatoperatedmuchlikeamutualbenefitsociety,thestrikersnotonlydemonstratedincrediblesolidarity(insomecasespromptingotherdomesticworkersinthecitytodemandhigherwages)butraisedmoneytopayfinesandpostbailwhenstrikerswerearrested.Inadditiontorelyingontheirowntreasury,theyreceiveddonationsfromchurchesandfraternalorderswithwhichmanyofthestrikerswerealsoaffiliated.InWestVirginia,whereblackmembershipinfraternalordersreachednearly33,000in1922,theblackrankandfileenteredtheUnitedMineWorkerswithconsiderableorganizationalexperience.Thebondsoffellowshipdevelopedinthesefraternalordersplayedanimportantroleinconsolidatingblackunionsupport,evenifsomeoftheorders’middle-classleadershipopposedunionization.11

Althoughthebalanceofpowerwithintheseorganizationswasnotalwaysequal,attimesleaningtowardmaledominanceandthemiddleclassexercisingmoreinfluencethantheirnumbers,benevolentsocietieswerestructuredinademocraticmannerthatallowedallvoicestoplaysomekindofroleinconstructingavisionofthecommunity.12Blackworkers,therefore,enteredtheworkplaceorthelabormovementwiththeirownpoliticalculture.Anchoredinapropheticreligiousideology,thesecollectivistinstitutionsandpracticestookrootandflourishedinaprofoundlyundemocraticsociety.

Yet,whileblackinstitutionswerebuiltandmaintainedonfairlydemocraticprinciples,weneedtoacknowledgethatcross-classalliances,fellowship,andmutualitywereconstructedinthecontextofintraracialclassandgendertensions.Therewasahiddentranscriptofmutualdisdain,disappointment,andevenfearwhichoccasionallyfounditswayintothepublictranscript.Forsomemiddle-classblacks,forexample,theblackpoorwereregardedaslazy,self-destructive,andpronetocriminalbehavior.GeraldineMoore,ablackmiddle-classresidentofBirminghamandauthorofBehindtheEbonyMask,wrotethat

manypoorAfricanAmericansinhercity“knownothingbutwaitingforahandoutofsomekind,drinking,cursing,fightingandprostitution.”13Fromtheotherside,inhisstudyofasmallMississippitownduringthelate1930s,sociologistAllisonDavisfoundthat“lower-class”blacksoften“accusedupper-classpersons(the‘bigshots,’the‘BigNegroes’)ofsnobbishness,colorpreference,extremeselfishness,disloyaltyincasteleadership,(‘sellin’outtowhitefolks’),andeconomicexploitationoftheirpatientsandcustomers.”14

TounderstandthesignificanceofinternalconflictamongAfricanAmericans,weneedtoexaminehowcommunitiesareconstructedandsustainedratherthanbeginwiththepresumptionthatatightknit,harmoniousblackcommunityhasalwaysexisted(untilrecently)acrosstimeandspace.Thissortofromanticviewofa“goldenage”ofblackcommunity—anagewhenanyeldercouldbeatamisbehavingchild,whentheblackmiddleclassmingledwiththepoorandofferedthemselvesas“rolemodels,”whenblackprofessionalscaredmoreabouttheirdowntroddenracethantheirbankaccounts—isnotonlydisingenuousbuthasstoodintheplaceofserioushistoricalresearchonclassrelationswithinAfricanAmericancommunities.Asadominanttropeinthepopularsocialscienceliteratureontheso-called“underclass,”ithashinderedexplanationsofthecontemporarycrisisinurbanAmericabypresumingadirectcausalrelationshipbetweenthedisappearanceofmiddle-classrolemodelsasaresultofdesegregationandtheso-calledmoraldegenerationoftheblackjoblessandunderemployedworkingclassleftbehindinthecities.15

Theconceptof“rolemodels”overstatestheextenttowhichnotionsofrespectability,morality,andcommunityresponsibilityarepasseddownbyindividualexample.Itnotonlypresumesthatthesevaluesoriginatesolelywiththeblackmiddleclass,butitobscurestherolethatcommunityinstitutionsplayindeterminingandinstillingmodesofbehavior,beliefs,expectations,andmoralvision.Whenwebegintolookat,say,blackchurchesasplaceswhereculturalvalueswereenacted,taught,andpoliced,wediscoverthattheso-called“lowerclass”wasnotalwaysonthereceivingend.16OccasionallyitwasthewealthierblackfolkwhoviolatedChristianprinciples—especiallythosewhodidnothelpthelessfortunateorwhosetithewasinsufficient.Working-classwomendemonstratedasmuchvigilanceastheirmiddle-classcounterpartsinenforcingthegeneralprinciplethatcleanlinessisnexttoGodliness.BaptistwomenofallclassesdistributedsmallpamphletspublishedbytheNationalBaptistConventionbearingtitlessuchas“HowtoDress,”“Anti-HangingOut

Committee,”and“TakeaBathFirst.”17

Moreimportantly,workingpeoplebuiltandsustainedblackchurcheswiththeirownhardearnedwages.InWestVirginia,blackcoalminersraisedthousandsofdollarstoconstructandmaintainchurches,andwhenmoneywastightduringtheDepression,theyheldralliesandfundraiserstopaydebtsandretainministers.Blackreligiousleadersunderstoodthecrucialimportanceoftheirworking-classcongregations,especiallythewomen.In1915,areportfromtheWomen’sConventionoftheNationalBaptistConventionacknowledgedthatitwas“thepoorwasher-woman,cookandtoiler[who]hasbuiltupnine-tenthsofallourinstitutionsandchurches.”18

BlackchurchmembersalsohelpedbuildSouthernlaborunions,especiallyduringtheeraofindustrialunionisminthe1930sand1940s,whentheCongressofIndustrialOrganizationssoughttoorganizeindustriesthatemployedlargenumbersofAfricanAmericans.UnionssuchastheFood,Tobacco,Agricultural,andAlliedWorkers(FTA),theSteelWorkersOrganizingCommittee(SWOC),andtheInternationalUnionofMine,MillandSmelterWorkers,oftenheldmeetingsinblackchurchesandactivelyrecruitedsympatheticblackministerstotheircause.19Andwhenblackworkingpeopleenteredthehouseoflabor,theybroughtthespirit,culture,andritualsofthehouseofGodwiththem.SouthernCIOorganizerLucyRandolphMasonhadvividmemoriesofhowblackworkersturneduniongatheringsintorevivalmeetings:“Thosemeetingsweredeeplyreligious.Acoloredmemberwouldprayandleadinsinginganddismissthegatheringwithablessing.InonegrouptherewasanelderlyNegrowho‘linedout’theLord’sprayerversebyversewhileothersrepeatedthewordsafterhim.TheywereprayingformoreoftheKingdomofGodonearth.”20AtameetingoftheMine,MillandSmelterWorkers’unioninBessemer,Alabama,journalistGeorgeStoneywitnessedasimilarscenario:

Itwasan“openmeeting,”andBrotherHarris(formerlyminister)wastheretopreachasermononthegoodnessofunionsandwhypeopleoughttojointhem.Hiswastheshouting,epigrammaticstyleoftheevangelist.Ifyousubstitute“God”for“union,”“devil”for“employer”and“hell”for“unorganized”youwouldhavehadarousingsermon.Theillustrations,minustheirprofanity,mightwellhavebeenusedtoshowthepowerandgoodnessofGodinsteadoftheunion.Andhis“whynotjoin”wassomuchinthechurchtone,Iwasafraidhewasgoingtohaveussingthehymnofinvitation.21

Duringthelate1930sinBirmingham,blackgospelquartetsturnedouttobecrucialfortheexpansionandlegitimationofunionism.TheSteelWorkers’OrganizingCommitteeevenhaditsownvocalgroupknownastheBessemerBigFourQuartet.MadeupofformermembersoftheWestHighlandJubileeSingers,apopularquartetactiveinthe1920s,theBessemerBigFourQuartetperformedatunionmeetingsandwereheardoccasionallyonlocalradiobroadcasts.Likemostotherquartets,theBessemerBigFourdidnotsimplyusethegospelformtocreatesecularunionsongs.Rather,theyperformeddeeplyreligiouscompositionsthatsanctioned,orrathersanctified,unionism.Herearesomelinesfromasongtheyrecordedentitled“Satisfied”:

WellyoureadintheBible,Youreaditwell.Listentothestory,ThatI’mboundtotell.Christ’slastPassover,HehadhisCommunion.Hetoldhisdisciples,Stayintheunion.Togetheryoustand,Dividedyoufall.Stayintheunion,I’llsaveyouall.Eversincethatwonderfuldaymysoul’sbeensatisfied.

ThereligiousgroundingsoftheSouthernlabormovementnotonlyprovidedaculturalandmoralbasisforworking-classsolidarity,butgaveitsmembersareasonforinterracialunitybeyondbasicutilitarianism,orwhattheIndustrialWorkersoftheWorldcalled“stomachequality.”Blackandwhiteworkerswereall“childrenofGodtogetherinacollectivestruggle.”22

Evenifreligiousideology,spiritualvalues,andgospelmusicunitedSouthernworkingpeopleandofferedamoraljustificationtofightthebosses,Southernblackchurchleaderswere,moreoftenthannot,hostileorindifferenttoorganizedlabor.Partoftheirreluctancetosupporttradeunionshadtodowithorganizedlabor’srathermixedrecordonracialequality(whichiswhytheCIO’sexplicitattempttoattractblackworkersgainedthesupportofsomeministerswhohadbeenhostiletounionsinthepast).Afewministersopposedunions

becausetheyeitherbenefitedfromwhitepatronage,orweresimplyintimidatedbylocalauthoritiesandcorporateinterests.23

Nomatterwhereindividualclergystoodinrelationtounionism,thefaithofmostblackcongregationsseemedunshakable.Thechurchwasmorethananinstitution.Inadditiontoprovidingfellowship,layingthefoundationforasenseofcommunity,andofferinghelptothoseinneed,churcheswerefirstandforemostplacesofreflectionandspiritualempowerment.Byspiritualempowerment,Idonotsimplymeanapotentialsiteforpoliticalorganizing.Rather,thesacred,thespiritworld,wasoftenunderstoodandinvokedbysomeAfricanAmericansasveritableweaponstoprotectthemselvesortoattackothers.Howdoweinterpretdivineintervention,especiallywhenone’sprayersareanswered?HowdoesthebeliefthatGodisbyone’ssideaffectone’swillingnesstofightwithpolice,leaveanabusiverelationship,standuptoaforeman,participateinastrike,steal,orbreaktools?Howdohistoriansmakesenseof,say,conjureor“hoodoo”(magic)asastrategyofresistance,retaliation,ordefenseinthedailylivesofsomeworking-classAfricanAmericans?Canasignfromabove,aconversationwithaghost,aspellcastbyanenemy,ortalkingintonguesunveilthehiddentranscript?Ifsomeworkerturnstoarootdoctororprayerratherthanalaboruniontomakeanemployerlessevil,isthisacaseof“falseconsciousness”?Thesearenotidlequestions.MostoftheoralnarrativesandmemoirsofSouthernblackworkersspeakoftheseeventsormomentsashavingenormousmaterialconsequences.24

Ofcourse,thedivineandnetherworldsofconjurewererarely,ifever,theonlyresistanceordefensestrategiesusedbyblackworkingpeople,butintheirminds,bodies,andsocialrelationshipsthiswasrealpower—powerofwhichneithertheCIO,thePopulists,northeNAACPcouldboast.WiththeexceptionofVincentHarding,nohistorianthatIknowofsinceW.E.B.DuBoishasbeenboldenoughtoassertaconnectionbetweenthespiritandspiritualworldofAfricanAmericansandpoliticalstruggle.25Anticipatinghiscritics,DuBois’sBlackReconstructionboldlyconsideredfreedpeople’sunderstandingofdivineinterventionintheirnarrativesofemancipationand,indoingso,gavefuturehistoriansinsightintoanaspectofAfricanAmericanlifethatcannotbereducedtojust“culture”:

Foolishtalk,allofthis,yousay,ofcourse;andthatisbecausenoAmericannowbelievesinhisreligion.Itsfactsaremeresymbolism;itsrevelationvaguegeneralities;itsethicsamatterofcarefullybalancedgain.Buttomostofthefour

millionblackfolkemancipatedbycivilwar,Godwasreal.TheyknewHim.TheyhadmetHimpersonallyinmanyawildorgyofreligiousfrenzy,orintheblackstillnessofthenight.26

BuildingCommunityintheDark

Noteverynighttime“frenzy”wassacred.ManyAfricanAmericanworkingpeoplepiercedthestillnessofthenightwiththesoundsofbluesandjazz,laughterandhandclapping,moansandcries.TheseweretimeswhentheyhadhopedGodlookedtheotherway.

Thesesecularnightsarekeytounderstandingthehiddentranscript,theprivateworldsofblackworkingpeoplewherethoughts,dreams,andactionsthatwereotherwisechokedbackinpubliccouldfindexpression.Thesesecularspacesofleisureandpleasurearenolessimportantthanchurchesormutualbenefitsocieties.Butwhatcanweknowaboutthissideofcommunity?Afterall,theplacesofrest,relaxation,recreation,andrestorationrarelymaintainedarchivesorrecordedtheeverydayconversationsandnoisesthatfilledbars,dancehalls,bluesclubs,barbershops,beautysalons,andstreetcornersoftheblackcommunity.However,folklorists,anthropologists,oralhistorians,musicians,andwritersfascinatedby“Negrolife”preservedarelativelylargebodyofculturaltextswhichhaveallowedscholarsaccesstothehiddentranscript.Ahandfulofpioneeringscholarsandcritics,includingAmiriBaraka,LawrenceLevine,andSterlingStuckey,demonstratethatAfricanAmericanworkingpeoplecreatedarich,dynamicculturethatservedasbothawindowintoahiddenconsciousnessanda“weaponoftheweak.”Theseauthorsnotonlyinsistedthatblackculturerepresentsatleastapartialrejectionofthedominantideology,butthatitwasforgedwithinthecontextofstruggleagainstclassandracialdomination.AsarchaeologistsofAfricanAmericanruralandurbanworking-classculturewhosesite/sightextendswidely,theyhaveexhumedandinterpretedanarrayofmaterials.Afewscholarsinliterature,folklore,evenpoliticalscience,havere-examinedmuchofthismaterialtoreinterprethistoricallythepoliticsofrace,gender,andclass.ThechallengeforSouthernlaborhistoriansistodeterminepreciselyhowthisrichexpressiveculture—whichwasfrequentlyinconflictwithformalworking-classinstitutions—shapedandreflectedblackworking-classinfrapolitics.27

Ofcourse,notallbluesorgospellyricsspoketooppression,norcouldoneassignpoliticalmeaningtotheentirebodyoffolklore,jokes,andvariousother

oraltexts.Blackworking-classculturewascreatedmoreforpleasure,notmerelytochallengeorexplaindomination.Butpeoplethoughtbeforetheyacted,andwhattheythoughtshaped,andwasshapedby,culturalproductionandconsumption.Besides,foraworkingclasswhosedaysconsistedofbackbreakingwagework,lowincome,longhours,andpervasiveracism,thesesocialsitesweremorethanrelativelyfreespacesinwhichthegrievancesanddreamsofanexploitedclasscouldbeopenlyarticulated.TheyenabledAfricanAmericanstotakebacktheirbodiesfortheirownpleasureratherthananother’sprofit.

Studiesconductedduringthe1920sand1930sofpublicrecreationinSoutherncitiesrevealthatopportunitiesforwhitesweremeager,whichmeantthatfacilitiesforAfricanAmericanswerewoefullyinadequate.Movietheaters,parks,recreationalcenters,swimmingpools,andbeacheswereeithersegregated,availabletoAfricanAmericansondesignateddays,orcompletelyofflimits.FewSoutherncitieshadoutdooramusementparks,butthey,too,wereeithercompletelysegregatedorforwhitesonly.28AlthoughAfricanAmericanswerelessthanpleasedwiththird-ratesegregatedfacilities,theyneverthelessmadethemostofJimCrow’sparks,theaters,andnickelodeons.Intheshadowof“WhitesOnly”signsandpoliceofficersaggressivelymonitoringthecolorline,theyfoundpleasureandfellowship,funandgames,inthesesegregatedspaces.HistorianEarlLewisputitbest:Southernblackfolkturnedsegregationinto“congregation.”Congregation,Lewiswrites,“symbolizedanactoffreewill,whereassegregationrepresentedtheimpositionofanother’swill….[AfricanAmericans]discovered,however,thatcongregationinaJimCrowenvironmentproducedmorespacethanpower.Theyusedthisspacetogathertheirculturalbearings,tomoldtheurbansetting.”29

Butthesesecularformsofcongregationfrequentlydrewthewrathofblacksacredcongregations.Thechurch’sstrictmoralcodesandrulesforpublicbehavioroftencameintoconflictwithaspectsofblackworking-classculture,particularlytheirengagementwithcommericalizedleisure.BaptistsandMethodistsdisciplinedmembersforpatronizingginjoints,forwilddancing,andforgambling.Throughnewspapercolumsandleaflets,maleandfemaleactivistsinthechurchrailedagainstarangeofimproprieties,suchas“gumchewing,loudtalking,gaudycolors,thenickelodeon,jazz,”tonamebutafew.AleaderoftheBaptistchurchwarnedthat“Thesurewaytoruinisbywayofthepublicdancehall.”30

Indeed,themoralpanicovercommercializedleisureamongblackmiddle-class

spokespersonshadreachedcrisisproportionsbytheeveofWorldWarI.In1914,W.E.B.DuBoisandAugustusDillsurveyedseveralhundredleadingAfricanAmericansaboutthestateof“mannersandmorals”amongyoungpeople,andmanypointedtopopularcultureastherootcauseofmoraldegeneracy.“Movies,Ibelieve,”repliedoneinformant,“haveanunwholesomeeffectupontheyoungpeople.Rollerskating,ragtimemusic,cabaretsongs,anduglysuggestionsofthebigcityareallpernicious.Thedancingclubsinthebigcitiesarealsovicious.”Anotherrespondentfearedthatyoungpeople“assembleindivesandhangaroundthecomersingreatnumbers,especiallytheboys.Manyofthemarebecominggamblersandidlers.”31

Womenwerescrutinizedmuchmorecloselythanmen.Theyweretoldhowtodressandwarnednottoevenventureinto“unwholesome”amusements.Bothmenandwomenofthechurchinsistedthatthehomesphereiswherethefemalebelongs—unless,ofcourse,sheisperformingtheworthylaborsoforganizingforthechurch,helpingthecommunity,orearningmoneytoputfoodonthetable.AsEvelynBrooksHigginbbthampointsout,

thecompetingimagesofthechurchandthestreetsymbolizedculturaldivisionswithinthemassoftheblackworkingpoor….[T]hechurchandthestreetconstitutedopposingsitesofassembly,withgender-ladenandclass-ladenmeanings.Thestreetsignifiedmaleturf,apublicspaceofworldlydangersandforbiddenpleasures….Womenwhostrolledthestreetsorattendeddancehallsandcheaptheaterspromiscuouslyblurredtheboundariesofgender.32

Butresistancefromministers,middle-classleaders,uprightworking-classcongregants—nottomentionwhiteemployers—didnotstopAfricanAmericanworkingpeoplefrom“hangingout”nordiditstopthemfromshowingupinchurchonSundaymorning.“EveryFridayandSaturdaynight,”recallsAtlantabluesmusicianRoyDunn,“somebodyinadifferentplacehadwhatyoucallanopenhouse.They’dgivesomekindofparty,abarbecueorsomething,inordertogivepeoplesomewheretogo.Causetherewasn’tnowhereuntilSunday,andthatwaschurch.”Asidefromhouseparties,someofthemostpopularsitesofFridayandSaturdaynightcongregationweredancehalls,bluesclubs,and“jookjoints.”33Indarkenedroomsranginginsizefromhugehallstotinydens,blackworkingpeopleofbothsexesshookandtwistedtheiroverworkedbodies,drank,talked,engagedinsexualplay,and—inspiteofoccasionalfights—reinforcedtheirsenseofcommunity.Whetheritwasthecallandresponseofabluessinger’slyricsorthesightofdozensofsweatybrownbodiesinmotion,doing

the“slop,”the“snakehips,”oranyofthefamiliardancesoftheday,theformandcontentofsuchleisureactivitieswereunmistakablycollective.34

Iamnotsuggestingthatparties,dances,andotherleisurepursuitsweremerelyguisesforpoliticalevents,orthattheseculturalpracticeswereclearactsofresistance.Instead,muchifnotmostofAfricanAmericanpopularculturecanbecharacterizedas,touseRaymondWilliams’sterminology,“alternative”ratherthanoppositional.35Mostpeopleattendedthoseeventstoescapefromtheworldofassemblylines,relieflines,andcolorlines,andtoleavemomentarilytheindividualandcollectivebattlesagainstracism,sexism,andmaterialdeprivation.Butthisisstillonlypartofthestory,forseekingthesonic,visceralpleasuresofmusicandfellowship,thesensualpleasuresoffood,drink,anddancing,wasnotjustaboutescapingthevicissitudesofSouthernlife.Blackpatronswentwithpeoplewhohadasharedknowledgeoftheseculturalforms,peoplewithwhomtheyfeltkinship,peopletowhomtheytoldstoriesaboutthedayorthelatestjoke,peoplewhosharedacommonvernacularfilledwithagrammarandvocabularythatstruggledtoarticulatethebeautyandburdenoftheirracial,class,andgenderexperiencesintheSouth.Theywereoftenspaceswhichallowedforfreersexualexpression,particularlyforwomenwhosesexualitywasoftencircumscribedbyemployers,familymembers,thelaw,andthefearofsexualassaultinasocietywithfewprotectionsforblackwomen.Onescholarofblackdancewrote,“Intheatmosphereofincreasingurbananonymityandthepleasuresofagoodtime,danceinthehonky-tonkbecamemoredirectlyassociatedwithsensationandsexualcoupling.”CootGrant,aperformerwhogrewupinBirminghamwatchingdancersthrougha“peepholeinthewall”atherfather’shonky-tonk,remembersthatthepopulardancesoftheturnofthecenturyboreprovocativetitleslike“theFannyBump,BuzzardLope,FishTail,EagleRock,Itch,Shimmy,Squat…andamillionothers.”36

Knowingwhathappensinthesespacesofpleasurecanhelpusunderstandthesolidarityblackpeoplehaveshownatpoliticalmassmeetings,illuminatethebondsoffellowshiponefindsinchurchesandvoluntaryassociations,andunveiltheconflictsacrossclassandgenderlinesthatshapeandconstrainthesecollectivestruggles.Furthermore,whenweconsidertheneedsofemployersandthepoweroftheProtestantworkethicinAmericanculture,theseeventsunderminedlabordisciplinewhile,inmanycases,reinforcingblackworking-classtiestoconsumerculture.Blackworkingpeoplewhospenttimeandtheirpreciouslittlemoneyatthedancehalls,bluesclubs,andhouseparties,culturalcriticPaulGilroyastutelyobserves,essentially

seewagedworkasitselfaformofservitude.Atbest,itisviewedasanecessaryevilandissharplycounterposedtothemoreauthenticfreedomsthatcanonlybeenjoyedinnonworktime.Theblackbodyisherecelebratedasaninstrumentofpleasureratherthananinstrumentoflabor.Thenighttimebecomestherighttime,andthespaceallocatedforrecoveryandrecuperationisassertivelyandprovocativelyoccupiedbythepursuitofleisureandpleasure.37

Yet,wemustkeepinmindthatplacesofleisurewerealsoplacesofworkforsomesegmentsoftheblackworkingclass,particularlywomenforwhomthereexistedfewopportunitiesoutsideofdomesticservice.Localsingersanddancers,forinstance,frequentlyhelddayjobs,turningtoperformanceasbothameansofartisticself-expressionaswellasanadditionalsourceofincome.Besideswaitresses,barmaids,coatchecks,andassortedserviceworkerswhosetipsderivedlargelyfromthewagesofblackworking-classmaleconsumers,wemustalsoconsidertheworkexperiencesofawiderangeof“sexworkers”andescorts.Somedancehallsemployedyoungwomentodancewithunescortedmenforasmall“per-dance”feeofanickelordime.Sexualliaisonsandcompanionshipcouldbepurchasedbymen,andthemenandwomeninvolvedinthetraffickingoffemalebodiesmadetheirlivingsellingwomen’ssexuality.Tolookattheurbanpleasure/sexindustryintheSouthbyexploringlaborrelationsandthelaborprocesswouldyieldsomeinterestingresults,nodoubt.

Giventhecoerciveandillicitnatureofthispartoftheundergroundeconomy,thehazardsinvolved,theparticulargenderandracialdimensions,alaborhistoryapproachalonehasobviouslimitations.Forinstance,whileprostitutionofferedwomenameansofincometosupplementwagelabororenablethemtoescapedomesticservice,wemustconsidertheextenttowhichanonymoussexordancingwasasourceofpleasure,especiallycomparedtocleaningandcooking.Somuchsothatwomenwhotraveledunescortedatnightinpublicwerefrequentlyassumedtobeprostitutes,especiallyiftheywereanywhereneartheplacesofamusement.InAtlanta,forexample,thepolicehadwhatwascalled“asundownlawwithwomen.”Oftenitdidnotmatterifthewomanwasaknownprostituteornot;ifshewasbyherselfinarestaurantorclub,shewaslikelytobearrested.38Furthermore,inlightofthewaysinwhichblackwomen’ssexualexpressionorparticipationinpopularamusements(especiallyinheterosocialpublicplaces)hasbeenconstrained,notonlybyJimCrowbutbyVictorianmores,blackwomen’sinvolvementinthepleasureindustrymightbeseenasbothtypicalandtransgressive.Typicalinthatblackwomen’sbodieshavehistoricallybeenexploitedassitesofmalepleasure;transgressiveinthatwomen

wereabletobreakthestraightjacketofwhatEvelynBrooksHigginbothamcallsthe“politicsofrespectability”inexchangeforthepossibilityoffemalepleasure.Itisalsopotentiallyempoweringsinceitturnlaborsnotassociatedwithwagework—dancing,sexualplay,intercourse—intoincome.39

WhileFridayandSaturdaynightsinSoutherncitiesweremomentssetasideforthe“pursuitofleisureandpleasure,”someofthemostintenseskirmishesbetweenblackworkingpeopleandauthorityeruptedafterweekendgatherings.DuringWorldWarIIinBirmingham,forexample,racialconflictsonpublictransportationonFridayandSaturdaynightswerecommonplace;manyoftheincidentsinvolvedblackyouthreturningfromdancesandparties.Thisshouldnotbesurprisingsincetheseyoungmenandwomenwhorodepublictransportationingroupswereemboldenedbyasenseofsocialsolidarityrootedinasharedculture,commonfriends,generationalidentity,nottomentionalevelofnaiveteastothepossibleconsequencesof“actingup”inwhite-dominatedpublicspace.Leavingsocialsiteswhichultimatelyreinforcedasenseofcollectivitythroughsharedculture,combinedpossiblywiththeeffectofalcoholandreefer,emboldenedmanyyoungblackpassengers.OntheSouthBessemerline,whichpassedsomeofthepopularblackdancehalls,whitepassengersandoperatorsdreadedthe“unbearable”presenceoflargenumbersofAfricanAmericanswho“pushedandshoved”whiteridersatwill.Asoneconductornoted,“negroesareroughandboisterouswhenleavingdowntowndancesatthistimeofnight.”40

Thenighttimealsoaffordedblackworkingpeopletheopportunitytobecomesomethingotherthanworkers.Inaworldwhereclothesconstitutedsigninersofidentityandstatus,“dressingup”wasawayofsheddingthedegradationofworkandcollapsingstatusdistinctionsbetweenthemselvesandtheiroppressors.AsoneAtlantadomesticworkerremembers,theblackbusinessdistrictofAuburnAvenuewas“wherewedressedup,becausewecouldn’tdressupduringtheday….We’ddressupandputonourgoodclothesandgototheshowonAuburnAvenue.Andyouweregoingplaces.Itwaslikewhitefolks’Peachtree.”41

Seeingoneselfandothers“dressedup”wasenormouslyimportantintermsofconstructingacollectiveidentitybasedonsomethingotherthanwagework,presentingapublicchallengetothedominantstereotypesoftheblackbody,andreinforcingasenseofdignitythatwasperpetuallybeingassaulted.Manypoorblackparentsdressedtheirchildreninamannerthatcamouflagedclassdifferences.“Onlybyouraddress,”GloriaWade-Gaylesrecalls,“couldour

teachersidentifymanyofusasresidentsoftheproject.Weworestarchedhand-me-downsorinexpensiveclothesboughtontimeandinbasementsalesatstoresonMainStreet.Shinolapolishkeptourshoeswhiteorshiny,andshoerepairmenonthecornerkeptthemsoled.”Ironically,“betterclassNegroes,”whooftencriticizedworking-classAfricanAmericansfortheirslovenlyappearance,sometimesfoundtheireffortstodressstylishlyannoyingandunproductive.Inhisbook,TheGeorgiaNegro:AHistory(1937),AsaGordonadmonishedthestate’sblackworking-classpopulationforspendingmoreonclothes“thancircumstancesdemandedandincomesuggested.”AfricanAmericans“insistonwearingclothes,that,forthem,representextravagantluxury.Negroeswithsmallincomesinsistonwearingthebestclothes‘moneycanbuy.’”42

Theseeffortstore-presentthebodythroughdresswereadouble-edgedswordsincethestylesAfricanAmericansadoptedalltoofrequentlyreinforcedratherthanchallengedbourgeoisnotionsofrespectability.Indeed,byridiculingblackeffortstoappear“respectable,”whiteelitessecuredtheirownstatusasthemeasureoftasteandrespectability.MinstrelsyandpopularfilmcommonlylampoonedAfricanAmericanswhodressedstylishlyforpublicoutings,recastingthisblackversionofthebourgeoispromenadeasanotherexampleofRastusaping“better-class”whitecitizens.43

Nevertheless,thepoliticalimplicationsofdressasanassertionofdignityandresistanceshouldnotbedismissedasperipheraltothe“real”strugglesofSouthernblackworkingpeople.Clotheshavetheirownsocialmeanings,dependingonthecontextinwhichtheyareworn.Understandably,clothingcouldserveasabadgeofoppressionorasignoftransgression.44Theobviousandmostextremecasesinvolvedreturningblackveteranswhowerebeatenandlynchedforwearingtheirmilitaryuniformsinpublic.InGeorgiaalone,wheretwenty-twoAfricanAmericanswerelynchedin1919,itwasclearthatblacksoldiersweresingledout.OneveteranwasbeatentodeathbyamobinBlakely,Georgia,“forwearinghisuniformtoolong.”ThereareseveralcasesduringtheSecondWorldWarinwhichblackuniformedsoldiers—mostofthemstationedintheSouth—werebeatenorshotbywhiteciviliansorpoliceofficers.Asmilitarypersonnelrepresentingahigherauthority,theuniformsemboldenedsomeAfricanAmericanstochallengesegregation(seechapter3).Moreoftenthannot,however,theuniformsturnedblacksoldiersintomovingtargets.Toensuretheirsafety,manyAfricanAmericansoldierschosetowearonlytheircivilianclotheswhenoutonfurlough“onaccountofintimidation.”45

ProtectingtheVeil

Cultureandcommunityareessentialforunderstandingblackworking-classinfrapolitics.Hiddeninhomes,dancehalls,andchurches,embeddedinexpressivecultures,iswheremuchofwhatischokedbackatworkorinwhite-dominatedpublicspacecanfindexpression.“Congregation”enablesblackcommunitiestoconstructandenactasenseofsolidarity;tofightwitheachother;tomaintainandstruggleoveracollectivememoryofoppressionandpleasure,degradationanddignity;todebatewhatitmeanstobe“black,”“Negro,”“colored,”andsoforth.

Congregationcanalsobeadangerousthing.WhileJimCrowordinancesensuredthatchurches,bars,socialclubs,barbershops,beautysalons,evenalleys,wouldremain“black”space,segregationgaveAfricanAmericansaplacetohide,aplacetoplan.WhenwhiterulinggroupshadreasontosuspectdissidentactivitiesamongAfricanAmericans,authoritiestriedtomonitorandsometimesshutdownblacksocialspaces—usuallyswiftlyandviolently.Mererumorsofblackuprisingsmadeanyblackgatheringplacefairgameforillegal,oftenbrutal,invasions.46

Topenetratetheothersideoftheveil,employersandpoliceofficialsactivelycultivatedblack“stoolpigeons”orinformerstomaintaintabsontheblackcommunity.AccordingtoHoseaHudson,ablacklabororganizerandCommunistPartymemberinAlabamaduringthe1930sand1940s,policeandwelfareagenciesoftenreliedon“stoolpigeons”toinformontheirneighbors.“Manytimeswhenthesewelfareofficialscameintoacommunity,firstthingtheydo,wasgoingtoa[stoolpigeon’s]homebeforetheygoroundtoseeanybodyelseonthisblock.”Theagentwouldthenproceed“fromhousetohouse,andcouldnearabouttellyouifyouhaddoneanythingtoearnanymoneyfromlastweekuntilthistime,becausethat’swhatthesestoogesinthecommunitywoulddo.”47Thesuccessofstoolpigeonsoftendependedonthesamestrategiesblackworkingpeopleusedtoresistexploitation.Blackinformershadtomaintainalowprofileanddonamaskinfrontofotherblackfolksincetheywerelesseffectiveasspieswithoutentryintothecommunityofworkers.

Thatstoolpigeonscanexistinblackcommunities,andthattheirreasonsforturninginformantmightbemotivatedbythesamecircumstancesthatledmanyofHoseaHudson’scomradesintotheCommunistParty(i.e.,joblessnessandpoverty),reinforcetheideathatneithermutualoppressionnorcommonskin

coloraloneexplainblackworking-classsolidarity.Thebasesandformsofresistancewerenotonlyaproductoftheirexperienceswithracism,wagelabor,andsexism,butwerealsorootedinAfricanAmericancommunities1conversations,culturalpractices,andcollectiveeffortstomaketheirlivesbetter.Whenwesearchforthelocusofworking-classopposition,weoughttolooknotonlyatantiracistactivitiesorworkplaceconflictsbutatthedynamicprocessesbywhichsocialandculturalinstitutionswereconstructedandtimeandspaceforleisureappropriated.

ThecultureofAfricanAmericanworkingpeopleshapedandwasshapedbyblackcommunityinstitutions,constantlyrecreatedandreinforcedasenseofcollectiveidentity,andwasitselfpassionatelycontested.Individualandcollectiveexperiences,grievances,anddreamsweretalkedaboutandreflecteduponinthehiddensocialspacesthattendtofallbetweenthecracksofpoliticalhistory—spacesasdiverseasbarbershops,bars,andbenevolentsocieties.Byignoringorbelittlingthesesharedpracticesandprivilegingthepublicutterancesofblackmiddle-classleadership,severalracerelationsscholars,likeLesterLamoninhisstudyofTennessee,decidedthatblackworkingpeople“remainedsilent,eithertakingthelineofleastresistanceorimplicitlyadoptingtheAmericanfaithinhardworkandindividualeffort.”48Iftheyhadlookeddeeperbeyondtheveil,beyondthepublictranscriptofaccommodationandtraditionalprotest,theywouldhavefoundmoreclamorthansilence.

Chapter3CongestedTerrain

ResistanceonPublicTransportation

Ayoungsoldier,inuniform,wasseatedinthefrontofaBirminghambus,inthedayswhenthewhitefolksofthatcityhadnotyetgottenstraightenedoutaboutcivilrights.Atthenextstopawhitemanboardedthevehicle,paidhisfare,andapproachedtheebonysoldier.“I’lltakethatseat,”hesaidimperiously.“Youmovetothebackwhereyoubelong.”Thesoldierdidn’tbudge.“Ihaveaquestionforyou,”hesaid,hisvoicelowandeven.“Ifwewereonthebattlefield,wouldyoustillwantmetomovetothebackwhileyoustayedupfront?”

—POPULARAFRICANAMERICANJOKEDURINGWORLDWARII1

MovingTheaters

InanaddressbeforetheBessemerKiwanisClubin1942,AlabamawhitesupremacistleaderHoraceWilkinsonrelayedaconversationhehadhadinwhichaBirminghambusdriverpointedtoagroupofblackpassengersinthebackofthebusanddeclared,“Rightthere,mister,iswhereournextwarwillbreakout,anditmaystartbeforethisoneisover.”2Thatpublicspaceswerefrequentlythemostembattledsitesofblackworking-classoppositionduringWorldWarIIisnotsurprising.Social,economic,andpoliticalupheavalcausedbythewarwaslargelyresponsibleforheightenedconflictonpublicconveyances.Wartimerhetoricunintentionallyunderminedthelegitimacyofwhitesupremacy.BlackAmericanswereexpectedtosupportawaragainstHitler—whoseplanforAryansupremacywastreatedasathreattoWesterndemocracy—whilewhitesupremacyandsegregationcontinuedtobeawayoflifeintheDeepSouth.AfricanAmericans,especiallytheyouth,believedracismcouldnolongerbejustifiedonhomesoil,andthosewhowereunwillingtotolerateitanylongerexhibitedgreatermilitancyinpublicspacessuchasbusses,streetcars,oroncitystreets.3

ThesedailybattlesonpublictransportationhaveenormousimplicationsforthestudyofAfricanAmericanworking-classopposition.Contrarytotheexperiencesofwhiteworkers,forwhompublicspaceeventuallybecameakindof“democraticspace”wherepeopleofdifferentclassbackgroundssharedcitytheaters,publicconveyances,streets,andparks,4forblackpeoplewhite-dominatedpublicspacewasvigilantlyundemocraticandpotentiallydangerous.JimCrowsigns,filthyandinoperablepublictoilets,whitepoliceofficers,racialepithets,darkbodiesstandingintheaislesofhalf-emptybusses,weredailyvisualandauralremindersofthesemicolonialstatusblackpeopleoccupiedintheJimCrowSouth.Ofcourse,throughoutmostofthetwentiethcenturyindividualAfricanAmericanshavefoughtbackinanefforttoatleastamelioratepublicaccommodations,buttheirstruggleshavelargelybeenignoredbyhistorians.Whiletheprimaryprojectofcivilrightsscholarshiphasbeentoexaminedesegregation,thestudyofblackresistancetosegregatedpublicspaceremainsoneoftheleastdevelopedareasofinquiry.Therearecountlessstudiesofwell-organizedmovementswithdefinedgoals,spokespersons,andformalorganizationsbehindthem,buthistoriansasawholehavenotexaminedinanydetailtheeverydayposing,discursiveconflicts,andphysicalbattlesthatcreatedtheconditionsforthesuccessoforganized,collectivemovements.5Thishasbeenanunfortunateoversightsincemostblackworking-classresistance,asIemphasizedinthepreviouschapters,hasremainedunorganized,clandestine,andevasive.Moreover,examplesofblackworking-classresistanceinpublicspacesoffersomeoftherichestinsightsintohowrace,gender,class,space,time,andcollectivememoryshapebothdominationandresistance.Thepurposeofthischapter,therefore,isto“remap”blackworking-classoppositionbyshiftingfocusawayfromtheworkplaceandcommunitytopublicspace,namelyBirmingham’sstreetcarsandbussesduringtheSecondWorldWar.

Asthewartimeeconomygeneratedmoreemploymentopportunitiesandruralresidentsmigratedtothecitytofillthesejobs,thesheernumberofpeoplemovingtoandfromworkovertaxedanalreadylimitedfleetofstreetcarsandbusses.Becausepublictransportationprovidedlimitedspacethathadtobeshared—evenifraciallydivided—betweenblacksandwhites,battlesoverspace,aswellasthemannerinwhichspacewasallocated,resultedinintenseracialconflict.EvenpolicecommissionerEugene“Bull”Connor,whowasmoreinclinedtoblameoutsideagitatorsforanyactionresemblingblackmilitancy,placedmuchoftheblameonthewartimeeconomy:“Thewarhasbroughtunprecedentedconditions.Stations,depots,carriers,busses,streetcars…arecrowdedtocapacity;sidewalks…arecongested;storesandelevatorsarefilled

withpeople.”6

Insomeways,thedesignandfunctionofbussesandstreetcarsrenderedthemuniquesitesofcontestation.Anespeciallyaptmetaphorforunderstandingthecharacterofdominationandresistanceonpublictransportationmightbetoviewtheinteriorspacesas“movingtheaters.”Theatercanhavetwomeanings:asasiteofperformanceandasasiteofmilitaryconflict.First,dramasofconflict,repression,andresistanceareperformedinwhichpassengerswitness,orparticipatein,awidevarietyof“skirmishes”thatshapetheircollectivememory,illustratethelimitationsaswellaspossibilitiesofresistancetodomination,anddrawmorepassengersintothe“performance.”Thedesignofstreetcarsandbussesthemselves—enclosedspaceswithseatsfacingforwardortowardthecenteraisle—lentadramaturgicalqualitytoeverydaydiscursiveandphysicalconfrontations.7

TheaterasamilitarymetaphorisparticularlyappropriateinlightofthefactthatallbusdriversandstreetcarconductorsinBirminghamcarriedgunsandblackjacks,andusedthemprettyregularlytomaintainorder.AsoneBirminghamresidentrecalls,duringthe1940sstreetcarconductors“werejustlikepolicemans[sic].Theycarriedgunstoo.”8AfricanAmericanandsomewhiteliberalridersfoundstreetcarconductorsandbusdriverstobeparticularlyracist.Oneleadingwhiteprogressivenotedthat“theKlanhaspickedupagoodmanymembersfromthestreet-carandbusoperators.”9Andtheypolicedtheaisleswithavengeance.Eventhemildestactofresistance,fromtalkingtooloudtoarguingoverchange,couldleadtoejectionwithoutafarerefundor,insomecases,arrest.Profanityorphysicalcontestcouldresultinasix-monthjailsentenceor,inmostcases,asubstantialfineandcourtcosts.10

Atransgressiveactfrequentlyledtoviolence,whichwassurprisinglycommonplaceonBirmingham’scitytransitsystem.InAugust1943,forexample,whenablackwomanridingtheSouthEastLake-Ensleylinecomplainedtotheconductorthathehadpassedherstop,hefollowedheroutofthestreetcarand,inthewordsoftheofficialreport,“knockedherdownwithhandleofgun.Nofurthertrouble.”11TwomonthslateronaNorthBessemerstreetcar,ablackmanloadeddownwithluggagewasbeatenseverelyfornotmovingfastenoughfortheconductorandforcursing.Inthewordsoftheofficialreport,“Operatorhithimwithhisfistandknockedhimoutofcar.”Angrybutapparentlyundaunted,themanboardedthecaragain“andkept

talkingsooperatorhithimwith[a]blackjack.”12Thetaskofpolicingpublictransportationwasalsotakenupbywhitemalepassengers,manyofwhomwereworking-class.ThereweredozensofincidentsinwhichwhitementhrewAfricanAmericanmenandwomenoffthevehicle,slappedblackwomen,ordrewgunsonblackpassengers.Rarelyweretheyprosecutedorevencharged.Oneofthemostdramaticincidents—amongthefewtoreceivesomepublicity—involvedStevenEdwards,ablackpassengerwhowasshotseveraltimesduringanaltercationwithabusdriverontheAvenueFline.Incensedthatseveralblackpassengerswereforcedtomovefurtherbacktomakeroomforwhitepassengers,Edwardsdemandedhisfareberefunded.Whenthedriverwouldnotreturnthecorrectfare,theindignantEdwardsbegancursingandafightensued.Thedrivershothimtwiceandanarmed,unidentifiedwhitepassengerwhohadjustboardedthebusshothimtwomoretimes.Neitherthedrivernorthearmedpassengerwereblamed;Edwardswasfoundguiltyofdisorderlyconductandfined$50.13

Despitetherepressive,police-likeatmosphereonpublictransportation,blackpassengersstillresisted.OverthecourseoftwelvemonthsbeginningSeptember1941,therewereatleasteighty-eightcasesofblacksoccupying“white”spaceonpublictransportation,fifty-fiveofwhichwereopenactsofdefianceinwhichAfricanAmericanpassengerseitherrefusedtogiveuptheirseatsorsatinthewhitesection.Butthisisonlypartofthestory,sincethetotalnumberofreportedincidentsandcomplaintsofracialconflictreached176:includingatleast18interracialfightsamongpassengers,22fightsbetweenblackpassengersandoperators,and13incidentsinwhichblackpassengersengagedinverbalorphysicalconfrontationsoverbeingshortchanged.14

Whatismorestrikingthanthesheernumberofincidentsisthefactthat,inmostcases,theracialcompartmentalizationofexistingspacewasnottheprimarypointofcontention.Formanyblackworking-classriders,simplygettingonthebuswasastruggleinandofitself.Itwasnotuncommon,forinstance,forhalf-emptybussesorstreetcarstopassupAfricanAmericansonthepretextthatspaceneededtobereservedinanticipationofadditionalwhiteriders.Accordingtoa1944report,thelargestnumberofreported“racial”incidentsinvolvedblackpassengerswhohadbeenpassedup,orthosewhofoughtdrivers/operatorswhoattemptedtostopthemfromboarding.15Asidefromtheobviousproblemsofnotbeingabletogettoone’sdestinationontime,orbeingstrandedatabusstopasfiveorsixbussespassby,riders’transfersexpirediftheyhadtowaittoolong,whichmeantpayingafullfarealloveragain.Anothercompanypolicy(theBirminghamElectricCompanyorBECOownedandoperatedthepublictransit

system)thathadasimilareffectwasthepracticeofforcingblackstopayatthefrontdoorandenterthroughthecenterdoors.Onnumerousoccasions,blackpassengerspaidtheirfareatthefrontdoorbutbeforetheyhadachancetoboardthebusdroveoff.16Theruleitselfwasnotonlyobnoxiousbutambiguous:driverswereinstructedto“collectfaresatthefrontentranceanddirectnegroestoboardatthecenterentranceofallvehicleswhentheyarecrowded”(emphasisadded).Whatwasmeantbycrowdedwasalwayssubjecttointerpretation,leadingtoimmenseconfusionand,attimes,intensedisagreement.17Besides,companypolicieswerethoughttobelessauthoritative,andthereforemorevulnerabletochallenges,thanmunicipalordinances.OneblackpassengeronthePratt-Ensleystreetcarwhowasarrestedforrepeatedlyboardingonthewhiteside,insistedthat“itwasnotalawtoboardon[the]coloredsection,justacompanyrule.”18

Publictransportation,unlikemostformsofpublicspace(e.g.,awaitingroomorawaterfountain)wasanextensionofthemarketplace.Passengerspaidfortransportation,whichifusedonadailybasiscouldadduptoasignificantportionoftheworkingpoor’sincome.Andtransportationcompaniesdependonfaresforprofit(althoughoperatorsandconductorsdidnotalwaysoperateonthebasisofeconomicrationality).Thisexplainswhydivisionsbetweenblackandwhitespacehadtoberelativelyfluidandflexible.Whenabusorstreetcartraveledthroughblackneighborhoods,onecouldexpectmoreblackriders;indeed,abuscompletelyfullwithblackpassengerswasnotanuncommonsight,especiallyonBirmingham’sWestSide.Withnofixeddividingline,blackandwhiteriderswerecontinuallycontestingadjustmentstowhatwasafluidboundary.Inshort,thelackofafixedcolorlinerenderedpublictransportationfarmorevulnerabletoeverydayactsofresistance.

TheambiguityofthecolorlineandthevarietyofwaysindividualdriversandconductorsinterpretedJimCrowlawsmeantthattheresistancedramasplayedoutinBirmingham’smovingtheaterswerenotalwayspredictable.InFebruaryof1944,forexample,alargecrowdofblackpassengersontheCollegeHillsline—whichhadareputationforhavingthemostbrutal,racistbusdrivers—satinaweasonedriveraskedthreewhitewomentomovetothesideseatsinordertomakeroomforblackpassengers!19AnevenmoredramaticscenetookplacetwomonthslateronthetheSouthEastLake-Ensleyline.Aroundmid-afternoonapoliceofficerboardedthecarandnoticedtwowhitemensittingbehindthecolorboardsononesideandAfricanAmericanssittingacrossfromthem.Theofficerdemandedthatthecolorboardsbemovedfurtherback,buttheconductorargued

thattodosowouldmeanmakingsomeblackpassengersstandunnecessarily;thetwowhitemenhadplannedtotransfertoanotherbusinafewstops.Whentheofficerrealizedthathecouldnotconvincehimtomovethecolorboards,heangrilytooktheconductor’sbadgenumberandfiledacomplaint.20

OneparticularlystartlingexchangetookplaceduringthepeakmorninghoursinApril1944,ontheMountainTerracebus.Theofficialreportisworthquotinginitsentirety:

Whitewomanboardedbusandstartedatiradeagainstnegroes,whichwasherusualcustom.At29thStreetshesaidshewasgoingtoseethatthecolorboardswerenotmovedthismorningtogivethenegroesmoreroom,andmovedasfarbackinbusasshecouldinthewhitesection.LatershecametoOperatorandaskedhimtomakethenegroesstoplaughingather.Hetoldherhecouldnotstopthemfromlaughing,shethenwentintoatirade.Anegrogirlmadesomeremark,sherushedbackandafightstarted.Operatorseparatedthemandhadnofurthertrouble.Thiswomancausessometroubleeverymorning.21

Thestoryisremarkable,forherewehaveagroupofAfricanAmericanpassengersfreelyridiculingawhitewomen,who—giventheracialandgenderpoliticsofchivalry—issupposedtobeprotectedbytheoperator.Inthisnarrativeitisthewhitewomanwhoisthe“troublemaker.”Moresignificantly,theoperatorimplicitlysideswiththeblackpassengersandshiftsthebalanceofpower,thusacknowledgingandtherebyunveilingwhatcouldhavebeenahiddentranscript:thelaughter(andridicule)amongblackpassengers.

Incidentssuchasthesewereimportant,fortheyilluminedtoblackridersthatsmallvictorieswereindeedpossiblewithintheframeworkof“separatebutequal,”nottomentioninstillingasenseoffearorfrustrationinthosewhiteriderswhowitnessedsuccessfulactsofblackresistanceorwhiteoperatorswhodefendedblackspaceattheexpenseofwhites.

Aswiththerestofthemarketplace,AfricanAmericansexperiencedpublictransportationasaformofeconomicexploitation.Onesourceoffrustrationwastheall-too-commoncasesofblackpassengerswhohadbeencheatedoutoftheirfareorshortchanged.Someunscrupulousdriversandconductorsmadeextramoneybyreturningthewrongchange,presumingthatblackworkingpeoplecouldnotcount.Onetacticwastogivebackonlycoinsforlargebills.OnewomanontheEastLake-WestEndlinepaidthetencentsfarewitha$5billand

theoperatorreturnedherchangeindimes,despiteherinsistenceonreceiving“greenbacks.”Whenshefinallycountedthehandfulofdimesitonlyamountedto$1.40.22

Unlikeintheworkplace,whereworkersenteredasdisempoweredproducersdependentonwagesforsurvivalandbeholden,ostensiblyatleast,totheirsuperiors,workingpeopleenteredpublictransportationasconsumers—andwithasenseofconsumerentitlement.Argumentsandfightsoverbeingshortchangedwerefairlycommonduringthewar,andactsofresistancesometimestookonmorematerialthansymbolicforms.Therewerenumerouscasesinwhichblackpassengersinfactrefusedtopaytheirfareorattemptedtopayonlyaportiontoprotesttheirsecond-classstatus.23

SmallWarZones

Thecommoditizednatureofpublictransportation,thegrowingnumberofblackandwhiteworking-classpassengers,andthehighlychargedpoliticalatmospherecausedbythewarturnedbussesandstreetcarsintotheatersinthesenseofsmallwarzonesaswell.Theyprovidedmicrocosmsofrace,class,andgenderconflictthatragedinothersocialspacesthroughoutthecity(i.e.,sidewalks,parks,andstreets)butotherwiserarelyfoundaplaceinthepublicrecord.Someofthesebattlesreflectedthefrustrationsofanembitteredblackworkingclasswhichstillexperiencedracistemploymentpracticesdespitetheboomingeconomy.Althougharatherlargepercentageofjoblessblackmalesfoundemployment,eitherinthearmedservicesorinthelowerechelonsofindustry,andthousandsleftAlabamatotakeadvantageofNorthernemploymentopportunities,racismneverthelesslimitedtheoptionsavailabletoAfricanAmericanworkingpeople.Themajorityofblacksweredeniedaccesstoemploymenttrainingprograms,andwhite-controlledindustrialunionsactivelylimitedblackoccupationalmobility.TheFairEmploymentPracticesCommittee,whichheldhearingsinBirminghamin1943,wasapparentlypowerlesstobringaboutchanges.Infact,duringthewarthepercentageofblacksemployedinthesteelindustryactuallydeclinedfrom41percentin1940to38percentin1945,andblacksteelworkersonaverageearned80percentofwhattheirwhitecoworkersearned.Conditionsforblackwomenwerecertainlynobetter;manytrieddesperatelytoescapedomesticworkandtakeadvantageofindustrialjobs,butinBirminghamvirtuallyall“femalepositions”werereservedforwhitewomen.Thosewhosuccessfullymovedoutofdomesticworkmerelyfilledotherkindsofservicejobs—suchasdishwashers,cooks,busgirls,mechanicallaundryworkers—jobs

whitewomenhadvacated.24

Whiteworking-classbusandstreetcarpassengerswerealsoembittered,thoughfordifferentreasons.Manywereunskilledworkers(ortheirchildren)whohadbeendrawnintotheorbitofindustrialproductionandfearedblacksweretaking“their”jobs.AracerioteruptedinMobileandwartimehatestrikestookplaceinseverallocations.ThesetensionsfueledintensebattlesoverspaceontheBoyles-TarrantCityline,whichservicedTarrantCity,anindustrialsuburbofBirminghamthatwashometoalargewhiteworking-classcommunity.Morefightsbetweenblackandwhitepassengersbrokeoutonthislinethanonanyotherbusorstreetcarlineinthecity.Numerouscaseswerereportedofwhitemenspittingonblackwomen,whiteworking-classyouthassaultingblackpassengersthroughstreetcarwindowsafterexiting,andfistfightsandverbalexchangesbreakingoutonaregularbasis.BetweenDecember1941andMay1942,atleasteightreportedincidentstookplaceofblackandwhitepassengersbrawlingonthebus.Inonereportedincident,occurringataround2:40AM,agroupof“Whiteboysrefusedtoletnegromanride,andejectedhim.”25

Attheforefrontofblackresistancewereyoungpeoplewhohadbeenradicalizedbythewarandwhosebackgroundsrangedfromservicementozootsuiters,militantfemalehighschoolstudentstoyounghouseholdworkers.AccordingtoaninternalreportbytheTransportationDepartmentoftheBirminghamElectricCompany,themajorityof“racialdisturbances”onpublictransportationwere“provoked,toalargeextent,byyoungernegroes.”Itwasindeedtruethatresistancetoracistpracticesonpublictransportationtookplaceatanespeciallyearlyage.Theevidencesuggeststhatblackmalechildrenandteenagersnotonlyengagedinverbalandphysicalconfrontationswithwhiteauthorities,buttheytendedtodirecttheirattacksonphysicalproperty.GroupsofblackyouthspentsomesummereveningsdisengagingtrolleycablesandescapingintodarkBirminghamalleyways,theSouthBessemerlinebeingaprimetarget.OneblackyouthwasarrestedforthrowingrocksataSouthEastLake-Ensleystreetcar;anotherwasjailedforsettingoffa“stinkbomb”onaBoylesstreetcar.Moreover,itwasn’tuncommonforblackschoolchildrenreturninghomefromschooltoplacetheirhands“in[the]centerdoorscausing[the]signalbelltoring.”Someoftheseformsofbehaviorcouldberegardedasplayfulpranks,butgiventherepressive,racistatmosphereonthebusandtheblackyouth’ssenseofalienationandfrustration,itishardtoimaginetheseactsasanythingbutoppositional,muchliketheoriginalmotivationbehindsubwaygraffiti,whichwasinitiallycalled“bombing.”26

Aspreviousscholarshiphasalreadydemonstrated,blackservicemengainedareputationasmilitantopponentsofJimCrow.27NumerousreportscamefromBirminghamofblacksoldiersattemptingtomovethecolorboards,sittingorstandinginthewhitesection,andfightingwithoperatorsaswellaswhitepassengersoveranyactofinjustice.InMarchof1943,ontheAvenueFbus,ablacksoldier(whomtheofficialreportclaimedwasfromNewYork)refusedtomoveoutofthewhitesection,clashedwithaknife-wieldingwhitepassenger,andwasseriouslyinjured.Thewhitepassengerwasarrestedbutfoundnotguilty;theblackservicemanwastakenawaybymilitaryauthorities.28Afewdayslater,ablacksoldierandafemalecompanionboardedtheSouth15thStreetbuslateoneeveningandoccupiedseatsinthewhitesection.Whenaskedtomovetheycomplainedandthenaskedfortheirtransfersback.Assoonastheysteppedoff,theybegancursingthedriver,whothenalightedandpulledagunonthem.Thesoldier,whowascarryinga“longbladeknife,”wasarrested.29

Inaworldwhereclothescarriedagreatdealofsocialmeaningandwereoftensignifiersofpower(orthelackthereof),blackmeninuniformsawthemselvesasrepresentingahigherauthorityand,therefore,feltempoweredtoactonprinciple.Moreimportantly,theiruniformssignifiedaclear,activeoppositiontofascismandAryansupremacy,whichispreciselywhatAfricanAmericansexperiencedintheSouthasfarasblacksoldierswereconcerned.Occasionallyblackservicementriedtoturnindividualactsofresistanceintocollectivebattles,byeitherdrawingotherpassengersormilitarypersonnelintothefray.OntheEastLake-WestEndLine,forexample,twoblacksoldiersboardedandpromptlysatinthewhitesection.Whentheconductoraskedthemtomoveback,onestartedtogetupbut“theotherpulledhimbackinhisseatandtalkedhimintoremaininginwhitesection.”Theywereeventuallyejected.30Inanotherincident,aloneblacksoldierboardedaNorthBirminghambusandstoodinthewhitesection.Whentoldtomovetotheback,herespondedwith“objectionablelanguage.”Atthenextstop,thesoldierblockedtheaisleinavainefforttocompelseveralblackpassengerswhohadjustboardedthebustojoinhisone-manprotest.Whenthedrivertriedtoejecthim,thesoldierfoughtback,knockedhimdown,andfledthescenebeforethepolicearrived.31

DespitethetendencyonthepartofhistorianstowritethehistoryofindividualresistanceonJimCrowbussesasagoodversusevil,justiceversusinjusticenarrative,notalloftheincidentsinvolvingblackservicemencouldeasilytranslateintodemandsforcollectiveequity,fairness,andjustice.Oftenthe

battlesweremorepersonal.Issuesofpersonalautonomy,masculinity,dignity,andfreedomtotransgresstheboundariesofacceptedbehavior—anegationofanassigned“place”asablack“boy”intheJimCrowSouth—werethebasesfordozensofphysicalconflicts.

Inalmosteverycase,transgressiveactsweremetbyviolence.WhenthedriverofanAcipcobusclosedthedooronablacksoldier’shandashewastossingacigarettebuttwhileboarding,thesoldierperceiveditasavicious,deliberateactofracism.Wordswereexchangedbetweenthetwo,whichquicklyescalatedintoafistfight:“Soldierdrewbacktohitoperator,whostrucksoldieronheadwithgun.Hereachedinhispocketandoperatortoldhimtotakehishandoutorhewouldkillhim.Hewithdrewhishandandleftbus.”32AnotherviolentincidentoccurredaftertwoblackservicemenboardedaWylam-BushHillsstreetcarreportedlycursing.Theoperatorattemptedtothrowthemoffthecar,butoneoftheservicemendrewaknifeandheldhimatbay.Thetwomenwerefinallysubduedbyanotherconductorfromanearbystreetcarandoneofhiswhitepassengers,whojusthappenedtohaveagun.33

Wemustnotexaggeratetheextenttowhichresistanceonbusseswasinitiatedbyblackservicemen.Mostoftheyoungmenwhocontestedthepowerofoperatorstoconfineblackstoinadequatespaces,whochallengedracistremarksandgestures,orwhoengagedinoutrageousactsofrebellionasameansof“testingthelimits”ofJimCrowhadmoreincommonwiththezootsuitersofLosAngelesorDetroitthantheuprightsoldierswhotendedtobemoreacceptablerolemodels.Therearecleardifferencesbetweenthetwo.Thesoldiers’clothesandstylesignifiedanantifascist,pro-democraticmessage.Bycontrast,thelanguageandcultureofthe“hipster”representedaprivilegingofethnicidentityandmasculinity,andarejectionofsubservience.Youngblackmalescreatedafast-paced,improvisationallanguagewhichsharplycontrastedwiththepassivestereotypeofthestuttering,tongue-tiedSambo.Inaworldwherewhitescommonlyaddressedthemas“boy,”zootsuitersmadeafetishofcallingeachother“man.”Thezootsuitersconstructedanidentityinwhichtheirgenderedandracialmeaningswereinseparable;oppositiontoracistoppressionwasmediatedthroughmasculinity.Theyalsocultivatedreputationsforbeing“tough”—veryfewtraveledwithoutweapons.AsHowardOdumrecordedduringthewar,themereimageofthesedraped-shape-cladhipstersstruckfearintheheartsofwhiteSoutherners.34Astheofficialreportsseemtosuggest,blackyouthwhowereproductsofthisdissidentsubculturewereparticularlyunrulyonFridayandSaturdaynights,asdiscussedearlierinthischapter.

Tomanyofthepassengersfamiliarwithtraditionsofblackfolklore,alotoftheseyoungmenmusthaveseemedlikemodern-day“Stagolees,”“baaadniggers”whoputonpublicdisplaysofresistancethatleftwitnessesinawe,thoughtheirtransgressiveactsdidnotleaddirectlytoimprovementsinconditions,norweretheyintendedto.Someboldlysatdownnexttowhitefemalepassengersand,oftenwithknifeinhand,challengedoperatorstomovethem.Othersrefusedtopaytheirfare,orsimplypickedfightswithbusdriversorwhitepassengers.InthemiddleofthedayontheFourthofJuly,ablackmanridingtheSouthBessemerlinepulledaknifeonanoperatorafterhewasaskedtomovetothebackofthebus.Inanotherincident,ablackpassengerontheEnsley-Fairfieldlineboarded,movedthecolordividersforwardtoincreasespaceallottedtoblackpassengers,andsatdownnexttoawhiteman.Theoperatorexpelledhim,buthereboardedonthereturntripandthistime“satbetweentwowhitemenandbegantolaughandmakeajokeaboutit.”Hewasthenmovedbodilytotheblacksection,butafewstopslaterapproachedthedriverwithanopenknife.Beforethepolicearrived,hejumpedoutofthewindowandescaped.Whenthebusreturnedlaterintheevening,hehadtheaudacitytoboardagain.35

TheSouthEastLake-EnsleyLineattractedsomeoftheroughestblackmeninthecity,inpartbecauseitsrouteservicedareaswhereanumberofdancehallsandbluesclubswerelocated.OnesuchincidenttookplaceinNovemberof1943,afterablackmannotonlyrefusedtomovetothebackofthevehicleinordertomakemoreseatsavailabletowhitepassengers,butaudaciously“leanedbackandstuckhisfeetoutintheaisle.Conductorstruckhimwithhisgunandnegromadeabreakfordoorsandsaid,‘I’llseeyouasyoucomeback.’”Beforehehadachancetomakegoodonhisthreat,hewasarrested.36Anothercaseinvolvedablackmanwho,afterbeingforcedtomoveoutofthewhitesection,demandedthathisfarebereturned.Whentheconductorrefused,themanbeganarguingwiththewhitepassengersand“invitedthemtocomeoveriftheywantedafight.”Hewassubsequentlyarrested.37Oneofthemostviolentincidentsoccurredduringthepeakeveninghours.Afightstartedwhentheconductortriedtomakeanallegedlyintoxicatedblackpassengerstopcursing.Theofficialreport,despiteitscrypticlanguage,describesthesceneindetail:

[The]negromadelungeatconductorwhoshovedhimback.Fightstartedandnegrokickedconductorbackinseat.Motormancametohisassistanceandnegrotookoutknife.Conductortookoutgunandhitnegroonheadandknockedhimdown.Anothernegroofferedtotakehimoffcarandtheyalighted.Carmade

downtownloopandstoppedat2[nd]Ave.and17thSt.wherethisnegroboardedwithopenknifeinupraisedhand.Fightstartedagainandnegrowasshotbyconductor.38

Nevertheless,likethefolkhero,theStagolee-typerebelwasnotalwaysregardedasaherotootherworking-classblackpassengers.Somewereembarrassedbyhisactions;themoresympatheticfearedforhislife.OnthePratt-Ensleystreetcar,forinstance,anearaltercationtookplacebetweentheconductorandablackmanwhohadcomplainedloudlyofhavingtoboardonthe“coloredside.”Hewasalreadyfamiliartotheconductorsincehehadhadpreviousargumentsaboutthecolorboards.Afterthreateningwordswereexchanged,thepassenger“puthandinpocketandcursedconductor.Whenhedidconductorgrabbedhis[gun]butdidnotpullitoutofholster,buttoldthenegroifhepulledaknifehewasgoingtokillhim.”Theblackpassengers,however,toldhim“tohushbeforehegotkilled.”Afewstopslaterhedecidedtodisembark.39

ThelargenumberofincidentsinvolvingblackwomenalsochallengethemyththatmostoppositiontoBirmingham’ssegregatedtransitsystemwaswagedbyblackmalesoldiers.Infact,althoughtheavailablerecordsareincomplete,itseemsthatblackwomenoutnumberedblackmeninthenumberofincidentsofresistanceonbussesandstreetcars.Between1941and1942,nearlytwiceasmanyblackwomenwerearrestedasblackmen,mostofthemchargedwitheithersittinginthewhitesectionorcursing.ThisshouldnotbesurprisinggiventhefactthatblackwomenhadalongtraditionofmilitantoppositiontoJimCrowpublictransportation,atraditionthatincludessuchcelebratedfiguresasSojournerTruth,IdaB.Wells-Barnett,and,ofcourse,RosaParks.40Moresignificantly,however,blackworkingwomeninBirminghamgenerallyrodepublictransportationmoreoftenthanmen.Maleindustrialworkerstendedtoliveinindustrialsuburbswithinwalkingdistanceoftheirplaceofemployment,whilethevastmajorityofblackworkingwomenweredomesticswhohadtotraveltowealthyormiddle-classwhiteneighborhoodsontheothersideoftown.

UnlikethepopularimageofRosaParks’squietresistance,mostblackwomen’soppositiontendedtobeprofaneandmilitant.InBirmingham,thereweredozensofepisodesofblackwomensittinginthewhitesection,arguingwithdriversorconductors,andfightingwithwhitepassengers,andinmostcasesthefinalsceneofthe“drama”endedwiththewomaneitherbeingejected,receivingarefundforherfareandleavingofherownaccord,movingtothebackofthevehicle,orgoingtojail.Throughoutthewar,dozensofblackwomenwerearrestedfor

merelycursingattheoperatororawhitepassenger.InOctoberof1943,forexample,ateenagernamedPaulineCarthattemptedtoboardtheCollegeHillslinearound8:00PM.Whenshewasinformedthattherewasnomoreroomfor“colored”passengers,sheforcedherwayintothebusanyway,threwhermoneyatthedriver,andcursedandspitonhim.Thedriverrespondedbyknockingheroutofthebus,throwinghertotheground,andholdingherdownuntilpolicearrived.41

Fightsbetweenblackwomenandwhitepassengerswerealsofairlycommon.InMarchof1943,ablackwomanandawhitemanboardingtheEastLake-WestEndlineapparentlygotintoashovingmatch,whichangeredtheblackwomantothepointwhereshe“cursedhimallthewaytoWoodlawn.”WhentheyreachedWoodlawnshewasarrested,sentencedtothirtydaysinjail,andforcedtopaya$50fine.42Onseveraloccasionstheviolencewasworsethansimpleshoving.OneblackwomanboardedaLakeviewbusandpromptlytooktheclosestavailableseat—nexttoawhiteman.Themanrespondedbystrikingher;blowswereexchanged,herswithanumbrella,hisincludingaclosedfistuponherjaw.Onlythewomanwasarrested,however.43OnaNorthBirminghambusafightensuedwhenablackwomanallegedlypushedawhitewomanoutofthewaywhileshewasboardingthroughthefrontdoorduringarainstorm.Soakingwet,thesetwowomen“wentdowntheaisle…fightingwiththeirumbrellas.”Butthebattledidnotendthere.Awhitemanstandingintheaislewhohadwitnessedthefightwalkeduptotheblackwoman(whobythenhadfoundaseat)andhitherwithhisownumbrella.She,inturn,“grabbed[his]umbrellaand[the]handlecameoff,andshestruckbackatmanwiththepartshehad.Operatorseparatedthemandtherewasnofurthertrouble.”Surprisingly,noonewasarrested.44

Althoughblackwomen’sactionswerenolessviolentorprofanethanmen’s,genderdifferencesdidshapeblackwomen’sresistance.HouseholdworkerswereinauniquepositiontocontestracistpracticesonpublictransportationwithoutsignificantlytransgressingJimCrowlawsorsocialetiquette.First,companyrulespermitteddomesticstravelingwiththeirwhiteemployers’childrentositinthesectiondesignatedforwhites.Theidea,ofcourse,wastosparewhitechildrenfromhavingtoenduretheNegrosection.WhilethiswastheofficialpolicyoftheBirminghamElectricCompany(ownerofthecitytransitsystematthetime),driversandconductorsdidnotalwaysobeyit,andanumberofemployersfiledcomplaints.45Nonetheless,themereexistenceoftheruleenabledblackwomentochallengetheindignityofbeingforcedtomoveorstand

whenseatswereavailable.

Second,whenemployerswerewillingtointerveneonbehalfoftheirdomestics,ithadtheeffectofredirectingblackprotestintolegitimate,“acceptable”avenues.SoonafterawhiteemployercomplainedthattheMountainTerracebusregularlypassed“coloredmaidsandcooks”andthereforemadethemlateforwork,thecompanytookaction.Accordingtothereport,“Operatorsonthisline[were]cautioned.”46Althoughafewofthereportedgrievancesreflectagenuineconcernonthepartofwhiteemployersforthewaydomesticworkersweretreatedonthebussesandstreetcars,47mostprotestsweremotivatedbymoreutilitarianconcerns.Employerscomplainedfrequentlyofvehiclespassingtheirworkers,whichmadethemlateforwork.Andwhenbussescontinuallypassedblackwomenlateintothenight,afewemployersgrudginglychosetodrivetheirmaidshome.48Yetthehistorianmustbeware—itisverypossiblethatblackwomenexaggeratedthenumberofincidentsinwhichpublictransportationwasresponsiblefortardiness.Theunreliabilityofpublictransportationprovidesaplausibleexcuseforabsenteeism,forstealingafewextrahoursofsleep,forattendingtoproblemsorrunningerrands—allofwhichwerestandardresistancestrategies,orpurelystrategiesformakingendsmeet,wagedbyhouseholdworkers.49

Becausemostblackdomesticshadtotravelaloneatnight,thefearofbeingpassedorforcedtowaitforthenextvehiclewasveryrealamongblackwomen.Standingatapoorlylit,relativelyisolatedbusstoplateatnightleftthempreytosexualandphysicalassaultbywhiteandblackmen.AssociologistCarolBrooksGardnerremindsus,inmanyneighborhoodsthestreets,particularlyatnight,areperceivedasbelongingtomen,andwomenwithoutescorts—nomatterhowwelltheycoulddefendthemselves—wereoftentreatedasavailableorvulnerable.IntheSouth,thisappliedlargely(thoughnotexclusively)toblackwomen,sincetheideologyofchivalrypresumablycompelledmostwhitementocometothedefenseofmostwhitewomen—thoughthiswasnotalwaysthecaseforworking-classwhitewomen.Althoughonemightmaketheargumentthatopenresistanceonthebusescontradictstheideathatthesesamewomenmightbeafraidinthestreets,itmissesthecrucialpointthatbussesandstreetcars,thoughsitesofviciousrepression,wereoccupied,lightedspaceswherepotentialalliesandwitnessesmightbefound.50

MakingNoise

OpenblackresistanceonBirmingham’spublictransitsystemconveyedasenseofdramaticoppositiontoJimCrow,beforeanaudience,inapowerfulway.Butdiscursivestrategies,anapparentlymoreevasiveformofresistance,carrieddramaticappealaswell.Nomatterhowwelldrivers,conductors,andsignskeptbodiesseparated,blackvoicescouldalwaysfloweasilyintothesectiondesignatedforwhites,servingasaconstantreminderthatraciallydividedpublicspacewascontestedterrain.Blackpassengerswereroutinelyejected,andoccasionallyarrested,formakingtoomuchnoise,whichinmanycasesturnedouttobeharshwordsdirectedataconductororpassenger,oramonologueaboutracismingeneral.Forexample,ablacksoldierboardedtheEastLake-WestEndlinelateoneeveninginMay1944,andimmediatelybegan“loud-talking”soeveryoneonthebuscouldhearhim.First,heaskedwhatthecarfarewas,andthenhecommentedonhowcheapitwas,adding“butthisisAlabama.”Whentheoperatorreturnedhischangehedefiantlythrewitawayandswaggeredslowlydowntheaisle.Hethen“startedtalkinginaloudvoicetonegroesaboutwhitepeople,butdidnotcurse.”Hisactionsandwordswereenoughtorenderhimasuspiciouscharacter,sothestreetcarmotormanhadapolicevehiclefollowthecar.Afewstopslaterthesoldierbeganarguingwithawhitepassenger,sothepolicearrestedhim.51

Verbalattacksonracismmadeforexcellenttheater.Unlikepedestrianspassingastreetcornerpreacher,passengersweretrappeduntiltheyreachedtheirdestination.Theofficialreportsrevealahypersensitivitytoblackvoicesfromthebackofthebus.Indeed,anyverbalprotestorcomplaintregisteredbyblackpassengerswasfrequentlydescribedas“loud”—anadjectivealmostneverusedtodescribethewaywhitepassengersarticulatedtheirgrievances.OnemorninginAugust1943,duringthepeakhours,ablackmanboardedanAcipcobusandimmediatelybegan“complainingaboutdiscriminationagainstnegroesinaveryloudvoice.”Afterafailedattempttohavethecolorboardsmovedforward,theman“becamesoloudthatoperatoraskedhimtoleavebuswhichhedid.”52

Althoughonecouldarguethat“makingnoise”wasnotalwaysaclear-cutactofresistanceorprotest,eventheactofcursingtookplaceinaspecificsociohistoricalcontextinwhichrepressivestructuresandinstitutionscircumscribedblackmobilityandaccesstopublicspace.Thevoicesthemselves,especiallytheloudandprofane,literallypenetratedandoccupiedwhitespaces.Moreover,theactofcursing,forwhichonlyblackpassengerswerearrested,elicitedpoliceintervention,notbecausethestatemaintainedstrictmoralstandardsandwouldnottolerateprofanitybutratherbecauseitrepresenteda

serioustransgressionoftheracialboundaries.Whilemodernscholarsmightbelittlethepowerofresistive,profanenoiseasopposition,Birmingham’sentirepolicingstructuredidnot.Cursingwasamongthemostcommoncrimesforwhichblackpassengerswerearrested.OntheSouthBessemerlinein1942,forexample,oneblackmanwassentencedtosixmonthsinjailforcursing.Inmostinstances,however,cursingwaspunishablebya$10fineandcourtcosts,andjailsentencesaveragedaboutthirtydays.53

Anotherforgottenoroverlookeddiscursivestrategyishumor.Makingjokesaboutracist,oppressiveconditionsbeforeanoperatororotherpassengerswasprobablymorepervasivethanthedocumentssuggest,particularlysincehumorcoulddisguiseprotestssomuchastokeepthemoutofthereports.OnlywhenblackridiculeofJimCrowpublictransportationanditsoperatorsledtoviolenceorarrestswasitrecorded.OntheAcipcobusablackpassengeralighted,walkedaroundtothedriver’swindow,andsaid—addressinghimbyhisdriver’sbadgenumber—”1686I’mgoingtoseewhymorecoloredpassengersdon’trideonthisbus.”Thepassengerthenwalkedovertothecurbandstoodthere,staringatthedriverandthebus.Thedriver,angryandhumiliated,walkedovertohimand“saidhewasgoingtogivehimsomethingtoreportandhithimwithhisgun.”Evidently,thispassengerhadahistoryofverballyattackingdriversfortheirracism,forhe“rodebuseverymorningandfussedandabusedtheoperatorallthewaytotown.”54

UnityattheBackoftheBus

Somemightarguethatthesehundredsofeverydayactsofresistance—fromthemostevasivetotheblatantlyconfrontational—amountedtoverylittlesincetheywereprimarilyindividual,isolatedeventswhichalmostalwaysendedindefeat.Butsuchanargumentmissestheuniquelydramaturgicalqualityofsocialintercoursewithintheinteriorspacesofpublicconveyances.Wheneverpassengerswerepresent,noactofdefiancewasisolated,norwereactsofdefianceisolatingexperiences.Onthecontrary,becauseAfricanAmericanpassengerssharedacollectivememoryofhowtheyweretreatedonadailybasis,bothwithinandwithoutthe“movingtheaters,”anactofresistanceorrepressionsometimesdrewotherpassengersintothefray,thusescalatingintocollectiveaction,andalwaysimpresseditselfonotherpassengers’memories.AveryinterestingreportfromanAvenueFlinebusdriverillustratesjustsuchamomentofcollectiveresistance:“Operatorwenttoadjustthecolorboards,andnegrowomansatdownquicklyjustinfrontofboardthatoperatorwasputtinginplace.

Sheobjectedtomovingandwasnotexactlydisorderlybutallthenegroestookitupandnoneof[the]whiteswouldsitinseatbecausetheywereafraidto,andnegroeswouldnotsitinvacantseatsinrearofbus.”Insomeinstances,blackridersinventedcollectivewaystoprotestwhichprotectedtheiranonymity.OntheCollegeHillslineinAugust1943,blackridersgrewimpatientwithaparticularlyracistbusdriverwho,inthecourseofafewminutes,twicedrewhisgunonblackpassengers,intentionallypassedoneblackwoman’sstop,andejectedamanwhocomplainedonthewoman’sbehalf.Accordingtothereport,“thenegroesthenstartedringingbellfortheentireblockandnoonewouldalightwhenhestopped.”55

Resistancetomaterialdominationcouldalsotakeonacollectivecharacter,asblackpassengersattemptedtocompensateforthedailyindignities,lossesduetoincorrectchange,inconveniencescausedbypassingvehicles,orthemanytimespassengersneverreachedtheirdestination.WhentheAirportbusmetalargecrowdofblackandwhitepassengersontheirwaytowork,everythingproceededasnormaluntilsomeonediscoveredawaytoopenthecenterdoor,allowinganentirecrowdofAfrican-Americanstoinvadethebuswithoutpayingtheirfare.Thebackofthebusbecamesocrowdedthatthestartleddrivercouldnotgeton,“soheaskedsomeonetocollecttransfersforhim.Whentheyrefusedhemadethemallalightsothathecouldcollecttransfersastheyboarded.Theyrefusedtoboardbusthesecondtime.”Theircollectiverefusaltoreboardthebuswasaremarkableshowofsolidarity,particularlysincesomeofthepassengerspresumablyriskedbeinglateforwork.56

Butalloppositionalandtransgressiveactstookplaceinacontextofextremerepression.Theoccupantssittingintherearwhowitnessedorwerepartofthedailyguerrillaskirmisheslearnedthatpunishmentwasinevitable.Thearrests,beatings,andejectionswereintendedasmuchfortheindividualtransgressorasforallotherblackpassengersonboard.Thefearofanincidentescalatingintocollectiveoppositionoftenmeantthatindividualswhointervenedinotherconflictsreceivedtheharshestpunishment.OntheSouthBessemerlineearlyoneeveningin1943,ayoungblackmanwasarrestedandfined$25forcomingtothedefenseofablackwomanwhowastoldtomoveinbackofthecolordividers.Hiscrimewasthathe“complainedandtalkedbacktotheofficer.”57Likewise,thefearofarrestorejectioncouldpersuadeindividualswhoinitiallyjoinedcollectiveactsofresistancetoretreat.Evenwhenasingle,dramaticactcapturedtheimaginationsofotherblackpassengersandspurredthemtotakeaction,therewasnoguaranteethatitwouldleadtosustained,collective

opposition.Totakeoneexample,ablackwomanandmanboardedtheSouthEastLake-Ensleylineoneeveningin1943andremovedthecolordividers,promptingalloftheblackpassengersonboardandboardingtooccupythewhitesection.Whentheconductordemandedthattheymovetotheirassignedarea,allgrudginglycompliedexceptthecouplewhohadinitiatedtherebellion.Theyweresubsequentlyarrested.58

Occasionallyspecificprotestscontinuedlongaftertheincidentsthatincitedthem.SometimesthepassengersthemselvesapproachedformalcivilrightsorganizationstointercedeontheirbehalforleadacampaignagainsttheBECO.FollowingthearrestofPaulineCarthin1943,agroupofwitnessesbroughtthecasetotheattentionoftheBirminghambranchoftheNAACP,butasidefromaperfunctoryinvestigationandanarticleintheBirminghamWorld,noactionwastaken.TheSouthernNegroYouthCongress(SNYC),aleft-wingyouthorganizationbasedinBirmingham,actuallyattemptedasmall-scaledirect-actioncampaignontheFairfieldbuslineafterreceivingnumerouscomplaintsfromblackyouthaboutconditionsonpublictransportation.MildredMcAdoryandthreeotherSNYCactivistsattemptedtomovethecolorboardsonaFairfieldbusin1942,forwhichshewasbeatenandarrestedbyFairfieldpolice.Asaresultoftheincident,theSNYCformedashort-livedorganizationcalledtheCitizensCommitteeforEqualAccommodationsonCommonCarriers.However,thetreatmentofAfricanAmericansonpublictransportationwasnotahigh-priorityissueforBirmingham’sblackprotestorganizationsduringthewar,partlybecauseblackmiddle-classleaders,particularlyleft-leaningradicals,weremoreconcernedwithsupportingthewareffort,andpartlybecauseveryfewmiddle-classblacksrodepublictransportation.Thusworkingpeoplewhoselivelihooddependedoncitytransitgenerallyhadtofendforthemselves.59

LessonstoBeLearned

Thereareatleastthreelessonstobelearnedfromexaminingblackworking-classresistanceonBirmingham’sbussesandstreetcars.First,unorganized,seeminglypowerlessblackpassengersmadegoverningpublictransitmoredifficultbytheiractsoftransgression.AndtheybroughttotheforefrontthemosthotlycontestedaspectsofSouthernregulationofpublicspace.Second,whattheyresistedandthesortsofoppositionalpracticestheyadoptedserveasawindowintotheelusiveandcomplexconsciousnessofAfricanAmericanworkingpeople.Sittingwithwhites,formostblackriders,wasneveracriticalissue;rather,AfricanAmericanswantedmorespaceforthemselves,theywanted

toreceiveequitabletreatment,theywantedtobepersonallytreatedwithrespectanddignity,theywantedtobeheardandpossiblyunderstood,theywantedtogettoworkontime,andaboveall,theywantedtoexercisepoweroverinstitutionsthatcontrolledthemoronwhichtheyweredependent.

Finally,thebitterstruggleswagedbyblackworkingpeopleonpublictransportation,thoughobviouslyexacerbatedbywartimesocial,political,andeconomictransformations,shouldforceustorethinkthemeaningofpublicspaceasaterrainofclass,race,andgenderconflict.Althoughtheworkplaceandstrugglestoimproveworkingconditionsarecertainlyimportant,forSouthernblackworkersthemostembattledsitesofconflictwerefrequentlypublicspaces.Partofthereasonhastodowiththefactthatpolicingprovedfarmoredifficultinpublicspacesthaninplacesofwork.Notonlywereemployeesconstantlyunderthewatchfuleyeofforemen,managers,andemployers,butworkerscouldbedismissed,suspended,orhavetheirpaydockedonawhim.Inthepublicspacesofthecity,theanonymityandsheernumbersofthecrowd,whosemovementwasnotdirectedbythedisciplineofwork(andwasthereforeunpredictable),requiredmorevigilanceandviolencetomaintainorder.Althougharrestsandbeatingswerealwaysapossibility,sowasescape.Thus,forblackworkers,publicspacesbothembodiedthemostrepressive,violentaspectsofraceandgenderoppressionand,ironically,affordedmoreopportunitiesthantheworkplaceitselftoengageinactsofresistance.

Chapter4Birmingham’sUntouchables

TheBlackPoorintheAgeofCivilRights

Solongasweconfineourconceptionofthepoliticaltoactivitythatisopenlydeclaredwearedriventoconcludethatsubordinategroupsessentiallylackapoliticallifeorthatwhatpoliticallifetheydohaveisrestrictedtothoseexceptionalmomentsofpopularexplosion.Todosoistomisstheimmensepoliticalterrainthatliesbetweenquiescenceandrevoltandthat,forbetterorworse,isthepoliticalenvironmentofsubjectclasses.Itistofocusonthevisiblecoastlineofpoliticsandmissthecontinentthatliesbeyond.

—JAMESSCOTT,DominationandtheArtsofResistance1

Theunderclassitselfis,asalways,relativelyquiescentpolitically.

—NICHOLASLEMANN,ThePromisedLand2

Onewaytothinkabouttheemergenceofthemoderncivilrightsmovementisasapublicdeclarationofthehiddentranscript;adirectchallengetoJimCrowismbypeoplewhohadheretoforeresistedquietly.Ofcourse,suchacharacterizationisnotentirelyaccurate.AtthesametimeordinaryblackworkingpeoplewerefindingcreativewaystoresistandsurviveintheSouth,organizedmovements—fromthePopulistsandorganizedlabortotheNAACPandtheCommunistParty—werealsofightingthestatusquo.And,aswehaveseen,spontaneous,unorganizedconflictsbecamemorepervasiveandintenseastimewenton,especiallyduringtheSecondWorldWar.Yet,themovementsofthe1950sand1960swerefundamentallydifferent,sincetheymobilizedmanymorepeopleandultimatelytoppledJimCrow.

WhileitistemptingtoarguethatthehiddentranscriptsoftheJimCroweraemergedintotheovertpoliticsofthecivilrightsmovement,thestoryisfarmore

complicated.AstheexampleofBirminghamcontinuestoshow,establishedblackleadersdidnotalwaysaddresstheissuesmostdirectlyaffectingworkingpeople,especiallythemostimpoverishedsectionoftheworkingclass.Manyworkingpoorandjoblessresidentswagedbattlesthatremainedhiddenorappearedasspontaneousrebellions.Thuspoorpeoplenotonlychallengedthecivilrightsleaders,buttheirdailyactsofresistanceandsurvivalsubstantiallyshapedthemovement,effortstopolicethemovement,andsubsequentracerelationsinthecityofBirmingham.

AsWorldWarIIcametoaclose,AfricanAmericansinBirminghamandotherSoutherncitiesfoundthatthewarathomewasfarfromover.Thestreetcarsandbussesmighthavebeenalittlequieter,butthathadtodowithmorevigilantpolicingonpublictransportation.Afterthewartimecrackdownonblackresistance,asubstantialsegmentoftheblackpoor,youthinparticular,grewincreasinglymilitantaswellasoptimisticthatanAlliedvictoryoverseaswouldmakeBirminghamalittlelessracistandmoredemocratic.Yet,historysoonprovedthatthepoordidnothaveawholelottobeoptimisticabout.Notonlydidpolice-civilianconflictandincidentsofpolicebrutalityincreaseinblackcommunities,butthematerialconditionsoftheworkingclasswentfrombadtoworse.InBirmingham,signsofpostindustrialdeclinebegantoappearasearlyasthe1950s,andintheracialandclasshierarchythatcharacterizedtheurbanSouth,thesesignsspelleddisasterforAfricanAmericanworkingpeople.

ThatthemoderncivilrightsmovementwasbornattheverymomentwhensegmentsofBirmingham’sblackindustrialworkingclassfaceddisplacement,expandingpoverty,andincreaseddependencyonpublicassistanceisacriticalfactthatfewscholarshavepaidattentionto.Veryfewofficialcivilrightsleadersrecognizedorrespondedtodeindustrializationinthe1950sandearly1960s,norweretheynecessarilyknowledgeableaboutorsensitivetothespecificproblems,needs,anddesiresofthepoor.And,withfewexceptions,mainstreamcivilrightsspokespersonsdidnotencouragepoorblackstoparticipateindecision-makingorleadershipcapacitieswithintheirorganizations.

ExamininginteractionsbetweenthecivilrightsmovementandBirmingham’sblackpoorprovidesanexcellentcasestudyforexploringhoweverydayformsofresistanceshape,andcomeinconflictwith,formalpoliticalmovements.Thepoor,Iargue,developedtheirownstrategiesofsurvivalandresistancewhich,insomecases,placedasmuchemphasisonissuesofpersonaldignityand/orstate-sanctionedviolenceasonmaterialneeds.Indeed,politicalprotestandsurvival

strategies,rangingfromthereappropriationofpropertytotheviolentuprisingsin1963,oftencameinconflictwiththepoliticalagendaofthecivilrightsmovement.Andyettheverypresenceofmassdemonstrations,increasedpolicerepression,andorganizationalmilitancyservedtopartly“unveil”thehiddentranscript.Resistancestrategieswerelessevasiveandmoreconfrontational,especiallyafter1963.

CivilRightsintheAgeofDeindustrialization

MuchlikeDetroitandotherrustbeltcities,Birminghamexperiencedindustrialdeclineandanexpansionofblackpovertyandunemploymentafterthewar.Duringthe1950s,sevenoutofeverytenblackminersinBirminghamlosttheirjobs,inpartbecauseBirminghamsteelcompaniesbeganimportinghighergradeorefromSouthAmericaandthecoalindustryintroducedamachinecalledthe“continuousminer”whichreplacedscoresofblackundergroundworkers.Furthermore,thetransitionto“stripmining”ledtogreatermechanizationoverall,thusreducingtheneedforunskilled(i.e.,black)labor.However,therearesignificantdifferencesbetweenDetroitandBirminghamthatunderscorethespecificityofraceandregionintheurbanSouth.First,whereastheautoindustryinDetroitexperiencedgrowthinthe1950sand1960s,Birmingham’ssteelindustrydidnotsignificantlyincreaseproductionanditsminingindustryactuallydeclinedoncetheTennesseeCoal,Iron,andRailroadCompany(TCI),thelargestcorporateentityintheBirminghamregion,beganimportingironore.ThecorporateleadersofTCI,whichremainedlinkedtoitsparentcompany,U.S.Steel,contributedtoBirmingham’sno-growtheconomybyblockingnearlyalleffortstodiversify.In1945,forexample,TCIexecutivessuccessfullyopposedeffortsbyFordandGeneralMotorstoopenplantsinBirmingham.3

Second,whereastradeunionactivityinDetroitwasoflittleconsequenceinalteringracistpracticesinhiringandpromotion,theUnitedAutoWorkersthereatleastmadesomemotionsonbehalfofblackworkers,especiallyduringthelate1960s.InBirmingham,however,thewhite-dominatedlocalsoftheUnitedSteelWorkersofAmerica(USWA)putpressureoncompaniesnottopromoteblackstoskilledpositions.Theunion,therefore,becameatooltomaintainwhitesupremacy,whichhadtheeffectofundermininganyvestigesofhopeforjobsecurityforblacksteelworkers.Theonlymajorindustrialunionwhichconsistentlyfoughtagainstdiscrimination—theInternationalUnionofMine,Mill,andSmelterWorkersofAmerica—notonlyoperatedinBirmingham’sfastestdecliningindustrybuthadbeenweakenedconsiderablybyracistandanti-

CommunistattacksfromthestateCIOcouncilandUSWAlocals.4ThusindustrialopportunitiesforblackworkersbegantodiminishmuchearlierandmorerapidlyinBirminghamthaninothercities:thepercentageofblacksemployedinheavyindustrydeclinedfrom54percentin1930,to41percentin1950,to33percentin1960.5

Third,unlikemostNorthernandMidwesterncitieswhereindustriesexpandedandmovedoutofthecentralcitytothesuburbs,mostofBirmingham’sheavyindustry,aswellasalargenumberofblackworking-classresidences,wasalreadylocatedinsuburbanareas.Someworkerswholosttheirjobswereforcedoutofcompanyhousing,andmanyreturningblackveteransunabletosecureworkintheminesandmillshadtoturntopublichousingconcentratedintheinnercityormultifamilyhousinglocatednearthealreadyovercrowdedblackbusinessdistrict.Blackcommunitiesintheindustrialsuburbshadalreadybecomecrowded,andracistzoningpracticesmadeexpansionimpossible.Moreover,atleast88percentofthecity’sblackdwellingsweredeemedsubstandardbytheBirminghamHousingAuthority,andtheJeffersonCountyBoardofHealthfoundadirectcorrelationbetweenpoverty,housingconditions,andthehighratesofinfantmortalityandtuberculosisinblackcommunities.

AlthoughthecityinstitutedamassiveslumclearanceprogramwhichleftthousandsofAfricanAmericanshomeless,itspublichousingprojectsfellfarshortoffulfillingthehousingneedsofpoorblacks.By1959,Birmingham’ssevenhousingprojects,consistingof4,862units,designatedonly1,492forblackresidents.6Thecityalsoseverelyrestrictedpotentialhousingsitesbylimitingthenumberofareaszonedforblackresidence.In1948Birminghamhadonlyoneresidentialareainthecityzonedforblacks;mostblackdwellingswerelocatedinareaszonedforindustrialorcommercialuse.Homeownersinareaszonedindustrial/commercialwerenoteligibleforFederalHousingAdministration(FHA)loans.IntheeyesofmostAfricanAmericans,thepooraswellasthemiddleandworkingclass,racistwhitesconspiredtolimitblackhousingopportunities.Federallysupportedandprivatelendinginstitutionsregularlyturneddownblackhomeloanapplicants;BirminghamWaterWorksrefusedtoextendpipingtopotentialblacksubdivisions;andseveralblackswhopurchasedhomesinornearwhiteneighborhoodsduringthelate1940swerevictimsofbombings.7

Thus,duringthe1950sBirmingham’sdisplacedjoblessorunderemployedblackworkerswereforcedtoresideinthehousingprojects,two-familyshotgun

houses,anddilapidatedapartments,mostofwhichwereconcentratedwithinatwo-mileradiusextendingoutfromthecenterofthecity.By1960thecensustractslocatedinthisareahadboththehighestpercentageofAfricanAmericansaswellasthehighestpercentageoffamiliesbelowthepovertyline.WhatoccurredinBirmingham,therefore,wasnotacaseofcorporationsfleeingthecentralcityforthesuburbs,leavingtheunemployedbehind.Rather,Birmingham’scoalandsteelindustrydiscardedalargesegmentofitsblacklaborforce,whileracistzoninglaws,anunevenandovercrowdedhousingmarket,andpublichousingpoliciespropelledsomeex-industrialworkersandotherpoorpeopledeeperintotheinnercityandleftpocketsofunemployedblackworkersintheindustrialsuburbs.

IfsignificantnorthernmigrationofAlabamablackshadnottakenplaceafterWorldWarII,thematerialconditionsofthepoormighthavebeenalotworse.AlthoughthemechanizationofagricultureinthecountrysidedrovethousandsofruralAfricanAmericansintothecityduringandafterthewar,BirminghamdidnotreceivethemassinfluxofblackmigrantsthatmostNorthernindustrialcitieshadtoabsorb.Instead,Birminghamexperiencedanetlossofover21,000blackandwhiteresidentsbetween1950and1960.WhenwecomparechangesinblackpopulationinBirminghamwithotherurbancenters,especiallyafterWorldWarII,wefindthatthepercentageofAfricanAmericansinBirminghamremainedvirtuallythesamethroughoutthetwentiethcentury,hoveringbetween39percentand43percent.ButduringtheJimCrowera,atleast,whilewhiteincomerose,conditionsforpoorblackfamilieshadhardlychangedbecauseofthecombinationofracisthiringpracticesandBirmingham’sslowgrowthindustrialeconomy.By1955,42.1percentofblackfamiliesearnedlessthan$2,000comparedto8.4percentofwhitefamilies.Publicassistanceremainedwoefullyinadequate;thecitycouldbarelyaffordtomaintainitswelfareprogram,whichmainlyconsistedofdistributingsurplusfood.Altogether,some35,000residentstookadvantageoftheprogram,manyofwhomstoodinlinesthatstretchedatleastfourblocks.8

WhenwarcontractsreinvigoratedBirmingham’seconomy,itseemedasthoughbothmainstreamblackpoliticalleadersandwhiteliberalsweretakingagreaterinterestintheplightoftheblackpoor.Asearlyas1943,traditionalblackleadersandahandfulofwhiteliberalsattemptedtoestablishachapteroftheNationalUrbanLeagueinBirmingham,buttheprojectwaseventuallyabortedinthefaceofvirulentwhiteopposition.Theideaofaninterracialorganizationwithnational,specificallyNorthern,linkswasnotverypopularamongSouthern

whiteliberalorconservativepoliticians.Despitethefactthattheshort-livedchaptercountedafewmajorBirminghamcorporateexecutivesamongitsexecutiveboard,itdidnothavesufficientsupportandwasabandonedin1950.9

Afterthewar,theJeffersonCountyCoordinatingCouncilonSocialForces,foundedin1939,tookonmostoftheresponsibilityforassistingthecity’spoor.In1951,aninterracialorganizationwascreatedwithintheCouncilconsistingprimarilyofbusinesspeople,socialworkers,liberalpoliticians,educators,andministers.TheInterracialCommittee(IC)wascreatedtoadministertotheneedsofblackresidents,servingasanacceptablesubstitutefortheUrbanLeague.10

Notsurprisingly,committeemembersnevertalkeddirectlyto,orrequestedinputfrom,thepoor.Indeed,itspoliciesostensiblyonbehalfofthepoorreflecttheclassinterestsandideologiesofitsblackleadership.Intheareaofrecreation,forinstance,blackICleadershipplacedatthetopofitsagendatheconstructionofanine-holeNegrogolfcourse.Alsoplacedundertherubricofrecreationwasthe“distressingnumberofyoungunmarriedparents.”Mrs.H.C.Bryant,longtimeblackclubwomanandYWCAleader,believedthatthegrowingnumberofunwedmothersinpoorblackcommunitiesstemmedfromalackofguidanceandrecreationalfacilitiesforyoungblackwomen.PerhapsmostrevealingwastheblackICleaders’emphasisonthe“developmentofarealestatesubdivisionforhighclassNegrohomes”ratherthanlow-incomerentalunits.11

Althoughpoorworkingwomenwereindireneedofdaycarefacilities,theICnevermadeitatoppriorityissue.Therehadnotbeenanypublicservicedaycarefacilitiessincethewar,andthethreedaycarecentersrunbytheCommunityChestwereexclusivelyformotherstoosicktocarefortheirchildren.Moreover,theprimarydaycarecenterforblackchildreninBirminghamwascomposedmainlyofchildrenwhoseparentswere“notdisadvantaged.”WhentheCommittee,withthesupportoftheCommunityChest,finallysucceededinestablishinganextradaycarefacility,thecosttoparentswassetat$6.50perweek,arelativelyhighfigureinrelationtotheearningsofsingleworkingmothers,oreventwo-parentworking-classfamilieswhohadtosurviveonaslittleas$20to$30perweek.12

Likewise,IC’ssubcommitteeonemploymentwasnotalwayscognizantofthespecificneedsoftheblackpoor,aswellasofthedisastrouseffectsthattechnologicalchangeandracisthiringpracticeswerehavingonblackindustriallabor.First,committeemembersdidnotattempttousetheirinfluenceto

improvewagesandworkingconditionsforexistingblackindustrialworkers,inpartbecauseitsmembersclearlysidedwithemployers.Second,thecommitteeputmoreemphasisonhiringcollege-educatedblacksincivilserviceandpublicrelationspositions.13

BythetimetheInterracialCommitteewasdisbandedin1956,ithadaccomplishedverylittleforthepoor.Yetracistwhiteresidentsandpoliticiansviewedthecommitteeasaradicalthreattothestatusquo.Whitemembersofthecommitteedecidedtodisbandbecause“oftheviolentattacksuponitbyproponentsoftheWhiteCitizensCouncils.”Thedecisionwasmadeunilaterally,withoutinputfromblackmembers.Moreover,theJeffersonCountyCoordinatingCouncilonSocialForcesdecidedthat,whilecontinuingtoworktowardimprovingsocialservicesforblackresidents,it“wouldnotengage,directlyorindirectly,inanyactivitytowarddesegregation.”14

Birminghamcivilrightsorganizationsthatweredevotedtodesegregation,however,wereonlyslightlymoresensitivetotheneedsandproblemsoftheblackpoorinthe1950sandearly1960s,inpartbecausemostleadingcivilrightsactivistsweremiddle-classAfricanAmericanswhotendedtomisunderstandoroverlooktheplightofthepoor.TheAlabamaChristianMovementforHumanRights(ACMHR),undertheleadershipoftheReverendFredShuttlesworth,hadthelargestworkingpoormembershipofanyofthecity’scivilrightsorganizations.Yet,in1959onlyone-thirdofitsmembershipearnedlessthan$2,000,55percentofitsmemberswerehomeowners,and40percentearnedmorethan$4,000annually(inthecityasawhole,only20percentofblackresidentsearnedthatmuchormore).Whatismostsignificantisthatpracticallyallofitsmemberswereemployed.15

AlthoughShuttlesworthwasfarmoresympathetictoworkingpeoplethanBirmingham’straditionalblackbourgeoisiehadbeen,thestrategiesandlong-termgoalsoftheACMHRwerenotdirectedatthematerialimpoverishmentofthepoororthehorribleconditionsintheblackslums.Ofcourse,issuessuchasschoolandbusdesegregationandthehiringofblackpoliceofficersaffected,andevendrewsupportfrom,theblackpoor,butACMHRleadershipdefinedracialequalityinemploymentintermsofcivilserviceandprofessionaljobsforqualifiedblacksandviewedconditionsintheslumsasessentiallyamoraldilemmaratherthanaproductofunequalopportunity.Meanwhile,accordingtoareportproducedbytheJeffersonCountyCoordinatingCouncil,in1960atleast70,000peopleofJeffersonCountyweremalnourished,mostofwhomwere

blackBirminghamresidents.Inthissameyear,whenthecityexperiencedarecessioninsteelandrelatedindustries,themedianincomeforblackwageearnerswasapaltry$1,287comparedto$3,456forwhites;ofblackadults,28.6percentearnedlessthan$1,000annually.16

Inadditiontopoverty,policerepressionbecameamajorissueforAfricanAmericansduringandafterthewar,particularlyforslumresidents.Beginningin1941,awaveofpolicehomicidesandbeatingsre-ignitedresistancetopolicebrutality.Nearlyalloftheseincidentsweresparkedbyanactofinsubordination—inmostcases,ayoungblackmanarguingwithawhiteperson.Thebest-knownincidentsresultedinthedeathsofO’DeeHendersonandJohnJackson,bothofwhomwerekilledbypoliceinFairfield—anindustrialsuburbofBirmingham.Henderson,whowasarrestedandjailedformerelyarguingwithawhiteman,wasfoundthenextmorninginhisjailcellhandcuffedandfatallyshot.Afewweekslater,JohnJackson,ablackmetalworkerinhisearlytwenties,wasshottodeathashelayinthebackseatofapolicecar.Jacksonmadethefatalmistakeofarguingwiththearrestingofficersinfrontofacrowdofblackslinedupoutsideamovietheater.17

Theseandotherincidentsattractedtheattentionofcivilrightsorganizationsbecausetheyweredramatic,clear-cutcasesofinjusticeresultingininjuryordeath.Bycontrast,poorpeople’sattitudestowardthepolicewereinformedbyanaccumulationofdailyindignities,whetherornottheywereexperiencedorwitnessed.Whatmustbeunderstoodisthesemipublicdiscoursebetweenthepoliceandtheblackpoorthatrarelyappearsintheevidencehistoriansmustrelyon.ThecaseofBessieAmmons,afifty-year-oldjanitoremployedbySmithfieldCourtHousingProject,isinstructiveinthisrespect.OnJanuary20,1951,atabout5:45AM,Mrs.Ammonswasonherwaytoworkwhentwopoliceofficerspulledupandoneasked“Gal,whereareyougoing?Comehere!”Shenotonlyrefusedtowalkovertothecar,butwouldnotgetinthecarwhenorderedtodoso,despitethefactthatoneoftheofficershaddrawnhisgun.Takenabackbyheropendefianceofthelaw,thetwoofficerscontinuedtoharassher.“Ioughttoputyourblacka—injailforvagrancy,”oneoftheofficersdeclared.“Wheneveranypolicemantellsyoutogetinthecar,youhadbetterdoit.ImeanwhatIsay.I’mthelaw.Getondownthestreet.”Theseincidentstookplaceinpublicspacesonadailybasis,witnessedbymany,althoughthereisverylittlepublicrecordofsuchexchanges.18

Ofcourse,notallAfricanAmericansarrestedorharassedbypolicewere

consciouslyengagedinactsofpublicinsubordination.ThefactremainsthatmoreAfricanAmericans,especiallypoorblackmaleyouth,werearrestedandprosecutedthananyothergroupinrelationtotheproportionofthetotalpopulation.Manycriminologicalstudiessuggestthatthehigharrestrateofmarginalizedblackmaleyouthcanbeattributedtoatleastthreefactors.First,ofcourse,povertyandrelativedeprivation,exacerbatedbyalackofemploymentopportunitiesduetorace,leadstogreaterincidentsofcriminality.BecauseAfricanAmericansmadeupthemajorityofBirmingham’spoor,itisnotsurprisingthatblackswouldcommitahigherpercentageofcrimesthanwhites.AreportsubmittedbyaBirminghampoliceofficialinchargeofthevicesquadconcludedthatmostjuvenilearresteescamefromfamiliesdependentonwelfareorsomeformofcharity,orwhoseparentsearnedextremelylowwages.19Second,genderdifferenceshelpexplainthehigherincidenceofmalecriminality,apatternthatisconsistentacrossregionalandnationalboundaries.Althoughthematterisfartoocomplicatedtodiscussindetailhere,severalscholarsattributethesepatternstohigherratesofmaleunemployment,greaterfreedomfromtherestraintsofthehouseholdcomparedtofemales(i.e.,moreopportunitiestoengageincriminalactivity),andapatriarchalculturethatsocializesmentobemoreaggressiveandmakesearningpowerameasureofmanhood.20

Thethirdreasonforthehigherblackarrestrates—thefactthatthecriminaljusticesystemtendstocastallmarginalizedblackmaleyouthascriminals—ironicallymitigatestheimportanceofthefirsttwofactors.InadditiontoreflectingtherelativepovertyofAfricanAmericans,thedisproportionaterateofblackarrestsisalsoindicativeoftheracistassumptionsandpracticesofpoliceofficers,judges,andjuriesthatAfricanAmericansarecriminalbynature.21Duringthewar,forexample,althoughthenumberofblackjuveniledelinquencycasesinBirminghamactuallydecreased,crimeamongblackyouthwasviewedbygovernmentofficials,socialworkers,policeofficers,andmainstreamblackleadersasagrowingandalarmingproblem.In1943,aCommitteeforthePreventionofDelinquencywascreated,andtheJeffersonCountyYouthProtectiveAssociationdecidedtoinviteblackleaderstoaspecial“Negromeeting.”OutofthismeetingemergedaBirminghamNegroYouthCouncilin1945whosestatedagendawastoofferreligiousguidance,providerecreationalandeducationalopportunities,andimproveemploymentandhealthconditionsforpoorblackyouth.CityCommissionerCooperGreeneveninvitedFBIdirectorJ.EdgarHoovertoBirminghamtospeakonthesubject.“Inthislargeindustrialarea,”GreenreportedtoHoover,“ofwhich38percentoftheresidents

areNegro,wehaveanimmediateandgrowingproblem.”22

Manymiddle-classblacksunwittinglyreinforcedstereotypesbyacceptingtheimageofpoorblacks,especiallyyoungpeople,aslazy,self-destructive,andpronetocriminalbehavior.GeraldineMoore,ablackmiddle-classresidentofBirminghamandauthorofBehindtheEbonyMask,wrotethefollowingdescriptionoftheMagicCity’s“trulydisadvantaged”:

ForsomeNegroesinBirmingham,lifeisacare-freeexistenceofwallowinginthefilthandsqualortypicaloftheslumswithjustenoughmoneytoekeoutaliving.Someoftheseknownothingbutwaitingforahandoutofsomekind,drinking,cursing,fightingandprostitution.Butmanywholiveinthismannerseemtobehappyandsatisfied.Theyapparentlyknowanddesirenothingbetter.23

ThedemandforblackpoliceofficersinBirminghammadebyascoreofmainstreamblackpoliticalorganizationsduringthe1940sand1950swasmotivatedasmuchbytheirdesiretoreduceblackcrimeasbytheirinterestinendingpolicebrutality.BirminghamWorldeditorEmoryO.Jacksonwagedacampaignduringandafterthewartocleanupblackcrime.In1946hecalledonBirminghampolicetostepuptheirworkinthepredominantlyblack4thAvenuedistrictandgetridofthe“profaners,numberracketeers,bootleggers,andfoul-mouthers”onceandforall.24InJackson’sview,hewasmerelyfightingasituationhefoundembarrassingforfellowAfricanAmericans.AlthoughmostresidentsprobablysharedJackson’sconcernforcleaningupthedistrict,itisdoubtfulthatallsharedhissentiments.Asidefromthefactthatsomelocalresidentsdependedonillicitactivitiesasasourceofincome,manyofBirmingham’spoorunderstoodthatagreaterconcentrationofpoliceintheareawithoutreformsinlawenforcementpracticesopenedthedoorsforgreaterpolicerepression.

1963andBeyond:ATurningPoint

Thecontradictionsbetweenthegoalsofthecivilrightsmovementtodesegregatepublicspaceandthedailystrugglesoftheblackpoor—mostnotablydecliningemploymentopportunities,inadequatehousing,andpolicerepression—cametoaheadduringtheSouthernChristianLeadershipConference’s(SCLC’s)nonviolentmassdemonstrationsinMayof1963.OneneedonlyexaminefilmfootageoftheBirminghamconfrontationtoknowthatthehundredsof

schoolchildrenwhocrowdedintoSixteenthStreetBaptistChurch,recruitsofthedirect-actioncampaignwhomarchedpeacefullyintothehandsofEugene“Bull”Connor’swaitingpoliceofficers,werenotproductsofBirmingham’sworstslums.Rather,thevastmajorityofneat,well-dressed,andorderlychildrenwerethesonsanddaughtersofactivistsormovementsupporters.Theslumdwellers,teenagersandyoungadultsalike,didshowupatIngramParktoparticipateontheirowntermsintheMaydemonstrations.Historiansandactivistshavelabeledthem“onlookers,”“spectators,”or“bystanders”merelybecausetheywerenotdirectedbyanycivilrightsorganization.ButwhenBullConnororderedtheuseofpolicedogsandclubsonthedemonstrators,thecrowdofso-called“onlookers”tauntedpolice,retaliatedwithfists,profanity,rocks,andbottles,andifpossibleescapedintotheirownneighborhoods.Ontheverynextday,agroupof“spectatorswereseenbrandishingknivesandpistolsalongthefringesofthedemonstrations.”Shockedbytheshowofarmedforce,SCLCleadershipdecidedtocalloffthedemonstrationthatday.Whilethese“fringedwellers”hadnointentionoffillingthejails,theywereclearlydemonstratingtheiruttercontemptforthepolice,inparticular,andracistoppression,ingeneral.25

AmoredramaticexampleofcollectiveoppositiononthepartofthepooroccurredlateSaturdaynight,May11,afterthehomeoftheReverendA.D.KingandA.G.Gaston’smotelwerebombedbyracists.AnangrycrowdgatheredinfrontoftheGastonMotelandbeganthrowingbottlesandbricksatpoliceofficersonthescene.Thefightingescalatedintoafull-scaleriot,ashundredsofblackresidentsdestroyedglassstorefrontwindows,overturnedcars,setbuildingsonfire,andseizedallthecommoditiestheycouldgettheirhandson.Policeofficersthemselveswereprimetargets.Onepatrolmanchasedagroupofriotersdownadarkalleyandemergedwiththreestabwoundsinhisback.Apoliceinspectorwasfoundsoakedinblood,havingbeen“brainedbyarock.”Armedwithmegaphones,SCLCleadersA.D.KingandWyattT.Walkerimploredtherioterstostoptheviolenceandgohome,buttheireffortsweretonoavail.Walkerhimselfwasstruckinthelegbyabricktossedbyarioter.Theuprisingfinallycametoanendafterstatetroopersintervenedwithunbridledviolence.26

Civilrightsleaderstreatedtheuprisingasanimpedimenttotheprogressofthe“real”movementandvariouslydescribedtheriotersas“wineheads”or“riffraff.”Whiletheepithetswereuncalledfor,thiswasnotanunreasonablepostureformainstreamblackleaderstoassume.Ontheeveoftheuprising,whiteliberals,theChamberofCommerce,alongwiththesilentsupportofmoderateblack

politicalfigures,barelywonabattletoscrapBirmingham’scitycommissionsystemforamayor-citycouncilstructure.WhereastheoldsystemconcentratedmunicipalpowerinthehandsofthreemenandenabledsegregationistslikeBullConnortoentrenchthemselvesinoffice,thenewsystemwouldexpandrepresentationtodistrictsand,presumably,enticetheoutlyingsuburbstojointheBirminghammunicipality.Mostimportant,however,wasthepresumptionthatthemoredemocraticmayor-councilstructurecouldincorporatethedemandsofmoderateblacksandfacilitatethetransitiontoamoreequitablesystemofsegregationwithoutdisruptingbusiness.Bythetimethecrisisoccurred,whiteliberalDavidVann,whohadbeenelectedmayorjustdaysbeforetheBirminghamconfrontation,waslockedinbattleagainstsegregationistsforcontrolovercitygovernment,astheoldcitycommissionunderBullConnorinitiallyrefusedtodisband.BlackleaderswhosupportedSCLC’scivildisobediencecampaignfearedthattherioterswouldjeopardizeboththemovement’sgainsaswellasthenewadministration’sstability.

Buttheriotersfelttheirownliveshadbeeninjeopardyfartoolong.Despitetheprotestationsofblackleaders,thepeopleofBirmingham’sslumsandsegregatedpoolhallsresistedinjusticeandoppressionontheirownterms,whichincludedattackingpoliceofficersandtakingadvantageofthecrisistoappropriatemuchneededordesiredcommodities.Theironyisthattheverymovementwhichsoughttocontrolorchanneltheaggressive,violentbehaviorofthepoorwasthecatalystfortheirparticipation.27

Inspiteofthemovement’sfailuretodealwiththespecificproblemsofthepoor,the1963peacefuldemonstrationwasapowerfuldeclarationofaspectsoftheusuallyveileddissidentpoliticalculture.28However,fromtheperspectiveofthepoor,theaccumulationofindignitiesandlevelofangerweresogreatthattheyprecluded,foryoungerpeopleinparticular,thepossibilityofnonviolentresistance.Theirunmitigatedragedirectedatthepolicereflectedyearsofbrutalities,illegalsearchesandseizures,andincidentsofeverydayharassment.AsJamesScottsurmisesaboutsubordinategroupsingeneral,“ifthepoliticstheyengenderistumultuous,frenetic,delirious,andoccasionallyviolent,thatisperhapsbecausethepowerlessaresorarelyonthepublicstageandhavesomuchtosayanddowhentheyfinallyarrive.”Theblackpoor,Iwouldargue,hadmoretobeangryaboutandmuchmoretosayabouttheirplight;grievancesoverwhicheventheir“leaders”wereunaware.Sowhentheopportunitycameintheseriesofcrisesof1963,theyseizedit.29

ThechangeinthepublicposturingsofblackpooryouthandyoungadultscaughtmuchofwhiteBirminghamoff-guard.Throughoutthemid-1960s,complaintsbywhiteresidentsofthegrowingimpudenceanddiscourteousnessofBirminghamblacksfloodedthepolicedepartmentandMayor’soffice.In1964,awhitewomanwhoseresidenceborderedablackcommunityobservedtoherutterhorror“Negroboys…stepoutinfrontofthecardrivenbyawhitewoman—wantingtoride.Hitch-hiking.”Inherview,theattitudesandactionsofblackpassengersafterdesegregationrenderedpublictransportationunbearable:“Can’tgetonthebusandridetotownbecausethecoloredhavetakenthebuses.”30Butthesamecircumstancesthatunleashedsuchferventoppositiontothepowerfulandemboldenedthepowerlesstoassertapublicoppositionalpresencealsounleashedamoresustainedeffortonthepartofthestatetoputthingsbackinorder.ThepublicposturingsonthepartofAfricanAmericansactuallyledtoanincreaseinconfrontationswiththepolice,whosereputationforracialtoleranceleftmuchtobedesired.Policerepressionreachedanall-timehighbetween1963andtheearly1970s,and,ofcourse,blackmaleyouthfrompoorcommunitiesaccountedforthemajorityofincidents.

Duringthetumultuousyearof1963,alargeproportionofconfrontationsbetweenblackyouthandpoliceweremoreexplicitlypoliticalthantherun-of-themillcriminalcases.31Forexample,althoughthenumberofblackjuveniledelinquencycasesincreased40percentbetween1962and1963,550ofthosecases,or23.4percentofallcasesbroughttojuvenilecourtin1963(irrespectiveofraceorsex),wereplacedunderanewcategorycalled“Demonstrating.”Propertyoffenses,whichusuallyaccountforthemajorityofjuvenilecases,comprisedonly34.1percentofthetotalcases.Altogether,althoughAfricanAmericanscomprisedabout39percentofBirmingham’stotalpopulation,in1963blackmalesmadeup1,012,andblackfemales626,ofthetotalcases,whereaswhitemalesandfemalesconstituted556and255ofthetotalcases,respectively.32Moreover,policefrequentlyusedexcessiveforceinpoliticallyvolatilesituations.OnSeptember15,1963,hoursafterthebombingofSixteenthStreetBaptistChurchkilledfourblackgirls,sixteen-year-oldJohnnyRobinsonwasfatallywoundedbypoliceafterheandanunidentifiedblackyouthwereseenthrowingrocksatapassingcarfullofwhiteteenagers.“NegroesGoBacktoAfrica”wasscrawledononesideofthecarinshoepolish,andaConfederateflagdrapedtheotherside.Thewhiteyouth,whowereapparentlycelebratingthemurderofthefourblackchildren,yelledracialepithetsatthetwoblackteenagers.AssoonaspoliceinthevicinityobservedRobinsonandhiscompanionthrowingrocksatthepassingcar,theygavechase.Accordingtothe

policeversion,theytoldRobinsonseveraltimestohalt,buthekeptrunningaway.Whenthesmokeclearedfromavolleyofpolicegunfire,Robinsonlaydead.33

Twoyearsafterthemassdemonstrationsof1963,arrestsofblackyouthswerestilldisproportionatelyhigherthanarrestsofwhiteyouths,thoughtheabsolutenumberswerenowmuchcloser;andblacksfaredworseatthehandsofpolice.By1966thenumberofwhitejuvenilesconvictedofcrimesnearlyequaledthatofblacks;whitemalesandwhitefemalesaccountedfor662and282oftotalcases,respectively,whereasblackmalesandfemalesaccountedfor712and263cases,respectively.InthefourteenmonthsbetweenJanuary1966andMarch1967,tenblackmen,themajorityteenagersoryoungadults,werekilledbyBirminghampolice.Duringthissameperiodtherewerenowhitevictimsorblackfemalevictimsofpolicekillings.34

Besidesblackyouth,othersegmentsofthepoorfellvictimtopolicebrutality.Anarrestorbeatingpromptedbyamistakenidentityoraparticularlyracistpatrolmancouldprovetobeasubstantialsetbackforpoorworkingresidentswhosefamiliesdependedonmeagerwagestostayafloat.AcaseinpointisthearrestofNorthBirminghamresidentCatherineMcGann,asinglemotherofsevenchildrenwhoworkedforalivingasadomestic.OnthenightofSeptember4,1964,sheandtwoblackmenwhomshedidnotknowwerestandinginfrontofastoreinherneighborhoodwhenseveralpoliceofficersdroveupandforciblyshovedthetwomenintoapolicecar.Whenshetriedtowalkaway,twooftheofficers“rushedupandgrabbedmeandwerehollering,‘Getinthiscarnigger.’”Shestruggleddesperatelytobreakfree,buttheyhitherseveraltimes,draggedherintothevehicle,andslammedthedooronherankle.McGannwassubsequentlytakentojailandrefusedmedicalattention,thoughshewasnotchargedwithanythinguntilhersonappearedtopostbail.Thecourtfoundherguiltyofresistingarrestandloiteringafterawarning,forwhichshewasfined$125.Thebeatingandarrestturnedouttobemuchmorethan“averyterribleandhumiliatingexperience.”ItnearlydevastatedCatherineMcGannfinancially.“AllmychildrenareinschoolandIdonothavethemoneytogetbooksforthemortopaytheirfees.Idon’tearnmuchandthentohavewhatlittleIearntobetakenawayfrommefornoreasonatallisveryhard.”35

By1967,localcivilrightsorganizations,spearheadedbytheACMHR,placedtherisingtideofpolicebrutalityatthetopoftheiragenda.Thismarkedasignificantchangesincethelate1940sandearly1950s,whenblackmiddle-class

spokespersonsweremoreconcernedaboutreducingblackcrimethanpoliceuseofexcessiveforce.Althoughthemovement’stacticshadnotchanged(theACMHRorganizedasixty-dayboycottofdowntownstorestoprotestrecentpolicekillings),itsrhetoricrevealedaheightenedlevelofmilitancy.Shuttlesworthnotonlythreatenedtobuildallianceswithblackmilitantorganizations,buthisgroupdistributedaflyerproclaiminginnouncertaintermsthat“NegroesareTIREDofPoliceBrutalityandKillingOurPeople.Negroesaretiredof‘OneManRuling’of‘JustifiableHomicide’everytimeaNEGROISKILLED!”Moresignificantly,theACMHRwaslesswillingtonegotiate;instead,Shuttlesworthattemptedtofilesuitagainstthecityinordertoobtainpolicedepartmentandcoroners’recordssotheymightinvestigatepastcasesofpolicehomicides.36

TheACMHR’seffortsfailedtobringaboutanymajorimprovementsinpolicepractices.BothMayorBoutwellandhissuccessor,MayorGeorgeSeibels,refusedtoformcivilianreviewboards.Indeed,nosignificantprogresswasmadeontheissueofpolicebrutalityuntilthefatalshootingofBonitaCarterbyBirminghampolicein1979.Duringtheearly1970s,anumberofpoorandworking-classAfricanAmericansjoinedgrass-rootsorganizationsthatinvestigatedandfoughtpolicemisconduct,suchastheCommitteeAgainstPoliceBrutalityandtheAlabamaEconomicActionCommittee(whichinvestigatedatleasttwenty-sevenseparateincidentsin1972),butthesemovementsreceivedverylittlesupportfromtheblackelite.Theutterrefusalof“oldguard”leadershiptodealwiththeproblemofpolicebrutalityledRichardArrington,Jr.,Birmingham’sfirstblackmayor,tothefollowingconclusion:

Thefailureoftheso-calledblackleadersinthiscommunitytospeakoutaboutpolicebrutalitysimplyconfirmsmybeliefthatthereisreallynosuchthingasblackleadersinthiscommunity—theyarepeoplewhoareusedbythewhitepowerstructureinthiscommunitywhotakeanegotripbecausetheyarecalleduponbysomepowerfulwhitecitizenstofitblackfolkintoanagendathathasbeensetupbythewhitecommunity,particularlythebusinessstructurehere.37

Meanwhile,long-termstructuralchangeswereforcingmoreandmoreAfricanAmericansintoanincreasinglymarginalizedexistence.Deindustrialization,whichbegan,aswenoted,inthe1950s,pickedupsteam,dealingadevastatingblowtoyoungblackworkersenteringtheworkforceandtoexistingblackindustriallaborers.AlthoughantidiscriminationlawsandsuccessfullitigationonthepartoftheNAACPremovedraciallybasedceilingstooccupationalmobility,

bythelate1960sandthroughoutthe1970sitnolongermattered.TCI,forexample,laidoffthousandsofworkersinthe1970sandby1982ceasedoperatingaltogether.TheSloss-Sheffieldfurnaceshutdownin1971,andPullman-Standardclosedshopintheearly1980s.Theshiftfromindustrialtoservice-sectorjobs,combinedwithdiscrimination,meantthattheratioofblackmaleincometowhitemaleincomeactuallydecreasedslightlyafterWorldWarII.In1949,blackmeninBirminghamearnedanaverageof53percentofwhatwhitemenearned;theratiodroppedto48.8percentin1959,recoveringonlyto51.5percentin1969.38

Demographicshiftscontinuedandacceleratedaswell,contributingtotheconcentrationofpovertyincorecityandNorthBirminghamcensustracts.WhileNortherncitiesgenerallygrewinthesixties,Birmingham’spopulationdeclinedby11.7percentbetween1960and1970.Duringthisdecade,urbanrenewal—particularlyslumclearanceprogramsandtheexpansionoftheUniversityofAlabamaMedicalCenter—playedamoresignificantroleinthisshiftanditsaccompanyingconcentrationofpoverty.TheMedicalCenter,whichislocatedintheheartoftheinnercity,displaced1,000blackfamilies.Asaresult,thepercentageofAfricanAmericansincensustract44decreasedfrom76percentin1950,to48percentin1960,to28percentin1970,whereastract15increaseditspercentageofblackresidentsfrom17percentin1950,to30percentin1960,to94percentin1970.Tract44’ssubstantialdecreaseinblackresidentsisespeciallysignificantsinceithadthefifth-largestpercentageofpoorfamiliesin1960outofninety-twotracts,suggestingthatthepoorweredisproportionatelyaffectedbyurbanrenewalprograms.39Moreover,althoughitwasoneofthenineinner-citytracts,thepercentageofAfricanAmericansandfamiliesbelowthepovertylinestillincreasedsignificantlybetween1960and1970,whichsuggeststhattheremainingeighttractsunderwentanevengreaterconcentrationofpoorblackfamilies.40EvenmoredramaticshiftsintheracialcompositionofBirmingham’sinnercityoccurredinthemid-tolate1970s,asaresultofwhiteflighttothesuburbs.This,plusthecity’ssuccessfulannexationoflow-andmiddle-incomeblackcommunitiesonthefringeofthecitylimits,meantthatAfricanAmericansbecamethemajorityinBirminghamin1980.41

ItwasinthemidstofmassivedeindustrializationanddemographicshiftsthatPresidentLyndonJohnson’sGreatSocietywasestablishedinBirmingham.Fromtheoutset,MayorAlbertBoutwellwelcomedtheadoptionoftheEconomicOpportunityAct(EOA),whichheregardedasamuch-neededinfusionoffederal

aidintoBirmingham’seconomy.Followingasomewhatrockystart,42theJeffersonCountyCommitteeforEconomicOpportunity(JCCEO)wasestablishedinJuneof1965toadministeratotaloftwenty-fourdifferentserviceprogramsinthetenyearsafteritsfounding.Broadlyspeaking,theblackpoor,whoconstitutedabout95percentoftheparticipantsinJCCEOagencies,tookadvantageoftheseprograms;throughemploymentopportunitiesinhumanservices,throughjobtrainingprograms,throughearlychildhoodeducation,throughfreelegalservices,andthroughemergencyfoodandmedicalaid.TheCommitteealsohiredsomemiddle-classandworking-classAfricanAmericanstoworkinadministrativepostsinsocialwelfareagencies.

Butoverall,neitherthecitynorthestatecontributedthenecessaryfinancialsupporttorenderJCCEOagencieseffectivetoolstofightpoverty.Largelybecausethestatelegislaturerefusedtoappropriatesufficientfundstomatchavailablefederalfunds,allrecipientsofbenefitsreceivedpaymentsbelowthepovertylevelthroughoutthe1960s,andAidtoDependentChildren,whosecaseloadin1965consistedof80percentblackchildren,allocatedonly35percentoftheminimumsurvivalbudgettoeachfamily.Furthermore,by1970thestatestillhadnobasicassistanceprogramandthefoodstampprogramreachedonly10percentofeligiblefamiliesbecauseofanespeciallycomplicatedapplicationprocessandalackofinformationavailabletothepoor.Thus,intheperiodbetween1957and1967,thecityactuallydecreaseditstotalexpendituresonwelfarefrom$31,000toapaltry$12,000.By1970overone-thirdofallblackfamiliesinBirminghamfellunderthepovertyline(comparedto14.7percentofwhitefamilies).43

WhiletheWaronPovertymighthavefailedtoreversethedeterioratingconditionsfortheblackpoor,itultimatelyplayedanimportantroleinmobilizinganalreadypoliticizedsegmentofthem,aswellasinstrengtheningtiesbetweenwhiteliberalsandmainstreamblackleadership,andinprovidingpoorresidentsagreatervoiceintheaffairsofcertainsocialagencies—especiallyHeadStart.Asaresultofpressurefromboththefederalgovernmentandtheblackpoorthemselves,theJCCEOevolvedaftertwoyearsfromatwenty-onememberboardofdirectors,consistingentirelyofmayoralappointments,toaforty-eightmemberboardcomposedofsixteenpublicofficialsorrepresentativesofpublicagencies,sixteenrepresentativesfromprivatecommunitygroups,andsixteenrepresentativesfrompoor“target”communities,eachelectedbytheirrespectiveneighborhoodadvisorycouncils.Thenewstructure,establishedin1967,notonlyallowedtheblackpoordirectrepresentationforthefirsttimein

thehistoryofBirmingham’swelfareagencies,italsosubstantiallyreducedthepowerofthemayorwithintheCommittee.Intheend,however,theneighborhoodcouncilsexercisedverylittlepowertoshapethelong-termagendaoftheJCCEO.Thecommitteenotonlyallocatedinsufficientfundsforprojectsinitiatedbytheneighborhoodcouncils,butthebureaucraticindependenceofvariousagenciesmadelong-termplanningvirtuallyimpossible.Moreover,theemploymentofAfricanAmericansinresponsiblepositionswithinJCCEOagenciesinitiallypromptedabacklashfromwhitesocialworkerswhoarguedthatthesenewlyappointedmenandwomen“lackedqualifications.”44

Eveniftheneighborhoodcouncilsturnedouttoberelativelyineffectiveintermsofdeterminingthelong-rangeagendaoftheJCCEO,theymanagedtoprovideanewforumforanewgenerationof“racerebels.”TheirconstituentsexhibitedamilitantsenseofentitlementreminiscentoftheCommunist-ledmovementsofthe1930s,thepublictransportationbattlesofthe1940s,andtheuprisingssurroundingtheSCLC’sdirect-actioncampaigns.InnearlyalloftheconflictsbetweentheblackpoorandJCCEO,protestersfoundthemselvesfightingblackaswellaswhitebureaucrats.Oneparticularlymemorableconfrontationoccurredin1969whenapredominantlyblackwomen’sorganization,calledthePoorPeople’sActionCommittee(PPAC),protestedwhatitfeltwerediscriminatorypracticeswithintheJCCEO’sConcentratedEmploymentProgram.Theprogram,whichcoordinatedtheworkofseveralpublicandprivateagenciesintoacomprehensivetrainingprogramforthepoor,hadplacedthemajorityofblackwomenwhohadcompletedtheprograminachickenpackingplantratherthaninhumanrelationspositionsaspromised.ThePPACalsocomplainedofbeingthreatenedandintimidatedbytwostaffmembers—thedirector,whowaswhite,andtheblackassistantdirector—forparticipatingintheprotest.Ironically,withtheassistanceofanotheragencyundertheJCCEO’sjurisdiction,theLegalServicesProgram,thePPACwontheircase,exposedthedeficienciesintheConcentratedEmploymentProgram,andultimatelyforcedthedirectortoresignandtheJCCEOtotakedisciplinaryactionagainsttheassistantdirector.Asecondmajorstruggleeruptedin1971,whentheUnitedNeighborhoodImprovementAssociation(UNIA)picketedJCCEOheadquarterstoprotestthedismissaloftwoblackemployees.Despiteseveralstormymeetings,theJCCEOboardofdirectorsdidnotaccedetotheUNIA’sdemands,whichincludedtheremovaloftwoblackprojectdirectorsandthewhiteexecutivedirector.TheUNIAcameawayfromthebattlequitebitter,accusingtheJCCEOofnotdoinganeffectivejobassistingthepoorsince“thesehard-corepeoplearenotbeingreached.”45

TheriseofmilitantoppositiontotheJCCEO,combinedwithdeterioratingconditionsofthepoorcausedbydeindustrialization,urbanrenewal,concentratedpoverty,policerepression,thelimitationsofthecivilrightsagenda,andageneralmistrustoftraditionalblackleadership,compelledsomepoorAfricanAmericanstoturntomoreradicalalternatives.In1970severalcommunity-basedinterracialorganizationswerecreatedspecificallytoconcentrateonpoorpeople’sneeds,includingtheJeffersonCountyWelfareRightsOrganization—alocalchapteroftheNationalWelfareRightsOrganization—theSouthsideActionCommittee,theAlabamaEconomicActionCommittee,theCommitteeforEqualJobOpportunity,andtheSouthernOrganizingCommitteeforEconomicJustice(formerlytheSouthernConferenceEducationalFund).46TheblackpooralsoturnedtoblacknationalistorganizationsinfluencedbyMalcolmX,theBlackPowerphilosophiesofthelate1960s,and/ortheNationofIslam.Thesemovements—muchliketheCommunistPartythreedecadesearlier—showedmoresensitivitytothespecificproblemsofpoorresidentsandsoughtchangethroughalternativemeansofopposition.

Theywereultimatelycrushedbypolicerepression,whichservedasapowerfuldeterrenttotheparticipationofthevastmajorityofpoorpeople.ThemostimportantexampleistheAlabamaBlackLiberationFront(ABLF),ashort-livedorganizationthatattractedconsiderableattentionfromboththeblackpoorandcityofficials.LiketheBlackPantherParty,theABLFwentbeyonddemonstratingagainstpolicebrutalitytoadvocatingarmedself-defensegroups.Itsprimaryagenda,however,wastohelpthepoorresistevictions,obtainrelief,andestablishcollectiveself-helpprogramstoprovidefood,clothes,andothernecessitiestocommunityfolks.Itslong-termgoalwastoeducateblackresidentsandpreparethegroundworkforrevolution.47

Mostofitsleaderswerepooryoungresidentswhohadatonetimeoranotherbeenarrestedorengagedinpettycrimes.Oneofitsfoundingmembersin1970wastwenty-three-year-oldRonaldWilliams:“IguessIusedtobewhatyou’dcallanillegitimatecapitalist.Iactedformyselfalone—whateverIcouldtake,Itookit.Ididtime.I’mnotashamedofallthat.Ilearnedtosurvivethewaypeoplehadtosurviveinthissociety.UntilIgothip—andIlearnedhowwehavetoorganizeandhelpeachotherandchangethesystem.”Anotherfoundingmember,forty-three-year-oldWaylandBryant,wasradicalizedbyhisutterdisappointmentwiththe“so-calledcivilrightsmovements”inwhichhehadparticipatedforovertwentyyears.Hecametorealizethatintegrationwasnot

thepanaceahebelieveditwouldbesinceitdidnotattackthefundamentalproblemsofpoorpeopleundercapitalism.

Fromtheoutset,thepoliceandFBImadeitvirtuallyimpossiblefortheABLFtooperateinBirmingham.Literallywithinweeksoftheirfounding,itsmemberswereroundedupenmasseandarrestedinapreemptivestrikebypolicetostopa“plannedABLFambush.”TheincidentcenteredaroundBerniceTurner,afifty-five-year-olddomesticwhowasbeingforcedoutofherhomebylanddevelopers.BeforetheABLFhadanopportunitytoinvestigatethecase,TurnerwasservedanevictionnoticeonSeptember14,1970.FiveLiberationFrontactivists,includingBryant,Williams,HaroldRobertson,andanothermanandawoman—bothunidentified—decidedtostaywithMrs.Turnerthatnightandleafletthecommunitythenextmorning.Thenextday,afterMrs.Turnerhadleftforwork,nearlytwodozenpoliceofficerssurroundedherhometoarresttheABLFactivists.“AMalcolmXrecordwasplaying,”recalledWaylandBryant,“whenIheardthedoorcrashopen—Ineverheardanyknock.”Theofficerstossedteargasthroughthedoorsandwindows,shotRonaldWilliams,andbeattheremainingmembersoccupyingthehouse.FiveABLFmemberswerejailedandBryantandWilliamschargedwithassaultingapoliceofficerwithadeadlyweaponandintenttomurder.Overthenextfewweeks,practicallythewholemembershipoftheABLFwasarrestedfordistributingliteratureandotherassortedcharges,breakingthebackboneoftheorganizationbeforeithadanopportunitytomobilizemasssupport.48

TherapiditywithwhichtheBirminghampolicecrushedtheABLFservedasanimportantreminderthat,nomatterhowmanyreformsthecivilrightsmovementsecuredintermsofextendingparticipatorydemocracytoAfricanAmericans,thepoorstillremainedpowerlesstoalterconditionsandrelationshipsthataffectedthemthemost.Althoughsomesegmentsoftheblackpoordidnottotallyabandonorganizedpolitics,especiallysincenewlyformedcommunity-basedorganizationsweremoreconcernedwithissuesofpoverty,joblessness,survival,andpolicebrutalitythanearliercivilrightsorganizations,theywereremindedoftheconsequencesofmilitantaction.Some,likeMrs.Turner,viewedthecollapseoftheABLFwithangerandremorse.Assheexpressedsoonafterthearrests,“thosemenareinjailandit’sjustnotright….Alltheywantedtodowashelp.”49

Thefailedeffortsofthe1970swerenotacompleteloss.Thepoliticalstirringsofpoorandworking-classresidentspromptedcitygovernmenttoformtheCitizenParticipationProgram(CPP)in1974,awell-structured“grassrootsbureaucracy”

ofneighborhoodassociationswithalimitedvoiceinissuesaffectingtheircommunities(e.g.,cityservices,zoning,development).AsStevenHaeberle’srecentstudyoftheCPPargues,residentsfromlow-incomeblackneighborhoodshadthehighestparticipationrateintheprogramthroughoutthe1970sand1980s.Whenthesegovernment-sponsoredinstitutionswerenotresponsiveenough,blackpoorandworking-classresidentsoftenformedtheirownvoluntaryassociationstotacklespecificproblems.Moresignificantly,thedramaticshiftinthecity’sracialmakeupduringthe1970scontributedtoblackpoliticalempowerment.

RichardArrington’ssuccessfulbidformayorin1979heightenedtheentireblackcommunity’ssenseofpower.AlthoughclassdistinctionsandtensionswithintheAfricanAmericancommunitybynomeansdisappeared,theblackpoorgenerallybelievedthatablackadministrationwasamarkedimprovementoverthepastcenturyofwhite,largelyracistcitygovernments.(Inmanycasestheywereright:incidentsofpolicebrutality,forexample,decreaseddramaticallyafterArringtonimplementedreformsinpoliceoperations.)ComingoutofadecadeinwhichBlackPowerslogansshapedmuchofAfricanAmericanpoliticaldiscourse,Birmingham’sblackpoorshowedgreaterinterestinmainstreampoliticsandweremuchmorewillinginthe1980stosupportmunicipalgovernmentandtoparticipateinpoliticalinstitutionsintendedtoimprovethequalityoflife,includingthoseoriginatingincityhall.Yet,despitetheirnewsenseofenfranchisement,theirprotestscontinued,suggestingafailureonthepartofArrington’sadministrationtoprovideessentialcityservicesforthepoorestneighborhoods.ThisdualsenseofempowermentanddissatisfactionisrevealedinPhilipCoulter’srecentstudyofresidentswhotakeadvantageoftheMayor’sOfficeofCitizensAssistance(MOCA),establishedsoonafterArrington’selection.Coulterdemonstratedthatin1983AfricanAmericanswithincomesoflessthan$5,000(alongwiththewealthiestwhites)weremostlikelytofilecomplaintswithMOCA.Becausethemajorityofcomplaintscenteroncityservices,thepersistentprotestofthepoorestcommunitiessuggestthattheadministrationhasbeenunabletosolvemostoftheirproblems.NotonlydothesestudieschallengeWilliamWilson’shypothesisthatthe“underclass”issociallyisolatedfromandindifferenttowardpoliticalinstitutions,but,asIhavesuggestedthroughoutthischapter,theirhighparticipationratealsoreflectsatraditionofactivism.Theonlydifferenceisthattheynowhavegreateraccesstolegitimatepoliticalavenues.50

Thetwodecadesafter1963turnedouttobeamixedbagofvictoriesanddefeats.Duringthe1960s,theblackpoorexhibitedgreatermilitancyandpoliticalparticipation,ontheonehand,butfacedanintensificationofpolicerepression,poverty,andjoblessness,ontheother.Althoughthecivilrightsmovementsucceededindesegregatingpublicspace,winningthefranchise,securingfederaljobantidiscriminationlegislation,andeventuallypavingthewayforblackempowerment,neitherthevotenorlegislativeinitiativeswereeffectiveweaponsagainstpoverty,joblessness,andplantshutdowns.Today,asmoreBirminghamsteelandironmillsareturnedintomuseumsandfewerhigh-wageindustrialjobsaremadeavailable,increasingnumbersofunskilledAfricanAmericansareforcedtoturntopublicassistance,low-wageservicesectorpositions,orinsomecasescrime.

Althoughtheblackpoorcontinuetoresistandsurvivethebestwaytheyknowhow,thecomplexsetofissuestheymustfaceandthecontradictory,hiddenworldofthepoormakepredictingwhatfuturestrugglesmightlooklikeadifficulttaskindeed.Tounderstandthepoliticsofpooranddisplacedworkingpeople,asIhavearguedthroughoutthischapterandthethreeprecedingchapters,requiresbotharedefinitionofpoliticsandalong-termhistoricalperspective.

Butwecannotendthere.Wealsohavetolookbeyondthehiddentranscripts,beyondthequotidianworldofsabotageandrockthrowing,totheorganizationsandculturalformsthatgavevoicetoworking-classAfricanAmericanswhomightnototherwisehavefounditintheblackmiddleclass’sstruggleforracialupliftandrespectability.Todothiswemustbeginwherepeopleareratherthanwhereweexpectthemtobe,whichmeansbroadeningourscopetoincludeblackparticipationintheclass-oriented,interracialmovementsoftheAmericanLeft.InpartIIweshallgobacktothe1930s,whenanothergroupof“racerebels”triedtodevelopadistinctivestrandofclass-consciousracialpoliticswithintheAmericanCommunistmovement.Evenwhentheyfailed,theirstruggleswithinthePartytodefinecommunismandinternationalismontheirowntermschangedthemovement,andthemselves,insomesurprisingways.

PARTIITOBEREDANDBLACK

Revolt!Arise!TheBlackAndRedWorldNowAreOne!Thepastisdone!TheRedFlagFliesagainsttheSun!

—LANGSTONHUGHES,“ANewSong”1

Chapter5“Afric’sSonsWithBannerRed”

AfricanAmericanCommunistsandthePoliticsofCulture,1919-1934

Rise,Afric’ssonswithbannerred.Freedom’spathwetoomusttread.We’vefoughtforitandbled.Blackmen,United!Longwe’vebornethenation’sshame.Longwe’vebow’dbothmeekandtame.’Tisrightthatnowourangerflames.Initsmight.Facethelynchers,theSouthernCossacks.Facethedemons.Strikethemback.Facethemdyingbutstrikingback.Forourright.

—J.THOMPSON,“Exhortation”1

IfirstdiscoveredThompson’spoemafewyearsagoburiedinabarelyreadablemicrofilmeditionoftheLiberator,theofficialnewspaperoftheCommunist-ledLeagueofStruggleforNegroRights.Thoughthepoemhadnodirectbearingonmyresearch(IwasworkingonadissertationaboutCommunistsinAlabama),Iwasfascinatedbyitbecauseitstruckmeassopeculiarandoutofplace.Publishedin1933,itappearedduringatimewhentheCPwaswagingwaragainst“pettybourgeoisNegronationalism”and“racialchauvinism.”Yet,

“Exhortation”isinmanywaysablacknationalistmanifesto.Thompsondoesnotpainttheportraitonemightexpectofblackandwhiteworkerstogetherfightingthebosses;rather,heintroducesustoadifferentsortofManicheanworldinwhichwhitelynchersandblackmenarepoisedtobattleoneanother.Theimplicationthatdignityisembodiedinthemasculineactofresistanceplaces“Exhortation”inthetraditionofClaudeMcKay’scelebratedpoem,“IfWeMustDie,”whichalsoinspiredmanyofThompson’scontemporarieswhopublishedintheGarveyiteNegroWorld.LikeMcKay,hisappealfortheunitedresistanceofblackmencentersnotonthefruitsofpossiblevictory,butontheveryactoffighting.Indeed,exceptforkeywordslike“bannerred”and“SouthernCossacks,”thereisnothinginThompson’s“Exhortation”thatwouldindicateheisaCommunistwritingforaCommunistpaper.

AsIcontinuedperusingCommunistpublicationsforobscureinformationabouttheSouth,thesekindsofcreativeexpressionsofblacknationalismbecamelessanomalousandmorepervasive,particularlyinCommunistpublicationsgearedtowardtheAfricanAmericancommunity.ItseemedtoflyinthefaceofeverythingIthoughttobe“proletarianinternationalism,”andtheverypresenceofthiswork—irrespectiveofitsaestheticworth—seemedtounderminethecommonassertionthattheCommunistsimposedintegrationistvaluesonblackartists.2Ofcourse,studiesofthepoliticsofcultureduringthePopularFrontandtherecentstringofbiographiesofblackradicalartists—namelyLangstonHughes,ClaudeMcKay,RichardWright,andPaulRobeson—havealreadychallengedthenotionthatPartydisciplinetransformedtheseartistsintoMoscowautomatons.3ButmostofthisworkstillassumesthattheCommunistshadaclear-cut“line”onculturalproductionthatwasnaturallyinconflictwiththeworkofblackartists.Whatscholarshaveyettoexplainishow,especiallyduringthemoreradical“ThirdPeriod”(theperiodfrom1928to1933whentheCommunistPartyoftheUnitedStates[CPUSA]shiftedfromamoregradualistapproachtoabeliefthatrevolutionwasjustaroundthecorner),Partytheoreticianssimultaneouslythwarted“racialchauvinism”and“petitbourgeoisnationalism”inallmanifestationsofpoliticalaction,whilerace-consciousthemesandnationalistsentimentappearedinsomuchblackexpressiveandliterarycultureinsideandonthemarginsoftheCommunistParty.

Thefollowing,then,isapreliminaryefforttounravelthisparadoxbyexploringtherelationshipbetweenCommunistdebatesaboutaestheticsandsomeoftheculturalworkproducedbyAfricanAmericanradicalsfromthemid-1920stothemid-1930s.Itismycontentionthatsomeoftheanswerscouldbefoundpartlyin

thechangingmake-upofthePartyduringtheThirdPeriodwhichenabledAfricanAmericanworkingpeople—manyofwhomleftGarveyitemovementsinvariousstagesofdecline—toinsinuatethemselvesintotheParty’sculture.IalsowanttosuggestthattheCommunists’positiononthe“NegroQuestion”(implicitly,atleast)anditsowninterpretationof“proletarianrealism”unintentionallycreatedanopeningforAfricanAmericanstoarticulatenationalistideologiesinspiteoftheParty’sformaloppositionto“Negronationalism.”Inotherwords,bythelate1920sandearly1930s,blacknationalism(s)—especiallyasexpressedinculture-hadmuchmoreincommonwithAmericancommunismthanmostscholarshaveadmitted.Thus,likeAmericanJewishandFinnishCommunists,whoseculturalandnationalidentitiesconstitutedacentralelementoftheirradicalpolitics,ethnicnationalismandinternationalismwerenotmutuallyexclusive.

BlackRadicalismMeetstheClassStruggle

AfricanAmericanswhojoinedthePartyinthe1920sand1930swereasmuchthecreationofAmericancommunismasofblacknationalism;asmuchtheproductofAfricanAmericanvernacularculturesandradicaltraditionsasofEuro-Americanradicalthought.ManywereproductsofGarveyismand/ortheemergingpostwarblackLeftthathadbeendeeplytouchedbytheBolshevikRevolutionaswellasbyworkers’uprisingsandracialviolenceinAmericancitiesduringandafterWorldWarI.WhiletheseeventsdidnotpropellargenumbersofAfricanAmericanradicalsintotheAmericanCommunistParty,itdidreinforcetheirbeliefthatsocialistrevolutionwaspossiblewithinthecontextofacomplicatedmatrixof“racepolitics”andworking-classunity.A.PhilipRandolphandChandlerOwenattemptedtobuildAfricanAmericansupportfortheSocialistPartyofAmerica(SPA)byemphasizingclassaswellasrace-specificgoals,buttheSocialists’officialpositionregardedracistoppressionsecondarytotheclassstruggleandheldsteadfastlytotheideathatsocialismwastheonlywaytosolvetheproblemsofblacks.4

PerhapsthemostenigmaticgroupamongthepostwarblackLeftwastheAfricanBloodBrotherhood(ABB),asecret,undergroundorganizationofradicalblacknationalistsledlargelybyWestIndianimmigrants.Foundedin1918byCyrilBriggs,theABBadvocatedarmeddefenseagainstlynching,therighttovoteintheSouth,therighttoorganize,equalrightsforblacks,andtheabolitionofJimCrowlaws.AccordingtoBriggs,theABBwasthefirstorganizationtodemandself-determinationforblackAmericansintheSouthernUnitedStates.Although

itisdoubtfulthattheABB’sleadershipworkedoutatheorybasedontheideaofanoppressednation,Briggsconsistentlydemandedself-determination,insomeformoranother.Asearlyas1917,whileeditoroftheAmsterdamNews,Briggsadvocatedthecreationofa“coloredautonomousstate.”InthepagesoftheCrusader,heattackedWoodrowWilsonfornotapplyingtheconceptofself-determinationtoAfrica,andduringthe“RedSummer”of1919whenraceriotsbrokeoutinseveralmajorcities,Briggsdemanded“governmentoftheNegro,bytheNegroandfortheNegro.”AuniqueexperimentinblackMarxistorganization,theABBwasshort-lived,killedoffbyitsowninternallogic;bytheearly1920sitsMarxistleadershipdecidedthataninterracialproletarianpartywouldbeamoreeffectiveformoforganizationandthereforeoptedtojointheCPUSA.5

LiketheSocialistsbeforethem,AmericanCommunistsinitiallyregardedblackradicalismasasubsetoftheclassstruggle.TheParty’s1921programassertedthat“theinterestsoftheNegroworkerareidenticalwiththoseofthewhite.”Twoyearslater,CommunistleadershiprecognizedthatblackpeopleintheUnitedStatesconstitutedan“oppressedrace,”butconsideredblacknationalism“aweaponofreactionforthedefeatandfurtherenslavementofboth[blacks]andtheirwhitebrotherworkers.”However,pressurefromtheCommunistInternational,primarilyVI.LeninandIndianCommunistM.N.Roy,andpopularsupportforblacknationalistmovementswithinAfricanAmericanworking-classcommunities,compelledtheCPUSAtoseriouslyreconsideritsapproachtothe“NegroQuestion.”6

TheFourthWorldCongressoftheCominternin1922adoptedasetofthesesdescribingblacksasanationalityoppressedbyworldwideimperialistexploitation.7Becauseblackworkers’struggleswerenowconsideredinherentlyanti-imperialist,AmericanCommunistswereobligedtoviewGarveyismandothernotablenationalistmovementsanew.Duringthe1924UNIAConvention,theDailyWorkerthoroughlycoveredtheproceedingsandpraisedtheorganizationforitsmilitancy.AndattheFourthNationalConferenceoftheCommunistPartyin1925,itrecognizedthattheGarveymovementwas“analmostuniversalphenomenonamongAmericanNegroworkers.”8

WhilePartyleadershippraisedtheUNIAforitsmassbaseandanticolonialposition,itwascriticalofitsstrategyandrhetoric.ThePartyopposedtheUNIA’smass-basednationalismandemphasisonracepride;its1925platformequatedGarveyismwith“reactionary”JewishZionism.Ontheotherhand,the

sameplatformexpressedfaithintheabilityofCommuniststoworkwithintheUNIAandtransformitinto“anorganizationfightingfortheclassinterestsoftheNegroworkersintheUnitedStates.”9TheCPUSA’snew-foundrespectforGarvey’sappealcameabittoolate,however,sincetheUNIAwasalreadyonthevergeofcollapse.ThePartyrespondedbyformingtheAmericanNegroLaborCongress(ANLC)in1925,anorganizationledchieflybyformerABBleaderswhoseprimarypurposewastobuildinterracialunityinthelabormovement.ChaptersweretobeestablishedthroughouttheUnitedStates,particularlyintheSouth,butbecauseofpoorleadershipandill-conceivedplanning,theANLCnevergainedpopularsupport.10Intheend,althoughtheCommunistsutterlyfailedtoredirectGarveyism,theydidattractahandfulofex-Garveyitesintotheirranks.

TheCommunists’failuretomobilizesignificantblacksupportintheearlyandmid-1920scanbepartiallyattributedtotheComintern’svisionofinternationalismwhichextendedbeyondPan-Africanismand/orracialsolidarity.WhileCominternofficialsrecognizeddifferencesbetweenanticolonialandEuropeanworking-classmovements,peasantsandproletarians,theystillinsistedthatthesestrugglesbeunitedunderthesamebanner.EventheirconferencesemphasizedaninternationalunitythatfewAmericans,blackorwhite,couldeverimagine.In1927,forexample,AfricanAmericandelegateswereinvitedtoattendaconferenceinBrusselsheldundertheauspicesoftheLeagueAgainstColonialOppression.Organizedin1926bytheGermanCommunistParty(KPD)tocombatpro-colonialsentimentsemerginginGermany,theLeaguewasanimportantsteptowardcoordinatingvariousstrugglesfornationalliberationinthecoloniesand“semicolonies,”anditservedasanintermediarybetweentheCommunistInternationalandtheanticolonialmovement.ItwasatthisconferencethatformerABBleaderRichardB.MoorewitnessedEuropeans,Asians,andAfricanspassageneralresolutionthatproclaimed:“AfricafortheAfricans,andtheirfullfreedomandequalitywithotherracesandtherighttogovernAfrica.”ItwasindeedaremarkablesightforanyonewhobelievedthestruggleforAfricanfreedomwasonlyanAfricanstruggle.11

TheCommunistmovement’sinternationalismnotonlyappropriatedthefamiliaridiomsofPan-Africanism,butinmanyrespectsitclearedthewayforavisionofblackanti-imperialismthatcouldtranscendwithoutnegatingacompletelyracializedworldview.Moreover,internationalismbecameavehicleforAfricanAmericanradicalstocrossculturalboundaries,toescapeandchallengeessentialistpresumptionscommonamongsomesegmentsoftheCPaboutwhat

the“authentic”Negroproletariatlookedandtalkedlike.LovettFort-Whiteman,anearlyrecruitwhorosequicklywithintheChicagoCP’sranks,wasemblematicofthissortofculturalinternationalism.SoonafterhisreturnfromtheSovietUnion,theTexas-bornCommunistbecameapopularspectacleontheSouthsideofChicagoforstrollingthestreetsdrapedinaRussianrubaschka(blouse).YetthissameinternationalistvisionsometimeshinderedtheParty’sworkintheAfricanAmericancommunity.Forexample,blackdelegatesfromtheWorkers(Communist)PartyandtheABBattendingthefirstAll-RaceConferencein1924weretreatedwithsuspicionwhentheyattachedtotheirproposalforarmedself-defenseandworking-classorganizationastatementendorsingthe“Internationale”asthe“anthemofNegroFreedom.”Similarly,attheANLC’sfirstmassmeetinginChicago,organizedbyLovettFort-Whiteman,hundredsofblackworkersinattendancebecamedisenchantedwiththeCongressassoonastheentertainmentappeared:aRussianballetandaone-actplaywrittenbyPushkin—performedentirelyinRussian!12

AmajorturningpointfortheParty’sracialpoliticsoccurredin1928.Thatyear,theSixthWorldCongressoftheCominternpassedaresolutionassertingthatAfricanAmericansintheblackbeltcountiesoftheAmericanSouthconstitutedanoppressednationandthereforepossessedaninherentrighttoself-determination.Notsurprisingly,theresolutionmetfierceoppositionfromwhite,andsomeblack,Partyleaders,butformanyblackCommunists,particularlythoseintheurbanNorth,theresolutiononblackself-determinationindirectlyconfirmedwhattheyhadlongbelieved:AfricanAmericanshadtheirownuniquerevolutionarytradition.AshistorianMarkNaisonobserved,“Bydefiningblacksasanoppressednation…theCominternhad,withintheLeninistlexiconofvalues,endowedtheblackstrugglewithunprecedenteddignityandimportance.”BlackCommunistspublisheddozensofarticlesinthePartypresssupportingtheideathatAfricanAmericanshavetheirownidentifiable,autonomoustraditionsofradicalism.“AsidefromthepurelyMarxiananalysis,”wroteoneblackCPorganizer,“theNegro’shistoryisrepletewithmanyactualinstancesofuprisingagainsthisexploitersandoppressors.”13Inshort,historyandculture—whetheritwastocelebratetraditionsofblackresistanceorrecuperatethe“folk”artoftheblackworkingclass—becamethevehiclesthroughwhichblackCommunistscouldboth“express”andjustifytheircollectiverighttoself-determination.

RaceMeninRedFace

TheComintern’snewpositiononthe“NegroQuestion”compelledblackCommuniststocalluponAfricanAmericanwriters,artists,andhistorianstofocustheirworkontheage-oldtraditionofblackrebellion.Asearlyas1928,WilliamL.Patterson,aprominentblackHarlemlawyerwhohadjoinedthePartyinthemid-1920s,criticizedvirtuallyallcontemporaryblackpoetsinanarticleentitled“AwakeNegroPoets.”AlthoughPattersonwaspleasedthatthey“havepersistentlycalledthemselvesblackmen,haveproclaimedtheirsongsNegrosongs,havetriumphantlyhailedtheemergenceofaNegroculture,”hehopedmoreyoungwriterswouldwriterevolutionaryversethatdescribedtheconditionsoftheblackmassesandcapturedthetraditionofresistanceinsteadofcateringtopatrons.14

WritersofthegenrePattersonhopedforweredrawntoleft-wingcirclesduringthe1930sbecauseoftheParty’snewfocusonAfricanAmericanissues.Evenmorethantheself-determinationslogan,theParty’sdefenseoftheScottsboroNine(youngblackmenwhohadbeenfalselyaccusedofrapingtwowhitewomennearPaintRock,Alabama,in1931),itsvigorousdenunciationofracism,anditsunrelentingfightfortheconcreteeconomicneedsofpoorblacksattractedasignificantsectionofAmerica’ssubmergedblackintelligentsia,manyofwhomwereformerGarveyitesorPan-Africanistideologues.ManyweredrawntotheLeagueofStruggleforNegroRights(LSNR),aCP-sponsoredauxiliarycreatedin1930intendedtoreplacethedefunctAmericanNegroLaborCongress.Itssomewhatradicalnationalistprogramsupportedblackself-determinationintheSouth,advocatedmilitantresistanceonthepartofAfricanAmericans,andcalledforaresolutecampaignagainstlynchingsandwhiteterroristorganizations.15TheLSNRnewspaper,theLiberator,thesourceinwhichIdiscoveredJ.Thompson’s“Exhortation,”wasestablishedundertheableeditorshipofformerABBfounderCyrilBriggs,andconceivedofasthe“agitatorandorganizeroftheNegroLiberationMovement.”16

Yet,whiletheCentralCommitteeoftheCPUSAagreedtotheformationoftheLSNRandthepublicationoftheLiberator,itdidnotagreewithBriggs’sassessmentthatthemovementanditspapershouldbeinthevanguardofthe“NegroLiberationMovement.”Indeed,whiteCommunistleadersexhibitedambivalencetowardtheLSNRasearlyastheLeague’sfirstnationalconventioninSt.Louisin1931.TheCentralCommitteeresolvedthattheLSNRshouldnotbecome“asubstitutefortheParty,whichatalltimesmustretainitsleadingroleinthestruggleforfullequality,andintheSouth,fortherightofself-determination.”Furthermore,theCentralCommitteeinsistedthattheLeaguenot

becomea“Negroorganization”andthattheLiberatornotbecharacterizedasa“Negro”paper.17ThesekindsofpoliticalpressuresfromnationalCPleadershipultimatelyledtothedemiseoftheLiberator.AfterfirstsuspendingpublicationinJanuaryof1932,itresumedagainayearlaterbutwaslimitedprimarilytoHarlem.By1934,theLeaguehadbeenreducedtolittlemorethanaskeletonofitsformerself.18

DuringthefiveyearstheLiberatorremainedinexistence,however,itsreadershipunderstoodittobea“Negropaper”irrespectiveofCentralCommitteeconcerns.AsveteranAlabamaCommunistHoseaHudsonremembered,theLiberator“carriednewsitemsonthewholequestionoftheoppressedpeople,likeAfrica….Italwayswascarryingsomethingabouttheliberationofblackpeople,somethingaboutAfrica,somethingabouttheSouth….Wewouldreadthispaperandthiswouldgiveusgreatcourage.”19TheLiberatorincubatedarenascentblacknationalistliterarymovement,publishingnotonlytheverseofwriterssuchasLangstonHughesbutalsomoreobscureworkslikeThompson’s“Exhortation.”AndlikeThompson’spoem,muchoftheversewhichappearedintheLiberatorcombinedclassconsciousness,prevailingPan-Africanideas,andanemphasisonstruggleasaformofmasculineredemption.

AprovocativeexampleisRubyWeems’s“TheMurderofRalphGray,”anarrativepoemabouttheCommunist-ledShareCroppers’Union’s(SCU)firstmartyr.Oneofthefoundersoftheall-blackunion,Graywasmurderedinashoot-outwithlawenforcementofficialsnearCampHill,Alabama.LikeThompson,Weemstranscendsthesimpleclassbasisofantilaborrepressionandgoesdirectlyfortheracialjugularvein.Heropeningstanzareads:

OwhitemastersofthemulattoSouth,Thinlipsemittingfroth,PaleeyesshiningliketheupturnedbellyOfadecayingsnakecarcass,YoukilledRalphGray…

ItishardnottonoticeherlinkingofCaucasianphysicalfeaturesandthewhiterulingclass’sprofligatecharacter.NotonlydoesGray’swillingnesstodieforthecauseoffreedomepitomizeakindofsymbolicmanhood,buthisindividualdeathcannotstopthemillionsofblackpeoplewhoallegoricallystoodbehindGrayandtheSCU.AsifamassiveghostwererisingfromGray’sgrave,Weems

warnedthe“landownersandslave-drivers”oftheconsequencesoftheiractions:

Butwhitemasters,Whydoyouhurrythroughthecornfieldslateatnight?AreyourunningawayfromRalphGray?Toolate,toolate!

HismusclesswellingintoamightychallengeMountintoavisionofamillionclenchedfists.Hewearshisdeathlikeajoyousbannerofsolidarity,AspecterofmilitantNegromanhood.Heliesstillandsilent—butunderhisunmovingformRisehostsofdark,strongmen,Thevastarmyofrebellion!20

MuchofthispoetrycouldhaveeasilyappearedintheNegroWorld’scolumn,“PoetryforthePeople.”AlthoughthethemeswerefarmorevariedandeclecticthanthosewhichappearedintheLiberator,Garveyitepoemssharedthegenderedlanguagewhichdefinedtheactofresistanceasamasculineriteofpassage.Garveyitespublishedpoemssuchas“ACalltoRaceManhood”and“KuKluxKlanBeware”whichemphasizedtheredeemingqualityofmaleviolenceagainsttheiroppressors.Witness,forinstance,RobertPoston’spoem,“WhenYouMeetaMemberoftheKuKluxKlan”(1921):

WhenyoumeetamemberoftheKuKluxKlan,Walkrightupandhithimlikeanaturalman;Takenothoughtofbabieshemayhaveathome,Sympathy’sdefamedwhenuseduponhisdome.21

Thus,whereasracialthemesmighthavebeeninconflictwiththeCommunists’versionofproletarianrealism,theseblackartists—includingmostmalewritersoutsideoftheParty—foundcommongroundontheterrainofgender.Proletarianrealismconsciouslyevincedmasculineimagesanddefinedclassstruggleasamalepreserve.CommunistculturaltheoreticianMichaelGolddidnotmincewordsin1926whenhewrote:“Sendastrongpoet,amanofthestreet…sendaman.”AsPaulaRabinowitzinsightfullypointsout,“Bylinkingtheproletariat,anditsculture,withmasculinity,themetaphorsofgenderpermeatedtheaestheticdebatesofmaleliteraryradicalsthroughoutthe1930’s.”22Infact,dozensofpoemswrittenbywhiteCommunistsdealingdirectlywithracemade

theirpleasforinterracialisminawhollymasculinistdiscourse.AsSadieVanVeenwroteinherpoem“Scottsboro,”publishedintheLiberator,“Scottsborolongwillyouberemembered/Bymenandthechildrenofmen./Forallthatyoustandfor.”23KennethPatchen’s“SouthernOrganizer”invokesanimageofstate-sanctionedvigilanteviolence,ofwhichmenareitsvictims,and“true”men,blackandwhite,arethosewhostandagainstit:

Badgesgleam;theydumpthesackintothewater,turnandgo.

ItispeacefulintheSouthland;tomorrowTheywillhangandshootsomemoreOfours:buttonight,asalltruemen

withsouthernbloodwilltellyou.

Thepossumisabroad,thebloodhoundssleep,Anditisbeautiful.Comrades.

“Letusdothisthingtogether.

Blackman,comrade,wemusttogether.Andheisdead.ThereisworkforlivingMentodo.Wesalutehim.Wehavenotearsforhim.”24

Similarly,V.J.Jerome’spoem,“ToaBlackMan,”writtenasacompaniontoLangstonHughes’s“AnOpenLettertotheWhiteMenoftheSouth,”counterswhatheperceivestobeblackracialseparatismwithasustainedappealforunityagainstcapital,buthisappealistomenaboutmen.Andlikealloftheseauthors,retaliatoryviolenceisasmuchamatterofmaleredemptionasitisclassstruggle.Thefinalstanzareads:

Callbackyoursons,brotherandtellthemthecauseisnotintheskinIt’swaroverwheat-fieldsandcoalpitsoverclothingandhousesmilkandbread.Weagainstthem.Slavesagainstmasters.

FusethefiresyoufromtheblackbreastIfromthewhiteIt’swarfortheearth!WorkmenfieldmenEveryhammeragunEveryscytheaswordWarfortheearth!25

Thelanguageofmasculinity,infact,dominatedrepresentationsofgrass-rootsorganizingandPartypropaganda,especiallyduringthe1930s.ElizabethFauemakesthispointinherexcellentstudyofworking-classstrugglesinMinneapolis.Speakingofthelabormovement’siconographyasawhole,Fauewrites:“Theyforgedawebofsymbolswhichromanticizedviolence,rootedsolidarityinmetaphorsofstruggle,andconstructedworkandtheworkerasmale.”26Itstandstoreason,then,thatAfricanAmericanradicalwriters’andartists’persistentthemeofmanhoodandviolentresistancestruckanenticingchordthatprobablyreverberatedlouderthanallusionstoracialpride.ThistendencywasevenevidentamongCommunistmusiccritics:inthepagesoftheNewMasses,writerRichardFrankproclaimedthatblackmusicwasdeservingofhighstatuswithinproletarianculturebecauseit“possessessuchvirility.”27

Besides,theParty’spositiononblackliberationafter1928—theirinsistenceonself-determinationforAfricanAmericans—notonlytookprecedenceoverwomen’sstruggles,butitessentiallyprecludedaserioustheoreticalframeworkthatmightcombinethe“Negro”and“Woman”questions.Furthermore,theParty’sadvocacyofblackself-determinationconjuredupmasculinehistoricalfiguressuchasToussaintL’Ouverture,DenmarkVeseyandNatTurner.WriterssuchasEugeneGordonandV.J.Jeromeportrayedthemovementasastrugglefor“manhood,”whichispartlywhyarmedresistancewassuchapowerfultrope.WhenthecentralblackcharacterinGraceLumpkin’snovelASignforCain,ayoungSouthern-bornCommunist,observed“shotgunsstackedinthecornerofthecabin,”heassuredhiscomrades,“weain’tdealingwithcowards,butmen.”28

Butthisisonlypartofthestory.ThosewhoenteredradicalcirclestotingthebaggageofculturalnationalismfoundsupportinCommunisttheory.Ironically,Stalin’smechanicaldefinitionofanation,whichembraceda“communityofculture”asacentralconcept,simplyreinforcedthemodernnationalistideathatthebasisofnationhoodwasasingle,identifiableculture.Stalincertainlydidnot

inventthisidea.Indeed,African,AfricanAmerican,andWestIndiannationalistswhoidentifiedwiththe“Negritudemovement”werealsosearchingforthatessential“Negro”orAfricanculturethatcouldlaythebasisforPan-Africanidentity.Stalin’snotionofa“communityofculture”merelyprovidedaMarxistjustificationforblackCommuniststojointhesearchfortherootsofanationalNegroculture.AsWilliamL.Pattersonwrotein1933,theAfricanAmericannationwasboundbyacommonculture:“The‘spirituals,’thejazz,theirreligiouspractices,agrowingliterature,descriptiveoftheirenvironment,alloftheseareformsofculturalexpression….Arethesenottheprerequisitesfornationhood?”29BlackPartyleaderHarryHaywoodtracedtherootsofa“nationalNegroculture”in“ancientAfricancivilization[and]NegroartandliteraturereflectingtheenvironmentofoppressionoftheNegroesintheUnitedStates.”30

Theself-determinationsloganmighthaveinspiredafewblackintellectualsalreadyintheCP,butitdidnotdomuchtobuildblackworking-classsupport.Instead,thehorrendousconditionsbroughtonbytheGreatDepression,theParty’sstandonracialjustice,anditsfightfortheconcreteeconomicneedsofthepoorweremuchmoreimportantforattractingAfricanAmericans.Thepresenceofblackworking-classactivists,especiallyfromtheSouth,infusedPartycircleswithwhatmightbestbedescribedasradical“folk”traditions.Likeothervisibleethnicgroupsbeforethem(i.e.,Jews,FinnishAmericans,Chicanos,AsianAmericans),working-classAfricanAmericansbroughttheirgrass-roots,race-consciousculturaltraditionstotheParty.31

Althoughthesongs,rituals,religiouspractices,andstylesofordinaryblackworkingpeoplewereinconflictwithCommunistideologyandpractice(manyAfricanAmericansnotonlyshowedirreverencefortheParty’sinterracialismbutrefusedtoevenconsiderquestioningtheirreligion),thislevelofblackculturalproductionrarelyfacedthecriticalscrutinyofCPculturalcritics.InhiscritiqueoftheHarlemRenaissancepoets,WilliamL.Patterson,forexample,vacillatedbetweendemandingaculturethatwouldfocusonandcelebratetheblackmasses,andrejectingtheveryideathatworking-classAfricanAmericansintheSouth—thosewhomhedesignatedas“pure-black”—evermadeanyculturalcontributions.HenotonlyattackedtheHarlemwritersforvoicing“theaspirationsofarisingpettybourgeoisie,”buthechallengedthemforrefusingto“echothelamentationsofthedowntroddenmasses.”WhileherejectedracialistclaimsthattheemergenceofaNegroliteraticanbeexplainedbyintermixture,hisattackonthatargumentimplicitlyacceptedthat“raciallypure”blacksdonot

orcannotmakethesamesortofculturalcontribution:“Obviously,itiseasytosaythatthefactthatthenewNegrocultureisthecreationofawhite-blackgroupprovesthatthewhitebloodisdominant.Notatall.Thescientificexplanationissimplythatthepure-blacks,livingintheSouth,aresooppressed,sodebasedbywhiteexploiters,thatanyculturalexpressionisimpossibleforthem.”32

Patterson’sviewswereintheminority,however,andevenhedevelopedagreaterappreciationforthecultureoftheSouthernblackmasses.Yet,whilehisfellowCommunistculturalcriticsoftenexhaltedSouthernblackcultureasresistive,theynonethelessheldontoanessentialist,race-bounddefinitionofculture.Furthermore,likemostAmericaninterpretersofculture,theytendedtoplacevirtuallyeverythingblackpeopledidundertherubricof“folk.”Paradoxically,thislimitedvisionofAfricanAmericancultureultimatelyhadtheeffectofinsulatingeventhemostnationalistexpressionsfromcensure.AsPaulBuhleexplains,“folk”expressionswithinCommunistculturalcriticismwereshelteredfromthecurrentdebateswhichragedoverthemeaningof“proletarianrealism”:“Fewguidelinesalreadyexistedontheleftorelsewhereforpopularart.Thatveryabsenceprovidedbreathingspacefortheculturalinnovator….Noonecouldsaywhatthesignificancemightbe,forinstance,betweenMarxismandBlackfieldhollers…”33Inotherwords,folkartistswerenotsubjecttothesamecriticismandscrutinythat“legitimate”intellectualsfaced.WiththepossibleexceptionofLangstonHughes,mostofthecontributorswhoseworkappearedintheLiberator,andinotherParty-relatedpublications,wereusuallytreatedasfolkorpopularculture.34

MostCommunisttheoreticiansassumed(evenduringtheThirdPeriod)that“genuine”blackfolkculturewasatleastimplicitly,ifnotexplicitly,revolutionary.ThisispreciselywhyaCommunistcriticasantireligiousasMikeGoldcoulddescribethespiritualexpressivenessofblackvernacularcultureinsuchcelebratoryterms.WritingabouttheblackcadreontheSouthsideofChicago,Goldwrites:“AtmassmeetingstheirreligiouspastbecomestransmutedintoaCommunistpresent.Theyfolloweverywordofthespeakerwithrealemotion;theyencouragehim,asataprayermeetingwithcriesof‘Yes,yes,comrade’andoftenthereisaninvoluntaryandheartfelt‘Amen!’”35Likewise,forwhiteCommunistssuchasHaroldPreece,“thethrobbingnoteofprotest…iseveninthespirituals.TheNegroesweredeniedthemostelementarycivilrights.Buttheycouldsingandthosesongswerelivingprophesiesofdeliverance.”36

Ofcourse,notallCPculturalcriticsagreed.Ahandfulofleft-wingmusicologistsoftheThirdPeriodfoundrevolutionarycontentinblacksecularsong,butdisplayedgreaterambivalencewithrespecttospiritualsandgospelmusic.CriticalofHollywood’sattemptedcooptationofAfricanAmericanreligiousmusic,PhilipSchatzremarked:“musicwhichwasoncesosoothingabalmfortheiroppressionhasmisledmostofAmerica’sculturalworldintoabeliefthatthesesongsaretheonlygenuineartisticexpressionsoftheNegro.”Instead,hearguedthat“workadaysongs”weretheonly“pure”musicalexpressionoftheblackworkingclass.Ontheotherhand,LawrenceGellert,probablytheParty’smostenthusiasticchampionofblackmusic,dismissedthecontentofblackreligiousmusicfromtheinstitutionalchurchasessentiallyreactionarybutthoughttheformofthespiritualprovidedafoundationforrevolutionarymusic.Hepointedtosecularsongswithanticlericalundertonesasareactiontotheblackpreacher,“apompous,fat-headed,blow-hardparasite,pratingmeaninglessplatitudesabout‘deLawdandhisByan’ByKingdom.’”37Nevertheless,allofthesewritersagreedthattherewasacommon,identifiable,“pureNegroculture,”anditwasthemostgenuineexpressionoftheblackworkingclass.

WhiletheParty’sessentializingofblackculturecreatedmorespaceforculturalexpressionswhichotherwisewouldbeinconflictwithCommunistideology,italsoobscuredthedegreetowhich“folk”culturewasactuallybricolage,acutting,pasting,andincorporatingofvariousculturalformswhichthenbecomecategorizedinaracially/ethnicallycodedaesthetichierarchy.Consider,forinstance,thewayinwhichblackPartymemberstransformedoldspiritualsintoCommunistanthemsorsecularprotestsongs.AfricanAmericanCommunistsgaveclassicslike“WeShallNotBeMoved”and“GiveMeThatOldTimeReligion”newlyricsandcompletelynewmessages.Inthelatter,theversewaschangedto“GiveMeThatOldCommunistSpirit,”andPartymembersclosedouteachstanzawith“ItwasgoodenoughforLenin,anditsgoodenoughforme.”38Thelyricswerealsorewrittenas“TheScottsboroSong”afterthenineyoungdefendantswerespuriouslyfoundguiltyofrapingtwowhitewomen:

TheScottsboroverdict,TheScottsboroverdict,TheScottsboroverdict,Isnotgoodenufforme.

Itsgoodforbigfatbosses,Forworkersdouble-crossers,

Forlowdownslavesandhosses.Butitain’tgoodenufforme…39

Insomerespects,thesekindsofalterationswereverymuchinthetraditionofimprovisation,andtheinsertionofsecularlyricsintospiritualsongformswascertainlynotuniquetoblackCommunistculture.ButbyemployingaMarxist-Leninistdiscoursewithitsattendantlanguage,idioms,andmetaphors,thewayinwhichAfricanAmericanCommuniststransformed“traditional”musicsubvertedboththeParty’sownracializedculturalcategoriesaswellastheblackmusicalformsuponwhichtheyinscribednewlyrics.Whattheyproducedwashardly“folk”music;itwasabricolagedrawnfromtheParty’sideology,blackculturaltraditionsandcollectivememories,andaconstellationoflivedexperiences.

Blackradicalartists,inparticular,self-consciousofthissortofpasticheofproletarianinternationalismand“pureNegro”folkculture,werefrequentlypronetomoreparodicorsatiricalexpressions.BlackChicagoCommunists,forinstance,cameupwithahilarious,tongue-in-cheekrenditionof“LiftEveryVoiceandSing”(whatisacknowledgedastheblacknationalanthem)byJamesWeldonJohnsonandJ.RosemondJohnson.Itprovidesanimplicitcritiqueofmainstreamblackleadershipforfailingtoadoptaradicalinternationalistvision,andyetacknowledgeswhatispossiblewhenblackandredtraditionsofresistancecometogether:

Singasongfullofthestrifethatthedarkpasthastaughtus.

SingasongfullofthehopeCommunismhasbroughtus.

FacingaRed!Red!Sunofanewdaybegun

Letusfightontillvictoryiswon.40

Similarly,acontributortotheLiberatorborrowedanoldnineteenth-centuryslavesongtocreateahumorousparodyentitled,“NoMo’,NoMo.’”WhilethetuneembodiespracticallyalloftheelementsfoundintheCommunistliterarytradition,includinganticlericalismandapropheticvisionofaninsurmountablerevolutionarymovement,itcontainsawholehostof“cottonpatch”stereotypes.

AndlikethepoetryofWeemsandThompson,thecreatorofthissongmakesnoreferencetoblackandwhitemarchingtogether:

Nomo’pickincottonfo’tencentsaday,Nomo’raisin’taterswithoutgittn’pay.Yogitsnobreadinchurchfo’pray:Nomo’God,nomo’bosses,wefolksessay.

[chorus]

Negroesain’black—butRED!TeacherLenindonesaidBrothersalloppressedan’po.’Ain’titso?Sho!

……………

Nomo’KU-KLUXKLANwiththeirburnin’crosses.

Nomo’chain-gangs,we’snodogsno’ho’ses.TheNAACPGodno’Mosescanstopusblackiesfightin’thebosses.41

Thechorusleavesonewithanimageofanarmyofmilitant,atheist“darkies”poisedforabattleagainstracismandtheblackmiddleclass,guidedbytheteachingsofLenin.Onceagain,boththepopularconceptionofthe“Negrofolk”andtheCommunists’ownimageoftheproletariataresubverted.42

BecausewestilldonotknowhowtheParty’sintelligentsiacollectivelyfashionedanotionof“folk”culturethatdifferedfrom,say,highculture,modernism,orsocialistrealism,severalquestionsremain:towhatextentdoesthepresenceofasingular“NegroQuestion”constrainorstructureeffortstointerpretAfricanAmericanculture?Doestheveryideaofa“NegroQuestion”

assumetheexistenceofasingleblackcommunity,andthusasingle,“authentic”culturetobereckonedwith?BywhatcriteriadoCommunistcriticscategorizeblackculturalformsas“folk?”Theseandotherquestionswillhavetoawaitfurtherresearchandreflection.

“TheBlackandRedWorldAreNowOne”

TheculturalworldofAfricanAmericanCommunistsandsympathizerswasamosaicofracialimageryinterpenetratedbyclassandgender.Duringthe1930sthePartyattractedthousandsofAfricanAmericanswhototedtheirculturalandideologicalbaggagetothemovement,shapedtheculturallandscapeofAmericancommunism,andoccasionallyfoundspaceswithinCommunistcirclestocreateanexpressiveculturewhich,insomerespects,contradictedthemovement’sgoalofinterracialsolidarity.

AsIhavetriedtodemonstrate,thisdichotomybetweenofficialCommunistpoliticsandCommunistliteraryculturereflectsapoliticalconcessiontoitsnewconstituency.ThePartydesperatelywantedtopresentitselfasthelegitimateheirofGarveyism,particularlyincommunitieslikeHarlemandChicago.Moreover,anumberoffactorsconvergedwithinPartypoliticsandculturethatopenedupspaceforcreativeexpressionsofblacknationalismandracepride.Forone,despitealltheantagonismandinvectiveseparatingCommunistsfromGarveyitesandotherblacknationalistsduringthisperiod,theirwritersandartistshadonethingincommon:theyagreedthatstrugglewasaman’sjob.Thelanguagesofclassstruggleand“race”struggleemployedahighlymasculinistimagerythatreliedonmetaphorsfromwarandemphasizedviolenceasaformofmaleredemption.Thus,ontheterrainofgender,Communistsandblacknationalistsfoundcommonground—agroundwhichrenderedwomeninvisibleorancillary.

Further,theComintern’sthesisonself-determinationintheblackbelt—frequentlypointedtoasevidenceparexcellenceoftheCPUSA’ssubserviencetoMoscow—contributedtoblacks’greaterculturalfreedomwithintheParty.Itmightnothavedirectlyencouragedthedevelopmentofanartisticexpressionofblackself-determination,butitcertainlydidnothurttheproductionofthekindofrebellious,nationalistsentimentimplicitinthenotionofself-determination.Besides,whitePartycriticsandtheoreticianstendedtoacceptwithoutquestionanythingtheybelievedwas“folk”culture,forthiswaspresumablythegenuineexpressionofthelaboringandfarmingmasses.Sincemuchofblackexpressiveculturewascategorizedas“folk,”somesurprisinglyrace-conscious,nationalist-

inspiredartsurvivedinPartycircleswithoutcensure.

AlthoughthePartyrejectedracialpoliticsinfavorofinterracialaction,itdidnot(andcouldnot)stiflethecreativecontributionsofblackradicals.Onthecontrary,duringthisperiodAfricanAmericanculturecreatedahomeforitselfinCommunistcirclesbecauseofthegrowingpresenceofblackworkingpeople.And,asweshallseeinthenextchapter,theyfoundawaytoembraceboththeCommunists’internationalismandtheirownvisionofPan-Africanismsimultaneously.TheplacewhereitallcametogetherwasSpain.

Chapter6“ThisAin’tEthiopia,ButIt’llDo”

AfricanAmericansandtheSpanishCivilWar

AllyoucoloredpeoplesBeamanatlastSaytoMussoliniNo!Youshallnotpass

—LANGSTONHUGHES,“TheBalladofEthiopia”1

TheMakingofBlackInternationalists

SomeofyoumightrecognizethefamousLoyalistslogan,“NoPasaran,YoushallnotPass”inLangstonHughes’spoem.ButwhenHugheswrotethesewordstheRepublicandefenseofSpainwasstillayearaway.Entitled“TheBalladofEthiopia,”thepoetwasreferringtoanearlierinternationalconfrontationwithfascismthatrockedthePan-Africanworld:Mussolini’sinvasionofEthiopiain1935.Indeed,thefirststanzareads:“Allyoucoloredpeoples/Nomatterwhereyoube/Takeforyourslogan/Africabefree.”Nonetheless,Hughes’sversecouldeasilyhavebeenretitled“TheBalladofSpain,”foritscalltoactionispreciselywhatpromptedovereightyblackmenandoneblackwomantorisklifeandlimbtodefendtheSpanishRepublicfromafascisttakeover.WhentheCommunistInternationalaskedforvolunteerstocometoSpaininthefallof1936,AfricanAmericanswhojoinedtheAbrahamLincolnBrigaderegardedtheCivilWarasanextensionoftheItalo-Ethiopianconflict.

BlackLincolnOscarHuntercapturedthisrace-consciousevaluationofthewarinashortstorytitled“700CalendarDays.”Oneofthecharacters,awoundedblacksoldier,explainedwhyhevolunteered:“IwantedtogotoEthiopiaandfightMussolini….Thisain’tEthiopia,butit’lldo.”Atthesametime,black

volunteerslinkedthestrugglesoftheIberianpeninsulatoracismandpovertyinAmerica;forthemSpainhadbecomethebattlefieldtorevengetheattackonEthiopiaandpartofalargerfightforjusticeandequalitythatwouldinevitablytakeplaceonU.S.soil.

ItisnoaccidentthatthemajorityofAfricanAmericanswhojoinedtheLincolnBrigadecomprisedpartofasmallbutsignificantblackCommunistLeftwhichcameofagesometimebetweentheFirstWorldWarandtheeconomiccrisisofthe1930s(seechapter5).TheiruniquebackgroundandexperiencessuggestthattheirdecisiontogotoSpainwasmotivatedlargelybyapoliticaloutlookthatcombinedblacknationalismandPan-AfricanismwithacommitmenttotheCommunists’visionofinternationalism.LiketheAmericanJewishbrigadistswhoseculturalandnationalidentitiesconstitutedacentralelementoftheirradicalpolitics,ethnicnationalismandinternationalismwerenotmutuallyexclusive.AlthoughAfricanAmericanbrigadistswereadiversebunchthatincludedNorthernersandSoutherners,thecollege-trainedandsemiliterate,unemployedworkersandself-styledintellectuals,mostwerePartymembersorsupporterswhointerpretedcommunismthroughthelensesoftheirownculturalworldandtheinternationalmovementofwhichtheywereapart.Theyjoinedthemovementoutoftheirconcernforblackpeople,andthushadmuchincommonwiththeblacknationalistsandmainstreamblackpoliticalfigureswhoseleadershiptheychallenged.

Ontheotherhand,theywerepartofanorganizationthatencouragedblack-whiteunitywithoutcompletelycompromisingblacknationalistpoliticsandintroducedthemtoanentirelydifferentinterpretationofthewaytheworldworked.TheParty,inshort,offeredAfricanAmericansaframeworkforunderstandingtherootsofpovertyandracism,linkedlocalstrugglestoworldpolitics,andcreatedanatmosphereinwhichordinarypeoplecouldanalyze,discuss,andcriticizethesocietyinwhichtheylived.Thus,asoneblackvolunteernoticedwhenhearrivedinSpain,“theideasofalltheNegroesfromtheUnitedStateswerepracticallythesamethoughthesemendidnotknowoneanother.”2

ThesewordswerespokenbyMackCoad,anilliteratesteelworkeroriginallyfromCharleston,SouthCarolina,whohadjoinedthePartyinBirminghamin1930.AlthoughCoadwasneversingledoutforhisheroicsinSpain,hehadknownwarintheSouth.InMarch1931,hewassenttoTallapoosaCounty,Alabama,toorganizetheCommunist-ledShareCroppers’Union.3Unfortunately,becauseTallapoosalandlordswouldnottolerateasurreptitious

organizationofblacktenantfarmersandagriculturalworkers,Coadandotherunionrecruitswerecaughtinashoot-outwithpolicewithinweeksoftheSCU’sfounding.Whenitwasallover,SCUleaderRalphGraylaydeadandCoadwasforcedtofleethestate.ThefollowingyearCoadwassenttotheLeninSchoolintheSovietUnionwherehissenseoftheworldandknowledgeofinternationalpoliticshadexpandedimmensely,thoughhecouldstillneitherreadnorwritewhenheleft.AfterhereturnedtotheSouthin1934,heresumedPartyworkinRaleigh,NorthCarolina,Birmingham,andruralAlabama,beforeheadingtoSpainin1937.4

TherewereotherSouthern-bornblackswhowenttoSpain,butmostofthemlefttheSouthatratheryoungagesandbecameacquaintedwithleft-wingcausesinNortherncities.AbeLewis,bornandraisedinAlabama,joinedtheCommunistPartyinCleveland.Astrugglinglaundryworker,Lewisalwaysremainedfirmlygroundedinblackcommunityinstitutions,havingbeenactiveintheFutureOutlookLeague,thelocalNAACP,aswellastheblackchurch.HewasaprimemoverbehindtheClevelandScottsboroDefenseCampaignandaconsistentcontributortothelocalblackpress.VaughnLove,anativeofTennesseewhobeganworkinginthecoalminesatfourteen,madehiswaytoNewYorkin1929andbecameacquaintedwiththeCommunistPartythroughtheLeagueofStruggleforNegroRights.5JamesYates,whomweknowmoreabout,wasbornin1906inQuitman,Mississippi.HewasnourishedonstoriesofhowAfricanAmericansenjoyeddemocracyduringReconstruction;wastaughtbyaschoolteacherwhoinsistedthatonedayAmericawouldhaveablackpresident;wastouchedbythevisionofhisGarveyiteuncle,whoeventuallymovedtotheall-blacktownofBoley,Oklahoma;andwastoldoverandoveragainabouthisotherunclewhohadarmedhimselftodefendhisfamilyfromtheKlan,andoftheIrishimmigrantneighborwhoassistedhimbyprovidingammunition.Itwashere,inthesmalltownofQuitman,Mississippi,thatyoungYateswitnessednotonlycountlessepisodesofracismandviolence,butstarkexamplesofinternationalism,blacknationalism,Pan-Africanism,andinterracialsolidarity.Quitmanwasapparentlyanappropriateplacetoraiseablackantifascist.6

YatesarrivedinChicagoin1923,duringtheheightoftheGarveymovement.EvenhisbossatthestockyardswasamemberoftheUNIA.AlthoughYateshimselfneverjoined,hewasclearlyimpressedbyGarvey’soverallmessageandtheideaofblackself-organization.Bythetimethedepressionhithome,hediscoveredinthestreetsandparksofSouthsideChicagoanevenmoreimpressivebunchofmenandwomen,someofwhomwouldeventuallyjoinhim

inSpain.TheywereactivistsintheCommunistPartyand/ortheunemployedcouncils.It’snotclearwhetherYatesjoinedthePartyornot,buthewasunmistakablyapartoftheunemployedmovementandevenbeganorganizingdiningcarwaitersinChicagoandNewYork.Duringhisfirstmassdemonstration—amarchtoSpringfield,Illinois,thathadbeenorganizedbytheParty—hecametorealizetheinternationalsignificanceoftheCommunistParty’sstruggleforjobs,relief,andequality:

Iwasapartoftheirhopes,theirdreams,andtheywereapartofmine.Andwewereapartofanevenlargerworldofmarchingpoorpeople.BynowIunderstoodthattheDepressionwasworld-wideandthattheunemployedandthepoorweredemonstratingandagitatingforjobsandfoodallovertheglobe.Weweremillions.Wecouldn’tlose.7

OneoftheleadersoftheSpringfielddemonstrationwasOliverLaw,anativeofTexaswhoisundoubtedlythemostcelebratedAfricanAmericantohaveservedinSpain.AfterspendingsixlongyearsintheU.S.Armyandneversurpassingtherankofcorporal,Lawlefttheserviceandbecameabuildingtradesworker.BythetimetheGreatDepressionhitChicagoandleftmostconstructionworkersjobless,hewassufficientlydisillusionedwithAmericancapitalismtojointheCommunistParty.LikeMackCoad,henotonlyrosethroughtheParty’sranksquiterapidly,becomingchairmanoftheSouthsidechapteroftheInternationalLaborDefenseandaprincipalleaderinthe“HandsoffEthiopia”campaign,buthe,too,foundhimselfengagedinawarathome.Hewashospitalizedin1930afterbeingseverelybeatenbypoliceforhisroleinleadingademonstrationoftheunemployed.8

DespitewhiteCommunists’intentions,racerelationswithintheChicagoCPwerenotalwayssmooth.OscarHunter,ablackPartymemberwhoservedinSpain,wasconstantlycriticizedbythelocalPartyleadershipforhisviewsonrace.“Iwasalwaysintrouble,”herecalled,“Ididn’thavethecorrectline,Ididn’thavethecorrectapproach,”andtomakemattersworse,hiswhitecomradesthoughttheyknew“moreaboutblacksandthehistoryofblacks[than]Idid.”HerememberedvividlyonemeetingontheSouthsideatwhichhemadethemistakeofreferringtoblackfolkas“mypeople”whileappealingtothePartytoworkontheissueofthehighrateofilliteracyamongblackChicagoans.Forutteringthosewordshewasattackedbytheleadingcadrewho,accordingtoHunter,“[gaveanotherblackCommunist]thejobofputtingmeinmyplace…sohecomesrightoutandsayswhat’sthisshitMYPEOPLE….There’snosuch

agoddamnthing.”9

Hunter’sproblemwiththewhiteCPleadershipprobablyhadmoretodowithhisbackgroundandeducationthanhisunreconstructedblacknationalistpolitics.Borntoaworking-classfamilyinOrange,NewJersey,in1908,Hunterandhisbrothersandsistershadtopracticallyraisethemselvesaftertheirfatherleftandtheirmotherdied.HedroppedoutofschoolatagefourteenandmovedtoClevelandinsearchofwork.Soonafterhearrived,afriendofferedtosendhimtoHamptonInstitute,wherehebecameactivelyinvolvedinstudentpoliticsandmetaradicalreligionteacherwhointroducedhimtoMarxistliterature.HewentontoWestVirginiaStateandthen,uponthesuggestionofanotherprofessor,continuedhiseducationatBrookwoodLaborCollegeinKatonah,NewYork.ImpressedbysomeoftheCommunistshemetatBrookwood,HuntereventuallymovedtoChicagoandjoinedtheCP.AsanindependentblackintellectualwhosetraininginMarxismpredatedhismembershipintheParty,Hunter’svocalpresencethreatenedanumberofleadingcadresintheChicagoarea,blackandwhite.Nevertheless,hecontinuedtopursuehisintellectualinterestsatNorthwesternUniversity’sSchoolofJournalismandatthelivelymeetingsofthelocalJohnReedClub,wherehehungoutwiththelikesofRichardWrightandNelsonAlgren.Yet,despitehisintellectualtraining,Hunternevertookthemovementasseriouslyashisleaders.“Ijoinedtheparty,andIdon’tthinkIwasthebestcommunistintheworld,IknowIwasn’t.IthinkthatIhadcertaincorruptions,Ilikedwomen.Ilikedtodrinknowandthen,Ilikedtohavefun.”10

OscarHunterwasnottheonlyAfricanAmericanvolunteerwhoseleft-wingrootspredatedhismembershipintheCommunistParty.AdmiralKilpatrick,whosebackgroundwasasuniqueashisname,wasborninColoradoin1898andraisedinaSocialistfamily.HismotherhadbeenbornaslaveinKentuckyandhisfather,anAmericanIndianfromOklahoma,hadbeenamemberoftheSocialistPartysincetheturnofthecentury.Havinggrownuparoundradicals,KilpatrickwasaboutnineteenwhenhejoinedtheIndustrialWorkersoftheWorld.Likemanyofhiscomrades,hewasinfluencedbytheRussianRevolutionandtheSaccoandVanzetticase,andwasavictimofantiradicalrepressionin1919underthedirectionofAttorneyGeneralA.MitchellPalmer.HeeventuallyjoinedtheCommunistPartyin1927andwenttotheSovietUnionin1931tostudyattheLeninSchool.11

Bythemid-1930s,acombinationofeventshadradicalizedasegmentoftheAfricansAmericancommunity.Blackmenandwomenhadwitnessedthe

incarcerationofnineyoungmenfalselyaccusedofrapingtwowhitewomennearScottsboro,Alabama;thelynchingofClaudeNealinFlorida;NewDeallegislationleavemillionsofblacksjoblessandlandless;acallouseconomicsystemkeepoverhalftheblackpopulationinsomecitiesunemployed;andgroupsliketheKlan,theAmericanNaziParty,theWhiteLegion,andtheBlackShirtsbeat,rape,andhumiliatetheirpeoplewithoutcompunction.SowhenMussoliniinvadedtheonlyindependentblackAfricannationin1935,theirsimmeringangerturnedtooutrage.

ThedefenseofEthiopiadidmorethananyothereventinthe1930stointernationalizethestrugglesofblackpeopleintheUnitedStates.AlsoknownasAbyssinia,thisparticularsectionoftheHornofAfricaheldconsiderablehistorical,religious,andculturalsignificanceforblackcommunitiesthroughouttheworld.NotonlyhadtheEthiopiansunderEmperorMenelikIImanagedtomaintaintheirindependencewhiletherestofAfricawasbeingcarvedupbyEuropeans,buttheirlandhaddevelopedareputationasthecradleofcivilization,havingbeenamongthefirstcountriesintheworldtoadoptChristianity.IntheblackChristianworld,Ethiopiahasremainedoneofitsprincipaliconsand,insomeways,mightbecalledan“AfricanJerusalem.”AshistorianWilliamScottexplained,manyAfricanAmericans,particularlythefollowersof“Ethiopianism,”believedthat“Ethiopiahadbeenpredestinedbybiblicalprophecytoredeemtheblackracefromwhiterule.”Theirpointofreference,ofcourse,wasthebiblicalpassage“EthiopiashallstretchforthherhandsuntoGod”(Psalm68:31).Thebest-knowninstitutionalmanifestationofEthiopianismintheUnitedStateswasperhapsHarlem’sownAbyssinianBaptistChurch,foundedin1809.Duringthe1930s,Abyssinian’spastor,AdamClaytonPowell,Sr.,developedareputationforhisradicalrace-conscioussermonsandstridentsupportforEthiopianresistancetoItaly.12

TheGarveymovement,whoseofficialanthemwasentitled“Ethiopia,ThouLandofOurFathers,”madeconstantreferencetothisAfricannationinitssongs,rituals,andsymbols.Likewise,theStarOrderofEthiopia,foundedbyGroverClevelandRedding,wentsofarastoadvocateemigrationthere.ThemovementwasdeemedsubversivebyauthoritiesinChicagowhenoneofitsleaders“burnedanAmericanflagtosymbolizethesurrenderofallegiancetotheUnitedStatesandtheassumptionofallegiancetoEthiopia.”WhileRedding’sorganizationwasunabletopersuadeAfricanAmericanstomovetothemothercountry,theEthiopianambassadortotheUnitedStateswasslightlymoresuccessful.By1933theAfricanAmericancommunityinEthiopianumbered

between100and150.13

TheAfricanAmericanresponsetotheItalianinvasioninsomewaysprefiguredtheLeft’sresponsetoFranco’srebellioninSpain.Almostovernightanarrayofsupportorganizationswereformed,mainlyinNewYork,Chicago,andLosAngeles,toraisemoneyforreliefandmedicalaid;andmenfromacrossthenationvolunteeredtofight.Individuals,suchasWalterJ.DavisofFortWorth,Texas,andorganizations,suchasthePan-AfricanReconstructionAssociation(PARA)headedbySamuelDaniels,initiatedeffortstorecruitmenforEmperorHaileSelassie’sarmy.AccordingtoDaniels,hisorganizationhadalreadymobilizedanestimated1,000volunteersinNewYork,1,500inPhiladelphia,8,000inChicago,5,000inDetroit,and2,000inKansasCity.Whilethesefiguresareundoubtedlyexaggerated,theoverwhelmingresponsefromblackmensuggestsapotentialvolunteerarmyequalto,andperhapsgreaterthan,thenumberofAmericanswhojoinedtheLincolnBrigade.14

InitiallySelassiewaswillingtoacceptAfricanAmericancombatants,butpressurefromtheU.S.governmentcompelledEthiopiatoceaseallrecruitmentefforts.Furthermore,potentialvolunteerswerewarnedthattheywouldbeinviolationofafederalstatuteof1818governingtheenlistmentofU.S.citizensinaforeignarmy.Ifconvictedtheycouldhavefacedamaximumthree-yearprisonsentence,a$2,000fine,andlossofcitizenship.Despitethelaw,theGarveyiteBlackLegionallegedlyestablishedatrainingcampinupstateNewYorkforsome3,000volunteers,whileanothergroupmadeplanstopurchaseafreightertocarryblackmentotheHornofAfrica.BecauseofSelassie’sfearofupsettingrelationswiththeUnitedStates,noneoftheseeffortscametofruition.Accordingtomostaccounts,onlytwoAfricanAmericanseverreachedEthiopia—airmenJohnC.RobinsonofChicago’sSouthside,andHarlem’sHubertF.Julian.15

MostmainstreamblackpoliticalfiguresopposedsendingabrigadeofblacktroopstoEthiopiaandcounseledyoungmenagainstbreakingthelaw,buttheLeagueofNations’refusaltoprotectEthiopialeftmanyrank-and-fileAfricanAmericansdisillusioned.BlacknationalistsgenerallybelievedthatindifferenceonthepartofWesternnations(mostofwhichhadtheirownAfricancoloniestocontendwith)wasnothingshortofanactofracism.TheinvasionofEthiopiawasmerelythefirstskirmishinwhattheyviewedasaworldwideracewar.RobertEphraim,founderandpresidentoftheNegroWorldAlliance,statedinthesummerof1935:“therefusaloftheUnitedStatestothrowitsinfluence

againstMussolini…canonlybetakenasanindicationthatthewhiteracesareliningupdefinitelyagainsttheblack.”16

SucharacialinterpretationoftheinvasioncreatedadilemmafortheCommunistPartyandotherleft-wingmovements,sincemostoftheleadingblacknationalistsrefusedtoworkwithwhites.BlackCommunistsinHarlem,withthehelpofafewfriendlyGarveyites,createdtheProvisionalCommitteefortheDefenseofEthiopia(PCDE)whichworkedtirelesslytoredirectantiwhiteandanti-Italiansentimenttowardantifascism.WithsolidsupportfromtheAmericanLeagueAgainstWarandFascism,thePCDEwagedalively“HandsOffEthiopia”unitedfrontcampaigninseveralblackcommunitiesacrossthecountry.However,theParty’seffortswereweakenedbyitsoppositiontotheideaofrecruitingAfricanAmericansfortheEthiopianarmyandbytheSovietUnion’sweakstandvis-à-vistheinvasion.DuringaLeagueofNationsmeetinginApril1935,monthsafterEmperorSelassicappealedtotheLeaguetokeepItaly’sencroachmentsonEthiopiansoilatbay,SovietdelegateMaximLitvinovdidnotcondemnItalianaggression.Tomakemattersworse,theNewYorkTimesrananarticleinSeptemberclaimingthattheUSSRhadsoldcoal,tar,wheat,andoiltoItalyatbelowmarketprice.Botheventsoutragedblacksupportersofthe“HandsoffEthiopia”campaign.17

TheSoviets’initialvacillationresultedinalossofconfidenceinthePCDE,andafeworganizations,suchastheEthiopianWorldFederation,werecreatedexpresslytocounterCommunistinfluence.ButthemajorityofAfricanAmericanswhohadsupportedthe“HandsoffEthiopia”campaignlearnedtodistinguishbetweenSovietinterestsandthegenuineantifascistpoliticsofrank-and-fileCommunists.Besides,blackCommunistsadoptedaslightlydifferentviewofEthiopiafromtheirblacknationalistcounterparts.While“race”scholarspraisedAbyssiniaforitsancientcivilizations,itswrittenlanguage,itsrulers’proudclaimofdirectlineagefromSolomonandtheQueenofSheba,AfricanAmericanleftistsviewedtheAfricannationasamountainouspeasantregionruledbyadyingmonarchythatdidnotbelieveinlandreform.Indeed,itwasoneofthefewregionsonearthwhereslaverypersistedwellintotheearly1930s.In1931,blackCommunistGeorgePadmore(akaMalcolmNurse)describedAbyssiniaasafeudaloligarchyunderareactionaryemperorandcalledforaninternalrevolutionagainst“thereactionaryreligioushierarchyandthefeudalsystem.”Soonaftertheinvasion,blackCommunistleaderJamesFordsimilarlycharacterizedAfrica’sonlyindependentnationas“afeudalstate,undertheruleofpowerfulnativefeudallords,”butinsistedthatthe“thewarofEthiopia

againstItalianaggressionmustberegardedasanational(liberation)war….TheinternationalproletariatmustregardthestruggleofEthiopiaasajustwar,asanationaldefensivewar,andsupporttheEthiopianpeople.”Thisisacriticalobservation,forithelpsusunderstandwhytheCominternneverdeployedInternationalBrigadestoEthiopia.Atthesametime,intheeyesofAfricanAmericansinandoutoftheCommunistmovement,the“backwardness”ofEthiopiawasnotenoughtojustifynotcomingtoitsdefense.18

WhenFrancobeganhisassaultontheSpanishRepublicin1936,theCommunistInternationalshowedlesssignsofambivalenceinitsoppositiontofascism.Inonesense,thetableswereturned:theCominternwasnowcallingonAfricanAmericanstojoininthedefenseofSpain.Byearly1937,theCommunistPartyhadadoptedtheslogan“Ethiopia’sfateisatstakeonthebattlefieldsofSpain”andaskedthatmaterialaidthathadbeencollectedforEthiopiabepassedontoSpainaftertheEthiopiangovernmentcouldnolongerreceiveshipmentsofsupplies.WhilemanynationalistleadersattackedthesloganandfiercelyrejectedtheideathatSpainandEthiopiawerepartofthesamebattle,anumberofblackintellectualsandartistsadoptedtheSpanishcauseastheirown.Blacknewspapers,mostnotablythePittsburghCourier,theBaltimoreAfro-American,theAtlantaDailyWorld,andtheChicagoDefenderunequivocallysidedwiththeSpanishRepublicandoccasionallycarriedfeaturearticlesaboutblackparticipationintheLincolnBrigade.SeveralblackmedicalpersonnelfromtheUnitedAidforEthiopia(UAE)offeredmedicalsuppliesandraisedmoneyinHarlem;blackchurchesandprofessionalorganizationssponsoredralliesinbehalfoftheSpanishRepublic;blackreliefworkersanddoctorsraisedenoughmoneytopurchaseafullyequippedambulanceforuseinSpain;andsomeofHarlem’sgreatestmusicians,includingCabCalloway,FatsWaller,CountBasie,W.C.Handy,JimmyLunceford,NobleSissle,andEubieBlake,gavebenefitconcertssponsoredbytheHarlemMusicians’CommitteeforSpanishDemocracyandtheSpanishChildren’sMilkFund.

Besidesthefewwhovolunteeredforserviceorhelpedcollectmoneyandsupplies,theCivilWaritselfattractedanumberofprominentcontemporaryculturalfigures.PaulRobeson,thegreatblackrenaissancemanofmoderntimes,actuallyvisitedSpainduringtheheightofthewar.SomovedwasRobesonbytheblackmenoftheLincolnBrigade,thatheplannedtomakeafilmaboutwarheroOliverLaw,thoughhewasunabletoobtainsufficientbacking.PoetLangstonHughes,whowasalsodeeplytouchedbytheblackmenhehadmetatthefront,hadintendedtopublishabookofessaysentitled“NegroesinSpain.”

Thewarevengrippedtheimaginationofa12-year-oldHarlemboynamedJamesBaldwin,whosefirstpublishedessaywas“ashortstoryIhadwrittenabouttheSpanishRevolution”whichappearedinalocalchurchnewspaper.AlthoughBaldwincouldnotlaterrememberthestory’scontents,hedidrecallvividlythatithadbeen“censoredbytheladyeditor.”19

AmongthenursesanddoctorswhohadturnedtheireffortsfromEthiopianrelieftoSpanishrelief,twoactuallywenttoSpainaspartoftheAmericanMedicalBureau.Caribbean-bornArnoldDonawa,agraduateofHarvardUniversityandformerdeanofHowardUniversity’sdentalschool,haddevelopedareputationasabrilliantoralsurgeon.InSpain,DonawabecametheheadofOralSurgeryintheMedicalCorps.Althoughitisnotclearwherehestoodonthepoliticalspectrum,especiallyinrelationtotheCommunistParty,hehadbeenamongthefirstUAEmemberstoredirectreliefeffortstoSpain.HealsopersuadedayoungnursefromHarlemHospital,SalariaKee,tovolunteerforserviceinSpain.OriginallyfromOhio,KeewasarecentgraduateoftheHarlemHospitalTrainingSchool—nottheschoolofherchoice,buttheonlyonethatwouldacceptblacksintothenursingprogram.Uponcompletinghertrainingin1934,shewasgivenanundesirablepositionasheadnurseinatuberculosisward.SoonthereaftershefoundherselfworkingwithagroupofHarlemnurseswhocollectedmedicalsuppliesandhelpedorganizea75-bedfieldhospitalforEthiopia’stroops.AftertalkingwithDr.DonawaandreadingbitsandpiecesofinformationabouttheSpanishCivilWar,shetriedtovolunteerthroughtheRedCross,buttheymadeitabsolutelycleartoherthattheywouldnotacceptblacknurses.TheInternationalBrigades,however,gladlyacceptedher,andsoshesetsailforSpainonMarch27,1937.20

AfricanAmericanswhowenttoSpainsharedwithblacknationaliststhekindofmoralandpoliticalobligationthatpersuadedthemtocomefirsttoEthiopia’sdefense.AlthoughtheSpanishCivilWargaveAfricanAmericanbrigademembersachancetogetbackatthefascistsfortheinvasionofEthiopia,blackLincolnsalsoknewthatSpainwasaverydifferentplace.Itwasanationexperimentinginaradicaldemocracy,wherepeasants,workers,andwomenhadtherighttovote,whereSocialistsandCommunistsheldpositionsofpoweringovernment.Moreimportantly,SpainwasoneofthefewexamplesofthePopularFrontinpractice.

WarandItsDiscontents

Thoughtheirmotivationswereasdiverseastheirranks,theLincolnBrigadewenttoSpainprimarilytofightthefascistthreat.Themoreobservantvolunteers,aswellasmostperceptivehistorians,havecometorealizethattheconflictthattheywerejoiningwas,infact,muchmorethanastruggleagainstfascism;itwasseveralwarsrolledupinone.TherootsoftheCivilWarcanbefoundintime-honoredbattlesbetweentheChurchandanticlericalists,betweenethnicregionalistsfromCataloniaandtheBasqueprovincesandCastiliancentralists,betweenurbanworkersandSpain’sfewcapitalists,andmostimportantly,betweenlandlesspeasantsandtheoldagrarianrulingclass.PeasantsonthehugelandedestatesintheSouthfoughtfiercelyforlandreform,andagriculturallaborersdemandedbetterwages.BiglandholdersturnedincreasinglytoconservativeCatholicpoliticalorganizationsandreliedonlegalandextralegalterroristactivitiestokeeptheirestatesintact.21

Meanwhile,themilitaryhadbecomeapowerfulinfluenceinSpain’spoliticallife.Frustratedbypeasantinsurrections,militarylossesinMorocco,working-classradicalism,themilitancyofBasqueandCatalanistmovementsforautonomy,andtheoverallinabilityofliberalstobuildameaningfulpoliticalalliance,amilitaryjuntaundertheleadershipofGeneralPrimodeRiveraseizedpowerin1923withtheencouragementofKingAlfonsoXIII.Asdictator,PrimosetouttoresolvethepoliticalcriseswhichhadplaguedSpainsincetheendofWorldWarI,buttheexperimentwasadismalfailure.Aftersevenyearsofmassstrikesfromstudentsandworkersandsmallmutinieswithinthearmy,theKinghadnochoicebuttosuccumbtomasspressureanddismissdeRivera.WhenmunicipalelectionswerefinallyheldonApril12,1931,acoalitionofliberalandsocialistpartiesdefeatedthemonarchists,thuspavingthewayforthecreationoftheSecondRepublic.22

Thenewconstitutiondeclaredthegovernment“arepublicofworkersofallclasses.”ButfewagreedastowhattheRepublicshouldlooklike.Initially,someofthechangesmarkedadramaticbreakfromthepast.InadditiontograntingCataloniaandtheBasqueprovinceslimitedautonomy,theRepublictookafewhaltingstepstowardsocialandeconomicreform,butRepublicaninitiativesfellfarshortofpeasants’expectations.Moreover,thenewgovernment’seffortsatsecularizingeducationandminimizingthepoweroftheChurchandarmyeventuallyledtoarevoltofhigh-rankingofficersinAugust1932.Althoughthegovernmenteasilysuppressedtheuprising,itwasaforeshadowingofthingstocome.

Aftertwoyears,popularsupportfortheRepublicangovernmenthadbeguntodiminish.Ridingthecrestofclericalreaction,anelectoralallianceofright-winggroupsnarrowlydefeatedtheLeft,andpromptlydismantledsocialandeconomicreforms:wageswerereduced,clericalcontroloverschoolswasreinstated,landreformcametoastandstill,andthecentralgovernmentinMadridbegantowhittleawayatCatalanautonomy.Thousandsofurbanindustrialworkers,alreadyoutragedbycutbacksinwagesandbenefits,werepoisedforashowdown.

LedbySocialists,LeftRepublicans,Communists,andafewanarchists,workersattemptedageneralstrikeinOctober1934,whichquicklyturnedintoaninsurrectioninBarcelonaandAsturias.WorkersproclaimedasocialistrepublicinAsturias,ranminesandfactoriesbycouncil,andestablisheda“redarmy”militia.Theworkersdidnotknowitthen,buttheAsturianuprising(alsoknownasSpain’sOctoberRevolution)wasadressrehearsalfortheCivilWarthatwastofollow.ActingontheadviceofGeneralFranciscoFranco,thestateusedtheForeignLegionandMoroccantroopsratherthanSpanishconscriptstocrushAsturianresistance.Hundredsweremassacred,about40,000peoplewereimprisoned,andwhateverautonomyCataloniastillenjoyedwassuspended.23ThevicioussuppressionoftheOctoberRevolutionandthereversalofsocialandeconomicreformscreatedanotherpoliticalcrisisin1935.TheLeftrespondedbybuildingaPopularFrontcoalitionwhichdefeatedtherightwinginthe1936elections.24

ThePopularFrontgovernmentcouldhardlybecalledradical.ThenewgovernmenthadintendedmerelytocontinuesomeofthemildreformsimplementedduringfirsttwoyearsoftheSecondRepublic.But,fortheconservatives—especiallyinthemilitary—thePopularFrontconstitutedaconsiderablethreat.Soonaftertheelections,agroupofarmyofficerscallingthemselvestheUniónMilitarEspañoladenouncedthePopularFrontasaCommunist-controlledgovernmentandsetouttoridthecountryoftheredmenace,restorelawandorder,andsavetheCatholicchurchfromruin.LedbyFrancoandGeneralEmilioMola,ahandfulofjuniorofficersstationedinMoroccorevoltedagainsttheRepublicangovernmentonJuly17-18,1936.25

TheCivilWarsoonbecameaninternationalordeal.Franco’sforcesmighthavebeeneasilydefeatedattheveryoutsethaditnotbeenformilitarysupportfromGermany,Italy,andPortugal.26WhiletheNationalistinsurrectionledbyFrancoenjoyedmassiveassistancefromfascistcountries,thelegallyelectedRepublican

governmentwasliterallyabandonedbytheleadingWesterncapitalistnations.ThegovernmentsoftheUnitedStatesandBritaininvokedtheargumentofnoninterventiontojustifytheirrefusaltosellarmstotheLoyalists.27(AlthoughU.S.companiesdidnotfollowsuit:TexasOilCompanyextendedlong-termcredittotheNationalists.)TheAmericanandBritishstandcompelledtheFrenchPopularFrontgovernmentunderSocialistLéonBlumtoplaceabanonthesaleandsupplyofallwarmaterialstoSpaininAugust1936.WhilesympathetictotheRepublicans,BlumdidnotwishtoruinrelationswithBritain,especiallysinceNaziexpansionacrosstheRhinethreatenedFrance’ssecurity.Nonetheless,BlumdidtrytoneutralizeoutsidesupportforFranco.HiseffortseventuallyledtotheNoninterventionagreementrequiringallforeignpowerstowithdrawmilitarysupportandsupplies.28TheUSSRinitiallyabidedbythedecisionsofthenoninterventioncommittee,offeringonlyfoodandothernonmilitarysuppliestotheRepublic.ButwhenitbecameevidentthatItalyandGermanywouldcontinuetoarmtheNationalists,theSovietUnionandtheCommunistInternationalcametothedefenseofSpain.29

TheRoadtoBarcelona

TheCommunistInternationalcalledforvolunteersthroughouttheworldtomake“SpainthegraveofEuropeanfascism.”Altogether,anestimated35,000peoplefromoverfiftycountriesandcoloniesvolunteeredfortheInternationalBrigades.30ThefirstcontingentofU.S.volunteersleftNewYorkharboronthedayafterChristmas,1936,aboardtheSSNormandieboundforLeHavre,France.Amongthisfirstgroupofninety-sixweretwoblackCommunists—AlonzoWatson,anartistfromNewYork,andEdwardWhiteofPhiladelphia.ForWatson,Spain,specificallythebattlefieldsofJarama,wouldbehisfinaldestination.Thesemenknewfullwellthattheirchancesofreturninghomeinonepiecewereratherslim.Andyettheycontinuedtocome.Withinamonth,thenextfewshipmentsofvolunteersincludedWalterGarland,OscarHunter,JamesRoberson,TomásDíazCollado,TomTrent,OliverLaw,andDouglasRoach.Bylatesummerof1937,nearlyeightyblackmenhadarrivedinSpain,anxioustoconfrontfascisttroopsonthebattlefield.

JustgettingtoSpain,thesemensoonfoundout,wasabattleinandofitself.First,enlistingintheInternationalBrigadeswasmadedifficultbybureaucratichurdles,securityscreenings,andtheCommunists’genuinefearthatworking-classstrugglesintheUnitedStateswouldsufferiftoomanyofitsmembersvolunteered.Someexcellentorganizerswereturneddownbecausetheywere

consideredindispensabletotheCPUSAand/orthelabormovement.ThenumberofwillingvolunteersfrombothblackandwhitecommunitiesfarexceededthenumberofparticipantsacceptedintotheLincoln’sranks.Besides,fewwomenwereallowedtovolunteerunlesstheywerepartofamedicalunit,andnonewasallowedtofight.Whenavolunteerwasacceptedintotheranks,heusuallyhadtocomeupwiththemoneytopayhispassageandpurchaseequipment.AshistorianandBrigadeveteranArthurLandisnoted,“Duringthisperiod,andinthemonthstofollow,therewastobequitearuninNewYork[Army-Navysurplus]storesonsheepskincoats,heavyboots,khakishirts,pants,armyblankets,ammunitionbelts,andanyserviceableequipmentthatcouldbepackedinasimplesuitcase.”Giventhefactthatmostofthevolunteerswereindustrialworkers,manyofthemunemployedorWorksProgressAdministration(WPA)workers,raisingmoneytogotoSpainwasnoeasytask.31

OnceavolunteerobtainedapassportandsecuredpassagetoFrance,heorshefacedadifficultordealjusttogetintoSpain.TheU.S.governmentwasnotonlypreparedtopunishvolunteersforviolatingthefederalstatuteof1818,whichmadeitunlawfulforanyU.S.citizentoenlistinaforeignarmy,butitplacedrestrictionsontraveltoSpainsoonaftertheStateDepartmentdiscoveredthatAmericanswerejoiningthebrigades.AfterMarch4,1937,allU.S.passportswerestamped“NOTVALIDFORTRAVELINSPAIN.”Thus,inordertoenterSpain,volunteershadtopassthroughFranceandembarkuponatreacherousclimboverthePyreneesmountains,whosesteepandruggedslopeschallengedeventhemostphysicallyfit.Moreoftenthannot,themenhadtodroptheir“knapsacks,coats,blankets;anythingtolightentheload.Theyeventookofftheirsocksandflungthemintothedarkness.”Asiftheascentwasnotarduousenough,mostvolunteershadtoclimbbynightinordertoavoidbeingarrestedorshotbytheFrenchborderpatrol.32

BlackmensurvivedtheclimbandthebureaucratichurdleswithadeterminationreminiscentofSouthernslavesstrugglingtogettoUnionlinesduringtheCivilWar.Insomewaystheirmissionwassimilar.SpainofferedblackmenwhattheUnionarmyhadofferedthemoverseventyyearsearlier:guns,ammunition,andanopportunitytofighttheiroppressors.ForOscarHunter,thewarfinallygavehim“achancetoatleastnothaveagoddamncoponapicketline,youknowbutthatI’dhaveagunagainstagun.”CrawfordMorganfeltthesameway:“Igotachancetofight[fascism]therewithbulletsandIwentthereandfoughtitwithbullets.IfIgetachancetofightitwithbulletsagain,Iwillfightitwithbulletsagain.”WalterGarlandviewedSpainasarareandhistoricopportunityforblack

mentofightbackandregaintheirmanhood:“Youknow,inameasure,weNegroeswhohavebeeninSpainareagreatdealluckierthanthosebackinAmerica.Herewehavebeenabletostrikeback,inawaythathurts,atthosewhoforyearshavepushedusfrompillartopost.Imeanthis—actuallystrikebackatthecounterpartsofthosewhohavebeengrindingusdownbackhome.”OfcoursetheywerenotliterallyfightingAmericanlandlords,policemen,andindustrialistsonSpanishsoil,butliketheiremancipatedancestorswhosawtheentireConfederatearmyratherthantheirindividualmastersastheembodimentoftheslavesystem,blackvolunteersregardedFranco,Mussolini,andHitlerasrepresentativeoftheiroppressorsbackhome.33

Aftercrossingtheborderinto“España,”thevolunteerswereshuttledfromtheCatalantownofFigueras,throughBarcelonaandValencia,totheInternationalBrigadeheadquartersatAlbacete.Heretheyenjoyedarareopportunitytoshower,receivedmismatcheduniformsandwhateversupplieswereonhand,filledoutquestionnaires,andweregivenassignmentsbasedonpreviousmilitaryexperienceandspecialskills.Becausevirtuallyallnewlyarrivedvolunteerswantedtogetintotheaction,thosewhoreceivednoncombatantassignmentswereoftendisappointed.JamesYatesservedinthemotorpool;fifty-two-year-oldCouncilGibsonCarter,anativeofCarbonville,Utah,apparentlytoooldforcombatduty,wasassignedtoanambulance,aswasHowardUniversitymedicalstudentThaddeusBattle;KnuteFrankson,ablackautoworkerfromDetroit,wasappointedchiefmechanicattheAutoParkfortheInternationalBrigades;andBertJackson’sknowledgeofmapsandartistictalentlandedhimajobastopographerfortheBrigadeCommissariat.

TheInternationalBrigadesevenattractedthreeblackpilots,JamesPeck,PaulWilliams,andPatrickRoosevelt.TheirpresenceinSpainwasremarkableinlightofthefactthat,lessthaneightyearsearlier,therewereonlyfivelicensedblackpilotsintheUnitedStates.Williamswasanaviationengineerwithconsiderableflyingtime,andPeck,whohadstudiedtwoyearsattheUniversityofPittsburgh,learnedtoflyprivatelyafterhewasdeniedentrancetoboththeaircorpsandnavyflyingschools.BothmenwereamongthelastAmericanpilotstoserveintheSpanishAirForce,andPeckwasdecoratedforheroism.Thethirdblackairman,PatrickRoosevelt,neverhadtheopportunitytofly.Hisday-to-dayconfrontationwithracismasacommercialpilotinNewYorkledhimtotheCommunistPartyandtothestruggleinSpain.HeeventuallyservedintheinfantryandlostalegduringabattleinthehillsofSierraCabals.34

NewlyarrivedvolunteerscouldnothelpbutnoticethemultinationalcharacteroftheInternationalBrigades.AssoonastheyreachedAlbacetetheymetvolunteersfromallovertheworld,includingGermansintheThaelmannbattalionandItaliansintheGaribaldibattalionwhohadfledfascismintheirowncountries.AfricanAmericanbrigadists,whosePan-AfricansensibilitiescontributedtotheirdecisiontocometoSpain,wereespeciallyinspiredbythepresenceofAfricansandotherpeopleofAfricandescent.InadditiontoahandfulofAfricansfromSpain’scolonies,oneUgandan,blackvolunteersfromEngland,LatinAmerica,andatleastfiveblackCubanswhowereattachedtothe15thBrigade,aboutadozenEthiopiansmadetheirwayacrossthePyreneestore-engagewithMussolini.Most,likethesonofRasImru,amemberoftheroyalfamily,weretheEuropean-educatedchildrenoftherulingclass.RealizingthatEthiopiawasinnopositiontodefeatItaly,hechosetoenlistinthePeople’sArmyoftheRepublicasarank-and-filesoldier.“MadridisnotAddisAbaba.Therewehadnothingbutourjustifiedhatred.Herewehaveguns,tanks,andaeroplanes.”Overall,wedonotknowhowmanyAfricansandpeopleofAfricandescentparticipatedinthewar,butthepresenceofaPan-AfricanforcewithintheInternationalBrigadesmarkedahistoricalmomentinthehistoryoftheblackworldthatdeservesfurtherexamination.35

BuildingavolunteerarmyamongAmericanradicalswasnoeasytask.First,mostoftherecruitshadneverevenshotagunbeforecomingtoSpain,andonlyaverytinyminorityhadanymilitaryexperience.AlthoughtheinfantryreceivedsometrainingatabaseinTarazona,sofewweapons,solittleammunition,andsolittletimemadepropertrainingimpossible.Somerecruitshadonlyfiredtheirweaponfourorfivetimesbeforegoingintobattle.Tomakemattersworse,theRussianandMexican-maderiflestheLoyalistsreliedonperiodicallyjammed,andfewvolunteersknewhowtoremedytheproblem.36Second,theCommunistsandindependentradicalswereunaccustomedto,evendisdainfulof,militarylife.Thedeferencethataccompaniesthesaluteandthehierarchicalrelationshipbetweenofficersandmenoflowerrankresembledtheclasssystemtheyhadgrowntohate.Nonetheless,thanksinparttoasystemofcommissarswhosepurposewaspresumablytoexplainthepoliticalsignificanceofimportantmilitarydecisions,andaconsciousefforttoplaydowndifferencesbyrank,thistensionwasnotnearlyasevidentamongtheInternationalBrigadesasitwasamongtheSpanishanarchistsorcombatantsintheanti-StalinistPOUM(Workers’PartyofMarxistUnification).37

TheLincolnbattalionhaditsfirstandmostbittertasteofwarintheJarama

Valleyinthespringof1937.AtJaramathepoorlytrained,poorlyequippedAmericanvolunteerspaidaheavypricefortheirroleinthedefenseofMadrid.Ofthe400Americantroops,127werekilled(includingAlonzoWatson)andover200werewounded.Fortheearlyblackvolunteers,Jaramawasmorethanabaptismbyfire;itwasatestofcourageandendurancewhichmostpassedwithflyingcolors.OliverLaw,whocommandedamachineguncrewunder120daysofheavyfire,waspromotedtocaptainandsubsequentlyrosetotherankofbattalioncommander,becomingthefirstAfricanAmericaninhistorytocommandapredominantlywhitemilitaryunit.BecauseofWalterGarland’sperformance,hewaspromotedtomachineguncompanycommanderandearnedtherankoflieutenant.Twolesser-knownblackheroesatJaramawereDougRoachandOscarHunteroftheTomMooneymachineguncompany.Roach,anativeofProvincetown,Massachusetts,andgraduateofMassachusettsAgriculturalCollegewhereheletteredinwrestlingandfootball,wasbarelyfivefeettall.HavingbeenamemberoftheCommunistPartysince1932,hewasamongthefirstvolunteers.Together,RoachandHunterdugtrenchesanddirectedabarrageoffireattheenemy—notaneasytaskformachinegunnerswhosemachinegunwasinoperable.“ThewayDougandIsolvedourproblem,”Hunterrecalled,“was,aspeopledied,wetooktheirrifles…wehadabouttengunsandwejustkeptloadingthemandfiringthem.”38

TheLincolnbattalion,nowunderOliverLaw’scommand,hadbarelyrestedupbeforetheywereorderedtotakepartintheBruneteoffensiveinJuly.ThepurposewastodivertFranco’sforcesawayfromthenorthernfrontinordertomitigatepressureonMadrid.TheAmericanvolunteerswereinfusedwithfresharrivalsfromtheStateswhocomprisedthenewlyformedGeorgeWashingtonbattalion.Altogether,eachofthebattalionsconsistedofabout500men,whichincludedahandfulofCanadian,Cuban,andIrishvolunteers.BothgroupswerepracticallyannihilatedduringtheBruneteoffensive,however,andthesurvivors(numberinglittlemorethan250)endedupmergingintoonebattalionaspartofthe15thInternationalBrigade.MostoftheblackrecruitsatBrunetewereinjured,includingRoachandGarland,andtheirnewcommander,OliverLaw,waskilledleadinganassaultupthehillsofVillanuevadelPardillo.39

Thehighrateofcasualtiesandtheincreasingnumberofwoundedmen(mostofwhomrecuperatedatovercrowdedmilitaryhospitalsperpetuallyshortofsupplies)didnotdetertheflowofAmericanvolunteerstoSpain.Nordidthehorrorsofwarkeepthe15thBrigadeoutofthecriticalbattles.AmonthaftertheBruneteoffensive,theLincolnsfoughtFranco’sforcesstreetbystreet,houseby

house,inordertotakeQuintoandBelchite.Duringtheunbearablewinterof1937-38,theybattledboththeenemyandtheelementsinthehillsofTeruel,untilrebelartilleryandaerialbombsforcedthemtoretreattoBelchite.WhentheydiscoveredthatBelchitewasalsounderseige,theyhadtoendurealonger,moredifficultretreatunderfire.AmongtheLincolnscapturedbyenemyforceswereEdwardJohnsonandClaudePringle,twoAfricanAmericanswho,atagesforty-sevenandforty-four,respectively,wereamongtheoldestvolunteersatthefront.(Coincidentally,bothmenwereborninVirginia,servedinWorldWarI,andmovedtoOhiowheretheybecameinvolvedinradicalpolitics.)BythetimetheLincolnsregroupedatMoralaNuevainApril1938,theirnumbershaddwindledfrom500,whentheretreatbegan,to100.40

AfricanAmericanvolunteerstookpartinallofthesebattles,andmanydistinguishedthemselvesunderfire.CommanderMiltWolfwitnessedseveralremarkableinstancesofblackcourageatthefront:

[Walter]GarlandpullingthewoundedLeoKaufmanoffahillandhimselfbeingwoundedintheprocess,isasceneburnedintomymemory;himshoutingforustotakecoverasheliftedthefrailKaufmaninhisarms,asniperpepperingtheexposedcrest,bringingLeosafelyintothewaitingarmsofSanidadandthenWaltertyingahandkerchiefaroundhisownwoundandleadinguson.

Inaletterhome,volunteerLeoGordonpraisedMiltonHerndonfornotevenhesitatingwhenhewasorderedtoleadhisguncrew“thruahailoffireupaslopeinfrontoftheenemytrenches.”GordonwasalsoawedbyOttoReeves,ablackYoungCommunistLeague(YCL)organizerfromLosAngeleswho“rodeatopourtanksuptotheenemylines.Withabulletthruhisarm,hemanagedtodragawoundedcomradetwokilometersbacktoafirstaidstation.”41

Theendlessstoriesofblackcourageandheroismweretoldoverandoveragaininletters,speeches,andjournalisticobservationsfromthefront,whichtheblackpressseizeduponwithenthusiasm.AfewwhiteobserversfromtheUnitedStatesweregenuinelysurprised,fornomatterhowprogressiveandantiracisttheymighthavebeen,theywereraisedtobelievethatcowardiceandmentalinferioritywerepartoftheNegro’sgeneticmakeup.TheperformanceofblackvolunteersprovedhowridiculousitwasfortheUnitedStatestosegregateitsarmedservicesandlimitAfricanAmericanstononcombatduties.Duringatourofthefront,blackPartymemberandInternationalWorkers’Ordersecretary,LouiseThompson,emphasizedthispointduringaradiobroadcastfromMadrid.

“TheseNegrosoldiersarenotintheworkbattalions,aswasthecaseoftheNegroeswhofoughtinFranceduringtheWorldWar.Theyoccupyanymilitarypositionforwhichtheyarequalified.”AlthoughThompson’sremarksareaslightlyoverstated,giventhenumerousexamplesofdistinguishedblackcombatserviceinpreviousU.S.wars,42herobservationsaccuratelydescribetheexperiencesofmostAfricanAmericanservicemen,particularlythosewhohadservedinthearmedforcesbeforejoiningtheLincolnBrigade.WhilevisitingthefrontwithherhusbandPaul,EslandaGoodeRobesonjotteddownarevealingconversationbetweenOliverLawandaSoutherncolonelfromtheU.S.ArmywhowasvisitingSpain.ThesomewhatpuzzledcolonelaskedLawwhyhewaswearingacaptain’suniform,towhichheresponded“becauseIamaCaptain.InAmerica,inyourarmy,Icouldonlyriseashighascorporal,butherepeoplefeeldifferentlyaboutraceandIcanriseaccordingtomyworth,notaccordingtomycolor!”43

AlthoughPartypublicationsandtheblackpresswagedanoblepropagandaeffort,AfricanAmericanvolunteerswerenotalwaysheroes.Likeotherbrigadists,theyexhibitedmomentsofcowardice,fear,andincompetence.Somecrackedunderpressure,andthereisevidencethatatleastonedeserted.PerhapstheleastrespectedblackofficerwasHarryHaywood,whoearnedtherankofpoliticalcommissarlargelybecausehewasaleadingmemberoftheCommunistParty.InadditiontohavingpersonalconflictswithBrigadecommanders,Haywoodhadhadnumerousrun-inswithotherblackvolunteersduringhisbriefstayinSpain.AlthoughwemayneverknowthedetailsofHaywood’sexperiencesinSpain,hismemoirstellusthathisbitingcriticismofthe15thBrigade’shighcommandwasthecauseofhisdifficultiesandthereasonforhisearlywithdrawal.Butsomeofhisblackcomradestellaverydifferentstory.Mississippi-bornCommunistandbrigademember,EluardLuchellMcDaniel,hadaveryclearimageofHaywoodinSpain:“Hespentmostofhistimearoundwomenanddressedupandstufflikethat.”OscarHunterwillneverforgetthedayHaywoodcametoJarama“withaprettylittlesuiton.”Whenenemyfirebecametooheavy,“hegotthehelloutofthererealquick…hewasarealmessforusblacksupthere.”AfewweeksafterHaywoodreturnedtotheUnitedStates,HunterandhiscomradesweredumbfoundedwhentheyreceivedthemostrecentDailyWorkeranddiscoveredaphotographofHaywoodat“MadisonSquareGarden,dressedupinthisnattygoddamnuniform.Youshouldhaveheardtheroarallalongthatgoddamnline.”44

Liketheirwhitecompatriots,blacktroopsatthefrontdidnotalwaysways

followtherules.Occasionallytheymighthavefacedchargesofinsubordination,butinmostinstancestheirtinyactsofrebellionwereadhocresponsestohelplesssituations,whichoccasionallymadeforsomelight-heartedmoments.Morethanoneblackvolunteerreliedoncunningandwittogethimselfoutofajam—apracticethatwemightwellarguehadbeeninheritedfromtheirenslavedancestors.LeoGordondescribedwithadmirationandhumorMiltonHerndon’sproblem-solvingabilitieswhenfoodandsupplieswererunninglow:

There’saNegrosectionleaderinmycompanywhoisverypopular.Veryintelligent…andabornleader.Oncewhilemarchingdownaroadwepassedavineyard.Allthefellowslookedatthegrapeslonginglybutinvain.Therearecertainrestrictionsaboutpickingfruit.SortofprotectpropertyifyouknowwhatImean.Comingbackwewalkedthruthesamefield.SuddenlyMiltblewhiswhistle—anairplanesignal!Theentiremobdivedintothebushesoutofsight.Presentlyweheardtherecallsignal.Everybodyemergedgrinningwidely—withpeculiarbumpsprotrudingoutoftheirshirts.

Inasimilarfashion,DougRoach,alongwiththreeothermachinegunners,decidedto“organize”ahorseduringtheBruneteoffensive.WhenCommissarSteveNelsondiscoveredthehorseandfoundouthowithadbeenobtained,headministeredawell-deservedtonguelashing.“Don’tyouknowthisisnowaytoactinaRepublicanarmy—stealinghorses?”Theyapologizedbutkeptthehorse.45

TheLincolnswenttoSpainexclusivelytofightfascists,butveryfewcouldhaveremainedoblivioustotheworkers’andpeasants’revolutiontakingplacearoundthem.Anarchists,POUMists,andrank-and-filetradeunionmembershadbeguntoseizeland,runfactoriesbycouncil,dismantlechurches,andre-organizelocalpolitics—inshort,theywereattemptingtorevolutionizeSpanishsocietyinthemidstofwar.TheCommunistPartyofSpain,theCommunistInternational,andthemajorityofSpanishSocialistsandliberals,ontheotherhand,decidedthatthemilitaryconflicthadtotakeprecedenceovertherevolution.Theonlywaytowin,theyargued,wastodefendthebourgeoisrepublicandfightaveryconventionalwar.Indeed,onafewoccasionstheLoyalistgovernmentoutrightsuppressedtherevolutionaryprocess.46

AfricanAmericanvolunteersgenerallysupportedthe“warfirst”policy,buttheywerealsoimpressedwiththesocialandeconomictransformationstakingplacearoundthem,particularlyintheSpanishcountryside.TheyhadcometoSpain

armedwithanunusuallybroadinterpretationoffascismthatincludedallformsofracistandclassoppression.TheAmericansystemofsharecroppingandtenantfarming,forexample,wasoftendescribedasfascistsinceitnotonlyexploitedruralfolkeconomicallybutdeniedSouthernblackstheircivilrightsandusedextralegalviolencetopunishthosewhosteppedoutofline.WalterGarlandoncesaid,“Wecan’tforgetforoneminutethattheoppressionoftheNegroisnothingmorethanaveryconcreteform,theclearestexpression,offascism….Inotherwords,wesawinSpain…thosewhochainusinAmericatocottonfieldsandbrooms.”TheanalogywasextendedtothedeepSouth,inparticular.AfterreadingaboutalynchingintheDailyWorkerduringalullinthefighting,oneAmericanvolunteerobserved,“HitlerusesbombstodestroythepeopleofSpain;OurDixieHitler’s[sic]userope.”47

Evenifablackvolunteerknewvirtuallynothingabouttherevolutiontakingplacearoundhim,hecertainlynoticedthedifferenceinthewayhewastreatedbytheSpanishpeople.TherewerenoJimCrowlawsorracialbarriers;notevenrestrictionsondatingSpanishwomen.VisitingcelebritiesPaulRobesonandLangstonHughesrepeatedlyremarkedonhowtheSpanish“lackallsenseofcolorprejudice.”“Spainwasthefirsttimeinmylife,”recalledcompanysergeantTomPage,“Iwastreatedasaperson….Iwasaman!Aperson!”HavinggrownupintheSouth,CrawfordMorganwasnotusedtolivinginacountrywherepracticallyeveryonehecameincontactwithtreatedhimasanequal:“Ifeltlikeahumanbeing,likeaman.Peopledidn’tlookatmewithhatredintheireyesbecauseIwasblack,andIwasn’trefusedthisorrefusedthat,becauseIwasblack.”Nevertheless,whileSpaniardsmightnothavelookedwithhatred,theydidlook,especiallyifonehaddarkskin.AfricanAmericansweresometimestreatedascuriosities.EluardLuchellMcDanielremembersalwaysbeingat“thecenterofattraction,”andwheneverDougRoachenteredaSpanishvillage,“thechildrenwouldcrowdaroundDoug,attractedbyhisdarkcolor.”48

BecauseAfricanAmericansweretreatedbetterinSpainthantheywerebackhomedoesnotmeanthatSpaniardswerefreeofracism.WhatmanyblackLincolnsfailedtorealizewasthattherespectandadmirationbestoweduponthemhadmoretodowiththeirstatusasavolunteerthananythingelse.ThesesameSpanishLoyalistsfeltutterhatredfortheMoroccansfightingonFranco’sside—ahatredwhoserootsgobackatleastamillennium.AllSpanishschoolchildrenlearnedabouttheageof“Moorishdomination,”whenMuslimsfromNorthAfricaruledSpainfromtheeighthcenturyuntilthefifteenthcentury.Asthelessonshadit,onlytheChristiancrusadessavedSpainandtherestof

Europefromthisheathenmenacetocivilization.Moreover,Spanishsocietyhadbeenshapedimmeasurablybythetrans-Atlanticslavetrade,theexploitationofblacklaboronplantationsintheso-called“NewWorld,”colonialisminAfrica,andtheRifwarsinMoroccoin1921,inwhichthearmy’sdefeatsatthehandsoftheRifpeopleweakenedSpain’sruleinNorthAfrica.Race,aswellasathousandyearsofhistory,undeniablycomplicatedthewayinwhichRepublicanSpainviewedFranco’sArmyofAfrica.

AccordingtohistorianAllenGuttman,NorthAfricantroopsfightingforFrancowere“usuallyshowninLoyalistpostersasveryblack,”thusdistortingtheirimageinordertoportraythe“Moors”asanevilraceofpeople.Infact,atinyminoritywithintheAfricanAmericancommunitywerehesitanttosupporttheRepublicbecauseLoyalistpropagandadirectedatNorthAfricantroopswassovenomousthatitwasinterpretedasracism,pureandsimple.Giventheseracialdynamics,beingblackinSpaincomplicatedmatters.OnnumerousoccasionsAfricanAmericanswereshotatbyLoyalistswhohadmistakenthemfor“Moors.”EluardLuchellMcDanielhadtotakeprecautionsincertainsectionsofSpaininordertodefuseanyhostilityfromthecrowd:“Whenwewentinatown,Iwascalledupontomakeaspeech…sotheycouldseeme.SoI’mnotaMoor.Blackyes,Moorno.I’mafriendoftheirs.”49

Franco’suseofMoroccantroopswasdishearteningtoblackvolunteerswhosePan-Africanistandpro-EthiopiansentimentsbroughtthemtoSpaininthefirstplace.Whywouldtheirdarkerbrethren,laboringundertheyokeofcolonialoppression,fightonbehalfofthefascists?BlacknovelistRichardWrightsummeditupthisway:“thefascistshavedupedanddefraudedaterriblyexploitedpeople.”LangstenHughes,whoprobablydevotedmoreenergytounderstandingtheroleofNorthAfricansintheconflictthananyothercontemporaryobserver,agreedwithWrightandfurthernotedtheironyofFrancosendingMuslimtroopsonacrusadetoridChristianSpainof“communism.”Yet,hewasmostinterestedinthedilemmaofblacksfightingonbothsides.Infact,partofhisrationaleforgoingtoSpainasacorrespondentwastoexplorethisrelationship:

IknewthatSpainoncebelongedtotheMoors,acoloredpeoplerangingfromlightdarktodarkwhite.NowtheMoorshavecomeagaintoSpainwiththefascistarmiesascannonfodderforFranco.Butontheloyalistside,therearemanyNegroesofvariousnationalitiesintheInternationalBrigades.IwanttowriteaboutbothMoorsandNegroes.

Althoughhisinvestigativereportingofferedmorequestionsthananswers,Hughesbeautifullycapturedtheconfusionmanyblackbrigadistsfeltinapoementitled“LetterfromSpain”:

WecapturedawoundedMoortoday.Hewasjustasdarkasme.Isaid,Boy,whatyoubeendoin’hereFightin’againstthefree?

Ofcourse,theproblemwasmuchmorecomplicated.SomeradicalscalledontheRepublicangovernmenttograntindependencetoNorthAfricansunderSpanishrule,arguingthatsuchameasurenotonlyhadpoliticalmeritbutwould,ineffect,undercutFranco’sforces.However,PrimeMinisterLargoCaballeroandhispredecessor,JuanNegrin,wouldnotevenconsiderit.Onthecontrary,theCaballerogovernmentwentsofarastoofferterritorialconcessionstoFranceandBritaininexchangeforWesternsupport.“ItsdesirenottooffendtheWesternpowers,”wrotehistoriansPierreBroueandEmileTemime,“nowleditdeliberatelytorenounce,notonlytheprincipleofself-determinationforcolonialpeoples,butalsoarealchancetostrikeattheheartofFranco’spower.”TheCommunistPartyofSpain,whilesupportingthispolicy,triedtoimproverelationsbyhelpingtobringabouttheHispanoMoroccanAnti-FascistAssociation.ItspurposewastowinNorthAfricansupportfortheRepublicandeducateSpaniardsaboutracismandcolonialoppression,butitfailedmiserablytowinlargenumbersofMoroccanstotheRepublicanside.50

NotonlydidAfricanAmericanvolunteersrarelyexperiencediscriminationfromtheirSpanishhosts,butalsoblatantandconsciousactsofracismwithintheirownrankswereveryrare.Themajorityofwhitevolunteershadcomeoutofmovementsinwhichracismwassimplynottolerated.Still,Americanvolunteers,whitesaswellasblacks,tendedtooverestimatethelevelofinterethnicharmonyandculturalintegrationwithintheInternationalBrigades.BlackLincolnsalwaysremainedaverysmallminoritywithintheirownbattalion,andaminisculepresenceamongtensofthousandsofInternationalbrigadistsandmillionsofSpaniards.ThoughtheycertainlyfeltastrongsenseofcamaraderiewithotherLincolns,blackvolunteersoccasionallyfeltatingeofalienationfromthesocialandculturallifeofthebrigade.

JamesYates’sruminationsoflifeasavolunteerarerevealing.Herecalls,forexample,thejoyof“hummingtunesIdidnotknow,”andyetnevercomments

onthefactthateveryonearoundhimknewthesesongs.(Perhapsthereissignificanceinthefactthat,asblacksergeantJoeTaylorwasbeingcarriedawayonastretcherwithabulletlodgedinhisshoulder,he“hummedanoldNegrofolksong,‘ThePreacherWentDowntotheRivertoPray’”ratherthanastandardInternationalBrigadesong.)EvenmorerevealingisYates’sexperienceasachaufferforErnestHemingwayandtwootherwhitejournalistsfromBritainandtheUnitedStates,respectively.ThesethreemenhadbegunconversingamongthemselvesaboutthewarandneverthoughttoaskYates,aparticipant,hisopinion.VolunteerRamonDuremprobablyunderstoodthissortofinvisibilitybetterthananyone.AnativeofSeattle,Washington,bornofmixedparentage,Duremwastwenty-twowhenheboardedtheSSAquitaniaboundforSpain.WhatenhancedDurem’sinvisibilitywashisskincolorandfeatures—heeasilypassedforwhite.“Forthisreason,”helaterwrote,“whitepeopleintheUnitedStates(andtheyareallracistsinvaryingdegrees)talkandactveryfreelyinfrontofme,thusgivingmeaninsightintotheirmentalityseldomachievedbyadarknegrowhoputsthemontheirguard.”OnecannothelpbutwonderifDuremwastreatedanydifferentlybyhiscomradesintheInternationalBrigades.Didtheyknowhewasblack?Hadhebeensingledoutliketherestasanexemplarofracialintegration?HowwashelookeduponbyhisfellowAfricanAmericanbrigadists?51

Althoughweknowvirtuallynothingaboutthesocialandculturallifeofblackvolunteers,itispossiblethattheydevelopedaspecialsenseofcamaraderieamongthemselvesalongsidetheirstrongfeelingsofinternationalsolidarity.Aswehaveseen,mostblackvolunteerscameoutofaCommunist/nationalistpoliticalculturewhichdiscouragedseparatismontheonehand,butencouragedmemberstogravitatetowardissuesaffectingtheAfricanAmericancommunityandanchorthemselvesinlocalcommunityinstitutions,ontheother.IfsuchacommunityexistedinSpain,fewblackvolunteerswouldhaveadmittedit;indeed,fewwouldhavebeenconsciousofthiskindofculturalbonding.Itisfitting,evenironic,thatthepeoplewhorecognizedasenseofcommunityamongAfricanAmericanvolunteerswouldhavebeentheindividualswhofeltalienatedfromsuchacommunity.EluardLuchellMcDaniel,forinstance,feltlikeanoutsiderinrelationtootherblackLincolns.Althoughhewasapreacher’ssonborninLumberton,Mississippi,heranawayfromhomeataveryyoungage(seven,heclaims)andwasraisedinCaliforniabyradicalphotographerConstanceKanga,wholiterallydiscoveredhimroamingalongthebeach.“Ihadn’tbeenusedtoassociatingwithtoomanyNegroes,”McDanieladmitted.WhenhebeganassociatingwithblackbrigadistsinSpainhe“seemedalittleout

ofplace”sincehelacked“allthehabitsthattherestofthemhave….Icouldn’t…soundlikeaNegro.”52

IfMcDanielfeltoutofplaceamongfellowAfricanAmericans,howdidAfricanAmericansfeelamongtheirfellowwhiteAmericans,particularlyinasocialsetting?Forthatmatter,howcomfortableweretheywithotherwhitebrigadistsforwhomlanguageservedasamajorbarrier?Towhatextentweretheytreatedasobjects(i.e.,representativesofaraceandexamplesofanideal)asopposedtothinking,feelingsubjects?OnlyfuturescholarshipwillanswertheseandotherquestionsaboutthelivesofblackLincolnBrigademembers.Suchanswersarecrucialsince,aswehavealreadyseen,AfricanAmericansdidnotnecessarilytakethesameroadtoSpainastheirwhitecomrades.Andasweshallseebelow,neitherdidtheytakethesameroadbackhome.

ComingHome

Bythespringof1938,thecollapseoftheAragonfrontandtheensuingnightmareofaretreatlefttheLincolnBrigadeinshambles.“Theywereunshavenandfilthy,”writeshistorianRobertRosenstone,“theirclothestorn,theirbodiesfulloflice,theirfeetswollenandbloodstained.Commandhadbrokendown,andforseveraldaystheAmericanswerelessamilitaryunitthanamobofhomelessmen.”ThecombinedforcesofMussolini,Hitler,andFrancohadoverwhelmedtheRepublicanarmies.TheLincolnsalonehadlost70percentoftheirmentofatalwounds,Franco’sprisons,anddesertion.Meanwhile,inMarch,FranceandEnglandwatchedsilentlyasHitler’stanksrolledintoAustriaandformallyannexedittotheGermanReich.Bythistime,mostLincolnsbelieveddefeatwasinevitable.Theirwounds,fatigue,andhungerpainstoldthemthatfascistforcesweremilitarilysuperiorandtheinactionofWesternpowershadsentencedtheSpanishRepublictodeath.Exceptforthemostrecentarrivalsandahandfulofzealots,theLincolnslongedtogohome.53

OnSeptember21,PrimeMinisterJuanNegrinannouncedbeforetheLeagueofNationsthattheSpanishgovernmentwouldwithdrawallforeignvolunteers.NegrínhadhopedthatinternationalpressuremightforceFrancotowithdrawItalianandGermantroops,andcompelmembersoftheNon-interventionCommitteetolifttheembargoonwarmaterials.Negrín’sactofdiplomaticgoodwillwastonoavail,however:ninedayslatertheFrenchandBritishsignedtheMunichagreement,givingHitlerthegreenlighttoinvadeCzechoslovakia.Inviewofthispolicyof“appeasement”toHitler,fewcouldhaveexpectedthe

WesttodefendSpain—arelativelyinsignificantplayerinthepoliticallandscapeofEurope.OnDecember23,1938,FrancoinvadedCatalonia,crushingtheRepublicanarmyintheprocess.BarcelonafellonJanuary26,1939,andtwomonthslateracoupledbyRepublicancolonelLópezCasadoandmoderatesocialistJuliánBesteirogaveGeneralFranciscoFrancowhathewanted—anunconditionalsurrender.54

Thosewhosurvived,andcouldstillwalk,receivedanemotionalfarewellfromtheSpanishpeopleonOctober29,1938.TheymarchedthroughthestreetsofBarcelonainthecrispautumnweatherwithmixedemotions,saddenedbythedefeat,burdenedwithaguilt-ladensenseofabandonment,andecstaticthattheywerefinallygoinghome.ByDecembermostoftheAmericanswerewellontheirway,exceptforahandfulstillcaughtbehindenemylinesrottinginFranco’sprisons.AmongthelastgroupofLincolnstomakeitbacktotheStateswerefourAfricanAmericans—KansasnativeTomBrownandthreeOhioresidents,AbeLewis,ClaudePringle,andEdwardJohnson.LewisarrivedhomeinearlyFebruary1939,butBrown,Pringle,andJohnsonwerenotreleasedfromFranco’sprisonsuntilAprilofthatyear.Otherwise,mostoftheblackvolunteerseitherfoundthemselvesontheSSParisortheSSAusonia,boundforhomeintimeforChristmas.55

Asthesemengatheredinsmallgroupsondeck,thechillywindofftheAtlanticOceanunderscoringthefactoftheirreturnhome,wecanonlywonderwhatwasgoingonintheirminds.Ofcoursetheyhadgrownwearyoflifeinthetrenchesandwereanxioustoseelovedones,sleepinawarmbed,communicateinalanguagetheyknew,andenjoysome“downhome”cuisine.Buttheywerecomingbacktosecond-classcitizenship,racistepithets,JimCrowlines,andliberalcondescension.Theirstruggleagainstfascismhadn’tchangedAmerica,andtheyknewit.SeveralAfricanAmericanvolunteersshowedlittleinterestinreturninghome.WarheroTomPage“hatedtocomebackhere[totheUnitedStates].”LuchellMcDanielwrotefromthefront,“Iwouldratherdieherethanbeslavedanymore.”AlpheusProwell,whodiddieinSpain,hadoncewritten,“IwasmiserableinL.A.HereI’mhappy.”56MostofthereturningblackveteransprobablyhadthesameimmediateexperienceasJamesYates—awarhero’swelcomefromtheAmericanLeft,followedbyaslapinthefacebyAmericanracists.OnhisfirstnighthomeinNewYork,buoyedbythekissesandhandshakeshereceivedatthedocks,Yateswasdeniedaroomatthehotelhiscomradeshadplannedtostayin.Althoughthewhiteveteranscheckedinwithoutaproblem,whenYatesstoodbeforetheregistrar,theclerksimply

lookedathimandsaid“NoVacancy”:

InwardlyIwinced.Sosoon?Ihadhardlylefttheboatandhereitwas.AfterhavingexperiencedbeingwelcomedincafesandhotelsinSpainandFrance,Iwasdoublyshockedtobehitsoquickly.Thepainwentasdeeplyasanybulletcouldhavedone[sic].IhadthedizzyfeelingIwasbackinthetrenchesagain.Butthiswasanotherfront.Iwashome.

Hiscomradespromptlygaveuptheiraccommodationsandmovedon.57

Thetransitiontocivilianlifewasnoteasyfortheveterans,blackorwhite.EvenbeforetouchingU.S.soil,manyLincolnswereharassedbytheFBIandhadtheirpassportprivilegesrevoked.Furthermore,theycamehomeindireneedofmedicalattention,aplacetostay,andemploymentofsomekind.Butin1939,theUnitedStateswasstillinthethroesofdepressionandjobswerescarce.AlthoughanumberofblackveteransresumedtheiractivitiesonbehalfoftheCP,veryfew(e.g.,HarryHaywood)couldexpectsufficientfinancialsupportfromtheParty.InlieuofaVeteransAdministration,theyturnedtothenewlycreatedFriendsoftheAbrahamLincolnBrigade.Composedofex-Lincolnsandtheirsupporters,theFALBraisedmoneytobringsomevolunteersbacktotheUnitedStates,providesmallstipendstounemployedveteransduringthewinterof1938-39,paymedicalbills,andassistinanywayitcouldtorehabilitatereturningveterans.TheFALB,forexample,providedCrawfordMorganwithapairofeyeglassesandanewsuit,andpaidforamedicalexaminationandminordentalwork.OscarHunterwasparticularlyusefultotheFALBbymakingarrangementswiththeCookCountyHospitalinChicagotoprovidebedsforincomingwounded.58

Nevertheless,despitepersonalhardships,mostblackveteransretainedtheirenthusiasmforthe“goodfight.”Theyreturnedtotheburgeoningtradeunionmovement,organizedWPAworkers,participatedinantifascistdemonstrations,andspoketoanyonewhowouldlistenabouttheSpanishtragedy.ThissortofcollectiveactionledtotheformationoftheVeteransoftheAbrahamLincolnBrigade.MorethanaradicalversionoftheAmericanLegion,theVALBwasconceivedasanactivistorganizationtoprotestfascismandotherformsofinjusticeintheUnitedStatesaswellastherestoftheworld.ButbecausetheVALBwaslabeledaCommunistfront,italsohadtofightforitsveryexistence.ItnotonlymadeCongressmanMartinDies’sUn-AmericanActivitieshitlistbutitcameunderattackfromliberalsandanti-Stalinistleftistswhentheveterans

joinedtheCommunistPartyinsupportingtheNazi-SovietPact.

SignedinAugustof1939,thisnonaggressionpactclearedthewayfortheNaziinvasionofPolandandsimultaneouslyenabledRussiatoinvadeFinland.AlmostovernightSpanishCivilWarveteranswhosupportedtheagreementdroppedtheoldantifascistslogansandlaunchedacampaigntokeepAmericaoutofthe“imperialistwar.”TheSoviets’actionwasundoubtedlyembarrassinganddisheartening,butfromtheveterans’perspective,theirexperiencesinSpainindicatedthat,hadGermanyinvadedtheSovietUnion,theWesterncapitalistnationswerelikelytohavedonenothing.Stalin’scompromisecouldnotbecomparedwiththeMunichagreementortheNon-interventionCommittee,sinceheatleasttriedtofightfascismonSpanishsoil.59

TheVALB’spoliticalisolationcametoanendwhenGermanyinvadedtheSovietUnion,breakingthenonaggressionpact.ThreeyearsafterreturningfromSpain,mostofthephysicallyableveteranswereanxioustoengagethefascistsonceagaininWorldWarII.SoonafterJapan’sattackonPearlHarbor,VALBexecutivesecretaryJackBjozewrotePresidentFranklinRooseveltandofferedtheservicesoftheLincolnBrigadeasaunitofexperiencedcombatants.Rooseveltdeclinedtheoffer,ofcourse,butmanyveteransenlistedinthearmedforcesanyway.Withinafewmonthsanestimated500werebackinuniform.Despitetheircombatexperienceandwillingnesstoputtheirlivesontheline,someofthese“prematureantifascists”werehoundedbymilitaryintelligenceandpunishedbytheirsuperiorofficersbecausetheyhadgonetoSpain.BlackLincolnswhoenlistedfacedthedoubleburdenofregularmilitaryracismaswellasanti-Communistpersecution.AllbranchesoftheU.S.armedservicesenforcedracialsegregation,deniedAfricanAmericanscombatdutyuntil1944,relegatedblackservicemenandwomentomenialtasks,andbannedblacknewspapersfrommilitarypostsuntil1943,tonamebutafewofthefederallysanctionedindignitiesblacksoldiershadtolivewith.Toaddinsulttoinjury,physicalandverbalassaultsbyracistwhiteservicemenwerealmostcommonplace,andinseveralinstancesblacksoldiersintheUnitedStatesweretreatedworsethanGermanandItalianwarprisoners.60

LincolnveteranJamesPeck,anexperiencedpilotwhohadfoughtHitler’sLuftwaffeinSpanishskies,vainlyofferedhisservicestotheU.S.ArmyAirCorps.HewasnotonlyturneddownforcombatdutybutrejectedasapossibleinstructoratthesegregatedaviationtrainingprogramforblackcadetsatTuskegeedespitethefactthathewasbetterqualifiedthanmanyoftheother

instructors.CrawfordMorgan,whohadreachedtherankofsergeantintheU.S.Army,witnessedracismandviolenceagainstblacksoldiersfirsthand.“NotonlywereweJimCrowed…butallofthenastyjobs,alloftheworstjobswerehandedtothemajorityoftheNegroes.”WhilestationedinMississippi,hecomplained,“the‘Crackers’shotusup,andneverdidtheGovernmentdonothingaboutit.”Isitpossiblethathiseffortstomakethe“Government”dosomethingaboutconditionsinthearmycouldhaveledtoMorgan’sdemotiontocorporal?WasheregardedasagreaterthreatthanotherblacksoldiersbecauseofhisSpanishCivilWarbackground?JamesYatesenlistedintheSignalCorps,butforsomestrangereasonhewaspulledfromhisunitjustbeforetheywereabouttogooverseas.Hewasthenplaced“inchargeofaunitdoingdirtyworkforthemedics”atBushnellHospitalinUtah.Soonthereafter,theSpanishCivilWarveterancontractedaninfectionduringaroutinetoothextractionandhadtobehospitalizedforthreemonths.He,likemanyotherblackveterans,acceptedanhonorabledischargeandfinishedoutthewarasacivilian.61

Theveteranswhodidnotenlistinthemilitaryjoinedtheupsurgeofblackprotestduringthewar,embodiedinthe“DoubleV”slogan:victoryagainstracismandfascismathomeandabroad.Ironically,wartimeblackmilitancyandthe“DoubleV”slogancreatedadilemmaforblackLincolnBrigadeveteranswhowerestillmembersof,orcloseto,theCommunistParty.TheCPessentiallyopposedtheDoubleVcampaign,arguingthattoomuchblackmilitancycouldunderminethewareffort.Yet,theParty’s“warfirst”policydidnotmeangivinguptheblackstruggleentirely.Rank-and-fileCommunistsaswellasLincolnveteranscontinuedtofightonthecivilrightsfrontthroughoutthewar.Infact,theVALBwasattheforefrontofacampaigntocreateamixedcombatunitbearingthename“theCrispusAttucksBrigade,”andAdamClaytonPowell,Jr.,frequentlypointedtotheLincolnsasanexampleparexcellenceofasuccessfulintegratedmilitaryunit.Nevertheless,inspiteofthesemeasures,theParty’soppositiontothe“DoubleV”sloganleftmanyAfricanAmericansfeelingthatithadabandonedthemforthesakeofthewar.62

TheVALB’sdecisiontoadoptthepolicythatthewartakeprecedenceoverthe“NegroRevolution”probablyembitteredafewofthemorenationalist-inclinedblackveterans.ThisseemstobethecasewithRamónDurem,whohadonce“hopedthatbybuildingleft-wingorganizationswithoutrespectofcolour,wecoulddoawaywiththerankinjusticeintheUnitedStates.AttheendofWorldWarTwo,IdiscoveredthateventhewhiteradicalswerenotinterestedinaradicalsolutiontotheNegroQuestion.”Durem’sshifttoblacknationalismdoes

notseemtohavedampenedtheinternationalistoutlookthathadbroughtmanyblackradicalstoSpaininthefirstplace,thoughforhimitwasinternationalismlimitedtoThirdWorldsolidarity.Asearlyas1962,hehadanticipatedtheriseofurbanblacknationalismas“partofthegeneralworldcolonialrevolution.”63Hispoem,“Hippingthehip”isevenmoretelling.AcritiqueoftheBeatgenerationanditsfalseclaimtoradicalism,hesuggestslookingtoAfricaandChinaforpossiblealternatives:

Juice[alcohol]isnouseandH[heroin]don’tpay

Iguessrevolutionistheonlyway

Blues—isatearbop—afearofreality.There’snoplacetohideinahorn

Chinesemaybelamebuttheyain’ttame

MauMauonlygotafive-tonescalebutwhenitcomestoFreedom,Jim—theywail!

dig?64

OscarHunter,whowaskeptoutofthewarbecauseofhypertension,hadhisownproblemswiththeCPovertheissueofrace.Duringtheimmediatepostwarperiod,Hunterbecameweddedtotheundergroundworldofbebop,themusicandcounterculturethatrepresentedthelatestanthemofblackurbanmilitancy.Hisattachmenttothisculturalworld—aworldfewwhiteCommunistswerefamiliarwith—eventuallyledtohisbreakwiththeParty.OneChicagoclubowner,whomHunterclaimedwasagangster,occasionallyhelpedhimraisemoneyforthePartybyhavingsmalljazzconcertsandrunning“gambling

games.”Hunter’sallegedgangsterfriendneverknew“whatthehellIwasuptobutthattherewasalotofgoodmusicandalotofbeautifulbroads….Butthatdidn’tsatisfytheparty.”Heeventuallyfaceddisciplinaryactionasaresultofhislifestyle,butbeforetheChicagocadrehadachancetoexpelhim,hequit.65

Mostblackveterans,however,remainedstaunchsupportersoftheVALBandheldfasttotheirradicalconvictions,evenattheheightofMcCarthyiterepression.Someveteransweredismissedfromtheirjobsbecauseoftheirpolitics,houndedbytheFBI,andbarredfromunionstheyhadhelpedtobuild.Oftheex-LincolnssubpoenaedbytheHouseUn-AmericanActivitiesCommitteeand,later,bytheSubversiveActivitiesControlBoard,onlyonewitness,veteranRobertGladnick,willinglycooperatedwiththegovernment.Indeed,notonesingleblackex-LincolnbroughtbeforetheHUACortheSACBturnedinformant.Some,likeblackPhiladelphiaCommunistSterlingRochester,refusedtoansweralmosteveryquestion.Others,suchasCrawfordMorganandAdmiralKilpatrick,brilliantlyturnedthese“inquisitions”intoaforumtoindictU.S.foreignpolicyabroadanddomesticracismathome.WhenaskedbytheSubversiveActivitiesControlBoardwhattheVALB’spolicywaswithrespecttoU.S.recognitionofFranco,Crawfordhadthistosay:

Well,wethoughtitwasoneofthemostterriblethingsourgovernmenthadeverdoneforthesimplereason[that]wewerethefirstAmericansthatfeltfascismandlateronagreatsectionoftheworldwasfightingit,includingAmerica.Thousandsofoursonsanddaughtersdiedoverontheothersidefightingfascism,andnowourgovernmentisembracingit,andbecausewedon’twanttoembraceitwiththemtheyarepersecutingusforit.

AsaformerWobblywhohadsurvivedthePalmerraidsin1919,AdmiralKilpatrickwasnoneophytewhenitcametogovernmentrepression.“Intheclassstruggle,”hereflected,“youcan’tstayinitwhenit’sgoodandjumpoutandleaveitwhenit’sbad.Yougoalltheway.”WhenhetestifiedbeforeHUAC,heneithercooperatedwiththecommitteenortooktheFirstorFifthamendments.“Ididn’ttakenoFifthAmendment.WhatthehellamIgoingtotaketheFifth?TheyknewwhoIwas,Ididn’tgiveadamn….I’vebeentryingtotakethe13th,14th,and15thAmendmentallmydamnlifeandgotnowhere.”66

BlackveteransemergedfromthepostwarRedScareasmilitantandcommittedasever,althoughthestrugglestheychosetoengageinwereasdiverseastheywere.AbeLewisremainedaleadingCommunistinClevelanduntilhisuntimely

deathin1949.Together,BertJacksonandWalterGarlandformedtheUnitedNegroAlliedVeteransofAmericaandfoughttirelesslyfortherightsofAfricanAmericanvets.JamesYateswaselectedpresidentoftheGreenwichVillage-ChelseachapteroftheNAACPintheearlysixtiesandraisedmoneyforcivilrightsactivistsinMississippi.OscarHunterjoinedmostofthesurvivingvetsintheirdemonstrationagainsttheVietnamWar.RamónDurembecameamilitantnationalistwhoseideas,articulatedinpoetrypublishedinthelate1940sandearly1950s,anticipatedpositionsMalcolmXwouldespousenearlyadecadelater.LikeMalcolm,Duremhadforseentheblackpowermovementofthelatesixtiesbutdidnotlivelongenoughtoseetheendresult.HediedofcanceronDecember17,1963.Notsurprisingly,AdmiralKilpatrickremainedacommittedMarxist—socommittedthatheinsistshewasexpelledfromtheCPUSA“becauseIwasn’tgoingtogoalongwiththefact[that]nowallofasuddenyoucanbuildaPartywithallclasses.”HisproblemswithPartyleadershiphadbegunduringthePopularFront.TheveryideathattheParty“wascarryingonthetraditionsofLincoln,Jefferson,andDouglass,”inKilpatrick’sopinion,was“alotofbull.”67

Thatthesementurnedouttobe“longdistancerunners”inthestruggleagainstracismandinjusticehasalottodowiththeirexperiencesinSpain.Itwasoneofthefewplacesonearthwhereblackandwhite,Jewandgentile,couldusegunstobattleforcesthatthreatenedtheirindividualandcollectivesecurity,thoughtheypaidadearpriceforthisopportunity.Moreimportantly,theparticularhistoricalroadthatAfricanAmericanshadtotravelbeforearrivingonSpanishsoilgavethemauniquevantagepoint.BlackLincolnsknewclassoppressionandracism;sharedwitheachotheradualidentityrootedinanAfricanandanAmericanpast;andwerewillingtoputtheirlivesonthelineinSpainpartlytorevengethepillageofEthiopia.Ofcourse,noteveryAfricanAmericanvolunteerwasaCommunist,butallofthemacceptedtheCommunists’visionofinternationalismandinterratialunity—avisionthatallowedthemtoretaintheirnationalismandtotranscendit.

Yet,thewaritselfwasatransformativeexperience.Thevolunteershadnoregrets.AsOscarHunterputit:

WefoughtinSpainbecauseitwouldbenefitordinaryhumanbeingseverywhere.Foralltheerrors,dogmas,harshness,pettyorgrandbetrayals,thewarinSpainwastrulyawarbetweenrightandwrong,betweentheexploitedandtheexploiters,betweendemocratsandfascists.Andwhilethereweresometerrible

leadersandsomecowardlyindividualsonourside,byandlargeitwascertainlythemostbeautifulexpressionofthecommitmenttohumanitybyordinaryhumansthatIhaveeverreadaboutorexperienced.68

ThesewordsareafittingsummaryofwhatSpainmeanttoallmembersoftheAbrahamLincolnBrigade,irrespectiveofcolor.AndtheywereutteredbyamanwhoseentirelifeembodiedthemosaicofexperiencesandemotionsthatbroughtatinybandofblackfolktotheIberianpeninsulainthelate1930s.InmanywaysHuntertypifiedtheAfricanAmericanvolunteer.Hewasaworkerandanintellectual;heknewclassoppressionandracism;heinsistedondefendingSpainandEthiopia;andinthemidstofbattle,heshowedsignsofcourageandfear,laughterandpain,clearthinkingandconfusion.TheOscarHunters,OliverLaws,JamesYates’s,WalterGarlands,andSalariaKeeswerenotsimplyfightingthe“goodfight”butseveral“goodfights”allrolledupinone.LikeCrispusAttucksintheAmericanRevolution,orMartinDelanyintheAmericanCivilWar,AfricanAmericansintheLincolnBrigadebelievedtheirpeople’sstruggleswereinextricablyintertwinedwiththelargerconflict.Neitherpatriotismnoradesireto“savetheunion”broughtex-slavesandthesonsofslavesintotheUnionArmyduringtheU.S.CivilWar;rather,theyputtheirlivesonthelinewiththeintentionofdestroyingthesystemofslaveryonceandforall.

Butthisiswheretheanalogyends.WhereasblackUniontroopsfoughtinsegregatedunitsunderwhitecommand,oftenaccompaniedbyindifferentorconfusedwhitemen,theLincolnswagedwarinanarmythatdidnotdividetroopsbyskincolor,whosememberssharedforthemostpartasingularityofpurpose,andwhoseprincipalcommanderforabriefmomentwasablackmanfromSouthsideChicago.

PARTIIIREBELSWITHOUTACAUSE?

HowdoyouknowwhereI’matWhenyouhaven’tbeenwhereI’vebeen?UnderstandwhereI’mcomingfrom?

—CYPRESSHILL,“HowICouldJustKillaMan”1

Chapter7TheRiddleoftheZoot

MalcolmLittleandBlackCulturalPoliticsDuringWorldWarII

Butthereisrhythmhere.Itsownspecialsubstance:IhearBilliesing,nogoodman,anddigPrez,wearingtheZootsuitoflife,thepork-piehattiltedatthecorrectangle,throughtheHarlemsmokeofbeerandwhiskey,Iunderstandthemysteryofthesignifyingmonkey,inabluehazeofinspiration,IreachtothetotalityofBeing.Iamatthecenterofaswirlofevents.Waranddeath.rhythm.hotwomen.IthinklifeacommoditybargainedforacrossthebarinSmall’s.IperceivetheechoesofBirdandthereisagnawinginthemawofmyemotions.

—LARRYNEAL,“MalcolmX—AnAutobiography”1

“Likehundredsofthousandsofcountry-bredNegroeswhohadcometotheNorthernblackghettobeforeme,andhadcomesince,”MalcolmXrecalledinhisautobiography,“I’dalsoacquiredalltheotherfashionableghettoadornments—thezootsuitsandconkthatIhavedescribed,theliquor,cigarettes,thereefers—alltoerasemyembarrassingbackground.”3Hisnarrativeisfamiliar:thestoryofaruralmigrantinthebigcitywhoeventuallyfindssocialacceptancebysheddinghiscountrywaysandadoptingthecorruptlifestylesofurbanAmerica.

Thebigcitystrippedhimofhisnaiveté,ultimatelypavingthewayforhisdownwarddescentfromhipstertohustlertocriminal.AsMalcolmtellsthestory,thisperiodinhislifewas,ifanything,afascinatingbutdestructivedetourontheroadtoself-consciousnessandpoliticalenlightenment.

—RALPHELLISON,19432MuchinNegroliferemainsamystery;perhapsthezootsuitconcealsprofoundpoliticalmeaning;perhapsthesymmetricalfrenzyoftheLindyHopconcealscluestogreatpotentialpower—ifonlyNegroleaders

wouldsolvethisriddle.

ButMalcolm’snarrativeofhisteenageyearsshouldalsobereadasaliteraryconstruction,aclichéthatobscuresmorethanitreveals.4Thestoryistragicallydehistoricized,tornfromthesociopoliticalcontextthatrenderedthezootsuit,theconk,thelindyhop,andthelanguageofthe“hepcat”signifiersofacultureofoppositionamongblack,mostlymale,youth.AccordingtoMalcolm’sreconstructedmemory,thesesignifiersweremerely“ghettoadornments,”nodifferentfromtheendlessarrayofcommoditiesblackmigrantswereintroducedtoatanygiventime.Ofcourse,MalcolmtellshisstoryfromthevantagepointofthecivilrightsmovementandaresurgentPan-Africanism,theearly1960swhentheconkhadbeenabandonedforcloselycroppedhairstyles,whenthezoothadbeenreplacedwiththerespectablejacketandtieofmiddle-classAmerica(dashikisandAfrosfromourreinventedmothercountrywerenotyetborn),andwhenthesonsanddaughtersofmiddle-classAfricanAmericans,manyofwhomwerethemselvescollegestudentstakingadetourontheroadtorespectabilitytofightforintegrationandequality,wereattheforefrontofstruggle.Likethemovementitself,Malcolmhadreachedaperiodofhislifewhenoppositioncouldonlybeconceivedofasuncompromisingandunambiguous.

ThedidacticandrhetoricalcharacterofMalcolm’sAutobiography—shapedbypresentistpoliticalconcernsoftheearly1960sandtoldthroughtheculturalprismofIslam—obscurestheoppositionalmeaningsembeddedinwartimeblackyouthculture.AndnoneofMalcolm’sbiographerssincehavesoughttounderstandthehistoryandpoliticalcharacterofthesubculturetowhichhebelonged.5ThepurposeofthischapteristorethinkMalcolm’searlylife,toreexaminethehipstersubcultureanditsrelationtowartimesocial,political,economic,andideologicaltransformations.

WorldWarIIwasacriticalturningpointnotonlyforMalcolmbutformanyyoungAfricanAmericansandLatinosintheUnitedStates.Indeed,itwas

preciselytheculturalworldintowhichMalcolmsteppedthatpromptedfuturenovelistRalphEllisontoreflectonthepoliticalsignificanceofthedancestylesandattireofblackyouth.Ironically,onewouldthinkthatMalcolm,himselfaproductofwartimeblackyouthculture,wasuniquelysituatedtosolvetheriddleposedbyEllisonin1943.Nevertheless,whetherornotMalcolmacknowledgedthepoliticalimportanceofthateraonhisownthinking,itismycontentionthathisparticipationintheundergroundsubcultureofblackworking-classyouthduringthewarwasnotadetourontheroadtopoliticalconsciousnessbutratheranessentialelementofhisradicalization.Thezootsuitersandhipsterswhosoughtalternativestowageworkandfoundpleasureinthenewmusic,clothes,anddancestylesoftheperiodwere“racerebels”ofsorts,challengingmiddle-classethicsandexpectations,carvingoutadistinctgenerationalandethnicidentity,andrefusingtobegoodproletarians.Butintheireffortstoescapeorminimizeexploitation,Malcolmandhishomiesbecameexploitersthemselves.

“IAmattheCenterofaSwirlofEvents”

Thegangly,red-hairedyoungmanfromLansinglookedalotolderthanfifteenwhenhemovedinwithhishalf-sisterElla,whoownedamodesthomeintheRoxburysectionofBoston.Littledidheknowhowmuchtheworldaroundhimwasabouttochange.ThebombingofPearlHarborwasstillseveralmonthsaway,butthecountry’seconomywasalreadygearedupforwar.BythetimeU.S.troopswerefinallydispatchedtoEurope,Asia,andNorthAfrica,manyintheblackcommunityrestrainedtheirenthusiasm,fortheysharedacollectivememoryoftheunfulfilledpromisesofdemocracygeneratedbytheFirstWorldWar.Hence,theDoubleVcampaign,embodiedinA.PhilipRandolph’sthreatenedmarchonWashingtontoprotestracialdiscriminationinemploymentandthemilitary,partlyarticulatedthesenseofhopeandpessimism,supportanddetachment,thatdominatedagooddealofdailyconversation.Thistimearound,avictoryabroadwithoutannihilatingracismathomewasunacceptable.AsjournalistRoiOttleyobservedduringtheearlyyearsofthewar,onecouldnotwalkthestreetsofHarlemandnotnoticeaprofoundchange.“ListentothewayNegroesaretalkingthesedays!…[B]lackmenhavebecomenoisy,aggressive,andsometimesdefiant.”6

ThedefiantonesincludednewlyarrivedmigrantsfromtheSouthwhohadfloodedAmerica’sNortheasternandMidwesternmetropolises.Hopingtotakeadvantageofopportunitiescreatedbythenascentwartimeeconomy,mostfoundonlyfrustrationanddisappointmentbecauseacomparativelysmallproportionof

AfricanAmericansgainedaccesstoindustrialjobsandtrainingprograms.ByMarchof1942,blackworkersconstitutedonly2.5to3percentofallwarproductionworkers,mostofwhomwererelegatedtolow-skill,low-wagepositions.Theemploymentsituationimprovedmorerapidlyafter1942:byAprilof1944,blacksmadeup8percentofthenation’swarproductionworkers.ButeveryoneintheAfricanAmericancommunitydidnotbenefitequally.Forexample,theUnitedNegroCollegeFundwasestablishedin1943toassistAfricanAmericansattendinghistoricallyblackcolleges,butduringtheschoolyearof1945-46,undergraduateenrollmentinthoseinstitutionsamountedtolessthan44,000.Ontheotherhand,thenumberofblackworkersintradeunionsincreasedfrom150,000in1935to1.25millionbythewar’send.TheCongressofIndustrialOrganizations’(CIO)organizingdrivesultimatelyhadtheeffectofraisingwagesandimprovingworkingconditionsfortheseblackworkers,thoughnonunionworkers,whomadeuproughly80percentoftheblackworkingclass,couldnottakeadvantageofthegains.Theupgradingofunionizedblackworkersdidnottakeplacewithoutastruggle;throughoutthewarwhiteworkerswaged“hatestrikes”toprotestthepromotionofblacks,andblackworkersfrequentlyretaliatedwiththeirownwildcatstrikestoresistracism.7

Inshort,wartimeintegrationofblackworkersintotheindustrialeconomyproceededunevenly;bythewar’sendmostAfricanAmericansstillheldunskilled,menialjobs.Ascitiesburgeonedwithworkingpeople,oftenlivinginclosequartersordoublingupasaresultofhousingshortages,thechasmbetweenmiddle-classandskilledworking-classblacks,ontheonehand,andtheunemployedandworkingpoor,ontheother,begantowiden.Intraracialclassdivisionswereexacerbatedbyculturalconflictsbetweenestablishedurbanresidentsandthenewlyarrivedruralfolk.Inotherwords,demographicandeconomictransformationscausedbythewarnotonlyintensifiedracialconflictbutledtoheightenedclasstensionswithinurbanblackcommunities.8ForMalcolm,thezootsuit,thelindyhop,andthedistinctivelingoofthehepcatsimultaneouslyembodiedtheseclass,racial,andculturaltensions.Thisuniquesubcultureenabledhimtonegotiateanidentitythatresistedthehegemoniccultureanditsattendantracismandpatriotism,theruralfolkways(formany,the“parentculture”)whichstillsurvivedinmostblackurbanhouseholds,andtheclass-conscious,integrationistattitudesofmiddle-classblacks.

“TheZootSuitofLife”

AlmostassoonasMalcolmsettledintoBoston,hefoundhehadlittletolerance

fortheclasspretensionsofhisneighbors,particularlyhispeers.Besides,hisownlimitedwardrobeandvisible“country”backgroundrenderedhimanoutsider.HebeganhangingoutatalocalpoolhallinthepoorersectionofRoxbury.Here,inthisdank,smokyroom,surroundedbythecrackingsoundsofcueballsandthestenchofalcohol,Malcolmdiscoveredtheblacksubculturewhichwouldultimatelyformacrucialcomponentofhisidentity.Anemployeeofthepoolroom,whomMalcolmcalled“Shorty”(mostlikelyacompositefigurebasedonseveralacquaintances,includinghisclosefriendMalcolmJarvis),becamehisrunningpartnerandinitiatedhimintothecoolworldofthehepcat.9

InadditiontoteachingyoungMalcolmthepleasures,practices,andpossibilitiesofhipsterculture,Shortyhadtomakesurehishomeboyworetherightuniforminthisemergingbeboparmy.WhenMalcolmputonhisveryfirstzootsuit,herealizedimmediatelythatthewildsky-blueoutfit,thebaggypunjabpantstaperedtotheankles,thematchinghat,goldwatchchain,andmonogrammedbeltweremorethanasuitofclothes.Asheleftthedepartmentstorehecouldnotcontainhisenthusiasmforhisnewidentity.“Itookthreeofthosetwenty-five-centsepia-toned,while-you-waitpicturesofmyself,posedtheway‘hipsters’wearingtheirzootswould‘coolit’—hatdangled,kneesdrawnclosetogether,feetwideapart,bothindexfingersjabbedtowardthefloor.”Thecombinationofhissuitandbodylanguageencodedaculturethatcelebratedaspecificracial,class,spatial,gender,andgenerationalidentity.EastCoastzootsuitersduringthewarwereprimarilyyoungblack(andLatino)working-classmaleswhoselivingspacesandsocialworldwereconfinedtoNortheasternghettos,andthesuitreflectedastruggletonegotiatethesemultipleidentitiesinoppositiontothedominantculture.Ofcourse,thestyleitselfdidnotrepresentacompletebreakwiththedominantfashiontrends;zootsuitersappropriated,evenmocked,existingstylesandreinscribedthemwithnewmeaningsdrawnfromsharedmemoryandexperiences.10

Whilethesuititselfwasnotmeantasadirectpoliticalstatement,thesocialcontextinwhichitwascreatedandwornrendereditso.Thelanguageandcultureofzootsuitersrepresentedasubversiverefusaltobesubservient.Youngblackmalescreatedafast-paced,improvisationallanguagewhichsharplycontrastedwiththepassivestereotypeofthestuttering,tongue-tiedSambo;inaworldwherewhitescommonlyaddressedthemas“boy,”zootsuitersmadeafetishofcallingeachother“man.”Moreover,withinmonthsofMalcolm’sfirstzoot,thepoliticalandsocialcontextofwarhadaddedanexplicitdimensiontotheimplicitoppositionalmeaningofthesuit;ithadbecomeanexplicitlyun-

Americanstyle.ByMarch1942,becausefabricrationingregulationsinstitutedbytheWarProductionsBoardforbadethesaleandmanufacturingofzootsuits,wearingthesuit(whichhadtobepurchasedthroughinformalnetworks)wasseenbywhiteservicemenasaperniciousactofanti-Americanism—aviewcompoundedbythefactthatmostzootsuiterswereable-bodiedmenwhorefusedtoenlistorfoundwaystododgethedraft.ThuswhenMalcolmdonnedhis“killer-dillercoatwithadrape-shape,reat-pleatsandshoulderspaddedlikealunatic’scell,”hisleanbodybecameadualsignifierofopposition—arejectionofbothblackpetitbourgeoisrespectabilityandAmericanpatriotism.11

Theurbanyouthculturewasalsobornofheightenedinterracialviolenceandeverydayactsofpolicebrutality.BothDetroitandHarlem,twocitiesinwhichMalcolmspentconsiderabletime,eruptedinmassiveviolenceduringthesummerof1943.Andinbothcasesriotsweresparkedbyincidentsofracialinjustice.12Thezootsuiters,manyofwhomparticipatedinthelootingandactsofrandomviolence,werealsovictimsof,orwitnessesto,actsofoutrightpolicebrutality.InadescriptionoftheHarlemRiot,ananonymouszootsuiterexpressesbothdisdainforanddefiancetowardpolicepractices:

Acopwasrunnin’alongwhippin’thehellouta[sic]coloredmanliketheydoin[the]slaughterpen.Throwin’himintothepolicecar,orstruggle-buggy,marchin’himofftothejail.That’sthat!Strangeasitmayseem,ass-whippin’isnottobeplayedwith.SoasIclosemylittleletterofintroduction,Ileavethisthoughtwiththee:

Yea,soitbeIleavethisthoughtwiththeeDonotattempttofuckwithme.13

Thehipstersubculturepermeatedfarmorethanjustsartorialstyle.Gettingone’shairstraightened(the“conk”hairdo)wasalsorequired.ForMalcolm,reflectingbackwardthroughtheprismoftheNationofIslamandPan-Africanism,theconkwasthemostdegradingaspectofthehipstersubculture.Inhiswords,itwaslittlemorethananefforttomakehishair“asstraightasanywhiteman’s.”

Thiswasmyfirstreallybigsteptowardself-degradation:whenIenduredallofthatpain,literallyburningmyfleshtohaveitlooklikeawhiteman’shair.IhadjoinedthatmultitudeofNegromenandwomeninAmericawhoarebrainwashedintobelievingthattheblackpeopleare“inferior”—andwhitepeople

“superior”—thattheywillevenviolateandmutilatetheirGod-createdbodiestotrytolook“pretty”bywhitestandards.14

Malcolm’sinterpretationoftheconk,however,convenientlyseparatesthehairstylefromthesubcultureofwhichitwasapart,andthesocialcontextinwhichsuchculturalformswerecreated.Theconkwasa“refusal”tolooklikeeitherthedominant,stereotypedimageoftheSouthernmigrantortheblackbourgeoisie,whose“conks”wereclosertomimickingwhitestylesthanthoseofthezootsuiters.Besides,toclaimthatblackworking-classmaleswhoconkedtheirhairweremerelyparrotingwhitesignoresthefactthatspecificstylizationscreatedbyblackyouthemphasizeddifference—theducktaildownthebackoftheneck,thesmooth,evenstifflookcreatedbyMurray’sPomade(averythickhairgreasemarketedspecificallytoAfricanAmericans),theneatsidepartsanglingtowardthecenterofthebackofthehead.

Moreimportantly,oncewecontextualizetheconk,consideringthesocialpracticesofyounghepcats,thetotalityofethnicsignifiersfromthebaggypantstothecodedlanguage,theiroppositiontowar,andemphasisonpleasureoverwagedlabor,wecannothelpbutviewtheconkaspartofalargerprocessbywhichblackyouthappropriated,transformed,andreinscribedcodedoppositionalmeaningsontostylesderivedfromthedominantculture.For

theconkwasconceivedinasubalternculture,dominatedandhedgedinbyacapitalistmasterculture,yetoperatinginan“underground”mannertosubvertgivenelementsbycreolizingstylization.Styleencodedpolitical“messages”tothoseintheknowwhichwereotherwiseunintelligibletowhitesocietybyvirtueoftheirambiguousaccentuationandintonation.15

“ButThereIsRhythmHere”

Onceproperlyattired(“toggedtothebricks,”ashiscontemporarieswouldhavesaid),sixteen-year-oldMalcolmdiscoveredthelindyhop,andintheprocessexpandedbothhissocialcircleandhispolitics.TheRoselandBallroominBoston,andinsomerespectstheSavoyinHarlem,constitutedsocialspacesofpleasurefreeofthebourgeoispretensionsof“better-classNegroes.”HisdayjobasasodafountainclerkintheelitesectionofblackRoxburybecameincreasinglyannoyingtohimasheenduredlisteningtothesonsanddaughtersofthe“HillNegroes,”“penny-antesquareswhocameinthereputtingontheirmillionaires’airs.”Home(hissisterElla’shousehold)andspacesofleisure(the

RoselandBallroom)suddenlytookonnewsignificance,fortheyrepresentedthenegationofblackbourgeoiscultureandareaffirmationofasubalternculturethatemphasizedpleasure,rejectedwork,andcelebratedaworking-classracialidentity.“Icouldn’twaitforeighto’clocktogethometoeatoutofthosesoul-foodpotsofElla’s,thengetdressedinmyzootandheadforsomeofmyfriends’placesintown,tolindy-hopandgethigh,orsomething,forrelieffromthoseHillclowns.”16

ForMalcolmandhispeers,Boston’sRoselandBallroomand,later,Harlem’sSavoy,affordedtheopportunitytobecomesomethingotherthanworkers.Inaworldwhereclothesconstitutedsignifiersofidentityandstatus,“dressingup”wasawayofescapingthedegradationofworkandcollapsingstatusdistinctionsbetweenthemselvesandtheiroppressors.InMalcolm’snarrative,healwaysseemedtobesheddinghisworkclothes,whetheritwastheapronofasodajerkortheuniformofarailroadsandwichpeddler,infavorofhiszootsuit.AttheendofhisfirstruntoNewYorkontheYankeeClipperrailline,headmittedtohavingdonnedhis“zootsuitbeforethefirstpassengergotoff.”Seeingoneselfandothers“dressedup”wasenormouslyimportantintermsofconstructingacollectiveidentitybasedonsomethingotherthanwagework,presentingapublicchallengetothedominantstereotypesoftheblackbody,andreinforcingasenseofdignitythatwasperpetuallybeingassaulted.Malcolm’simagesoftheRoselandwerequitevividinthisrespect:“They—djampackthatballroom,theblackgirlsinwayoutsilkandsatindressesandshoes,theirhairdoneinallkindsofstyles,themensharpintheirzootsuitsandcrazyconks,andeverybodygrinningandgreasedandgassed.”17

Formanyworking-classmenandwomenwhodailyenduredback-breakingwagework,lowincome,longhours,andpervasiveracism,aswehaveshowninchapter2,theseurbandancehallswereplacestorecuperate,totakebacktheirbodies.Despiteoppositionfromblackreligiousleadersandsegmentsofthepetitebourgeoisie,blackworkingpeopletooktheopportunitytodowhattheywishedwiththeirownbodies.Thesightofhundredsmovinginunisononahardwooddancefloorunmistakablyreinforcedasenseofcollectivityaswellasindividuality,asdancersimprovisedonthestandardlindyhopmovesinfriendlycompetition,likethe“cuttingsessions”ofjazzmusiciansortheverbalduelsknownas“thedozens.”PracticallyeveryFridayandSaturdaynight,youngMalcolmexperiencedthedualsenseofcommunityandindividuality,improvisationandcollectivecallandresponse:

Theband,thespectatorsandthedancers,wouldbemakingtheRoselandBallroomfeellikeabigrockingship.Thespotlightwouldbeturning,pink,yellow,green,andblue,pickingupthecoupleslindy-hoppingasiftheyhadgonemad.“Wail,man,wail!”peoplewouldbeshoutingattheband;anditwouldbewailing,untilfirstoneandthenanothercouplejustranoutofstrengthandstumbledofftowardthecrowd,exhaustedandsoakedwithsweat.18

Itshouldbenotedthatthemusicitselfwasundergoingarevolutionduringthewar.Growingpartlyoutofblackmusicians’rebellionagainstwhite-dominatedswingbands,andpartlyoutoftheheightenedmilitancyofblackurbanyouth—expressedbytheirimprovisationallanguageanddressstyles,aswellasbytheviolenceandlootingwenowcalltheHarlemRiotof1943—themusicthatcametobeknownas“bebop”wasbornamiddramaticpoliticalandsocialtransformations.AtMinton’sPlayhouseandMonroe’sUptownanumberofstylesconverged;themostdiscerningrecognizedthewonderfulcollisionandreconstitutionofKansasCitybigbandblues,EastCoastswingmusic,andthesecularaswellasreligioussoundsoftheblackSouth.Thehorns,fingers,ideas,andmemoriesofyoungblackfolk(most,keepinmind,wereonlyintheirearlytwenties)likeCharlieParker,TheloniusMonk,DizzyGillespie,MaryLouWilliams,KennyClarke,OscarPettiford,TaddDameron,BudPowell,andababy-facedMilesDavis,tonameonlyafew,gavebirthtowhatwouldsoonbecalled“bebop.”

Bebopwascharacterizedbycomplexandimpliedrhythmsfrequentlyplayedatblindingtempos,dissonantchordstructures,andapre-electronicformofmusical“sampling”inwhichthechordchangesforpopularTinPanAlleysongswereappropriated,altered,andusedinconjunctionwithnewmelodies.Whilethemusicwasnotintendedtobedancemusic,someAfricanAmericanyouthfoundawaytolindyhoptosomeremarkablyfasttempos,andintheprocessinventednewdancessuchasthe“applejack.”

AlthoughtherealexplosioninbebopoccurredafterMalcolmbeganhisstayatCharlestonStatePenitentiary,nohipHarlemiteduringthewarcouldhaveignoredthedramaticchangesinthemusicorthemusicians.EventhefairlyconservativebandleaderLionelHampton,aclosefriendofMalcolm’sduringthisperiod,linkedbebopwithoppositionalblackpolitics.Speakingofhisownmusicin1946,hetoldaninterviewer,“WheneverIseeanyinjusticeoranyunfairactionagainstmyownraceoranyotherminoritygroups‘HeyPaPaRebop’stimulatesthedesiretodestroysuchprejudiceanddiscrimination.”19

Moreover,asIsuggestinchapter2,whileneitherthelindyhopnortheapplejackcarriedintrinsicpoliticalmeanings,thesocialactofdancingwasnonethelessresistive—atleastwithrespecttotheworkethic.20

“WarandDeath”

Fromthestandpointofmosthepcats,theSelectiveServicewasanever-presentobstacleto“thepursuitofleisureandpleasure.”Assoonaswarbrokeout,Malcolm’shomeboysdideverythingpossibletoevadethedraft(MalcolmwasonlysixteenwhenPearlHarborwasattacked,sohehadn’tyetreacheddraftage).HispartnerShorty,abuddingmusicianhopingtomakeanameforhimselfstateside,was“worriedsick”aboutthedraft.Likeliterallydozensofyoungblackmusicians(mostofwhomweredrawntothedissonant,rapidfire,undergroundstylesofbebop),Shortysucceededinobtaining4Fstatusbyingestingsomethingwhichmade“yourheartsounddefectivetothedraftboard’sdoctors”—mostlikelyamixtureofbenzadrinenasalsprayandcoke.21WhenMalcolmreceivednoticefromthedraftboardinOctoberof1943,heemployedavarietyoftacticsinordertoattaina4Fclassification.“IstartednoisingaroundthatIwasfrantictojoin…theJapaneseArmy.WhenIsensedthatIhadtheearsofthespies,Iwouldtalkandacthighandcrazy….ThedayIwentdownthere,Icostumedlikeanactor.WithmywildzootsuitIworetheyellowknob-toedshoes,andIfrizzledmyhairupintoareddishbushconk.”Hisinterviewwiththearmypsychiatristwastheicingonthecake.Inalow,conspiratorialtone,headmittedtothedoctor,“Daddy-o,nowyouandme,we’refromupNorthhere,sodon’tyoutellnobody….IwanttogetsentdownSouth.Organizethemniggersoldiers,youdig?Stealussomegunsandkillupcrackers[sic]!”Malcolm’stacticwashardlyunique,however.TrumpeterJohn“Dizzy”Gillespie,apioneerofbebop,secured4Fstatusandpracticallyparalyzedhisarmyrecruitmentofficerwiththefollowingstory:

Well,look,atthistime,atthisstageinmylifehereintheUnitedStateswhosefoothasbeeninmyass?Thewhiteman’sfoothasbeeninmyassholeburieduptohiskneeinmyasshole!…Nowyou’respeakingoftheenemy.You’retellingmetheGermanistheenemy.Atthispoint,IcanneverevenrememberhavingmetaGerman.Soifyouputmeouttherewithaguninmyhandandtellmetoshootattheenemy,I’mliabletocreateacaseof“mistakenidentity,”ofwhoImightshoot.22

Althoughthesekindsof“confessions”wereintendedtoshakeupmilitary

officialsandavoidserving,bothMalcolmandDizzywerearticulatingthefeelingsofagreatmajorityofmenwhosharedtheirinnerculturalcircle—feelingswithwhichasurprisinglylargenumberofAfricanAmericansidentified.Thehundreds,perhapsthousands,ofzootsuitersandmusicianswhododgedthedraftwerenotmerelyevadingresponsibility.Theyopposedthewaraltogether,insistingthatAfricanAmericanscouldnotaffordtoinvesttheirbloodinanother“whiteman’swar.”“Whiteyownseverything,”ShortyexplainedtoMalcolm.“Hewantsustogoandbleed?Lethimfight.”Likewise,aHarlemzootsuiterinterviewedbyblacksocialpsychologistKennethClarkmadethefollowingdeclarationtothescholarlyaudienceforwhomtheresearchwasintended:“By[the]timeyoureadthisIwillbefightingforUncleSam,thebitches,andIdonotlikeitworthadam[sic].I’mnotaspyorasaboteur,butIdon’tlikegoin’overtherefightin’forthewhiteman—sobeit.”23Wecanneverknowhowmanyblackmenusedsubterfugetoobtaina4Fstatus,orhowmanymen—likeKennethClark’sinformant—compliedwithdraftordersbutdidsoreluctantly.Nevertheless,whatevidencewedopossesssuggeststhatblackresistancetothedraftwasmorepervasivethanwemighthaveimagined.Bylate1943,AfricanAmericanscomprised35percentofthenation’sdelinquentregistrants,andbetween1941and1946,over2,000blackmenwereimprisonedfornotcomplyingwiththeprovisionsoftheSelectiveServiceAct.24

Whilesomemightarguethatdraftdodgingbyblackhipstershardlyqualifiesasprotestpolitics,thepress,police,andwhiteservicementhoughtotherwise.Thewhitepress,andtoalesserdegreetheblackpress,castpracticallyallyoungmensportingthe“drapeshape”(zootsuit)asunpatriotic“dandies.”25Andthehepcatswhocouldnotescapethedraftandrefusedtoeithersubmergetheirdistasteforthewarordiscardtheirslangfacedalivingnightmareinthearmedforces.Zootsuitersandjazzmusicians,inparticular,werethesubjectofridicule,severepunishment,andevenbeatings.Civilianhipstersfarednobetter.ThatblackandLatinoyouthexhibitedacool,measuredindifferencetothewar,aswellasanincreasinglydefiantposturetowardwhitesingeneral,annoyedwhiteservicementonoend.Tensionsbetweenzootsuitersandservicemenconsequentlyeruptedinviolence;inJune1943,LosAngelesbecamethesiteofracistattacksonblackandChicanoyouth,duringwhichwhitesoldiersengagedinwhatamountedtoaritualizedstrippingofthezoot.SuchtensionswerealsoevidentinMalcolm’srelationswithwhiteservicemen.DuringarathershortstintasasandwichpeddlerontheYankeeClippertrain,Malcolmwasfrequentlyembroiledinargumentswithwhitesoldiers,andonoccasioncameclosetoexchanging

blows.26

“IThinkLifeaCommodityBargainedFor”

Partofwhatannoyedwhiteservicemenwasthehipsters’laissez-faireattitudetowardworkandtheirprivilegingofthe“pursuitofleisureandpleasure.”Holdingtotheviewthatoneshouldworktoliveratherthanlivetowork,Malcolmdecidedtoturnthepursuitofleisureandpleasureintoacareer.Thusafter“studying”underthetutelageofsomeofHarlem’sbetter-knownpimps,gangsters,andcrookswhopatronizedthepopularlocalbarSmall’sParadise,Malcolmeventuallygraduatedtofull-fledged“hustler.”

BrucePerryandotherbiographerswhoassertthat,becauseMalcolmengagedintheilliciteconomywhilegoodjobswereallegedly“adimeadozen,”weshouldthereforelooktopsychologicalexplanationsforhiscriminality,betrayaprofoundignoranceofthewartimepoliticaleconomyandblackworking-classconsciousness.27First,inmostNortheasterncitiesduringthewar,AfricanAmericanswerestillfacedwithjobdiscrimination,andemploymentopportunitiesforblackstendedtobelow-wage,menialpositions.InNewYork,forexample,theproportionofblacksreceivinghomereliefincreasedfrom22percentin1936to26percentin1942,andwhentheWorksProgressAdministrationshutdownin1943,thepercentageofAfricanAmericansemployedbytheNewYorkWPAwashigherthanithadbeenduringtheentiredepression.28Second,itwashardforblackworkingpeoplenottojuxtaposethewartimerhetoricofequalopportunityandtheapparentavailabilityofwell-payingjobsforwhiteswiththerealityofracistdiscriminationinthelabormarket.OfthemanyjobsMalcolmheldduringthewar,nonecanbesaidtohavebeenwell-payingand/orfulfilling.Third,anyattempttounderstandtherelationshipbetweencertainformsofcrimeandresistancemustbeginbyquestioningthedominantviewofcriminalbehaviorassocialdeviance.Asanumberofcriminologistsandurbananthropologistshavesuggested,“hustling”orsimilarkindsofinformal/illiciteconomicstrategiesshouldberegardedaseffortstoescapedependencyonlow-wage,alienatinglabor.29

Thezootsuiters’collectivehostilitytowagelaborbecameevidenttoyoungMalcolmduringhisfirstconversationwithShorty,whopromptlyintroducedtheword“slave”intohisnascenthipstervocabulary.Apopularslangexpressionforajob,“slave”notonlyencapsulatedtheirunderstandingofwageworkasexploitative,alienating,andunfulfilling,butitimpliesarefusaltoallowworkto

becometheprimarysignifierofidentity.(Thisisnottosaythathustlersadamantlyrefusedwagelabor;onthecontrary,certainplacesofemploymentwerefrequentlycentrallociforoperations.)Implied,too,isarejectionofaworkethic,aprivilegingofleisure,andanemphasison“fastmoney”withlittleornophysicallabor.EvenShortychastisedMalcolmforsavingmoneytopurchasehisfirstzootsuitratherthantakingadvantageofcredit.30

Malcolm’sapprenticeshipinBoston’sshoeshinetradeintroducedhimtotheilliciteconomy,themarginsofcapitalismwherecommodityrelationstendedtoberaw,demystified,andsometimesquitebrutal.SuccesshererequiredthatoneadoptthesortsofmonopoliststrategiesusuallyassociatedwithAmerica’smostcelebratedentrepreneuers.Yet,unlikemainstreamentrepreneurs,mostofthehustlerswithwhomMalcolmwasassociatedbelievedinanantiwork,anti-accumulationethic.Possessing“capital”wasnottheultimategoal;rather,moneywasprimarilyameansbywhichhustlerscouldavoidwageworkandnegotiatestatusthroughthepurchaseofprestigiouscommodities.Moreover,itseemsthatmanyhustlersofthe1940ssharedaverylimitedcultureofmutualitythatmilitatedagainstaccumulation.Onmorethanoneoccasion,Malcolmgaveawayorloanedmoneytofriendswhenhehimselfwasshortofcash,andinatleastonecase“hepawnedhissuitforafriendwhohadpawnedawatchforhimwhenhehadneededaloan.”31

Nevertheless,actsofmutualityhardlytranslatedintoaradicalcollectiveidentity;hustlingbynaturewasapredatoryactwhichdidnotdiscriminatebycolor.Moreover,theircultureofmutualitywasamale-identifiedculturelimitedtothemenoftheirinnercircle,for,asMalcolmputit,thehustlercannotaffordto“trustanybody.”Womenweremerelyobjectsthroughwhichhustlingmensoughtleisureandpleasure;preyforfinancialandsexualexploitation.“Ibelievedthatamanshoulddoanythingthathewasslickenough,orbadandboldenough,todoandthatawomanwasnothingbutanothercommodity.”Evenwomen’ssexualitywasacommoditytobeboughtandsold,thoughforMalcolmandhishomeboyssellingmademoresensethanbuying.(Infact,BrucePerrysuggeststhatMalcolmpimpedgaymenandoccasionallysoldhisownbodytohomosexuals.)32

Atleasttworecentbiographiessuggestthatthedetached,sometimesbrutalmannerwithwhichMalcolmtreatedwomenduringhishipsterdayscanbetracedtohisrelationshipwithhismother.33Whilesuchanargumentmightcarrysomevalidity,itessentiallyignoresthegenderedideologies,powerrelationships,

andpopularculturewhichboundblackhipsterstogetherintoadistinct,identifiablecommunity.Resistancetowagelaborforthehepcatfrequentlymeantincreasedoppressionandexploitationofwomen,particularlyblackwomen.ThehipstersofMalcolm’sgenerationandaftertookprideintheirabilitytoestablishparasiticalrelationshipswithwomenwageearnersorsexworkers.Andjazzmusiciansofthe1940sspokequiteoftenoflivingoffwomen,whichinmanycasestranslatedintooutrightpimping.34Indeed,considerTinyGrimes’spopular1944recordingfeaturingCharlieParkeronalto:

Romancewithoutfinanceisanuisance,Mama,mama,pleasegiveupthatgold.Romancewithoutfinancejustdon’tmakesense,Baby,pleasegiveupthatgold.

You’resogreatandyou’resofine,Youain’tgotnomoney,youcan’tbemine,Itain’tnojoketobestonebroke,HoneyyouknowIain’tlyin’.35

Furthermore,thehustlerethicdemandedapublicfrontofemotionaldetachment.Remaining“cool”towardwomenwascrucialtoone’spublicreputationandessentialina“business”whichdependedonthecontrolandbrutalexploitationoffemalebodies.InthewordsofblackAmerica’smostnotedpimpscribe,IcebergSlim,“thebestpimpskeepasteellidontheiremotions.”36

Thesegenderedidentities,socialpractices,andthediscursivearenainwhichpimpingandhustlingtookplacewerecomplicatedbyrace.Asintherestofsociety,blackandwhitewomendidnotoccupythesameposition;whitewomen,especiallythosewithmoney,rankedhigher.OnceMalcolmbegangoingoutwithSophia,hisstatusamongthelocalhipstersandhustlersroseenormously:

UptothenIhadbeenjustanotheramongalltheconkedandzootedyoungsters.Butnow,withthebest-lookingwhitewomanwhoeverwalkedinthosebarsandclubs,andwithhergivingmethemoneyIspent,too,eventhebigimportantblackhustlersand“smartboys”…wereclappingmeontheback,settingusuptodrinksatspecialtables,andcallingme“Red.”37

AsfarasMalcolmandhisadmirerswereconcerned,“DetroitRed”conqueredandseizedwhathewasnotsupposedtohave—awhitewoman.Althoughsome

scholarsandordinaryfolkmightviewMalcolm’sdangerousliaisonasanearlycaseofself-hatred,therace/genderpoliticsofthehustlingcommunityandtheequallycool,detachedmannerwithwhichtheytreatedwhitewomensuggestsotherdynamicswereoperatingaswell.Whitewomen,likevirtuallyallwomen(saveone’smama),weremerelypropertytobepossessed,sported,used,andtossedout.Butunlikeblackwomen,theybelongedto“Charlie,”the“Man,”“whitey,”andweretheoreticallyofflimits.Thus,inaworldwheremostrelationshipswere“commodified,”whitewomen,intheeyesofhustlersatleast,wereregardedasstolenproperty,bootyseizedfromtheultimatehustle.

HustlingnotonlypermittedMalcolmtoresistwagelabor,pursueleisure,anddemystifytheworkethicmyth,butinastrangewaythekindsofgameshepulledcompelledhimto“study”thepsychologyofwhiteracism.DespitethefactthatmembersofthissubalterncultureconstructedacollectiveidentityindefianceofdominantracistimagesofAfricanAmericans,theworkofhustling“whitefolks”oftenrequiredthatthosesamedominantimagesberesurrectedandemployedasdiscursivestrategies.Asashoeshineboy,forexample,Malcolmlearnedthatextramoneycouldbemadeifonechoseto“UncleTomalittle,”smiling,grinning,andmakingsnappinggestureswithapolishingragtogivetheimpressionofhardwork.Althoughitwasnothingmorethana“jivenoise,”hequicklylearnedthat“catstipbetter,theyfigureyou’reknockingyourselfout.”ThepotentialpowerblackspossessedtomanipulatewhiteracialideologiesfortheirownadvantagewasmadeevenclearerduringhisbriefstintasasandwichsalesmanontheYankeeClippercommutertrain:

Itdidn’ttakemeaweektolearnthatallyouhadtodowasgivewhitepeopleashowandthey’dbuyanythingyouofferedthem….WewereinthatworldofNegroeswhoarebothservantsandpsychologists,awarethatwhitepeoplearesoobsessedwiththeirownimportancethattheywillpayliberally,evendearly,fortheimpressionofbeingcateredtoandentertained.

Nevertheless,whileMalcolm’sperformanceenabledhimtosqueezenickelsanddimesfromwhitemenwholongedforamythicplantationpastwheredarkeyslivedtoserve,healsoplayedthepartofthemodelNegrointhewatchfuleyeofwhiteauthority,alaw-abidingcitizensatisfiedwithhis“shoeshineboy”status.Itwastheperfectcoverforsellingillegaldrugs,actingasago-betweenforprostitutesand“Johns,”andavarietyofotherpettycrimesandmisdemeanors.38

Insomerespects,hisinitialintroductiontothehustlingsocietyilluminedthe

powerofthetricksterfigureorthesignifyingmonkey,whosesuccessdependednotonlyoncunningandwiles,butonknowingwhatandhowthepowerfulthought.YettheverysubculturewhichdrewMalcolmtothehustlingworldinthefirstplacecreatedenormoustension,ashetriedtonavigatebetweenSamboandmilitant,imageandreality.Afterall,oneofthecentralattractionsofthezootsuiterswastheircollectiverefusaltobesubservient.AsMalcolmgrewincreasinglywaryofdeferential,obsequiousbehaviorasahustlingstrategy,hebecame,inhiswords,an“uncouth,wildyoungNegro.Profanityhadbecomemylanguage.”Hecursedcustomers,tookdrugswithgreaterfrequency,cametoworkhigh,andcoppedanattitudewhichevenhisco-workersfoundunbecoming.Bythewar’send,burglarybecameanavenuethroughwhichhecouldescapethemaskofpettyhustling,thegrinningandTommingsonecessarytocovercertainkindsofillicitactivities.Althoughburglarywasnolessdifficultandfarmoredangerousthanpullingon-the-jobhustles,hechosethetime,place,andfrequencyofhiscapers,hadnobossesorforementocontendwith,anddidnothavetosubmittotimeclocksandindustrialdiscipline.Furthermore,theftimpliedarefusaltorecognizethesanctityofprivateproperty.

Malcolm’sincreasinglyactiveoppositiontowagelaboranddependenceupontheilliciteconomy“schooled”himtoadegreeinhowcapitalismworked.Heknewthesystemwellenoughtofindwaystocarveoutmoreleisuretimeandautonomy.Butatthesametimeitledtoaphysicallydeleteriouslifestyle,reinforcedhisbrutalexploitationofwomen,andensuredhisdownwarddescentandsubsequentprisonsentence.Nevertheless,Malcolm’sengagementwiththeilliciteconomyofferedimportantlessonsthatultimatelyshapedhislaterpoliticalperspectives.Unlikenearlyallofhiscontemporariesduringthe1960s,hewasfondofcomparingcapitalismwithorganizedcrimeandrefusedtocharacterizelootingbyblackworkingpeopleascriminalacts—lessonsheclearlydidnotlearnintheNationofIslam.Justfivedaysbeforehisassassination,herailedagainstthemainstreampress’scoverageofthe1964Harlemriotfordepicting“theriotersashoodlums,criminals,thieves,becausetheywereabductingsomeproperty.”Indeed,Malcolminsistedthatdominantnotionsofcriminalityandprivatepropertyonlyobscuretherealnatureofsocialrelations:“Insteadofthesociologistsanalyzingitasitactuallyis…againtheycoveruptherealissue,andtheyusethepresstomakeitappearthatthesepeoplearethieves,hoodlums.No!Theyarethevictimsoforganizedthievery.”39

“InaBlueHazeofInspiration,IReachtheTotalityofBeing”

Recallinghisappearanceasateenagerinthe1940s,Malcolmdismissivelyobserved,“Iwasreallyaclown,butmyignorancemademethinkIwas‘sharp.’”Forgettingforthemomenttheintegrationistdilemmasoftheblackbourgeoisie,Malcolmcouldreflect:

Idon’tknowwhichkindofself-defacingconkisthegreatershame—theoneyou’llseeontheheadsoftheblackso-called“middleclass”and“upperclass,”whooughttoknowbetter,ortheoneyou’llseeontheheadsofthepoorest,mostdowntrodden,ignorantblackmen.Imeanthelegal-minimum-wageghetto-dwellingkindofNegro,asIwaswhenIgotmyfirstone.40

DespiteMalcolm’ssincereeffortstograpplewiththemeaning(s)of“ghetto”subculture,tocomprehendthelogicbehindtheconk,thereatpleat,andthelindyhop,heultimatelyfailedtosolveRalphEllison’sriddle.Insomewaysthisissurprising,forwhoisbettersuitedtosolvetheriddlethanaformerzootsuiterwhorosetobecomeoneofAmerica’smostinsightfulsocialcriticsofthecentury?

Whenitcametothinkingaboutthesignificanceofhisownlife,theastutecritictendedtoreduceapanoplyofdiscursivepracticesandculturalformstodichotomouscategories—militancyversusself-degradation,consciousnessversusunconsciousness.Thesortofnarrow,rigidcriteriaMalcolmusedtojudgethepoliticalmeaningofhislifelefthimill-equippedtocapturethesignificanceofhisyouthfulstrugglestocarveoutmoretimeforleisureandpleasure,freehimselffromalienatingwagelabor,surviveandtranscendtheracialandeconomicboundariesheconfrontedineverydaylife.Instead,“DetroitRed”inMalcolm’snarrativeisalostsouldevoidofanidentity,numbedtothebeautyandcomplexityoflivedexperience,unabletoseebeyondthedominantculturehemimics.

ThisisnotatalltosuggestthatMalcolm’snarrativeispurposelymisleading.Onthecontrary,preciselybecausehislifeasapimp,prostitute,exploiter,addict,pusher,andall-purposecrookloomedsolargeinhismemoryofthe1940s,thethoughtofrecuperatingtheoppositionalmeaningsembeddedintheexpressiveblackyouthculturesofhiseraprobablynevercrossedhismind.Indeed,asadevoutMuslimrecallinganillicit,sinfulpast,hewasprobablymoreconcernedwitherasinghishustlingyearsthanreconstructingthem.Asbellhookssurmises,Malcolm’sdecisiontoremaincelibatefortwelveyearsprobablystemsfromadesireto“suppressanddenythoseearlieryearsofhedonisticsexualpractice,the

memoryofwhichclearlyevokedshameandguilt.CelibacyalongsiderigidstandardsforsexualbehaviormayhavebeenMalcolm’swayoferasingalltraceofthatsexualpast.”41

Intheend,Malcolmdidnotneedtounderstandwhatthezootsuit,bebop,lindy,orevenhustlingsignifiedforblackworking-classpoliticsduringthewar.Yethishipsterpastcontinuedtofollowhim,evenasheridiculedhisknob-toedshoesandconkedhair.Hissimplebutcolorfulspeakingstylereliedonanarsenalofwords,gestures,andmetaphorsdrawninpartfromhisstreetcornerdays.Andwhenhelampoonedtheblackbourgeoisiebeforeblackworking-classaudiences,hemightaswellhavedonnedanimaginaryzootsuit,forhispositionhadnotchangeddramaticallysincehefirstgrewwaryofthe“HillNegroes”andbeganhangingoutinRoxbury’sghettoinsearchof“Negroeswhowerebeingtheirnaturalselvesandnotputtingonairs.”42There,amongthefolkstoday’schildgangstasmighthavecalled“realniggaz,”fifteen-year-oldMalcolmLittlefoundtheuniform,thelanguage,theculturewhichenabledhimtoexpressaspecificconstellationofclass,racial,generational,andgenderedidentities.

WhatMalcolm’snarrativeshowsus(unintentionally,atleast)isthecapacityofculturalpolitics,particularlyforAfricanAmericanurbanworking-classyouth,tobothcontestdominantmeaningsascribedtotheirexperiencesandseizespacesforleisure,pleasure,andrecuperation.Intellectualsandpoliticalleaderswhocontinuetoseeempowermentsolelyintermsof“black”controloverpoliticalandeconomicinstitutions,orwhobelittleorignoreclassdistinctionswithinblackcommunities,orwhoinsistontryingtofindwaystoquantifyoppression,needtoconfrontEllison’sriddleofthezootsuit.OncewesituateMalcolmLittle’steenageyearssquarelywithinthecontextofwartimeculturalpolitics,itishardtoignorethesenseofempowermentandevenfreedomthousandsofblackyouthdiscoveredwhentheysteppedontothedancefloorattheSavoyorRoselandballrooms,orthepleasureyoungworking-classblackmenexperiencedwhentheywere“toggedtothebricks”intheirwildzootsuits,strollingdowntheavenue“doin’thestreetsupbrown.”

Whateveracademiciansandself-stylednationalistintellectualsmightthinkaboutMalcolmLittle’steenageyears,theyouthtoday,particularlythehiphopcommunity,arereluctanttoseparatethehipsterfromtheminister.Consider,forexample,W.C.andtheMAADCircle’ssamplingofMalcolm’svoicetoopentheirlyricalrecastingofthepoliticaleconomyofcrime,“IfYouDon’tWork,UDon’tEat,”inwhichLosAngelesrapperCoolioasserts,“Ahustleisahustle,

andamealisameal/that’swhyI’mreal,andIain’tafraidtosteal.”OrconsiderGangstarr’svideo,“Manifest,”inwhichtheleadrapper,“Guru,”shiftseasilybetweenplayingMalcolm—suit,rimmedglasses,andall—rappingbehindapodiumbeforeamosquefulloffollowers,torollin’withhishomeboys,physicallyoccupyinganabandoned,deterioratingbuildingwhichcouldhaveeasilybeenadecayingRoselandBallroom.Notcoincidentally,beneathhisunderstatedtenorvoiceswitchingbackandforthbetweensexualboastingandracialpolitics,onehearsthebasslinefromDizzyGillespie’sbebopclassic,“ANightinTunisia.”Throughanuncannyselectionofmusic,aneclecticmixoflyrics,andavisualjuxtaposingofyoungblackmen“hangingout”againstMalcolmtheminister,GuruandD.J.PremierareabletoinvoketwoMalcolms,bothoperatingindifferentsocialspacesbutsharingthesametime—or,rather,timelessness.WhilesomemightfindthiscollapsingofMalcolm’slifepoliticallyandintellectuallydisingenuous,itdoesofferavehicleforblack(male)youthtofurthernegotiatebetweencultureaspoliticsandcultureaspleasure.

But“collapsing”thedivisionsMalcolmerectedtoseparatehisenlightenedyearsfromhispreprison“ignorance”alsocompelsustoseehimastheproductofatotalityoflivedexperiences.AsIhavetriedtosuggest,aspectsofMalcolm’spoliticsmustbesoughtintheriddleofthezootsuit,inthestylepoliticsofthe1940swhichhehimselflaterdismissedasstupidityandself-degradation.Thisrealizationiscrucialforourownunderstandingofthecurrentcrisisofblackworking-classyouthinurbanAmerica.Forifwelookdeepintotheintersticesofthepostindustrialcity,weareboundtofindmillionsofMalcolmLittles,maleandfemale,whosesociallocationshaveallowedthemtodemystifyaspectsofthehegemonicideologywhilereinforcingtheirtiestoit.ButtounderstandtheelusiveculturalpoliticsofcontemporaryblackurbanAmericarequiresthatwereturntoEllison’sriddleposedahalfcenturyagoandsearchformeaninginthelanguage,dress,music,anddancestylesrisingoutoftoday’sghettos,aswellasthesocialandeconomiccontextinwhichstylesarecreated,contested,andreaccented.Onceweabandondecontextualizedlabelslike“nihilism”or“outlawculture”wemightdiscoveralotmoreMalcolmX’s—indeed,moreElHajjMalikElShabazz’s—hidingbeneathhoodsandbaggypants,Dolphinearringsandheavylipstick,Raiders’capsandbikershorts,thanwemighthaveeverimagined.

Chapter8Kickin’Reality,Kickin’Ballistics

“GangstaRap”andPostindustrialLosAngeles

Inwaysthatwedonoteasilyorwillinglydefine,thegangsterspeaksforus,expressingthatpartoftheAmericanpsychewhichrejectsthequalitiesandthedemandsofmodemlife,whichrejects“Americanism”itself.

—ROBERTWARSHOW,“TheGangsterasaTragicHero”1

Oppressedpeoplescannotavoidadmiringtheirownnihilists,whoaretheonesdramaticallysaving“No!”andremindingothersthatthereareworsethingsthandeath.

—EUGENEGENOVESE,Roll,Jordan,Roll2

foreWORD:SouthCentralLosAngeles,April29,1992

Believeitornot,IbeganworkingonthischapterwelloverayearbeforetheLosAngelesRebellionof1992,andatleasttwoorthreemonthsbeforeRodneyKingwasturnedintoamartyrbyseveralpoliceofficersandavideocamera.3Ofcourse,therebellionbothenrichedandcomplicatedmyeffortstomakesenseofgangstarapinlatetwentieth-centuryLosAngeles.WestCoastgangsta-flavoredhiphop—especiallyinitsformativestage—was,insomeways,aforebodingoftheinsurrection.Theprevioustwoyearsof“research”Ispentrocking,bopping,andwincingtogangstanarrativesofeverydaylifewere(ifImaysampleMikeDavis)verymuchlike“excavatingthefutureinLosAngeles.”IceT,trulythe“OG”(OriginalGangster)ofL.A.gangstarap,summeditupbestinarecentRollingStoneinterview:

WhenrapcameoutofL.A.,whatyouheardinitiallywasmyvoiceyellingaboutSouthCentral.Peoplethought,“Thatshit’scrazy,”andignoredit.ThenNWA[therapgroupNiggasWithAttitude]cameandyelled,IceCubeyelledaboutit.Peoplesaid,“Oh,that’sjustkidsmakingabuck.”Theydidn’trealizehowmanyniggaswithattitudethereareoutonthestreet.Nowyouseethem.4

Indeed,thoughthemediabelievesthattheriotsbeganwiththeshockofthebeatingofRodneyKing,neitherthehiphopcommunitynorresidentsofSouthCentralLosAngeleswerereallysurprisedbythevideotape.CountlessnumbersofblackAngelenoshadexperiencedorwitnessedthissortofterrorbefore.WhenL.A.rapperIceCubewasaskedabouttheKingincidentonMTV,herespondedsimply,“It’sbeenhappeningtousforyears.It’sjustwedidn’thaveacamcordereverytimeithappened.”(Subsequently,Cuberecorded“WhoGottheCamera,”ahilarioustrackinwhichheasksthepolicebrutalizinghimtohithimoncemoreinordertogettheeventonfilm.)5

FewblackAngelenoscouldforgetthe1979killingofEulaMaeLove,afive-feetfour-inch,thirty-nine-year-oldwidowwhowasshotadozentimesbytwoLAPDofficers.Policewerecalledaftershetriedtostopagasmaintenancemanfromturningoffhergas.Whentheyarrivedshewasarmedwithakitchenknife,buttheonlythingshestabbedwasatreeinheryard.NorcouldanyoneignorethefifteendeathscausedbyLAPDchokeholdsintheearlyeighties,orChiefDarrylGates’sinfamousexplanation:“Wemaybefindingthatinsomeblackswhen[thechokehold]isappliedtheveinsorarteriesdonotopenupasfastastheydoonnormalpeople.”Andthentherewerethenumerouslesser-knownincidentsforwhichnoofficerswerepunished.VirtuallyeverySouthCentralresidenthasexperiencedroutinestops,ifnotoutrightharassment,andthousandsofAfricanAmericanandLatinoyouthhavehadtheirnamesandaddressesloggedintheLAPDantigangtaskforcedatabase—ironically,calleda“rapsheet”—whethertheyweregangmembersornot.6

TheL.A.rebellionmerelyunderscoresthefactthatagooddealofgangstarapis(asidefromoftenveryfunkymusictodriveto)awindowinto,andcritiqueof,thecriminalizationofblackyouth.Ofcourse,thisisnotuniquetogangstarap;allkindsof“B-boys”and“B-girls”—rappers,graffitiartists,breakdancers—havebeendealingwithandchallengingpolicerepression,themedia’scriminalizationofinner-cityyouths,andthe“just-us”systemfromtheget-go.Liketheeconomyandthecityitself,thecriminaljusticesystemchangedjustwhenhiphopwasborn.Prisonswerenolongerjustplacestodiscipline;they

becamedumpinggroundstocorralbodieslabeledamenacetosociety.Policinginthelatetwentiethcenturywasdesignednottostoporreducecrimeininner-citycommunitiesbuttomanageit.7Economicrestructuringresultinginmassiveunemploymenthascreatedcriminalsoutofblackyouth,whichiswhatgangstarappersacknowledge.Butratherthanapologizeorpreach,mostattempttorationalizeandexplain.Virtuallyallgangstarapperswritelyricsattackinglawenforcementagencies,theirdenialofunfetteredaccesstopublicspace,andthemedia’scomplicityinequatingblackyouthwithcriminals.Yet,therappers’ownstereotypesoftheghettoas“warzone”andtheblackyouthas“criminal,”aswellastheiradolescentexpressionsofmasculinityandsexuality,inturnstructureandconstraintheireffortstocreateacounternarrativeoflifeintheinnercity.

Indeed,itsmasculinistemphasisandpimp-inspiredvitrioltowardwomenarecentraltogangstarap.Whileitsmisogynisticnarrativesarenotsupposedtobedescriptionsofeverydayreality,theyareoffensiveandchillingnonetheless.Ofcourse,itcanbearguedthatmuchofthisadolescentmisogynyischaracteristicofmostmaleyouthcultures,sincemalestatusisdennedinpartthroughheterosexualconquestanddominationoverwomen.Partofwhatdistinguishesgangstarapfrom“lockerroom”braggadocioisthatitiscirculatedoncompactdiscs,digitaltapes,andradioairwaves.Butthestoryissomuchmorecomplicatedthanthis.Inordertomakesenseofthepervasivenessandappealofthegenre’smisogyny,Ialsoexplorethetraditionsofsexisminblackvernacularcultureaswellasthespecificsocioeconomicconditionsinwhichyoung,urbanAfricanAmericanmalesmustnegotiatetheirmasculineidentities.

Lestwegettoosociologicalhere,wemustbearinmindthathiphop,irrespectiveofitsparticular“flavor,”ismusic.Fewdoubtithasamessage,whethertheyinterpretitasstraight-upnihilismorthewordsof“primitiverebels.”Notmanypayattentiontorapasart—themusicalartof,forexample,mixing“breakbeats”(thepartofasongwherethedrums,bass,orguitarareisolatedandextendedviatwoturntablesorelectronicmixers);theverbalartofappropriatingold-school“hustler’stoasts”;ortheartsimplytryingtobefunny.Althoughwhatfollowsadmittedlyemphasizeslyrics,italsotriestodealwithform,style,andaesthetics.AsTriciaRoseputsit,“Withouthistoricalcontextualization,aestheticsarenaturalized,andcertainculturalpracticesaremadetoappearessentialtoagivengroupofpeople.Ontheotherhand,withoutaestheticconsiderations,Blackculturalpracticesarereducedtoextensionsofsociohistoricalcircumstances.”8

HeedingRose’scallforamoremultilayeredinterpretationofculturalformsthattakesaccountofcontextandaesthetics,politicsandpleasure,Iwillexplorethepoliticsofgangstarap—itslyrics,music,styles,roots,contradictions,andconsistencies—andtheplacewhereitseemstohavemaintaineditsdeepestroots:LosAngelesanditsblackenvirons.Todothisrightweneedahistoricalperspective.Weneedtogoback…wayback,tothedayzoftheO[riginal]G[angster]s.This,then,isataleofveryrecentandslightlylessrecenturbanracerebels,atalethatcannotbetotallyseparatedfromblackworkers’sabotageintheJimCrowSouthoryoungblackpassengers’“actingup”onstreetcarsinwartimeBirmingham.Still,thesemorerecenttalesofrebellion,whichhighlighttheproblemsofgangstarappersagainstabackgroundofracial“progress,”revealthattheblackworkingclassofthelatetwentieth-centurycityfacesafundamentallydifferentreality—thepostindustrialcity.

OGsinPostindustrialLosAngeles:EvolutionofaStyle

L.A.mightbetheself-proclaimedhomeofgangstarap,butblackAngelenosdidn’tputthegangstaintohiphop.GangstalyricsandstylewerepartofthewholehiphopscenefromitsoriginsintheSouthBronxduringthemid-1970s.InCharlieAhearn’sclassic1982filmWildStyleabouttheearlyhiphopsceneinNewYork,therapduoDoubleTroublesteppedonstagedeckedoutinwhite“pimp-style”suits,matchinghats,andgunsgalore.Othersinthefilmare“strapped”(armed)aswell,wavingrealgunsaspartoftheact.Thesceneseemssocontemporary,andyetitwasshotoveradecadebeforethemediapaidattentiontosuchrapsongsasOnyx’s“ThrowYaGunsintheAir.”9

Buttofindtherootsofgangstarap’sviolentimages,explicitlanguage,andoutrightirreverence,weneedtogobackevenfurther.BackbeforeLightin’Rod(akaJalalUridinoftheLastPoets)performedtoasts(narrativepoetryfromtheblackoraltradition)overlivemusiconapopularalbumcalledHustlers’Conventionin1973;beforeLloydPricerecordedtheclassicblackbaaadmannarrative,“StaggerLee,”in1958;evenbeforeScreamin’JayHawkinsrecordedhisexplicitlysexualcomedy“rap”“AlligatorWine.”Indeed,in1938folkloristAlanLomaxrecordedJellyRollMortonperforminganumberofprofaneandviolentsongsoutoftheblackvernacular,including“TheMurderBallad”and“MakeMeaPalletontheFloor.”Morton’slyricsrivaltheworstoftoday’sgangstarappers:“Comehereyousweetbitch,givemethatpussy,letmegetinyourdrawers/I’mgonnamakeyouthinkyoufuckin’withSantaClaus.”Inotherwords,weneedtogobacktotheblues,tothebaaadmantalesofthelate

nineteenthcentury,andtotheage-oldtraditionof“signifying”ifwewanttodiscovertherootsofthe“gangsta”aestheticinhiphop.Irreverencehasbeenacentralcomponentofblackexpressivevernacularculture,whichiswhyviolenceandsexhavebeenasimportanttotoastingandsignifyingasplayfulnesswithlanguage.Manyofthesenarrativesareaboutpower.Boththebaaadmanandthetricksterembodyachallengetovirtuallyallauthority(whichmakessensetopeopleforwhomjusticeisararething),createsanimaginaryupside-downworldwheretheoppressedarethepowerful,anditrevealstolistenersthepleasuresandpriceofrecklessabandon.Andinaworldwheremalepublicpowerlessnessisoftenturnedinwardonwomenandchildren,misogynyandstoriesofsexualconflictareveryoldexamplesofthe“price”ofbeingbaaad.10

Nevertheless,whilegangstarap’srootsareveryold,itdoeshaveanidentifiablestyleofitsown,andinsomerespectsitisaparticularproductofthemid-1980s.TheinspirationforthespecificstylewenowcallgangstarapseemstohavecomefromPhiladelphia’sSchoolyD,whomadeSmokeSomeKill,andtheBronx-basedrapperKRS1andScottLaRockofBoogieDownProductions,whoreleasedCriminalMinded.Althoughbothalbumsappearedin1987,theserappershadbeendevelopinganEastCoastgangstastyleforsometime.IceT,whostartedoutwiththetechnopopwaveassociatedwithRadioandUncleJam’sArmy(recordinghisfirstsingle,“TheColdestRap,”in1981),movedgangstaraptotheWestCoastwhenherecorded“6intheMornin’”in1986.Lessthanayearlater,hereleasedhisdebutalbum,RhymePays.11

IceTwasnotonlythefirstWestCoastgangsta-stylerapperonwax,buthewashimselfanexperiencedOGwhosenarrativeswereoccasionallysemi-autobiographicalordrawnfromthingshehadwitnessedorheardonthestreet.AnativeofNewJerseywhomovedtoLosAngelesasachild,“T”(TracyMarrow)joinedagangwhileatCrenshawHighSchoolandbeganaveryshortcareerasacriminal.HeeventuallygraduatedfromCrenshaw,attendedajuniorcollege,and,withpracticallynojobprospects,turnedtothearmedservices.Afterfouryearsintheservice,hepursuedhishighschooldreamtobecomearapperandstarredinadocumentaryfilmcalled“BreakingandEntering,”whichcapturedtheWestCoastbreakdancescene.WhenHollywoodmadeafictionalizedversionofthefilmcalled“Breakin’,”IceTalsomadeanappearance.AlthoughIceT’searlylyricsrangedfromhumorousboastsandtalesofcrimeandviolencetooutrightmisogyny,theywereclearlyasmuchfactasfiction.In“SqueezetheTrigger”heleadsoffwithabriefautobiographical,compositesketchofhisgangstabackground,insistingallalongthatheismerelyaproductofacallous,

brutalsociety.12

EvenbeforeRhymePayshittherecordstores(thoughbannedontheradiobecauseofitsexplicitlyrics),anundergroundhiphopcommunitywasforminginCompton,apredominantlyblackandLatinocitysouthofLosAngeles,thatwouldplayapivotalroleintheearlyhistoryofgangstarap.AmongtheparticipantswasEricWright—betterknownasEazyE—whosubsequentlylaunchedanindependentlabelknownasRuthlessRecords.HeeventuallyteamedupwithDr.DreandYella,bothofwhomhadlefttherapgroupWorldClassWreckinCru,andIceCube,whowasformerlyamemberofagroupcalledTheCIA.TogethertheyformedNiggasWithAttitudeandmovedgangstaraptoanotherlevel.Between1987and1988,Ruthlessproducedastringofrecords,beginningwiththeirtwelve-inchNWAandthePosse,EazyE’ssoloalbum,EazyDuzIt,andthealbumwhichputNWAonthemap,StraightOuttaCompton.13Dr.Dre’sbrillianceasaproducer—hisintroductionofhard,menacingbeats,sparsedrumtracks,andheavybasswithslowertempos—-andIceCube’sgeniusasalyricist,madeNWAoneofthemostcompellinggroupsonthehiphopsceneinyears.

AdistinctiveWestCoaststyleofgangstarap,knownforitsrichdescriptivestorytellinglaidoverheavyfunksamples14fromthelikesofGeorgeClintonandthewholeParliament-Funkadelicfamily,SlyStone,RickJames,OhioPlayers,AverageWhiteBand,Cameo,Zappand,ofcourse,theGodfatherhimself—JamesBrown—evolvedandproliferatedrapidlysoonaftertheappearanceofIceTandNWA.ThefrequentuseofParliament-Funkadelicsamplesledonecritictodubthemusic“G-Funk(gangstaattitudeoverP-Funkbeats).”15Withinthreeyears,dozensofLosAngeles-basedgroupscameontothescene,manyproducedbyeitherEazyE’sRuthlessRecords,IceTandAfrikaIslam’sRhymeSyndicateProductions,IceCube’spost-NWAproject,StreetKnowledgeProductions,orDr.Dre’sDeathrowRecords.ThelistofWestCoastgangstarappersincludesAbovetheLaw,MobStyle,Compton’sMostWanted,KingTee,TheRhymeSyndicate,SnoopDoggyDogg,(Ladyof)Rage,PoisonClan,CapitalPunishmentOrganization(CPO),thepredominantlySamoanBoo-YaaTribe,theDOC,DJQuick,AMG,Hi-C,LowProfile,NuNiggazontheBlock,SouthCentralCartel,ComptonCartel,2ndIINone,W.C.andtheMAAD(MinorityAllianceofAnti-Discrimination)Circle,CypressHill,andChicanorapperslikeKidFrostandProperDos.

Althoughtheysharedmuchwiththelargerhiphopcommunity,gangstarappers

drewbothpraiseandirefromtheircolleagues.Indeed,gangstaraphasgeneratedmoredebatebothwithinandwithoutthehiphopworldthananyothergenre.16Unfortunately,muchofthisdebate,especiallyinthemedia,hasonlydisseminatedmisinformation.Thus,itisimportanttoclarifywhatgangstarapisnot.First,gangstarappershavenevermerelycelebratedgangviolence,norhavetheytakenapartisanpositioninfavorofonegangoveranother.Gangbangin’(gangparticipation)itselfhasneverevenbeenacentralthemeinthemusic.Manyoftheviolentlyricsarenotintendedtobeliteral.Rather,theyareboastingrapsinwhichtheimageryofgangbangin’isusedmetaphoricallytochallengecompetitorsonthemicrophone—anelementcommontoallhard-corehiphop.ThemicbecomesaTech-9orAK-47,imagineddrive-bysoccurfromthestage,flowinglyricsbecomehollow-pointshells.ClassicexamplesareIceCube’s“Jackin’forBeats,”ahumoroussongthatdescribessamplingotherartistsandproducersasoutrightarmedrobbery,andIceT’s“PulseoftheRhyme”or“GrandLarceny”(whichbragsaboutstealingashow),CapitalPunishmentOrganization’saptlytitledwarningtootherperpetratingrappers,“Homicide,”NWA’s“RealNiggaz,”Dr.Dre’s“LyricalGangbang,”IceCube’s,“NowIGottaWet’cha,”Compton’sMostWanted’s“Wanted”and“StraightCheckN’Em.”Sometimes,asinthecaseofIceT’s“I’mYourPusher,”anantidrugsongthatboastsofpushing“dopebeatsandlyrics/nobeepersneeded,”gangstaraplyricshavebeenmisinterpretedbyjournalistsandtalkshowhostsasadvocatingcriminalityandviolence.17

Thisisnottosaythatalldescriptionsofviolencearesimplymetaphors.Exaggeratedandinventedboastsofcriminalactsshouldsometimesberegardedaspartofalargersetofsignifyingpractices.PerformanceslikeTheRhymeSyndicate’s“MyWordIsBond”orJ.D.’sstorytellingbetweensongsonIceCube’sAmeriKKKa’sMostWantedaresupposedtobehumorousand,toacertainextent,unbelievable.Growingoutofamucholdersetofculturalpractices,thesemasculinistnarrativesareessentiallyverbalduelsoverwhoisthe“baddestmotherfuckeraround.”Theyarenotmeantasliteraldescriptionsofviolenceandaggression,butconnotetheplayfuluseoflanguageitself.SowhenJ.D.boastsabouthowheusedto“jackthemmotherfuckersforthemNissantrucks,”thestoryislessaboutstealingpersethanaboutthewayinwhichhedescribeshisbodaciousness.18

Whengangstarappersdowritelyricsintendedtoconveyasenseofsocialrealism,theirworklooselyresemblesasortofstreetethnographyofracistinstitutionsandsocialpractices,buttoldmoreoftenthannotinthefirstperson.

Whethergangstarappersstepintothecharacterofagangbanger,hustler,orordinaryworkingperson—thatis,productsandresidentsofthe“’hood”—theimportantthingtorememberisthattheyaresteppingintocharacter;itisfordescriptivepurposesratherthanadvocacy.Insomeways,thesedescriptivenarratives,undertheguiseofobjective“streetjournalism,”arenolesspolemical(hencepolitical)thannineteenth-centuryslavenarrativesindefenseofabolition.WhenIceCubewasstillwithNWAheexplained,“Wecallourselvesundergroundstreetreporters.Wejusttellithowweseeit,nothingmore,nothingless.”19

Itwouldbenaivetoclaimthatdescriptivelyrics,asanechoofthecity,donot,inturn,magnifywhattheydescribe—buttosaysoisafarcryfromclaimingthatthepurposeofrapistoadvocateviolence.And,ofcourse,rappers’realityishardly“objective”inthesenseofbeingdetached;theirstandpointisthatoftheghettodweller,thecriminal,thevictimofpolicerepression,theteenagefather,thecrackslanger,thegangbanger,andthefemaledominator.Muchliketheold“baaadman”narrativesthathaveplayedanimportantroleinblackvernacularfolklore,thecharacterstheycreate,atfirstglance,appeartobeapoliticalindividualsonlyoutforthemselves;andliketheprotagonistinMelvinVanPeebles’scinematicclassic,SweetSweetback’sBaaadassSong,theyarereluctanttotrustanyone.Itishardnottomisstheinfluencesofurbantoastsand“pimpnarratives,”whichbecamepopularduringthelate1960sandearly1970s.Inmanyinstancesthecharactersarealmostidentical,andonoccasionrapartistspaytributetoblackvernacularoralpoetrybylyrically“sampling”theseearlypimpnarratives.20

Forotherconsumersofgangstarap,suchasmiddle-classwhitemales,thegenreunintentionallyservesthesameroleasblaxploitationfilmsofthe1970sor,forthatmatter,gangsterfilmsofanygeneration.Itattractslistenersforwhomthe“ghetto”isaplaceofadventure,unbridledviolence,eroticfantasy,and/oranimaginaryalternativetosuburbanboredom.WhitemusiccriticJohnLelandoncepraisedNWAbecausethey“dealtinevilasfantasy:killingcops,smokinghos,fillingquietnightswithaflurryofsenselessbuckshot.”ThiskindofvoyeurismpartlyexplainsNWAshugewhitefollowingandwhytheiralbum,Efil4zaggin,shottothetopofthechartsassoonasitwasreleased.Asonecriticputit,“Inreality,NWAhavemoreincommonwithaCharlesBronsonmoviethanaPBSdocumentaryontheplightoftheinner-cities.”Andwhyshoulditbeotherwise?Afterall,NWAmembershaveevenadmittedthatsomeoftheirrecentsongswerenotrepresentationsofreality“inthehood”butinspiredbypopularfilms

likeInnocentManstarringTomSelleckandTangoandCashstarringSylvesterStalloneandKurtRussell.21

WhileI’mfullyawarethatsomerappersaremerely“studiogangstas,”andthattheprimarypurposeofthismusicistoproduce“funkydoperhymes”forourlisteningpleasure,wecannotignorethefactthatWestCoastgangstaraporiginatedin,andcontinuestomaintaintiesto,thestreetsofL.A.’sblackworking-classcommunities.Thegenerationthatcameofageinthe1980swastheproductofdevastatingstructuralchangesintheurbaneconomythatdatebackatleasttothelate1960s.Whilethecityasawholeexperiencedunprecedentedgrowth,thecommunitiesofWattsandComptonfacedincreasedeconomicdisplacement,factoryclosures,andanunprecedenteddeepeningofpoverty.TheunevendevelopmentofL.A.’spostindustrialeconomymeantanexpansionofhigh-techfirmslikeAerospaceandLockheed,andthedisappearanceofrubberandsteelmanufacturingfirms,manyofwhichwerelocatedinornearComptonandWatts.Deindustrialization,inotherwords,ledtotheestablishmentofhigh-techfirmsinlesspopulatedregionslikeSiliconValleyandOrangeCounty.Developersandlocalgovernmentshelpedthesuburbanizationprocesswhilesimultaneouslycuttingbackexpendituresforparks,recreation,andaffordablehousingininner-citycommunities.Thussince1980economicconditionsinWattsdeterioratedonagreaterscalethaninanyotherL.A.community,andbysomeestimatesWattsisinworseshapenowthanin1965.A1982reportfromtheCaliforniaLegislaturerevealedthatSouthCentralneighborhoodsexperienceda50percentriseinunemploymentwhilepurchasingpowerdroppedbyone-third.ThemedianincomeforSouthCentralL.A.’sresidentswasapaltry$5,900—$2,500belowthemedianincomefortheblackpopulationafewyearsearlier.

Youthwerethehardesthit.ForallofLosAngelesCounty,theunemploymentrateofblackyouthremainedatabout45percent,butinareaswithconcentratedpovertytheratewasevenhigher.AsthecompositionofL.A.’surbanpoorbecomesincreasinglyyounger,programsforinner-cityyoutharebeingwipedoutatanalarmingrate.BoththeNeighborhoodYouthCorpsandtheComprehensiveEmploymentandTrainingAct(CETA)havebeendismantled,andtheJobsCorpsandLosAngelesSummerJobProgramhavebeencutbacksubstantially.22

Thus,ontheeveofcrackcocaine’sarrivalontheurbanlandscape,thedeclineinemploymentopportunitiesandgrowingimmizerationofblackyouthinL.A.led

toasubstantialriseinpropertycrimescommittedbyjuvenilesandyoungadults.EvenNWArecallstheprecrackilliciteconomyinasongtitled“TheDayzofWayback,”inwhichDr.DreandM.C.Renwaxnostalgicabouttheearlytomid-1980s,whencriminalactivityconsistedprimarilyofsmall-timemuggingsandrobberies.23Becauseofitsunusuallyhighcrimerate,L.A.hadbythattimegainedthedubiousdistinctionofhavingthelargesturbanprisonpopulationinthecountry.Whenthecrackeconomymadeitspresencefeltininner-cityblackcommunities,violenceintensifiedasvariousgangsandgroupsofpeddlersbattledforcontrolovermarkets.Inspiteoftheviolenceandfinancialvulnerabilitythatwentalongwithpeddlingcrack,formanyblackyoungstersitwasthemostviableeconomicoption.24

Whiletheriseincrimeandtheascendanceofthecrackeconomymighthaveputmoneyintosomepeople’spockets,forthemajorityitmeantgreaterpolicerepression.Watts,Compton,NorthwestPasadena,Carson,NorthLongBeach,andseveralotherblackworking-classcommunitieswereturnedintowarzonesduringthemid-tolate1980s.Policehelicopters,complexelectronicsurveillance,evensmalltanksarmedwithbatteringramsbecamepartofthisincreasinglymilitarizedurbanlandscape.Duringthissameperiod,housingprojects,suchasImperialCourts,wererenovatedalongthelinesofminimumsecurityprisonsandequippedwithfortifiedfencingandanLAPDsubstation.ImperialCourtresidentswerenowrequiredtocarryidentitycardsandvisitorswereroutinelysearched.Aspopularmediacoverageoftheinnercityassociateddrugsandviolencewithblackyouth,youngAfricanAmericansbyvirtueofbeingresidentsinSouthCentralL.A.andComptonweresubjecttopoliceharassmentand,insomecases,fearedbyolderresidents.25

Alloftheseproblemsgeneratedpenetratingcritiquesbygangstarappers.M.C.Ren,forexample,blamed“thepeoplewhoareholdingthedollarsinthecity”fortheexpansionofgangviolenceandcrime,arguingthatifblackyouthhaddecentjobs,theywouldnotneedtoparticipateintheilliciteconomy.“It’stheirfaultsimplybecausetheyrefusedtoemployblackpeople.Howwouldyoufeelifyouwentforjobafterjobandeachtime,fornogoodreason,you’returneddown?”26IceTblamescapitalismentirely,whichhedefinesasmuchmorethanalienatingwagelabor;themarketplaceitselfaswellasavarietyofsocialinstitutionsareintendedtoexercisesocialcontroloverAfricanAmericans.“Capitalismsaysyoumusthaveanupperclass,amiddleclass,andalowerclass….Nowtheonlywaytoguaranteealowerclass,istokeepy’alluneducatedandashighas

possible.”27AccordingtoIceT,theghettois,atworst,theproductofdeliberatelyoppressivepolicies,atbest,theresultofracistneglect.Nowhereisthisclearerthaninhissong“EscapefromtheKillingFields,”whichusesthetitleofarecentfilmabouttheconflictinCambodiaasametaphorforthewarlikeconditionsintoday’sghettos.28

Gangstarappersconstructavarietyoffirst-personnarrativestoillustratehowsocialandeconomicrealitiesinlatecapitalistL.A.affectyoungblackmen.Althoughtheuseoffirst-personnarrativesisrootedinalongtraditionofblackaestheticpractices,29theuseof“I”tosignifybothpersonalandcollectiveexperiencesalsoenablesgangstarapperstonavigateacomplicatedcoursebetweenwhatsocialscientistscall“structure”and“agency.”Ingangstarapthereisalmostalwaysarelationshipbetweentheconditionsinwhichthesecharactersliveandthedecisionstheymake.Somegangstarappers—IceCubeinparticular—areespeciallybrilliantatshowinghow,ifImayparaphraseMarx,youngurbanblackmenmaketheirownhistorybutnotundercircumstancesoftheirownchoosing.

“BrokeNiggasMaketheBestCrooks”30

—MALCOLMX,“NotJustanAmericanProblem”31

Thepressisusedtomakethevictimlooklikethecriminalandmakethecriminallooklikethevictim.

Inanerawhenpopularmedia,conservativepolicyspecialists,andsomesocialscientistsareclaimingthattheincreaseinstreetcrimecanbeexplainedbysomepathologicalcultureofviolencebereftofthemoderatinginfluencesofablackmiddleclass(whoonlyrecentlyfledtothesuburbs),L.A.’sgangstarapperskeepreturningtotheideathatjoblessnessandcrimearedirectlyrelated.32ConsiderW.C.andtheMAADCircle’smanifestoontherootsofinner-citycrime.Itstitle,“IfYouDon’tWork,UDon’tEat,”appropriatesBobbyByrd’slate1960s’hitsongofthesametitle(it,too,issampled),andreplicatesaverypopularOldLeftadage.Describingthesonginarecentinterview,W.C.explainedthecontextinwhichitwasconceived:“I’vegottofeedafamily.BecauseIdon’thave[job]skillsIhavenoalternativebuttoturnthisway.Mylittlegirldon’ttakenoforananswer,mylittleboydon’ttakenoforananswer,mywoman’snotgoingtotakenoforananswer,soIgottagooutandmakemymoney.”33Inthesong,membersfromhisowncrewaswellasguestartists(M.C.EihtfromCompton’sMost

Wanted[CMW]andJ.D.fromIceCube’sposse,DaLenchMob)eachgivetheirownpersonalperspectiveonhowthey(ortheircharacter)becamecriminals.ForMAADCirclerapperCoolio,crimeisclearlyameansofsurvival,thoughheisfullycognizantthateachjobhepullsmightleadtodeathorincarceration.34M.C.Eiht(pronounced“eight”)ofCMWopenlydeclaresthatcrimeishiswayofresistingwagelabor(“Iain’tpunchin’aclock”),butadmitswithsomeremorsethathisvictimsareusuallyregularblackfolkinthehood.Unlessconditionschange,heinsists,neighborhoodcrimewillcontinuetobeawayoflife.35

IceCube’s“ABirdintheHand,”fromhiscontroversialalbumDeathCertificate,isaboutthemakingofayoungdrugpeddler.Inthisnarrative,Cubeplaysaworking-classblackmanjustoutofhighschoolwhocan’taffordcollegeandisconsistentlyturneddownformedium-wageservice-sectorjobs.Becauseheisalsoafathertryingtoprovidefinancialsupportforhisgirlfriendandtheirbaby,hedecidestotaketheonly“slave”(job)available—atMcDonald’s.Asthebasslineisthumpin’overwell-placedsamplesofscreamingbabiesinthebackground,IceCubelooksforanotherwayout.Itdoesnottakemuchreflectionforhimtorealizethatthedrugdealersaretheonlypeopleinhisneighborhoodmakingdecentmoney.Althoughhisimmediatematerialconditionsimprove,henowmustfaceconstanthoundingfrompoliceandthemassmedia:“Nowyouputthefedsagainstme/CauseIcouldn’tfollowtheplanofthepresidency/I’mnevergettin’loveagain/Butblacksaretoofuckin’broketobeRepublican.”Intheend,theblamefortherapidexpansionofcrackisplacedsquarelyontheBushadministration.“Sorry,butthisisouronlyroomtowalk/Causewedon’twanttodrugpush/Butabirdinthehand,isworthmorethanaBush.”36

ThecharactersingangstanarrativesdefyourattemptstodefinethemasRobinHoodsor“criminal-criminals.”37Theverysamevoiceswehear“jackin’”(robbing)otherbrothersandsistersoccasionallycallonmalegangsterstoturntheirtalentsagainstthestate.In“GetupoffthatFunk,”W.C.andtheMAADCircletakeasortofRobinHoodstand,declaringthattheirownagendaincludesjackin’thepowerfulanddistributingthewealth.Rappingoveraheavybassandtrapdrum,reminiscentofthehardcore“go-go”musiconehearsinthedarkersideofthenation’scapital,W.C.describestheMinorityAllianceofAnti-Discriminationasanorganizationintentonstealingfromtherichtogive“tothepoorfolksintheslums.”38

IceCubetakestheRobinHoodmetaphorastepfurther,callingforthe“ultimate

drive-by”tobeaimedattheU.S.government.Inarecentinterview,heevensuggestedthatgangbangers“areourwarriors….It’sjustthey’refightingthewronggang.”Thegangtheyoughttobefighting,hetellsus,is“thegovernmentoftheUnitedStates.”39“IWannaKillSam”onhisalbumDeathCertificateishisdeclarationofgangwarfareonAmerica.ItbeginswithCubeloadinguphis“gat”inanticipationoftakingouttheelusiveUncleSam.Followingabriefinterlude—afictionalpublicserviceannouncementonbehalfoftheArmedServices—CubegivesushisownversionofAmericanhistoryinwhichtheslavetrade,forcedlaborintheeraoffreedom,andarmyrecruitmentareallcollapsedintoasinglenarrativeofracistrepressionandexploitation.Hethenconnectsthe“pasts”tothepresent,suggestingthatwhilethesameoldracismstilllingers,thevictimsareunwillingtoacceptthetermsoforder.Insteadofretreatsandnonviolentprotests,therewillbestraightjackin’,gangstastyle.DaLenchMob’s“GuerrillasinthaMidst”takesitstitlefromaninfamousLAPDtermdescribingAfricanAmericansinthevicinity,whichitselfpunsonthepopularfilmsetinAfricatitledGorillasintheMist.ButforDaLenchMob,the“gorillas”areAmerica’snightmare,organizedandarmedgangstasreadyfortheBigPayback.40

Ofcourse,theideaofstreetgangsliketheCripsandBloodsbecomingarevolutionaryguerrillaarmyseemsludicrous,especiallygiventherolestreetgangshaveassumedasprotectorsoftheilliciteconomy.ConsiderthewordsofaChicanogangmemberfromLosAngeles:“Iactliketheydointhebigtime,nodifferent.Thereain’tnocorporationthatactswithmoralsandthatethicsshitandIain’tabouttoeither.Astheysay,ifit’sgoodforGeneralMotors,it’sgoodenoughforme.”41Hardlythestuffonewouldexpectfromaninner-cityrebel.Nevertheless,weneedtokeepinmindthatthehiphopgenerationconsumedmovieslikeTheSpookWhoSatbytheDoor,afilmversionofSamGreenlee’snovelaboutaformerblackCIAagentwhouseshistrainingtoturngangmembersintoarevolutionaryarmy.TheAutobiographyofMalcolmXconvincedunknownnumbersofkidsthatevensecond-rategangsterscanbecomepoliticalradicals.It’spossiblethatafewblackAngelenosabsorbedsomeOGoralhistoryaboutthegangrootsoftheBlackPantherParty.L.A.PantherleadersBunchyCarterandJohnHugginswereformermembersoftheSlausonsgang,andtheirfellowbanger,BrotherCrook(akaRonWilkins),foundedtheCommunityAlertPatroltochallengepolicebrutalityinthelate1960s.AndthepostrebellionroleofgangleadersindraftingandproposingthefirstviableplanofactiontorebuildSouthCentralLosAngelescannotbeoverlooked.Indeed,muchliketoday,boththepresenceoftheNationofIslamandtheriseinpolicebrutalityplayedpivotal

rolesinpoliticizingindividualgangmembers.42

Bytreatingcrimeasamodeofsurvivalandasaformofrebellion,gangstarapperspartlyservetoidealizecriminalactivity.However,theyalsousethesamenarrativestrategies—theuseoffirst-personautobiographicalaccountsortheostensiblymoreobjective“streetjournalism”—tocriticizeinner-citycrimeandviolence.SongslikeIceT’s“Pain,”“6intheMornin,’”“Colors,”“NewJackHustler,”and“HighRollers”;IceCube’s“DeadHomiez”and“ColorBlind”;NWAs“AlwayzintoSomethin’”;CypressHill’s“HandonthePump”and“HoleintheHead”;andthegangstagroupsthatparticipatedinmaking“We’reAllintheSameGang”expressclearmessagesthatgangbangingandjackin’foralivingusuallyendsindeathorincarceration—thatis,ifyou’recaught.43CPO’s“TheWall”(aswellas“TheMovement,”andsectionsfrom“GangstaMelody”),performedbytheirquick-tonguedleadlyricistLilNation,railagainstdrive-byshootings,therisingrateofblack-on-blackhomicide,andbrotherswhotrytoescaperealityby“Colddrinkin’8-ball.”LilNationevenbreakswiththemajorityofhisfellowgangstarappersbyannouncingthatblackyouthtodayneedmorereligion,abettersetofvalues,andaradicalsocialmovement.44

Mostgangstarappers,however,arenotsoquicktocriticizeviolence,arguingthatitisthewayofthestreet.ThisreticenceiscertainlyevidentinIceCube’sadvicethat“ifyouisorain’tagangbanger/keeponeinthechamber”aswellashistongue-in-cheekcalltoreplaceguarddogswithguns(“AMan’sBestFriend”).Evenhisantigangsong,“ColorBlind,”impliesthatinner-cityresidentsshouldbearmedandreadyintheeventofashoot-outorattemptedrobbery.Likewise,MAADCirclerappersCoolioandW.C.emphasizetheneedforprotection.Althoughtheybothagreethatgangbangingwillultimatelyleadtodeathorprison,theyalsorealizethat“rollingwithacrew”servesthesamepurposeascarryingagun.AsCooliopointsout,“TheysayontheradioandTVthatyouhaveachoice,butit’sbullshit.Ifyou’regettingyourasswhippedeveryday,you’vegottohavesomeprotection.”45

Thegenderingofcrimealsohelpsexplainwhygangstarappersarereluctanttodenounceviolence,whythecriminalsintheirnarrativesarealmostalwaysmen,andwhy,inpart,violenceagainstwomenappearsconsistentlyinthemusicofmanygangstagroups.AscriminologistJamesMesserschmidtremindsus,“Throughoutoursociety…violenceisassociatedwithpowerandmales,andforsomeyouththisassociationisreinforcedaspartoffamilylife.Asaresult,most

youngmalescometoidentifytheconnectionbetweenmasculinity-power-aggression-violenceaspartoftheirowndevelopingmaleidentities.”Beingaman,therefore,meansnot“takinganyshit”fromanyone,whichiswhythecharactersingangstarapprefertouseagatratherthanfleethescene,andwhydrive-byshootingsareoftenincitedbypublichumiliations.Second,althoughitmightbearguedthatmendominatethesenarrativesbecausetheyconstructthem,itisalsotruethatthepreponderanceofstreetcrimeiscommittedbymarginalizedmales.Thematterisfartoocomplicatedtodiscussindetailhere,butseveralscholarsattributethesepatternstohigherratesofmaleunemployment,greaterfreedomfromtherestraintsofthehouseholdcomparedtofemales(i.e.,moreopportunitiestoengageincriminalactivity),andapatriarchalculturethatmakesearningpowerameasureofmanhood.46

Themisogynyofgangstarapisdeeplyingrained.Mostgangstarapperstakeviolenceagainstwomenforgranted.Itisprimarilythedark,nastysideofmale-on-malestreetviolencethattheyattempttoillustrate.SirJinx’suseofdocumentary-stylerecordingsofsimulateddrive-by’sandfightsthatescalateintogunbattlesareintendedtoderomanticizegangviolence.47Amuchmoreclear-cutexampleisCMW’s“DriveByMissDaisy,”apowerful,complexdepictionofthewaysinwhichordinarybystanderscanbecomevictimsofintergangwarfare.Thestorybeginswithayoungmanassignedtoassassinatearivalgangbangerwhohadjustkilledhishomie.Afraidandintimidated,hedecidestogetdrunkbeforecallinghispossetogetherforthedrive-by.Whentheyfinallypullupinfrontofthehouse,heisapparentlyunawarethattheboy’smotherisinthekitchencookingdinner.Justbeforehepullsthetriggerhisconscienceintervenesforasecondandhequestionsthemoralityofhisactions.Butbecauseofgangloyalty,hedoesthedeedjustthesame.

Whatmakesthesongsocompellingisitsmusic.AlthoughCMWhadalreadyestablishedareputationamonggangstarappersforemployingmorelaid-backjazzandquietstormtracksthanhardcorefunk,theirchoiceofmusicin“DriveBy”wasclearlyintendedtoheightentheintensityratherthanprovideanunderstatedbackdropfortheirleadrapper.Thuswehearstraight-aheadmodaljazzcirca1960s—heavyrideandcrashcymbalsandacousticbassbeneaththelaid-backandstrangelycartoonish,high-pitchedvoiceofM.C.Eiht.Thetwoinstrumentalinterludesareevenmorepowerful.Thebassandcymbalcombinationisviolentlyinvadedbyanacousticpianoplayingstrong,dissonantblockchordsverymuchintheveinofDonPullenorStanleyCowell.Mixedinarethesoundsofautomaticweapons,aloopedsampleofblood-curdlingscreams

thathastheeffectofcreatinganechowithoutreverberation,andsamplesofwould-beassassinshollering“youdiemotherfucker.”Thisdisturbingcacophonyofsoundsallatoncecapturesthefragilityofhumanlife,thechaosofviolentdeath,andtheintensityofemotionsyoungmurderersandtheirvictimsmustfeel.48

IceCube’s“DeadHomiez”usesagraveyardtoreflectonthetragedyofinner-cityhomicide.Anablestoryteller,heisespeciallyeffectiveatpaintingadetailedpictureofhishomie’sfuneral,interruptingperiodicallywithlovingaswellasfrustratingmemoriesofhisdeadfriend.Nomatterhowmanyforty-ouncebottlesofmaltliquorhedowns,hisfriend’sdeathcontinuestohaunthim:“Stillhearthescreamsfromhismother/asmyniggerlaydeadinthegutter.”Theanger,pain,confusion,andfearofthoseleftbehindareallinscribedintheritualofmourning.49

Drugdealershavebeenacommontargetofgangstarapfromthebeginning.OneofNWA’sveryfirstreleases,“DopeMan,”offerssomebrutalinsightsintotheeffectsoftherisingcrackcocaineeconomy.ScreamedoverelectronicdrumtracksandaMiddleEastern-soundingreedinstrument,Dr.Drefirstdeclaresthat“Ifyousmoke’caineyouastupidmotherfucker”andthengoesontodescribesomenameless“crackhead”whosehabitforcedhimintoalifeofcrime.50CPO’s“TheMovement”and“TheWall”wagefrontalattacksonallpushers,whomheaccusesofcommittinggenocideagainstblackpeople;headvocatesasocialmovementtowipethemout,sincelawenforcementishalf-heartedandthejusticesystembothineptandcorrupt.51

Becausemostgangstarapperssimultaneouslytrytoexplainwhypeopleturntodrugdealingandotherassortedcrimes,andvehementlyattackdrugdealersforthedamagetheydotopoorblackcommunities,theyhaveoftenbeenaccusedofbeinginconsistent,contradictory,orevenschizophrenic.Forexample,onthesamealbumwith“ABirdintheHand,”IceCubeincludesanuncompromisingattackondrugdealers,callingthem“killers”andinsistingthattheyexploitblackpeople“liketheCaucasiansdid.”52ThatCubefindsnothingredeemingintheactivitiesofcrackpeddlersunderscoresthepointthathisdescriptionsarenotintendedasadvocacy.Hisefforttoexplainwhythedrugtradeissoappealingtosomeinner-cityresidentsisnotanuncriticalacceptanceofit.Indeed,“MySummerVacation,”athirdsongonhisDeathCertificatealbumaboutthecrackeconomy,notonlyrevealstheimmenseviolencethatgoesalongwithcarvingoutnewmarkets,butborrowsfromtypicalimagesoflegitimateentrepreneurship

toarguethatlegalandillicitcapitalismaretwosidesofthesamecoin—bothareruthless,exploitative,andoftenproduceviolence.Thepointiscertainlynottoglorifyviolence.Similarly,IceT,in“NewJackHustler,”notonlysuffersfroma“capitalistmigraine”butasksiftheluxuryheenjoysasabig-timedrugdealeris“anightmare,ortheAmericandream?”Hisimplicationisclear,forthisparticularenterpriseleadstodeath,destruction,andviolenceratherthanaccumulationanddevelopment.53

Letmenotoverstatemycase,fortheseeconomiccritiquesresistlabels.Therecastingofcapitalismasgangsterismisnotsimplyintendedtolegitimatetheilliciteconomyorde-legitimatecapitalistexploitation.Gangstarappersdiscusscapitalisminvaryingcontexts,andtoportraythemasuniformlyorconsistentlyanticapitalistwouldcertainlymisrepresentthem.Allgroupsemphasizegettingpaidand,inreallife,themoresuccessfulartistsinvestintheirownproductioncompanies.Theyunderstandbetterthantheiraudiencesthatmusicisabusinessandrappingisajob.Atthesametime,beingpaidfortheirworkdoesnotmeantheyacceptthecurrenteconomicarrangementsorthinktheirmusiclacksintegrity.Onthecontrary,formanyblackandLatinoworking-classyouthwhoturnedtohiphopmusic,rapping,deejaying,orproducingisameanstoavoidlow-wagelaboror,possibly,incarceration.AsCubesaidofhisowncrew,“Youcaneitherselldopeorgetyourassajob/I’dratherrollwiththeLenchMob.”54

Theirambivalencetowardcapitalismnotwithstanding,gangstarappersareconsistentabouttracingcriminalbehaviorandviciousindividualismtomainstreamAmericanculture.Contrarytothenew“cultureofpoverty”theoristswhoclaimthatthelifestylesoftheso-calledblack“underclass”constituteasignificantdeviationfrommainstreamvalues,mostgangstarappersinsistthatthecharacterstheyrapaboutepitomizewhatAmericahasbeenandcontinuestobe.Inchallengingtheequationofcriminalitywithsomesortof“underclass”culture,IceTretorts,“AmericastolefromtheIndians,sureandprove/What’sthat?Astraightupniggamove!”Similarly,in“AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted,”IceCubeconsiderscrimeasAmericanasapplepie:“It’stheAmericanway/I’maG-A-N-G-S-T-A.”HeeventakesaswipeatthepurestofAmericanpopularheroes,Superman.ThemanwhostandsforTruth,Justice,andtheAmericanWayisappropriatedandtheninvertedasPublicEnemyNumber1.FromIceCube’sperspective,SupermanisaherobecausetheAmericanismherepresentsisnothingbutgangsterism.Donningthecapehimself,Cubedeclares,“I’mnotarebelorarenegadeonaquest,I’maNiggawithan‘S’/Soincaseyougetthekryptonite/I’mgonnariptonightcauseI’mscaringya/WantedbyAmerica.”55

Theseartistsareevenlessambiguouswhenapplyingthegangstermetaphortothepeopleandinstitutionsthatcontroltheirlives—especiallypoliticians,thestate,andpolicedepartments.IceT’s“StreetKiller,”forexample,isabriefmonologuethatsoundsliketheboastsofaheartlessgangbangerbutturnsouttobeacop.Inarecentinterview,CoolioandW.C.oftheMAADCirclereversethedominantdiscourseaboutcriminals,insistingthatthepowerful,notpowerless,ghettodwellers,aretherealgangsters:

COOLIO:Who’stherealgangsta,thebrothawiththekhakison,thebrothawiththeLevisonorthemuthafuckainthesuit?Who’stherealgangsta?

W.C.:Well,thesuitisrunningtheworld,that’stherealgangstarightthere.56

Dozensofrapartists,bothinsideandoutsideL.A.,indict“America”forstealingland,facilitatingthedrugtradeeitherthroughinactionoractiveparticipationoftheCIAandfriendlydictators,andwaginglarge-scale“drive-byshootings”againstlittlecountriessuchasPanamaandIraq.IntheaftermathoftheL.A.uprising,whilepoliticiansandmediaspokespersonscalledblackparticipants“criminals”and“animals,”IceCuberemindedwhoeverwouldlistenthat,“Thelooting…inSouth-Centralwasnothinglikethelootingdonebythesavingsandloans.”Cube’svideofor“Who’stheMack,”whichrevealsaphotoofGeorgeBushplayinggolfoverthecaption“PresidentMack”andagraffitiAmericanflagwithskullandcrossbonesreplacingthestars,furtherunderscoredtheargumentthatviolenceandgangsterismarebestexemplifiedbythestate,notyounginner-cityresidents.57

Policerepressionremainsgangstarap’sprimarytarget.WemustbearinmindthatthissubgenrewasbornamidstthemilitarizationofCompton,Watts,andotherblackcommunitieslikeSouthgate,Carson,NorthwestPasadena,Paramount,andNorthLongBeach,whichbecamethebattlefieldsoftheso-called“warondrugs”inL.A.TherecastingofSouth.CentralasanAmericanwarzonewasbroughttousonNBCNightlyNews,inDanRather’sspecialreport“48Hours:OnGangStreet,”andinHollywoodfilmslikeColorsandBoyzintheHood.StraightOuttaCompton,forexample,wasreleasedaboutthetimeChiefDarrylGatesimplemented“OperationHAMMER,”whenalmost1,500blackyouthinSouthCentralwerepickedupformerely“lookingsuspicious.”Whilemostwerechargedwithminoroffenseslikecurfewandtrafficviolations,somewerenotchargedatallbutsimplyhadtheirnamesandaddressesloggedintheLAPDantigangtaskforcedatabase.58Inthiscontext

NWAreleasedtheirnowclassicanthem,“F_____ThaPolice.”OpeningwithamocktrialinwhichNWAisthejudgeandjuryandthepolicearethedefendants,eachmemberofthegroupoffershisowntestimony.Afterpromisingtotell“thewholetruthandnothingbutthetruth,”IceCubetakesthestandandexplodeswithanindictmentagainstracism,repression,andthecommonpracticeofcriminalizingallblackyouth.NWAemphasizesthefactthatpolicerepressionisnolongerasimplematterofwhiteracistswithabadge,forblackcopsarejustasbad,ifnotworse,thanwhitecops.59

L.A.rappershavesinceexpandedtheircritiqueoftherelationshipbetweenpolicerepressionandtheirownpoliticalandeconomicpowerlessness.IceCube’ssoloeffort,NWA’smostrecentalbum,andgroupslikeCompton’sMostWanted(“TheyStillGafflin”),CypressHill(“Pigs”and“HowICouldJustKillaMan”),KidFrost(“IGotPulledOver”and“Penitentiary”)tonamebutafew,trytoplacetheirdescriptionsofpolicerepressionwithinabroadercontextofsocialcontrol.60“OneTime’s”or“Five-O’s,”asthepolicearecalledinL.A.,areportrayedaspartofalargersystemofracistandclassdominationthatincludesblackofficers.ForW.C.andtheMAADCircle,policingasaformofracialandclassoppressionispartofalongerhistoricaltraditionetchedinthecollectivememoryofAfricanAmericans.“BehindClosedDoors”beginswithleadrapperW.C.writingaletterofcomplainttothechiefofpolicedescribinganincidentinwhichhewasbeatenandsubsequentlyshotbyofficerswithnoprovocation.Injustafewlines,W.C.linksantebellumslaveryanddepression-erafascismtothemorerecentpolicebeatingofRodneyKing.61

MirroringmuchcurrentpoliticaldiscourseinurbanblackAmerica,somegangstarappersimplicitlyorexplicitlysuggestthatpolicerepressionisagenocidalwaragainstblackmen.62“RealNiggazDon’tDie,”whichsamplestheLastPoets’liveperformanceof“DieNigger,”andIceCube’s“EndangeredSpecies(TalesfromtheDarkside)”constructblackmalesasthepreyofvicious,racistpoliceofficers.Cube’slyricsunderscorethepointthattheroleoflawenforcementistoprotectthestatusquoandkeepblackfolksincheck:

Everycopkillergoesignored,Theyjustsendanotherniggertothemorgue.Apointscored.Theycouldgiveafuckaboutus.They’drathercatchuswithgunsandwhitepowder.

They’llkilltenofmetogetthejobcorrect

Toserve,protect,andbreakanigga’sneck63

InthetitletrackofAmeriKKKa’sMostWanted,inwhichIceCubeassumestheroleofaninner-citycriminalwhoventuresintothesuburbs,heclosesthesonghavinglearnedavaluablelessonaboutcommunitydifferencesinpolicing:“IthinkbackwhenIwasrobbingmyownkind/Thepolicedidn’tpayitnomind/ButwhenIstartedrobbingthewhitefolks/NowI’minthepenwiththesoapontherope.”

“BehindClosedDoors”byW.C.andtheMAADCirclespeakstothelessdramaticincidentsofpolicerepressionthatfrequentlyhavegreaterresonanceamongblackyouth.Inoneofthestories,CirclerapperCoolioisarecentlydischargedex-convictworkinghardtosurvivelegitimately,untilheisstoppedandharassedfornoapparentreasonby“thesamecrookedcopfromalongtimeago/Whoplantedanounceinmyhomie’sElCamino.”Heandthecopexchangeblows,butinsteadoftakinghimintocustodytheofficerandhispartnerdecidetodrophimoffinhostilegangterritoryinordertoinciteviolence.Coolio’snarrativeismorethanplausible:amongthetacticsadoptedbyChiefDarrylGatesinhisantigangsweepswastodrawoutgangbangersby“leavingsuspectsonenemyturfs,writingoverCripgraffitiwithBloodcolors(orviceversa)andspreadingincendiaryrumors.”64

EvenmorecommontothecollectiveexperienceofyoungblackresidentsofL.A.’sinnercitywasthepolicepolicyofidentifyingpresumablysuspiciouscharactersonthebasisofclothingstyles.Indeed,officerswhowerepartoftheGangRelatedActiveTraffickerSuppressionprogramweretoldto“interrogateanyonewhotheysuspectisagangmember,basingtheirassumptionsontheirdressortheiruseofganghandsignals.”65Oppositiontothiskindofmarking,alongthelinesofabattlefortherighttofreeexpressionandunfetteredmobilityinpublicspaces,hasbeenacentralsubthemeingangstarap’sdiscursivewarofpositionagainstpolicerepression.InCMW’scut“StillGafflin,”leadrapperM.C.Eihtcomplainsthatthepoliceare“onmydicktryingtojackme/IguessbecauseIsportahatandthekhakis.”PerhapsthesharpestcritiqueisW.C.andtheMAADCircle’s“DressCode.”Directedatordinarywhitecitizens,clubowners,aswellaspoliceofficers,theCircletellstoriesofbeingstereotypedascommoncriminalsorgangbangersbycompletestrangers,allofwhompresumethat“Ifyoudresslikeme,yougottarunwithacrew.”Clothingalsosignifiesstatus,asisevidentinthewayW.C.istreatedwhenhetriestogetintoaclub:

“Gotawearasilkshirt/justtodancetoafunkysong.”Nevertheless,heandhiscrewnotonlyrefusetoapologizefortheirappearance,insistingallalongthatyoungworking-classblackmenhavetherighttodressastheypleasewithoutbeingtreatedwithfearorcontempt,butW.C.alsoattributeshisstyletohisclassposition.Becausehe“can’taffordtoshopatMacy’sorPenney’s…itsofftotheswapmeetforafreshpairofdicky’s[khakipants].”66

Ofcourse,stylepoliticsaremuchmorecomplicated.Eventhemostimpoverishedblackyouthdonotchoosestylessolelyonthebasisofwhatisaffordable.Youngmenwearthestarterjackets,hoodies,L.A.Raiderscaps,baggykhakipants,andoccasionallygoldchainsnotonlybecausetheyareinstyle,butbecauseitenablesthemtocreatetheirownidentity—onethatdefinesthemasrebels.Whileclothesarenotintrinsicallyrebellious,youngpeoplegivethemwhatDickHebdigeidentifiesas“‘secret’meanings:meaningswhichexpress,incode,aformofresistancetotheorderwhichguaranteestheircontinuedsubordination.”67Itisnaivetobelieve,forexample,thatblackyouthmerelysportRaidersparaphernaliabecausetheyareallhardcorefans.Besides,assoonasNWAandmorerecentL.A.groupscameonthescenesportingRaiderscaps,thestylebecameevenmoredirectlyassociatedwiththegangstarappersthanwiththeteamitself,andthepoliceregardedthecaps,beanies,hoods,andstarterjacketsasgangattire.

Whatweneedalwaystokeepinmindisthedegreeofself-consciousnesswithwhichblackurbanyouth—mostofwhomneitheraregangmembersnorengageinviolentcrime—insistonwearingthestylesthattendtodrawpoliceattention.Byassociatingcertainblackyouthstyleswithcriminality,violence,and(indirectly)policerepression,thedominantmediaunintentionallypopularizethesestylesamongyoungmenwhoreinterprettheseimagesasactsofrebellionoroutrightracistterror.68Thestylesalsosuggestanimplicitacceptanceofan“outlaw”statusthatcapitalisttransformationandthemilitarizationofblackLosAngeleshavebroughtabout.Hencetheadoptionandrecastingof“G”asafriendlyformofaddressusedbyyoungAfricanAmericanmenand,toalesserdegree,women.Whiletheoriginsof“G”apparentlygobacktotheFive-PercentNation(afairlyunorthodoxBlackMuslimyouthgroup)ontheEastCoastwhereitwasanabbreviationfor“God,”amongyouthinCaliforniaandelsewhereitcurrentlystandsfor“gangsta.”69Finally,myowndiscussionswithblackyouthinL.A.revealthattheblackandsilverLosAngelesKingscaps,associatedwithartistslikeKingTee,NWA,andothergangstagroups,havebecomeevenmorepopularfollowingtheKingbeatingandthesubsequentuprising—andhockey

clearlyhasnothingtodowithit.ThesecapssignifyverypowerfullythatallyoungAfricanAmericansarepotential“L.A.[Rodney]Kings.”70

InthestreetsofLosAngeles,aswellasinothercitiesacrossthecountry,hiphop’schallengetopolicebrutalitysometimesmovesbeyondthediscursivearena.Theirmusicandexpressivestyleshaveliterallybecomeweaponsinabattleovertherighttooccupypublicspace.Frequentlyemployinghigh-decibelcarstereosandboomboxes,blackyouthnotonly“pumpupthevolume”fortheirownlisteningpleasure,butalsoaspartofanindirect,adhocwarofposition.The“noise”constitutesaformofculturalresistancethatshouldnotbeignored,especiallywhenweaddthoseresistivelyricsaboutdestroyingthestateorretaliatingagainstthepolice.ImagineaconvertibleImpalaoraSuzukipullingupalongsidea“blackandwhite,”pumpingtherevengefantasysegmentofIceCube’s“TheWrongNiggatoF_____Wit”whichpromisestobreakChiefDarrylGates’s“spinelikeajellyfish”orCypressHillvowingtoturn“pigs”into“sausage.”71Hiphopproducershaveincreasedthestakesbypioneeringtechnologiesthatextendand“fatten”thebassinordertoimproveclarityathighervolume(appropriatelycalled“jeepbeats”).WecannoteasilydismissIceCubewhenhedeclares,“I’mtheonewithatrunkoffunk/and‘FuckthePolice’inthetapedeck.”72

Forgangstarappers,andblackurbanyouthmoregenerally,thepoliceareasmallpartofanoppressivecriminaljusticesystem.Thefactthat,in1989,23percentofblackmalesagestwentytotwenty-ninewereeitherbehindbarsoronlegalprobationorparole,hasbeenacentralpoliticalissueinthehiphopcommunity.ThecombinationofrisingcrimeratesandlongersentencinghasledtoarapidincreaseintheblackprisonpopulationintheUnitedStates,andthereissubstantialevidencethatracialbiasispartlyresponsible;studieshaveshown,forexample,thatblackmenconvictedofthesamecrimeaswhitesreceivelongersentencesonaverage.Theracialinequitieswereevenmorepronouncedforjuvenileoffenders;duringthelasttwodecades,whereasmostAfricanAmericanjuvenilesendedupinprisonlikepublicdetentioncenters,whiteyouthsweremorelikelytoendupinprivateinstitutions(halfwayhouses,shelters,grouphomes,etc.)thatencouragedrehabilitation,skilldevelopment,andfamilyinteraction.73

Withrisingratesofincarcerationforyoungblackmales,lifebehindbarshasbecomeamajorthemeingangstanarratives.Throughthickdescriptionsofprisonlifeandsamplesoftheactualvoicesofconvicts(e.g.,IceT’s“The

Tower,”W.C.andtheMAADCircle’s“OutonaFurlough,”andKidFrost’s“ThePenitentiary”)gangstarapperscomeclosetoprovidingwhatMichelFoucaultcallsa“counter-discourseofprisoners.”AsFoucaultexplains,“whenprisonersbegantospeak,theypossessedanindividualtheoryofprisons,thepenalsystem,andjustice.Itisthisformofdiscoursewhichultimatelymatters,adiscourseagainstpower,thecounter-discourseofprisonersandthosewecalldelinquents—andnotatheoryaboutdelinquency.”74Mostrappers—especiallygangstarappers—treatprisonsasvirtualfascistinstitutions.AttheendofhisOGalbum,IceTsuggeststhatprisonsconstituteaformofmodern-daybondage.“Theysayslaveryhasbeenabolishedexceptfortheconvictedfelon.”Moreover,mirroringthesentimentsofasignificantsegmentoftheblackcommunity,severalrapperssuggestthatthehighincarcerationrateofblackmalesispartofaconspiracy.In“TheNiggaYaLovetoHate,”IceCubeasksaloud,“why[are]theremoreniggasinthepenthanincollege?”75Heevensuggestsin“TheProduct”thatprisonistheinevitableoutcomeforyoungblackmenwhofailorrefusetoconformtothedominantculture.Inmates,heargues,are“products”ofjoblessness,policerepression,andaninferiorandracisteducationalsystem.76

Gangstarapperstendtowardakindof“scaredstraight”approachtodescribingactualprisonlife.Butunlike,say,the“Lifer’sGroup,”theirdescriptionsofprisonarenotintendedmerelytodeterblackyouthfromcrime,forthatwouldimplyanacceptanceofprisonsasprimarilyinstitutionstopunishandreform“criminals.”Instead,theirdescriptionsofprisonlifeessentiallyreversethepopularimageofblackprisonersas“WillieHorton”andpaintaricherportraitofinmatesasrealhumanbeingstryingtosurviveunderinhumanconditions.Whiletheydonotignorethephysicalandsexualviolence77betweenprisoners,theydosuggestthatprisonconditionsareattherootofsuchbehavior.Again,wereturnto“TheProduct”:

Livin’inaconcretehohouse,Wherealltheproductsgo,nodoubt.Yo,momma,Igottodoeleven,Livin’inafivebyseven.Dearbabe,yourman’sgettinwornoutSeeingyoungboysgettin’theirassholestornout.

It’sdrivingmebatty,Causemylittleboyismissingdaddy.I’mashamedbutthefactis,

Iwishpopsletmeoffonthemattress[i.e.,wisheshewasneverconceived.]OrshouldIjusthangfromthetopbunk?Butthat’sgoingoutlikeapunk.Mylifeisfucked.Butitain’tmyfaultCauseI’mamotherfuckin’product.

IceT’s“TheTower”suggeststhatviolencebetweeninmates,especiallyracialconflict,ispermittedifnotinstigatedbyguardsandadministratorsasameansofcontrolling“theyard.”Thesongconsistsofseveralfirst-personanecdotesrappedoverahauntingsynthesizedcellotrackandpunctuatedby“audioverité”samplesofpresumablyauthenticprisonerstellingtheirownstoriesofviolenceinthepen.Byfocusingonprisonarchitectureratherthantheinmatesthemselves,thevideofor“TheTower”emphasizeshowthestructuralandspatialarrangementsthemselvesreproducetheprisoners’powerlessness.Aftereachverse,IceTasks“whohadthepower?/Thewhites,theblacks,orjusttheguntower?”78

Thecriminalization,surveillance,incarceration,andimmizerationofblackyouthinthepostindustrialcityhavebeenthecentralthemeingangstarap,andatthesametime,sadly,constitutetheprimaryexperiencesfromwhichtheiridentitiesareconstructed.WhereasAfrocentricrappersbuildanimaginedcommunitybyinvokingimagesofancientAfricancivilizations,gangstarappersaremorepronetofollowEricB.andRakim’sdictum,“Itain’twhereyou’refrom,it’swhereyou’reat.”Whentheyarenotdescribingprisonordeath,theydescribedailylifeinthe“ghetto”—anovercrowdedworldofdeterioratingtenementapartmentsortinycementblock,prisonlike“projects,”streetsfilthyfromthelackofcityservices,liquorstoresandbillboardssellingmaltliquorandcigarettes.Theconstructionofthe“ghetto”asalivingnightmareand“gangstas”asproductsofthatnightmarehasgivenrisetowhatIcallanew“Ghettocentric”identityinwhichthespecificclass,race,andgenderedexperiencesinlatecapitalisturbancenterscoalescetocreateanewidentity—“Nigga.”

NiggasinPost—CivilRightsAmerica

—ICET,“StraightUpNigga”79

I’manigger,notacoloredmanorablackoraNegrooranAfro-American—I’mallthatYes,IwasborninAmericatoo.ButdoesSouthCentrallooklikeAmericatoyou?

—CLAUDEBROWN,“TheLanguageofSoul”80

Perhapsthemostsoulfulwordintheworldis“nigger.”

Gangstarappershavedrawnalotoffirefortheirpersistentuseof“Nigga.”EventheNewYorkTimesandpopularmagazineslikeEmergehaveenteredthedebate,carryingarticlesaboutthegrowingpopularityofthe“N”wordamongyoungpeople.Rapartistsareaccusedofinculcatingself-hatredandplayingintowhiteracism.Yetthosewhoinsistthattheuseof“Nigga”inrapdemonstratesself-hatredandignoranceofAfricanAmericanhistorydonotgenerallyimposethesamerace-consciouslitmustesttoblackfolklore,oralhistories,ordinaryvernacularspeech,orotherculturaltraditionswhere“nigger”isusedasaneutralorevenfriendlyappellation.Intheselattercircumstances,“nigger”was/isutteredandinterpretedamongblackfolkwithinaspecific,clearlydefinedcontext,tone,andsetof“codes”rootedinblackvernacularlanguage.AsanthropologistClaudiaMitchell-Kernanexplained,“theuseof‘nigger’withotherblackEnglishmarkershastheeffectof‘smilingwhenyousaythat’TheuseofstandardEnglishwith‘nigger’inthewordsofaninformant,is‘thewrongtoneofvoice’andmaybetakenasabusive.”VeryfewAfricanAmericanswouldpointtosuchdialoguesasexamplesof“self-hatred.”ThisiswhatIceCubewastryingtogetatinaninterview:“Look,whenwecalleachotherniggeritmeansnoharm,infact,inCompton,it’safriendlyword.Butifawhitepersonusesit,itćssomethingdifferent,it’saracistword.”81

TocomprehendthepoliticsofGhettocentricity,wemustunderstandthemyriadwaysinwhichthemostGhettocentricsegmentsoftheWestCoasthiphopcommunityhaveemployedtheterm“Nigga.”Gangstarappers,inparticular,arestrugglingtoascribenew,potentiallyempoweringmeaningstotheword.Indeed,theincreasinglycommonpracticeofspellingit“N-i-g-g-a”suggestsarevisioning.Forexample,BayArearapperandformerDigitalUndergroundmember,2Pac(TupacShakur),insistsinhisfirstalbumthatNiggastandsfor“NeverIgnorant,GettingGoalsAccomplished.”82Morecommon,however,istheuseof“Nigga”todescribeaconditionratherthanskincolororculture.Aboveall,Niggaspeakstoacollectiveidentityshapedbyclassconsciousness,thecharacterofinner-cityspace,policerepression,poverty,andtheconstantthreatofintraracialviolence.PartofNWA’s“Niggaz4Life,”forinstance,uses“Nigga”almostasasynonymforoppressed.83

Inotherwords,Niggaisnotmerelyanotherwordforblack.Productsofthe

postindustrialghetto,thecharactersingangstarapconstantlyremindlistenersthattheyarestillsecond-classcitizens—“Niggaz”—whosecollectiveexperiencessuggestthatnothinghaschangedforthemasopposedtotheblackmiddleclass.Infact,Niggaisfrequentlyemployedtodistinguishurbanblackworking-classmalesfromtheblackbourgeoisieandAfricanAmericansinpositionsofinstitutionalauthority.Theirpointissimple:theexperiencesofyoungblackmenintheinnercityare’notuniversaltoallblackpeople,and,infact,theyrecognizethatsomeAfricanAmericansplayaroleinperpetuatingtheiroppression.Tobea“realnigga”istobeaproductoftheghetto.Bylinkingtheiridentitytothe“’hood”insteadofsimplyskincolor,gangstarappersimplicitlyacknowledgethelimitationsofracialpolitics,includingblackmiddle-classreformismaswellasblacknationalism.Again,thisisnotnew.“Nigger”asasignifierofclassandraceoppressionhasbeenacommonpartofblackruralandworking-classlanguagethroughoutthetwentiethcentury,ifnotlonger.Infact,becauseofitspowertodistinguishtheblackurbanpoorfromupwardlymobilemiddle-classblacks,“Nigger”madeahugecomebackattheheightoftheBlackPowermovement.RobertDeCoy’sinfamousbook,TheNiggerBible,publishedin1967,distinguishes“Nigger”from“Negroes”—thelatteraderogatorytermforsellouts.DeCoydefined“Negro”asa“vulgarbutaccepteddescriptionoftheNigriteorNigger.ReferringtoanAmericanNiggerofdecencyandstatus.AWhite-Nigger.OrabrainwashedBlackwhowouldbeCaucasianifpossible…”AndoneLosAngeles-basedblacknationalistartist’scollective,theAshantiArtService,launchedajournalcalledNiggerUprisingin1968.84

Perhapsnotsincethedaysofbluessinger“Leadbelly”hastheword“bourgeois”beensocommonlyusedbyblackmusicians.Ithasbecomecommonlingoamonghiphopartiststorefertoblack-ownedradiostationsand,moregenerally,middle-classAfricanAmericanswhoexhibitdisgustorindifferencetowardyoung,working-classblacks.ForIceT,livinginthelapofluxuryisnotwhatrenderstheblackbourgeoisiebankrupt,butrathertheirinabilitytounderstandtheworldoftheghetto,blackyouthculture,andrapmusic.Inaninterviewafewyearsbackheexplained,“Idon’tthinkthenegativepropagandaaboutrapcomesfromthetrueblackcommunity—itcomesfromthebourgeoisblackcommunity,whichIhate.ThosearetheblackswhohaveanattitudethatbecauseIwearahatandagoldchain,I’maniggerandthey’rebetterthanme.”Morerecently,onhisalbumTheIceberg/FreedomofSpeech…JustWatchWhatYouSay,heexpressedsimilarsentiments:“I’mtryingtosavemycommunity,butthesebourgeoisblackskeepondoggin’me….Youjustabunchofpunk,bourgeois

blacksuckers.”85W.C.andtheMAADCirclelevelanevenmoresustainedattackonthosetheycall“bourgeoisNegroes.”ProclaimingthattheCircle’ssympathiesliewith“poorfolksintheslums,”W.C.writesoffsuburbanmiddle-classAfricanAmericansasturncoatsandcowards.86

Andtobefair,notonlyisthereincreasingintraracialclasssegregationwiththesuburbanizationoftheblackmiddleclass,butwealthyAfricanAmericansareoftenguiltyofthekindofsociallabelingassociatedwithwhitesuburbanitesandpolice.Oneneedonlyvisitpredominantlyblackpublicspaceswithconsiderablecross-classmixing(e.g.,L.A.’svenerableFoxHillsMall)tonoticetheconsiderabledisdainmanymiddle-classAfricanAmericansexhibittowardyouthwhoaredressedacertainwayorelecttowalkingroups.Moreover,havingcomeofageunderablackmayor,blackpoliceofficers,andacitycouncilandlegislaturewithasmallbutsignificantblackpresence,L.A.gangstarappersblameblackpoliticiansandauthorityfiguresasmuchastheirwhitecounterpartsfortheconditionsthatprevailinpoorcommunities.87

L.A.gangstarappersarefrequentcriticsofblacknationalistsaswell.Theycontendthatthenationalists’focusonAfrica—bothpastandpresent—obscuresthedailybattlespoorblackfolkhavetowageincontemporaryAmerica.Inwhatprovedtobeahighlycontroversialstatement,EazyEdeclared:“Fuckthatblackpowershit:wedon’tgiveafuck.FreeSouthAfrica:wedon’tgiveafuck.Ibetthereain’tnobodyinSouthAfricawearingabuttonsaying‘FreeCompton’or‘FreeCalifornia.’”88IceCubeposesthesameissuein“EndangeredSpecies(TalesfromtheDarkside),”butinalessdismissiveandmoremeaningfulmanner:

YouwanttofreeAfrica,I’llstareatya’Causeweain’tgotittoogoodinAmerica.Ican’tfuckwith’emoverseasMyhomeboydiedoverkee’s[kilosofcocaine]89

Tosaythatgangstarappersareantinationalistoverstatesthecase.GroupslikeCPOand,morerecently,IceCubeexpresssomeexplicitlynationalistpositions,thoughL.A.groupshaveshownlessinclinationthantheirEastCoastcounterpartstoopenlysupporttheNationofIslamortheFive-PercentNation.WestCoastgangstagroupstendtobemorewaryofnationalismgiventherealdivisionsthatexistamongAfricanAmericans,theAfrocentriccelebrationofa

pastwhich,tothem,hasnodirectbearingonthepresent,andthehypocrisyandinconsistencyexhibitedbyindividualblacknationalists.ThelastpointisthesubjectofW.C.andtheMAADCircle’s“CaughtN’aFad,”whereintheytellthestoryofahustlerwhojoinedtheNationandworeAfricangarbbecauseitwasinstylebutneverchangedhisways.Hewas“poppingthat‘tooblack,toostrong/Buthewasthefirsttogetthedicegamegoingon.”Likewise,in“TheNiggaYaLovetoHate”IceCubetakesaswipeattheAfrocentristswhospeakofreturningtoAfrica:“Allthosemotherfuckerswhosaythey’retooblack/Put‘emoverseas,theybebeggin’tocomeback.”90

Forallofitsrebelliousness,Ghettocentricity,likeAfrocentricity,drawsitsarsenalfromthedominantideology.Asproductsofsustainedviolence,thecharactersingangstarapareconstantlypreparedtoretaliatewithviolence,whetherit’sagainstacoporanotherbrother;thoseunwillingareconsidered“cowards,”“punks,”orasIceTwouldsay,“bitches.”Inotherwords,“realNiggaz”arenotonlyvictimsofraceandclassdominationbutagents—dangerousagents,nightmarishcaricaturesoftheworstofthedispossessed.Whatismoststrikingaboutgangstarappers’constructionof“Nigga”astheembodimentofviolenceistheextenttowhichthishighlymasculinistimagerydrawsfromexistingstereotypes.Onceagain,wefindblackyouthsubculturereconstructingdominantrepresentationsofwhotheyareinorderto“remake”theirimageinpopulardiscourse.91Negativestereotypesofblackmenasviolent,pathological,andlazyarerecontextualized:criminalactsareturnedintobrilliantcapersandawaytoavoidwork;whitefearsofblackmaleviolencebecomeevidenceofblackpower;fearlessnessistreatedasameasureofmasculinity.AlargepartofEazyE’srepertoirehashimprovinghismanhoodandauthenticityasa“realnigga”bybustin’capsonanyonewhostandsinhisway.92

Followingalongtraditionofblackhumor,bothIceTandEazyEappropriateandrecaststereotypesofblackmenashypersexualbeingswithlargepenises.Eazyexplainsthatoneofthereasonswhyhecallshimselfa“Nigga”isbecausehe“canreachinmydrawsandpulloutabiggerdick.”IceT,whoreferstohimselfasa“Whitewoman’sdream/BigdickstraightupNigger,”combinesseveralstereotypesinthefollowingpassage:

I’mloudandproud,Wellendowedwiththebigbeef.Outonthecorner,Ihangoutlikeahorsethief.

Soyoucancallmedumborcrazy,Ignorant,stupid,inferior,orlazy,Sillyorfoolish,ButI’mbadderandbigger,AndmostofallI’mastraightupNigga.93

Whilethemeaningsoftheseappropriationsandreversalsofracialstereotypesconstantlyshiftwithdifferentcontexts,inmanycasestheyultimatelyreinforcedominantimagesofAfricanAmericans.Moreover,thekindsofstereotypestheychoosetoappropriate—hypermasculinity,sexualpower,andviolenceasa“natural”response—notonlyreproducemaledominationoverwomen,butoftendosoinanespeciallybrutalmanner.

“Pimpin’Ain’tEasy”:WomenintheMaleGangstaImagination

—EAZYE,“OneLessBitch94”

Tome,allbitchesarethesame:money-hungry,scandalous,groupiehosthat’salwaysridingonanigger’sdick,alwaysinanigger’spocket.

WhileyoungAfricanAmericanmalesarebothproductsofandsometimesactiveparticipantsinthecreationofanewmasculinist,antifeministculturalcurrent,wecannotbetooquicktointerpretsexistandmisogynistlyricsasapeculiarlymodernproduct.AfricanAmericanvernacularculturehasaverylongandignobletraditionofsexismevidencedindailylanguageandothermoreformalvariantssuchas“thedozens,”“toasts,”andtheage-old“baaadmannarratives.”Awordlike“bitch,”forexample,wasnotsuddenlyimportedintoAfricanAmericanmalevocabularybyrapmusic.Inthelate1950s,itwassuchacommonreferencetowomenthatfolkloristRogerAbrahams,inhisstudyofblackoralcultureinPhiladelphia,addedittohisglossaryoftermsas“Anywoman.Asusedhere,usuallywithoutusualpejorativeconnotations.”95Whilehisclaimthatthetermwasusuallynotpejorativeishighlysuspect,thepervasivenessofthetermisclearlylongstanding.SomeofthetoaststhatareatleastafewdecadesoldaremorevenomousthanmuchofwhatwefindtodayinHipHop.In1966,BruceJacksonrecordedatoasttitled“TheLameandtheWhore”inwhichaveteranpimpteachesa“weak”mackdaddyhowtotreathiswomen:

Say,yougottorulethatbitch,yougottoschoolthatbitch,yougottoteachhertheGoldenRule,yougottostompthatbitch,yougottotrompthatbitch,anduseherlikeyouwouldatool.Yougottodrivethatbitchandgottoridethatbitchlikeyouwouldamotherfuckenmule.

Thentakethebitchoutonthehighwayanddragheruntilshe’sdamnneardead.Thentakeyourpistolandshootherrightthroughhermotherfuckenhead.96

Asidefromnarrativesthathavebeenrecoveredbyhistoriansandfolklorists,Ipersonallyrememberhavinglearnedbyheart“ImptheSkimp,theTennisShoePimp,”alongfirst-personnarrativeinwhichwebraggedincessantlyofbeing“thebabymaker/thebootytaker.”“Imp”becamepartofmyverbalrepertoirearound1971;Iwasnineyearsold.Unlikerapmusic,however,oursexistandmisogyniststreetrhymeswereneverdiscussedonTedKoppel’sNightlinebecausetheynevermadeittowax;theyremainedwhereourmamassaidtheyshould—inthestreets.97

Butthestoryisabitmorecomplicatedthanblackyouthrecordinganddistributinganoraltraditionof“hustlerpoetry.”Duringthelate1960sandearly1970s,asAmericabecameanincreasingly“sexualizedsociety,”wewitnessedanexplosionofrecordedsexuallyexplicitcomedyroutinesbyblackcomicslikeRudyRayMoore,ReddFoxx,andRichardPryor,aswellasthepublicationandpopularizationofso-calledgenuine“pimpnarratives.”ThePimp,notjustany“baaadman,”becameanemblematicfigureoftheperiod,elevatedtothestatusofheroandinvokedbyHollywoodaswellasinthewritingsofblacknationalistmilitantslikeH.RapBrown,EldridgeCleaver,BobbyScale,andHueyENewton.Asidefromfilmandpopularliterature,thePimpappearedinaproliferationofsensationalistautobiographies,scholarlyethnographies,and“urbanfolklore”collectionsofincarceratedhustlers.98

OldschoolrapperslikeIceTandPhilly’sSchoolyDwerestronglyinfluencedbysomeofthesepublishedreminiscencesofhustlers.IceTrecalls,“Iusedto

readbooksbyIcebergSlim….Hewouldtalkinrhyme—hustler-likestuff—andIwouldmemorizelines.”TheclassicrecordingofHustlers’Conventionin1973byanex-prisonerwhowouldeventuallyhelpfoundtheLastPoets,andthecelebratedstatusofthepimpinblaxploitationfilmsalsohadaprofoundimpactongangstarap.99Infact,theword“gangsta”isfrequentlyusedinterchangeablywithtermslike“Pimp,”“MackDaddy,”“DaddyMack,”and“Hustler.”OnecanheartheinfluenceofthepimpnarrativesandblackcomediansonseveralIceTcuts,especially“Somebody’sGottaDoIt[Pimpin’Ain’tEasy],”“ILoveLadies,”and“Sex,”whichwererecordedonhisfirstalbum,RhymePays.Boastingabouthisabilitytopleasewomensexually,thenumberofwomenhesleepswith,andthemoneyheismakingintheprocess,thesekindsofrhymesarenotdescriptionsofsocialrealitybutrecordedversionsofwhatanthropologistUlfHannerzcalls“streetcornermythmaking”orwhathiphopcriticDanCharnassimplycalls“bullshit,schoolboyhumor.”100

Thecriticalquestion,itseemstome,iswhyhasthepimpreturnedtoanexaltedstatusinblackmalepopularcultureinthe1990s?Ormorebroadly,whyhasthepimpfiguredsoprominentlyinthelate1960s/early1970sandthelate1980s/early1990s,periodsofrisingblacknationalismandmalebacklash?IhavetobelievethatthecelebrationofthepimpinpopularcultureduringtheBlackPowereraisinpartaresponsetotheimageofblackfemaledominancecreatedbytheMoynihanreport.Perhapsyoungblackmenidentifiedwiththepimpbecauseherepresentedtheultimatedominator,turningmatriarchyonitshead.Perhapsthevalorizationofthepimpwasjustanotherexampleofblackmilitantscelebratinga“lumpen”lifestyle.

Asforthepresent,thepimpmayhavemadesuchastrongreturnviagangstarapbecausethedominantdiscourse—fromconservativestoAfricanAmericannationalists—demandstherestorationofthepatriarchalfamily.Butwhydogangstarappers(notunlikeothermalehiphopperformers)exhibitaprofoundfearofblackfemalesexuality,whichmanifestsitselfasopendistrustor,insomecases,anaggressivehatred,ofwomen?101

Giventhecentralplacethatmisogynyoccupiesinthegangsta/baaadmanaesthetic,itwouldbehardtotrustastraightsociologicalanswertothisquestion.Furthermore,Idonotbelieverapmusiccanoreverintendedtorepresentthetrueandcomplexcharacterofmale/femalerelationsamongblackurbanyouth.Toomanycriticshavetakentheeasywayoutbyreadingraplyricsliterallyratherthandevelopinganuancedunderstandingofactualsocialrelationsamong

youngpeople,inalloftheirdiversityandcomplexity.Andthereisnoreasonintheworldtobelievethatanymusicconstitutesamirrorofsocialrelationsthatcanbegeneralizedforentiregroupsofpeople.

Nevertheless,Idothinkthatthereisaspecificsocialcontextthatprovidessomeinsightsintothepopularityofgangstarapandtheparticularformsitsmisogynytakes.Forexample,althoughthe“traditional”familyitselfmightbefading,neithertheideologyofmaledominancenorthelandsofeconomicnegotiationsthathavealwaysbeenapartofintrafamilyconflicthavedisappeared.Asisevidentinbothcontemporarypopularcultureandcurrentpolicydebates,thelastdecadeorsohaswitnessedareassertionofmasculinityandtheincreasingcommodificationofsexualrelations.Moreover,gangstarappers,themassmedia,andmainstreamblackleadershipcommonlycasttheproblemsoftheinnercityasaproblemofblackmales,eveniftheirinterpretationsdiffer.Someintellectualsandpoliticiansproposesavingthe“underclass”byeliminatingwelfare,retrainingyoungblackmeninall-maleschools,andreinstitutingthenuclearfamily,implying,ofcourse,thatthecauseofthecurrentcrisisliesnotineconomicdeclinebutinthecollapseofthemale-headedfamily.102

Butapparentlyitisnotjustmenwhoaretoblame:youngworking-classAfricanAmericanwomenareoftenportrayedaswelfarequeensmakingbabiesmerelytostayonpublicassistance,or“golddiggers”whousetheirsexualitytotakeblackmen’smeagerearnings.Ofcourse,thisimageishardlynew.Butithasbecomeanincreasinglyprominentthemeinhiphopoverthelasttenyearsorso.Ina“tongue-in-cheek”verbalduelwithfemalerapperYoYo,IceCubeofferssomelyricsthatarepartlymeantinjestbutnonethelessreflectthethinkingofmanyofhisblackmalecompatriots:“Ihearfemalesalwaystalking’boutwomen’slib/Thengetyourowncrib,andstaythere/Insteadofhavingmorebabiesforthewelfare/Causeifyoudon’tI’lllabelyouagolddigger.”103

Partoftheattackhastodowithwhattheserappersfeelareoverlyhighexpectationsofblackmenheldbyyoungblackwomen.Thinkingbacktotheirpre-celebritydayswhentheywerereportedlyjoblessorworkedforminimumwages,anumberofmalerapperscriticizewomenwhowantedtogooutonlywithmenwhowerestableorfairlywell-offfinancially.Giventhelackofemploymentopportunitiesavailabletoyoungblackwomen,andthestilldominantnotionthatmalesoughttobetheprimarywageearners,theseexpectationscouldhardlybeconsideredunreasonable.Yet,ininterviewsandintheirmusic,mostgangstarapperslabelsuchwomen“bitches,”“hos,”or

“skeezers.”W.C.oftheMAADCircle,whoisuniqueforavoidingtheseepithetsonhisdebutalbum,triestobeslightlymoreconscientiousbyblaming“society”forinculcatingwomenwithmaterialisticvalues.Nevertheless,hethrowsupaweakargumentfortheuseoftheterm“bitch”:“Well,societyhasusallbelievingthatifyoudon’tfituptotheirstandard,thenyou’renotshit….Ifyouhavethatattitude,thenW.C.iscallingyouabitch.ButI’llnevercallawomanabitch,becausearealwomandoesn’tthinkwiththatmentality.Thissocietyhasusbelievingthatifyoudon’tdriveabrandnewcar,ifyoudriveabucket,you’renotshit.”104

WhileW.C.revealsonedimensionofthepainpovertycauses,hisresponseisnonethelessaweakattempttoshifttheissue.Distinguishing“bad”womenfrom“good”women(or,inW.C.’scase,“real”women)stilljustifiesviolenceagainstwomenbydevaluingthem,likemostgangstarap.105ThemostobviousexamplescanbefoundonNWA’srecentalbumEfil4zaggin.Songslike“OneLessBitch”andtheaudio-veritérecording“ToKillaHooker”justifyoutrightbrutalityandmurderbyusinglabelsintendedtostripwomenofanyhumanity.Hardlythestuffofeverydaylifeintheghetto,thesedraconianfantasyperformancesaremoreakinto“snufffilms”thanthekindofethnographicobservationsNWAclaimastheirrawmaterial.Andlikeviolentpornography,NWA’smisogynistnarrativesareessentiallyaboutthedegradationandcompletedominationofwomen.Ontheonehand,likethevastarrayofculturalimages,theyreinforceexistingformsofpatriarchalpower;ontheotherhand,theyconstructmalefantasyscenesofuncontesteddomination.Theyareneverresistedorheldaccountableforactsofviolenceagainstwomen.In“OneLessBitch,”Dr.Dreassumestheroleofapimpwhodiscoversthathisprostituteistryingto“steal”fromhimbyretainingsomeofthemoneysheearned.Reminiscentof“TheLameandtheWhore”(ora“snufffilm”—takeyourpick),Dreorchestrateswhatisbestdescribedasalynching:

Itiedhertothebed,IwasthinkingtheworstBut,yo,IhadtoletmyniggersfuckherfirstYea,loadedupthe.44Yo,thenIstraightsmokedtheho.

EachstoryofmayhemandmurderisbrokenupwithachorusoftheentireNWAcrewchanting:“OneLess,oneless,onelessbitchyougottaworryabout.”

Economicconflictandareassertionofmaledominanceinresponsetoshifting

genderandfamilyrelationsstilldoesnotfullyexplainmisogyny.AnotherpartoftheanswercanbefoundinTriciaRose’sprovocativeandcompellingargumentthatmisogynistlyricsinrapreflectblackmalefearsofblackwomen’ssexuality.UnlikemaleUtopianspaceslike“playboyclubs”wherewomenarepaidtobepackagedfantasies,younginner-cityblackmenhavetodealwithblackwomenwithrealvoices,demands,expectations,andcomplaints—womenwithagency.Intheeverydaylivesofyoungblackmen,sexualityisalwaysaprocessofnegotiation.Rosesuggeststhat“manymenarehostiletowardwomenbecausethefulfillmentofmaleheterosexualdesireissignificantlycheckedbywomen’scapacityforsexualrejectionand/ormanipulationofmen.”Manipulation,inthiscontext,referstotheperceivedpowerofblackwomentoobtainmoneyandgoodsinexchangeforsex.106

Pregnancyisonewaywomenallegedlyextractattentionandfinancialsupport,asisdepictedinIceCube’s“YouCan’tFadeMe.”ThenarrativeopenswithCube’scharacter,whoisonthecornerdrinkingwithhishomies,discoveringthathemighthavefatheredachildbyayoungwomanwithwhomhehadaone-nightstand.Hisinitialimpulse,notsurprisingly,istoblameherratherthantakeresponsibility.Asthestoryprogressesherecountsthatonefatefulnightinstark,unflatteringtermsstrippedcompletelyofsensualityorpleasure.Becausehesawherasphysicallyunattractivehefeltcompelledtosneakaroundinordertohavesexwithherwhilepreservinghisreputation.Whentheyfinallyfoundasafeplacetohaveintercourse—inthebackseatofhis“homie’sImpala”—boththesexandtheendoftheir“date”wereanticlimactic:

Idroppedheroffman,andI’mknowing,ThatI’mahatemyselfinthemorning.Igotdrunktohelpmeforget,Anotherday,anotherhit,shit,I’mgettingfaded.

Butoncehereturnstothepresentandshe’sabouttohavethechild,thecharacterCubeplaysturnsallofhisangerandfrustrationuponher,threateningtobeatherdownandperformanabortionhimself.Intheend,thebabyturnsoutnottobehis,butthewholeordealillustratesthepossibleconsequencesofhisactions,evenifthecharacterCubeplaysfailedtolearnanythingfromit.Sexasanactofconquestcanalsodegrademen.Moreover,theendresultofsexualconquestmightbepregnancy,leadingtotheverythingthe“playboy”ethictriestoavoid:commitment.Inshort,likeallformsofpower,maledominationnotonlyproducesitsownlimitsbutitisconstantlycontested.

Whilesongslike“YouCan’tFadeMe”aredecidedlysexist,IceCubewasamongthefirstL.A.gangstarapperstoincorporatewomen’svoicesthatcontestedhisownlyrics.OnAmeriKKKa’sMostWanted,forexample,wenotonlyhearayoungwoman’svoicedisrupt“TheNiggaYouLovetoHate”withvehementprotestsovertheuseoftheword“bitch,”butIceCubeinvitedYoYo,anextraordinaryfemalerapperconcernedwithbuildingaprogressivemovementofblackwomen,toengagehiminaverbal“battleofthesexes.”“It’saMan’sWorld”istheclassic“dis”tune,aduetrootedinthe“dozens”traditionandthusintendedtobehumorous.Butitalsoremindsusthatthediscursivespaceinwhichyoungblackmenasserttheirmasculinityanddominanceoverwomenisalwayshighlycontestedterrain.Afterthesongopenswithliterallydozensofsampledvoicessaying“bitch”—rangingfromRichardPryor,EazyE,andcontroversialcomedianAndrew“Dice”Clay—themachine-gunlikeassaultofsexistepithetscloseswithalonemalevoicewhoresponds,“don’ttalkaboutmymamma!”IceCubelaunchesintowhatisostensiblysupposedtobemonologueaboutwhatwomenare“goodfor,”whensuddenlyYoYoseemstocomeoutofnowhereandinterruptswith,“Whatthehellyouthinkyou’retalkin’about?”Becauseherinitialinterventiontakesplaceawayfromthemicrophoneinasortofechomode,herinterruptionispresentedasanunexpectedpenetrationintoall-malespace,remindingthe“brothas”justhowvulnerable“thecircle”istofemaleinvasionanddisruption.Fromthatpointon,YoYocriticizesCube’sabilitytorap,questionshismanhood,andevenmakesfunofthesizeofhispenis.107

Finally,Imustcautionagainstinterpretingthemisogynyingangstarapasmerelyareflectionofdailygenderconflictsandnegotiationsamonginner-cityblackyouth.Inmanyinstances,theirnarrativesarebasedontheirlivedexperiencesasperformerswhosestatusasculturaliconsgivesthemanenormousamountofsexualpowerandfreedom.ThelongversionofIceCube’s“GetOffMyDickNigger—andTellYo’B—toComeHere,”whichisprimarilyanattackonmale“groupies,”simultaneouslycelebrateshisnewstatusandridiculesstarstruckteenagewomenwhoultimatelybecomethepreyofmaleperformers.Inalinethatfallssomewherebetweenmasculinistboastandpaternalwarning,Cubetellsthesewomen“Seeforafact,Idodamage/TheythinkI’mastar,soItakeadvantage.”108SeveralsongsonNWA’sEfil4zagginassertboththenewfoundpowerthegroupholdsoverimpressionableandsexuallycuriousyoungfemalefansandthebrutalitythatcanresultfromsuchpower.Oneofthemorevicioussegmentsin“SheSwallowedIt”isthestoryofawomanwho“didthewholecrew.”AsNWAtriedtomakethedifficultshiftfrom“streetniggas”tofameandfortune,itbecameincreasinglyclearthattheynot

onlysawtheirnewfoundpowerasboundlessbuthadnoqualmsaboutpracticingwhatthey“preach.”Dr.Dre’sassaultonDeeBames,thehostofthevideoshowPumpItUpandmemberoftherapduoBodyandSoul,isacaseinpoint,asisTupacShakur’srecentarrestforsexuallyassaultingayoungwomanwhomheandhisfriendshadimprisonedinahotelroom.109

Arethereanypotentialcracksorrupturesinthegangstarappers’constructionsofwomenorintheireffortstoreassertmalepowerthroughviolenceandsexualdomination?Occasionallythereare,especiallywhenrappersfocustheirattentiononbadfatheringandfamilyviolence.Indeed,IceT’s“TheHouse”demandsanendtoviolenceagainstchildrenwithinthefamilycontext,andW.C.andtheMAADCirclecritiquesdomesticviolenceagainstwomen.Themedium-tempo,hauntinglyfunky“FuckMyDaddy”showstheflipsideoftheworldNWArapsabout:

I’mgivingpeacetomomsCausemomswasthestrongest.

Dadwasawino,assickasapsycho.Iusedtohideunderthecoverswithmyeyesclosed.

Cryingandhopingtonightthatdaddydidn’ttrip,Causemamaalreadyneedsstitchesinhertoplip.

Iusedtoprayandhopethatdaddywoulddie,Causeovernothingmamasufferedfromaswoleupblackeye.Andattheendofmyprayerscrymyselftosleep.AllIcouldthinkaboutwas“Fuckmydaddy.”110

WhileW.C.’slyricsmarkasignificantbreakfromearliergangstagroups,byfocusingonhisownmotherasvictimhedoesnotdirectlychallengethedichotomybetween“good”and“bad”women.111Moreover,neitheroftheseexampleschallengesmaledomination,andreflectionsonlivedexperiencealoneareunlikelytoconvincemostyoungmen—gangstarapperornot—thattheoverthrowofpatriarchyshouldbepartofanemancipatoryagenda.However,theintroductionofnewdiscoursescanplayanimportantroleinshapingthepoliticsofrapmusic,andhas.Notonlyhaveblackwomenrappersplayedacrucialroleinreshapingtheattitudestowardwomenamongasubstantialsegmentofthehip

hopcommunity,theyarealsolargelyresponsibleforraisingtheissueofsexismwithinrap.Insofarasrecordingtechnologyhasconveyedthevoicesofghettoyouth(orthosewhoclaimthe“authenticity”ofghettoliving)toanationalaudience,ithasbroughtrappersface-to-facewithothercriticalcommunities,includingfeminists,left-wingradicals,suburbanwhiteyouth,andChristianfundamentalists.Theheateddebatessurroundingrapmusichavefoundtheirwayintomainstreammediawhererapisgenerallyeithermisunderstoodorgangstarapisregardedasrealdescriptionsofdailylifeinthe“ghetto.”Moresignificantly,themassmediaattackonsexisminhiphophasobscuredorignoredthedegreetowhichrappersmerelyrepresentanextremeversionofsexismthatpervadesdailylife,acrossraceandclass.Thedevaluationofwomengoesonconstantly,intelevisionandfilm,inthelabormarket,inthecourts,ineducationalandreligiousinstitutions,insuburbantracthomesandgentrifiedhigh-classrowhouses,eveninthewaychildrenareraised.Sexismisverymuchapartof“mainstream”Americanculture,andyetitisverydifficulttogenerateanationaldialogueabouthowpervasiveitisinoursocietywithoutelicitingdiatribesabout“politicalcorrectness”orthehypersensitivityoffemales.TheAnitaHill/ClarenceThomashearingsareacaseinpoint.Theattacksonrapmusicalsoimplythatmisogynyistheuniquepropertyofyoungblackmales.Whileblackmalesexismshouldcertainlynotbeignored,theparticularclassandracialcastthesecriticismstakeultimatelydivertsattentionfromthegeneralsexisminAmericanculture.Hence,blackyouths’useoftheterm“bitch”getsmorepublicitythanmalebiasonthebenchinrapecasesorgenderdiscriminationinwages.

Ontheotherhand,althoughthedialogueitselfislimited,publicdiscussionsaboutrap’ssexismhavedisruptedorchallengedthenarrowandlocalizedassumptionsofyoungblackmales.Inotherwords,ifraphadneverbecomeacommoditybutremainedforeverinthestreetsandhousepartiesofurbanAmerica,derogatorytermslike“bitch”andmisogynywithinblackcommunitieswouldprobablynothavebeensowidelydebatedwithsuchforce.Byturningwhatisfrequently“streettalk”intoanationaldiscussionthatcrossesgender,class,andracialboundaries,newdiscourseshavethepotentialofatleastchallengingmisogynyandpossiblyenablingblackyouthtoperhapsseethelimitationsoftheideologyofmaledominance.

afterWORD:AGenreSpent?

—RUSSELLSIMMONS,CEOofRushCommunications112

Idon’tlikethetrendtowardsomanygangsterrecordsinrap,butIamanartdealerandthat’swhatissellingnow.

—B-REALOFCYPRESSHILL113

AftertheNationalGuardleaves,there’sstillgonnabeangry,psychomotherfuckersoutthere.

WhoisSnoopDoggyDogg?He’sthelatestsuperstaradditiontoDr.Dre’sstableonDeathrowRecords,agangstarapperfromLongBeachwiththecoolest,slickest“Calabama”114voiceI’veeverheard.Youknowhisnamebecausehisrecentarrestforthefatalshootingofayoungblackmanbecamenationalnews.Whilehispicturenevermadethepostoffice,Snoop’sfacegracedthecoverofNewsweekandalmosteverymajormusicmagazine,andgainednotorietyonavarietyoftelevisionnewsprograms.ThatSnoop’smurderchargescoincidedwiththereleaseofhisdebutCD/albumdidnotseemtohurtrecordsalesonebit.Onthecontrary,theshootingsimplyconfirmedhisclaimstobea“real”gangsta,tohavecommittedmore“dirt”thanthenextman.ThehypearoundthemanisclearlyresponsibleforpushingDoggyStyletothetopofthechartsbeforeitwasreleased.Mostofhislyricsrepresentnothingbutsenseless,banalnihilism.Themisogynyissodensethatitsoundsmorelikelittlekidsdiscoveringnastywordsforthefirsttimethansomemalepathos.Itispureprofanitybereftoftherichstorytellinganduseofmetaphorandsimilethathavebeencornerstonesofrapmusicsinceitsorigins.

SnoopDoggyDoggisjustthetipoftheiceberg.FormerNWAmemberEazyE(akaEricWright)haseitherturnedconservativeor(morelikely)foundanewgimmicktosellrecords.RecentlyhedonatedmoneytotheRepublicanPartyandpubliclydefendedoneofthepoliceofficersaccusedofbeatingRodneyKing.Notyourtypicalgangstaposture.Furthermore,thecurrentwarbetweenDr.DreandEazyEhasreducedgangstaraptoabattleoverwhohasdonethemostdirt.AccordingtoEazy,Dr.DreandhisnewpartnersonDeathrowRecordsarejust“studiogangstas”becausethey’vecommittedlittleornocrimes.

WhileIstillcontendthatmostoftheearlygangstarappersdidnotsetouttoglamorizecrime,bythesummerof1993gangstaraphadbeenreducedto“nihilismfornihilism’ssake.”Foramoment,thehardest-core,mostfantastic,misogynist,andnihilisticmusicoutsoldalmosteverythingontherapscene,buryingthemostpoliticallycorrect.Insomerespects,thisdevelopmentshouldnotbesurprising.Hard-coregangstaraphasbecomesoformulaicthatcapturing

evenamodicumofrealitynolongerseemstobeapriority.Ironically,themassivepopularityofgangstarapcoincidedwithafairlysubstantialincreaseinwhitesuburbanconsumersofrap.Thisisinspiteofthepost-L.A.rebellionpoliticalclimate,whenmanycommentatorsandculturalcriticshadhopesforaprogressiveturninGhettocentricmusic,andamilitantbacklashagainstgangstarapspecifically,andhiphopmoregenerally(ledmainlybymiddle-classmalespokespersonsliketheReverendCalvinButtsofAbyssinianBaptistChurchinNewYork,AfricanAmericanfeministgroups,andsomeblackworking-classcommunitiesconcernedaboutviolenceintheirmidst).And,asIpointedoutelsewhereinthischapter,someofthemostvociferouscriticsofgangstarapcomefromwithinthehiphopcommunityitself.115

AsIclosethischapter,withjusttwoweeksleftin1993,onecannothelpbutnoticehowrapmusicgenerally,andgangstarapinparticular,hasbecomethescapegoatforsomeveryseriousproblemsfacingurbanAmerica.Besiegedcommunitieswhoaretrulydrowninginpovertyandviolence,itseems,arereachingoutforastraw.Spokespersonsfortheseantirapmovementsinvokeamythicpastinwhichmiddle-classvaluessupposedlyruled.Theypointtoa“goldenage”ofgoodbehavior,whentheyoungrespectedtheirelders,workedhard,didnotlivetheirlivesforleisure,tookeducationseriously,andrespectedtheirneighbor’sproperty.Butthishasbeentheclaimofeverygenerationofblackintellectualsandself-appointedleaderssincetheendofReconstruction(seechapter2).Thecritiqueofthemiddleclassthatwassopowerfulinsomeglimmersofearlygangstarapisnowsilenced,asisthecritiqueofwhattheeconomyhasdonetopeople.Thedoorisopen,moresothanever,formoreall-maleschools,heavierdiscipline,morepolicing,censorship,dresscodes—whatamountstoanall-outwaronAfricanAmericanyouth.Ontheotherhand,themoneyisstillflowingforgangstarappers,manyofwhomnowliveinthehillsoverlookingtheghetto.Thetragedyofallthisisthatthegangstarappershavegottenharderandharder,kickingmoreballisticsthan“reality”criticsandopponentshavebecomeharderandmoresweepingintheircriticism,dismissingnotonlythegangstastuffbuttheentirebodyofrap;andtheveryconditionstheyareconcernedaboutremainthesame.

Gangstarapmightbeonitslastlegs,acompletelyspentgenrethatnowexistsinacul-de-sacofposturing,adolescentmisogynyandblood-and-gutsnarratives.Butitwouldbeamistaketodismissgangstarapandothergenresofhiphopasuselesscreationsofthemarketplace.Ifwewanttoknowthepoliticalclimateamongurbanyouth,weshouldstilllistentothemusicand,mostimportantly,to

theyoungpeoplewhofillthedeadened,congestedspacesofthecitywiththesesonicforces.Andasweallprobablyrealize,theworldfromwhichthismusicemerged,andtowhichitpartiallyspeaks,inevitablyfacesthefurtherdeteriorationofalreadyunlivableneighborhoods,morestreetcrime,andincreasedpolicerepression.Totaketheirvoicesseriously,however,isnottosuggestthattheyareprogressiveorcorrect,orthateveryword,gesture,orbeatisdrippingwithsocialsignificance.Moreoftenthannot,“G-boys”aresimplyouttogetpaid,makingfunkyjeepmusic,practicingtheancientartofplayingthedozens,tryingtobefunny,andgivingthepeoplewhattheywant.Andwhentheyareaddressingtheproblemsofinner-citycommunitieswehavetokeepinmindthattheirsharpestcritiquesofcapitalistAmericaarederivedfromthesamesocialandeconomiccontextsthatledalotofhomiestodistrustblackwomenandeachother.Nevertheless,ifwelearnedanythingfromthatfatefulnightofApril29,itisthat,whetherwelikethemessageornot,wemustreadthegraffitionthewallsand,asIceTputsit,“checkthepulseoftherhymeflow.”

Kickin’Reality,Kickin’Ballistics(The“RaceRebel”RemixVersion)

…Anice,neatendingtobesure,butIcantgooutlikethat.Towriteaboutthe“politics”ofgangstarapisonlypartofthestory.Let’sfaceit:listeningtogangstarap,oranyhardcorehiphop,isnotexactlylikereadinganalternativeversionoftheTimes(NewYorkorL.A.).Hiphopisfirstandforemostmusic,“noize”producedandpurchasedtodriveto,rockto,chillto,dunkto,andoccasionallydanceto.Tothehardcore,howmanypeoplegetfuckedupinasongislessimportantthananMC’sverbalfacilityonthemic,thecreativeandoftenhilarioususeofpuns,metaphors,similes,nottomentiontheabilitytokicksomeseriousslangandsomeseriousassonthemicrophone.AdopeMCleavesatrailofvictimstorotinbodybags,perpetratorswhohadtheaudacitytofrontliketheycouldflow.ThisiswhyIinsistedfromtheget-gothatgangsterismisintegraltoallhardcorehiphop,fromEPMDtoMCLyte,fromBigDaddyKanetoNicenSmooth,justasgangstashavebeenintegraltoallAfricanAmericanand,forthatmatter,blackAtlanticoraltraditions.Moreover,asmicrophonefiendRakimmightputit,hiphopain’thiphopifyoucan’t“movethecrowd.”Inmybook,themostpoliticallycorrectrapperwillnevergetmyhard-earnedducketsiftheyain’tkickin’someboomin’drumtracks,aphatbassline,aJewwell-placedJB-styleguitarriffs,andsomestupid,nastyturntableaction.Ifitclaimstobehiphop,ithastohave,asPeteRocksays,“thebreaks…thefunkybreaks…thefunkybreaks.”

Iwrotethislittlerefrainnottocontradictmyanalysisbuttogooutwithadoseofrealitywhilegivingashoutouttothehardcore.Foralltheimplicitandexplicitpoliticsofraplyrics,hiphopmustbeunderstoodasasonicforcemorethananythingelse.Yousimplycan’tjustreadaboutit;ithastobeheard,volumepumping,bassinfulleffect,indexfingerinreachoftherewindbuttonwhenacompellingsample,breakbeat,orlyriccatchesyourattention.Thisiswhy,forallmyleft-wingpolitics,whenyouseemedrivingbyinmySubaruwagon,windowswideopen,diggingintheseamswiththegangstalean,rearviewmirrortremblingfromthesonicforces,I’llprobablyberockin’tothelikesofKingTee,Dr.Dre,PeteRockandC.L.Smooth,DasEFX,ThePharcyde,CypressHill,Boss,LordsoftheUnderground,MCLyte,IceT,TheCoup,JerudaDamaja,SonofBazerk,Gangstarr,and,yes,IceCube.Keepthecrossoverandsavethe“PC”moralityrapforthosewhoactliketheydon’tknow.I’mstillrollin’withDaLenchMob,kickinitwiththeRhymeSyndicate,hangingoutintheBasementwithPeteRockandtherest,and,likeDasEFX,I’mcomingstraightfromtheSewer…

I’mout….Peace.

Afterword

RaceRebelshitthebookstoresataninauspiciousmoment.ThehardbackeditionfirstappearedinNovemberof1994,justtwoweeksaftertheRepublicansweepofCongress,whentheRightstoodtriumphantandtheAmericanLefthobbledalongweak,divided,anddemoralized.Notsurprisingly,fewreviewers—evensympatheticones—hadmuchinterestinworking-classhistory,politics,andculture.AndthefactthatRaceRebelsappearedintheshadowofamoreinfamousFreePressbook—RichardHerrnsteinandCharlesMurray’shighlycontroversialbest-seller,TheBellCurve:IntelligenceandClassStructureinAmericanLife—certainlydidnothelpmatters.ThestrugglesimplytooverturnfairlyancientargumentsaboutraceandintelligencerenderedmyowninterventionintodebatesaboutAfricanAmericanlifefairlyinnocuous.Tomakemattersworse,thiswasalsotheseasonwhenCaliforniansvotedforProposition187,whichdeniedbasicservices(healthcare,education,etc.)toLatinoimmigrants,andtheUniversityofCaliforniaRegentsdecidedtoabandonitsaffirmativeactionpolicy.

PreciselybecauseRaceRebelsappearedatsuchalowpointinthehistoryofraceandliberal/leftpolitics,somereadersreactednegativelytowhattheyperceivedasnaiveoptimism.(Howabookthatisasmuchaboutlosingbattlesasitisaboutwinningverysmallvictoriescanbecharacterizedasoverlyoptimisticisamysterytome.)Manysympatheticreaders,ontheotherhand,desperatelywantedRaceRebelstobeahow-tobook,aguidetoradicalorganizinginthetwenty-firstcentury.Viae-mailandphoneconversations,atconferences,speakingengagements,andbooksignings,readersoftensaidthingslike,“Howarewesupposedtoturntheseeverydayformsofresistanceintoaneffectivepoliticalmovement?”or“Whatdoesthisculturalpoliticsstuffamountto?”Thus,insteadofseeingtherangeofblackworking-classresponsesasstrategiesbornofspecificcontexts,suchaswartimeurbanAmericaortheSouthintheAgeofJimCrow,someofmycriticsandevenmydefendersmistakenlytreatedthesestoriesofworking-classstruggleassuperiormodesofresistanceforalltimesandallplaces.AfewreaderscametothebizarreconclusionthatIrejected

organizedsocialmovementsaltogether.Actually,IwrotethisbookpreciselybecauseIbelievesocialmovementstobenecessaryandeffective.Buttobeeffective,socialmovementsmustdeveloptheirownleadersandbuildagendasaroundpeople’sactualneedsandgrievances,irrespectiveofwhetherornottheyfitthelogicofaparticularanalyticalframework.1“Infra-politics”isnotusedhereassomekindofalternativetoorganizedsocialmovements.Iuseitasameasureofpowerrelationsandawaytogaugethegrievancesofworkingpeoplewhomightnothaveotheravenuesthroughwhichtovoicetheirconcerns.

AsIhadtoexplainmany,manytimes,RaceRebelswasnotwrittenasahandbookorblueprintforrevolution.Onthecontrary,Iwantedtofindoutwhatblackworkingpeoplechosetodotosurviveandfightbackunderthespecificcircumstancesoftheirowntimeandplace.Isetouttomakevisiblefacetsofblackworking-classresistancethathaveshapedmovementhistoriesbuthaveremainedunacknowledgedandunexamined.Myexplorationsofcommunityinstitutionsandunorganizedresistancewereintendednottobelittlelaborunionsbuttobetterunderstandwhatpeoplebringtothesemovementsandwhysomepeoplechoosenottojoin.Howhaveworkersfoughtspeed-ups,sexualharassment,andshop-floorviolencewhenfacedwithoverwhelmingconstraintsagainstorganizing?Howhavesocialandculturalinstitutionsshapedasenseofsolidaritybeyondtheworkplace?

WhileImadeanefforttoexplainthedifferencethatcommunityinstitutions,politicalorganizations,anddailystrategiesofresistancemadeinthelivesofAfricanAmericanworkingpeople,Ialsotriedtoshowtheirlimitations.Toomanyreaders—includingmyownstudents—ignoredmyargumentthatthesesortsofresistancestrategiescanactasakindofdouble-edgedsword.Viciousattacksonblackpassengersbystreetcarconductorscanconvinceothersofthefutilityoffightingback.Impeccablejobperformanceasastrategytochallengeracialinequalityattheworkplaceultimatelybenefitstheemployer.Employingone’sownlaborformorepleasurablepursuitsdoesnotnecessarilyaltersocialrelations.Inotherwords,weneedtoalwaysacknowledgethefactthatcertainformsofresistancecreatetheirownlimits—limitsthatcanbeunderstoodonlyinspecifichistoricalandspatialcontext.

ThemostusefulthingRaceRebelshastooffer,however,cannotbefoundinthespecificstrategiesofresistanceortheparticularformsthatemergeoutofblackurbanworking-classcommunities.Rather,thebook’susefulnessforthepresentliesinitsreconceptualizationoftheworkingclassitselfandtheissuesaround

whichurbanblackworkingpeoplemobilize.Weneedtocontinuallyaskourselves,What,exactly,are“working-classissues,”particularlyastheyrelatetoAfricanAmericans?Howdowedefineblackworking-classorganizations?Cantheytaketheformonlyoflaborunionsandsolidaritymovements,ordoweincludeneighborhoodandcommunity-basedorganizations?Canwelimitworking-classstruggletoworkplaceconcernsonly,thusadoptingakindofsyndicalistattitudetowardworkandpolitics?Whataboutpublicneedsandservicesbeyondwork?

Thesearecrucialquestionsinanagewhenproductionhasbecomelesspivotaltoworking-classlife.IncreasinglywehavewitnessedtheexportofwholeproductionprocessesascorporationsmovedthemoutsidetheUnitedStatestotakeadvantageofcheaperlabor,relativelylowertaxes,andaderegulated,frequentlyanti-unionenvironmentelsewhere.Asmoreandmoreplantsdownsizeorshutdownaltogether,traditionalworkplaceactivism(insomeinstancesatleast)beginstoloseitsefficacy.Ofcourse,unionorganizingisstillcrucial,butforthemajorityofnonunionworkers—manyofwhomworkonlyparttimeordon’thavejobs—alternativestrategiesareneeded.Developingnewapproachestoworking-classactivismisespeciallyimportantsincethecurrentconservativeCongress—backedbybigcapitalandneo-laissezfaireideologues—hasadoptedpoliciesthatareeffectivelyerodingwhat’sleftofcivilsociety,governmentsafetynets,andessentialpublicservicestotheurbanpoorandworkingclass.Moreover,immigrationandthetransformationofworkfrommanufacturingtoservice,fromdecent-payingfull-timejobstolow-wagepart-timeandtemporaryjobs,haveledtoadramaticshiftinthecomplexionoftheworkingclass.Increasingly,womenandpeopleofcolorarebecomingthecoreoftheurbanlaborforce.

Thefightagainstcutbacksinpublicservicesinthemidstofdeindustrializationhasgeneratednewworking-classmovementspreparedtomeetthechallengesofthe1990s.OrganizationsasdiverseasJusticeforJanitors,theNewYorkCityEnvironmentalJusticeAlliance,andtheLabor/CommunityStrategyCenterinLosAngelesaremadeupofpeopleofcolorwhoseverysurvivalisinquestioninthefaceofdownsizing,cutbacks,risingracism,xenophobia,andsheercallousnesstowardthepoor.Notsurprisingly,onesiteofintenseconflictandmobilizationhasbeenpublictransportation,aninstitutionessentialtotheeconomicandphysicalwell-beingofcitiesbatteredbycapitalflightanddeindustrialization.TheBusRidersUnion,anoutgrowthoftheLabor/CommunityStrategyCenter,hasbeenattheforefrontofthefightfor

decentpublictransportation.Theirorganizersseethebusesasboth“factoriesonwheels”(referringtotheirlargelyworking-classridership)and“movingtheaters”thatprovideastageforgrassrootseducation.Theseorganizerstakethetimetotalktopassengers,distributeleaflets,andgiveshortspeechesbeforeacaptiveaudienceexplaininghowfarehikesandpoorserviceareconnectedtootherissues.TheleadersoftheLabor/CommunityStrategyCentermakeconnectionsbetweenthebuscampaignandcivilrights,environmentaljustice,laborstruggles,thecurrenttrendtowardprivatization,andthebroaderproblemsofcapitalism.BusRidersUnionorganizersseetheirconstituencyinallitsdimensions:asworkers,consumers,citizens,citydwellerstiredoftoxicliving,andpeopleofcolormaneuveringinaworldwhereracialinequalityisstillrampant.Theunion’sdemands—formoreresourcesdevotedtobusesasopposedtocostlycommuterlines,lowerfares,betterservice,safety,no-emissionelectricbuses,transportationpoliciesthatcreatejobsininner-citycommunities—genuinelyreflectarangeofissuesbeyondtheconfinesofmasstransit.2

MovementssuchastheBusRidersUniondemonstratetheneedtorethinkworking-classpoliticsinwaysIhavetriedtosuggestthroughoutthisbook.Clearly,thismovementemergedfromtheveryfabricofdailylife,aproductofconstraintsplacedoninner-citycommunitiesasaresultofcutbacksinpublicfundingandoveralleconomicdecline.Attheheartofthemovementarethebusridersthemselves,theworkingpoorwhoseaccumulationofexperiencesonpublictransportationbroughtthemtotheorganizationinthefirstplace.Andyet,althoughconditionsmighthavemadetheunionpossible,theydidnotmakethemovement.Peopledid.Peoplejoinedtheorganization,tooktimeouttocomplaintotheircitycouncilrepresentatives,distributedleaflets,andtalkedtootherpassengersbecausethemovementmadesensetothem.Itspoketotheirdailystruggleasworkingpeopletryingtogetaroundthecity,asconsumerspayingforservices,asrights-consciouscitizens.Butitwasnotjusta“publicdeclarationofthehiddentranscript”theunion’sactionsanddiscussionsenabledmemberstoseeconnectionsbetweenpublicpoliciesandtheirdailylives.Ittaughtthemthevaluablelessonthatsocialmovements,evenwhentheyloseafight,canmakeadifference.

Movementslikethesecontaintheseedsofanewpoliticalvision—somethingprogressivesandlabororganizersaresorelylacking,especiallywhenitcomestodealingwiththeproblemsofapredominantlynonwhite,urbanworkingclassrelegatedtolow-wageservicework,part-timework,oroutrightjoblessness.Inthecurrentperiodofdemoralizationandrollbacks,wehavetokeepreminding

ourselvesthatpoliticsmatters,andthatpoliticswithoutsomelargervisionofwhatoursocietyshouldlookliketendstobecynicalorreactionary.Thebuildingblocksforanewvision,asItriedtosuggestinthisbook,canbefoundinthecontextsofworkingpeople’slives,intheaccumulatedmemoriesandexperiencestheycarrywiththem,inthestrugglestheytakeup,andintheorganizationalformsthroughwhichtheyexpressthemselves.Whatwedowiththosebuildingblocksisthechallengethatliesbeforeus.

Notes

Introduction

1.C.L.R.James,GraceLee,andPierreChaulieu,FacingReality(Detroit:CorrespondencePublishingCo.,1958),5.

2.IalsoworkedattheMcDonald’sonFoothillBoulevardinEastPasadena,wheremyexperiencewasquitedifferent.The“crew”therewaspredominantlywhiteandveryefficient.TheytookthejobsoseriouslythatIwassuspendedfortwoweeksfornotaskingacustomer(whoturnedouttobeamanagerfromanotherstorepretendingtobeacustomer)ifhewantedanapplepie.Ididn’tstickaroundtogetmyjobback;twodayslaterIgotajobatInandOut,adrive-inhamburgerstandwithchainstoresspreadthroughoutCalifornia.

3.“Taylorism”referstothesystemofscientificmanagementdevelopedbyFrederickWinslowTayloracenturyago.Hisaimwastolimitalldecisionmakingtomanagersandengineers,andrestructurethelaborprocessinordertoreduceunnecessarymovement,lowerthelevelofskillneededtoperformatask,andmakeproductionmoreefficient.ForathoroughdiscussionoftheTaylorizingofMcDonald’s,seeRobinLeidner,FastFood,FastTalk:ServiceWorkandtheRoutinizationofEverydayLife(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1993),especially51-53,67-69,79-83,129-34.

4.W.E.B.DuBois,BlackReconstructioninAmerica:AnEssaytowardaHistoryofthePartWhichBlackFolkPlayedintheAttempttoReconstructDemocracyinAmerica,1860-1880(NewYork:HarcourtBrace,1935);C.L.R.James,BlackJacobins:ToussaintL’OuvertureandtheSanDomingoRevolution,2nded.(NewYork:VintageBooks,1963).AnotherimportantworkfromthaterawasHerbertAptheker’sAmericanNegroSlaveRevolts(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1943).HeofferedaroughbutusefulframeworkforstudyingthehiddenanddisguisedstrugglesofslavesinNorthAmerica.Thisimportantbooknotonlytriestoidentifyactsofresistanceandplansforrebellionamongslaves,

butdemonstrateshowsmallconflictsandthethreatofrevoltshapedallofSouthernsociety.Alsoseehisearlieressaysandpamphletswhichwereintendedforthekindofworking-classaudienceshehadbeenorganizingatthetime:NegroSlaveRevoltsintheUnitedStates,1526-1860(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1939);TheNegrointheCivilWar(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1938);HerbertAptheker,“MaroonswithinthePresentLimitsoftheUnitedStates,”JournalofNegroHistory24(April1939),167-84.ForanappraisalofAmericanNegroSlaveRevoltsandahistoryofthevariousresponsesfromthehistoricalprofession,seeHerbertShapiro,“TheImpactoftheApthekerThesis:ARetrospectiveViewofAmericanNegroSlaveRevolts,”ScienceandSociety,48(Spring1984),52-73.

5.TheseminaltextsincludeE.P.Thompson,TheMakingoftheEnglishWorkingClass(NewYork:VintageBooks,1963)andWhigsandHunters:TheOriginsoftheBlackAct(London:AllenLane,1975);EricHobsbawm,PrimitiveRebels:StudiesinArchaicFormsofSocialMovementsinthe19thand20thCenturies.1959reprint(NewYork:Norton,1965);GeorgeRudé,TheCrowdinHistory:AStudyofPopularDisturbancesinFranceandEngland,1730-1848(NewYork:Wiley,1964);HerbertGutman,Work,Culture,andSocietyinindustrializingAmerica:EssaysinAmericanWorking-ClassandSocialHistory(NewYork:Knopf,1976);EugeneGenovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll:TheWorldtheSlavesMade(NewYork:Pantheon,1974);DavidMontgomery,WorkersControlinAmerica:StudiesintheHistoryofWork,Technology,andLaborStruggles(CambridgeandNewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1979).

6.SomeearlyexamplesofscholarsattemptingtoexamineAfricanAmericanworking-classhistory“frombelow”include:HerbertGutman,“TheNegroandtheUnitedMineWorkersofAmerica:TheCareerandLettersofRichardL.DavisandSomethingofTheirMeaning,1890-1900,”inTheNegroandtheAmericanLaborMovement,ed.JuliusJacobson(GardenCity,N.Y.:AnchorBooks,1968),49-127;Gutman,“BlackCoalMinersandtheGreenback-LaborPartyinRedeemer,Alabama:1878-1879,”LaborHistory10(1969),506-35;NellIrvinPainter,Exodusters:BlackMigrationtoKansasafterReconstruction(NewYork:Knopf,1976);Painter,TheNarrativeofHoseaHudson,HisLifeasaNegroCommunistintheSouth(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1979);PeterJ.Rachleff,BlackLaborintheSouth:Richmond,Virginia,1865-1890(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1984);JoeWilliamTrotter,Jr.,BlackMilwaukee:TheMakingofanIndustrialProletariat,1915-1945(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1985);PaulWorthman,“WorkingClassMobilityin

Birmingham,Alabama,1880-1914,”inAnonymousAmericans:ExplorationsinNineteenth-CenturySocialHistory,ed.TamaraK.Hareven(EnglewoodCliffs,N.J.:Prentice-Hall,1971),172-213;PaulWorthmanandJamesGreen,“BlackWorkersintheNewSouth,1865-1915,”inKeyIssuesintheAfro-AmericanExperience,eds.NathanHuggins,MartinKilson,andDanielFox(NewYork:HarcourtBraceJovanovich,1971),II,47-69.SomemorerecentexamplesincludeEricAmesen,WaterfrontWorkersofNewOrleans:Race,Class,andPolitics,1863-1923(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1991);MichaelHoney,SouthernLaborandBlackCivilRights:OrganizingMemphisWorkers(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1993);TeraW.Hunter,“HouseholdWorkersintheMaking:Afro-AmericanWomeninAtlantaandtheNewSouth,1861-1920”(Ph.D.diss.,YaleUniversity,1990);RobinD.G.Kelley,HammerandHoe:AlabamaCommunistsduringtheGreatDepression(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1990);RobertKorstad,“‘DaybreakofFreedom’:TobaccoWorkersandtheCIO,Winston-Salem,NorthCarolina,1943-1950”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofNorthCarolina,ChapelHill,1987);DoloresJaniewski,SisterhoodDenied:Race,Gender,andClassinaNewSouthCommunity(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1985);JacquelineJones,LaborofLove,LaborofSorrow:BlackWomen,WorkandtheFamily,FromSlaverytothePresent(NewYork:BasicBooks,1985);EarlLewis,InTheirOwnInterests:Race,Class,andPowerinTwentiethCenturyNorfolk,Virginia(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1991);BruceNelson,“ClassandRaceintheCrescentCity:TheILWU,fromSanFranciscotoNewOrleans,”inTheCIO’sLeft-ledUnions,ed.StevenRosswurm(NewBrunswick,NJ:RutgersUniversityPress,1992),19-45;andNelson,“OrganizedLaborandtheStruggleforBlackEqualityinMobileduringWorldWarII,”JournalofAmericanHistory80,no.3(December1993),952-88;JoeWilliamTrotter,Jr.,Coal,Class,andColor:BlacksinSouthernWestVirginia,1915-1932(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1990).

7.Painter,Exodusters,15-16.

8.GloriaWade-Gayles,PushedBacktoStrength:ABlackWoman’sJourneyHome(Boston:BeaconPress,1993),5.

9.JamesC.Scott,DominationandtheArtsofResistance:HiddenTranscripts(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1990),quotefromp.183;seealsoJamesC.Scott,WeaponsoftheWeak:EverydayFormsofPeasantResistance(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1985);JamesC.Scott,TheMoralEconomyofthe

Peasant:RebellionandSubsistenceinSoutheastAsia(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1976);RosalindO’Hanlon,“RecoveringtheSubject:SubalternStudiesandHistoriesofResistanceinColonialSouthAsia,”ModernAsianStudies22(February1988),189-224.TheprecursorsofScott’sworkincludeE.P.Thompson,TheMakingoftheEnglishWorkingClass;E.P.Thompson,“TheCrimeofAnonymity,”inAlbion’sFatalTree:CrimeandSocietyinEighteenth-CenturyEngland,eds.DouglasHay,PeterLinebaugh,JohnG.Rule,E.P.Thompson,andCalWinslow(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1975),255-344;MicheldeCerteau’sThePracticeofEverydayLife,trans.StevenRendall(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1984);Aptheker,AmericanNegroSlaveRevolts;RaymondA.BauerandAliceH.Bauer,“DaytoDayResistancetoSlavery,”JournalofNegroHistory,37(October1942),388-419;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,599-621;seealsoPeterKolchin,UnfreeLabor:AmericanSlaveryandRussianSerfdom(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1987),241-44;AlexLichtenstein,“ThatDispositiontoTheft,WithWhichTheyhavebeenBranded:MoralEconomy,SlaveManagement,andtheLaw,”JournalofSocialHistory22(Spring1988),413-40;SterlingStuckey,“ThroughthePrismofFolklore:TheBlackEthosinSlavery,”MassachusettsReview9(Summer1968),417-37.

10.LilaAbu-Lughod,“TheRomanceofResistance:TracingTransformationsofPowerthroughBedouinWomen,”AmericanEthnologist17,no.1(1990),55.I’mgratefultoVictoriaWolcottforbringingthissourcetomyattention.ForamoredevelopedcritiqueofScott,seeRobinD.G.Kelley,“AnArcheologyofResistance,”AmericanQuarterly44(June.1992),292-98;TimothyMitchell,“EverydayMetaphorsofPower,”TheoryandSociety19(October1990),545-77;DavidHunt,“FromtheMillennialtotheEveryday:JamesScott’sSearchfortheEssenceofPeasantPolitics,”RadicalHistoryReview42(Fall1988),155-72.Forageneralcritiqueofthecurrentmisusesofhegemony,seeMichaelDenning,“TheEndofMassCulture,”InternationalLaborandWorking-ClassHistory37(Spring1990),13-14.

11.Myrecastingof“thepolitical”isinspiredinpartfrommyreadingofGeoffEley,“LaborHistory,SocialHistory,Alltagsgeschichte:Experience,Culture,andthePoliticsoftheEveryday—ANewDirectionforGermanSocialHistory?”JournalofModernHistory61(June1989),297-343.

PartI.“WeWeartheMask”

1.PaulLaurenceDunbar,“WeWeartheMask,”inTheCompleteWorksofPaulLaurenceDunbar,ed.WD.Howells,(NewYork:Dodd,Mead,andCo.,1922),71.

Chapter1.ShiftlessoftheWorldUnite!

1.DanielBell,WorkandItsDiscontents:TheCultofEfficiencyinAmerica(Boston:Beacon,1956),15.

2.W.E.B.DuBois,BlackReconstructioninAmerica:AnEssaytowardaHistoryofthePartWhichBlackFolkPlayedintheAttempttoReconstructDemocracy,1860-1880(NewYork:HarcourtBrace,1935),40.

3.GeorgeRawick,“Working-ClassSelf-Activity,”RadicalAmerica3(March-April1969),145.

4.TeraW.Hunter,“HouseholdWorkersintheMaking:Afro-AmericanWomeninAtlantaandtheNewSouth,1861-1920”(Ph.D.diss.,YaleUniversity,1990),76-82;JacquelineJones,LaborofLove,LaborofSorrow:BlackWomen,WorkandtheFamily,FromSlaverytothePresent(NewYork:BasicBooks,1985),132-33;DoloresJaniewski,“SistersunderTheirSkins:SouthernWorkingWomen,1880-1950,”inSex,Race,andtheRoleofWomenintheSouth,eds.JoanneV.HawksandSheilaL.Skemp(Jackson,1983),788;DavidKatzman,SevenDaysaWeek:WomenandDomesticServiceinIndustrializingAmerica(NewYork,1978),195-97.

5.RobertKorstad,“‘DaybreakofFreedom’:TobaccoWorkersandtheCIO,Winston-Salem,NorthCarolina,1943-1950”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofNorthCarolina,ChapelHill,1987),101;DoloresJaniewski,SisterhoodDenied:Race,Gender,andClassinaNewSouthCommunity(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1985),98;Jones,LaborofLove,LaborofSorrow,140.

6.Theobviousexceptions,ofcourse,areslaverystudiesandthegrowingliteratureondomesticworkers.Inparticular,slaveryhistorianshaveimaginativelyexaminedandinterpretedthiselusivebutnolesspowerfulformofresistance.SeeespeciallyEugeneGenovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll:TheWorldtheSlavesMade(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1974),599-621;PeterKolchin,UnfreeLabor:AmericanSlaveryandRussianSerfdom(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1987),241-44;AlexLichtenstein,“ThatDispositiontoTheft,WithWhichTheyhavebeenBranded:MoralEconomy,Slave

Management,andtheLaw”JournalofSocialHistory22(Spring1988),413-40;andthepioneeringcontributionsbyRaymondA.BauerandAliceH.Bauer,“DaytoDayResistancetoSlavery,”JournalofNegroHistory37(Oct.1942),388-419,andHerbertAptheker,AmericanNegroSlaveRevolts(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1943),141-49;EdwardL.Ayers,VengeanceandJustice:CrimeandPunishmentinthe19thCenturyAmericanSouth(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1984).Themostsophisticatedworkoncrimeandresistanceattheworkplacecontinuestocomefromsociologists,radicalcriminologists,andhistoriansofEuropeandAfrica.See,forexample,PeterLinebaugh’sbrilliantbook,TheLondonHanged:CrimeandCivilSocietyintheEighteenthCentury(London:AllenLane,ThePenguinPress,1991);RobinCohen,“ResistanceandHiddenFormsofConsciousnessamongAfricanWorkers,”ReviewofAfricanPoliticalEconomy19(1980),8-22;JeffCrisp,TheStoryofanAfricanWorkingClass:GhanaianMiners’Struggles,1870-1980(London:ZedBooks,1984),18,26,44-45,68,78;BillFreund,“TheftandSocialProtestamongtheTinMinersofNorthernNigeria,”RadicalHistoryReview26(1982),68-86;CharlesVanOnselen,Chibaro:AfricanMineLabourinSouthernRhodesia,1900-1933(London:PlutoPress,1976),239-42;VanOnselen,StudiesintheSocialandEconomicHistoryoftheWitwatersrand,1886-1914:NewNineveh(NewYork:Longman,1982),II,171-95.

7.Linebaugh,TheLondonHanged;E.P.Thompson,“TheMoralEconomyoftheEnglishCrowdintheEighteenthCentury,”PastandPresent50(February1971),76-135;DouglasHay,PeterLinebaugh,JohnG.Rule,E.P.Thompson,andCalWinslow,Albion’sFatalTree:CrimeandSocietyinEighteenth-CenturyEngland(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1975).

8.Hunter,“HouseholdWorkersintheMaking,”82-83,quotestakenfrom137-39;thelatterisfromWalterL.Fleming,“TheServantProbleminaBlackBeltVillage,”SewaneeReview13(January1905),8.Seealso,CliffordM.Kuhn,HarlonE.Joye,andE.BernardWest,LivingAtlanta:AnOralHistoryoftheCity,1914-1948(Athens,Ga.:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1990),113;Jones,LaborofLove,LaborofSorrow,132.

9.ApowerfulexamplefromU.S.laborstudiesisAlvinWardGouldner,WildcatStrike(YellowSprings,Ohio:AntiochPress,1954);andonBritishworkers,seeStevenBox,Recession,Crime,andPunishment(Totowa,N.J.:BarnesandNobleBooks,1987),34;JasonDitton,Part-TimeCrime:AnEthnographyofFiddlingandPilferage(London:Macmillan,1977);RichardC.HollingerandJ.P.Clark,

TheftbyEmployees(Lexington,Mass.:LexingtonBooks,1983).Forageneraldiscussionoftheinformaleconomyandworking-classopposition,seeCyrilRobinson,“ExploringtheInformalEconomy,”CrimeandSocialJustice15,nos.3and4(1988),3-16.

10.Jones,LaborofLove,LaborofSorrow,132;Korstad,“‘DaybreakofFreedom,’”102;Janiewski,SisterhoodDenied,124;RobinD.G.Kelley,HammerandHoe:AlabamaCommunistsduringtheGreatDepression(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1990),20-21;JuliaKirkBlackwelder,“QuietSuffering:AtlantaWomeninthe1930’s,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly61(Summer1977),119-20.

11.MicheldeCerteau,ThePracticeofEverydayLife(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1984),25-26.

12.Hunter,“HouseholdWorkersintheMaking,”85;Jones,LaborofLove,LaborofSorrow,131;JohnDollard,CasteandClassinaSouthernTown,3rded.(NewYork:Doubleday,1957),108.

13.Korstad,“‘DaybreakofFreedom,’”101.

14.EuropeanandAfricanlaborhistorianshavebeenmoreinclinedthanAmericaniststostudyindustrialsabotage,thoughmuchofthisworkfocusesonthenineteenthcentury.See,forexample,GeoffBrown,Sabotage.AStudyinIndustrialConflict(Nottingham:BertrandRussellPeaceFoundationforSpokesmanBooks,1977);PierreDuBois,SabotageinIndustry(NewYork:Penguin,1979);Gouldner,WildcatStrike;E.J.Hobsbawm,“TheMachineBreakers,”inLabouringMen(London:Weidenfeld&Nicolson,1964);TimMason’sschematicbutprovocativeessay,“TheWorkers’OppositioninNaziGermany,”HistoryWorkshop11(Spring1981),127-30;DonaldQuartaert,“MachineBreakingandtheChangingCarpetIndustryofWesternAnatolia,1860-1908,”JournalofSocialHistory19(Summer1986),473-489;VanOnselen,Chibaro,242-44;Crisp,StoryofanAfricanWorkingClass,7.TheIndustrialWorkersoftheWorldoffersimmensepossibilitiesforstudyingblackworking-classsabotagepreciselybecauseWobbly(membersoftheIndustrialWorkersoftheWorld)leadersrecruitedAfricanAmericansandopenlyadvocatedsabotageasastrategyofresistance.Yet,exceptforDavidRoediger’sexcellentessay,“GainingaHearingforBlack-WhiteUnity:CovingtonHallandtheComplexitiesofRace,GenderandClass,”inTowardstheAbolitionof

Whiteness:EssaysonRace,Politics,andWorkingClassHistory(London:Verso,1994),andbriefreferencesinJamesGreen’s,Grass-RootsSocialism:RadicalMovementsintheSouthwest,1895-1943(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1978),p.219,scholarshavenotattemptedtoexplorewhetherblackWobbliespracticedsabotage.PartofthereasonforthishastodowiththefactthatblackworkershavebeentreatedbymostIWWhistoriansmoreorlessasobjectstobedebatedoverratherthansubjectsengagedin“theclassstruggle.”SeeespeciallyPaulBrissenden,TheI.W.W.:AStudyofAmericanSyndicalism(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1919),208;JohnS.Gambs,TheDeclineoftheI.W.W.(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1932),135,198;SeligPerlmanandPhilipTaft,HistoryofLaborintheUnitedStates(NewYork:Macmillan,1935),247;BernardA.Cook,“CovingtonHallandRadicalRuralUnionizationinLouisiana,”LouisianaHistory18,no.2(1977),230,235;MelvynDubofsky,WeShallBeAll:AHistoryoftheIndustrialWorkersoftheWorld(Chicago:QuadrangleBooks,1969),8-9,210,213-16;MerlE.Reed,“LumberjacksandLongshoremen:TheI.W.W.inLouisiana,”LaborHistory13(Winter1972),44-58;PhilipFoner,“TheI.W.W.andtheBlackWorker,”JournalofNegroHistory55(January1970),45-64;SterlingSperoandAbramL.Harris,TheBlackWorker:TheNegroandtheLaborMovement(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1931),esp.329-35.

15.MythinkinghereispartlyinspiredbySylviaWynter’s,“SambosandMinstrels,”SocialText1(Winter1979),149-56;DavidRoediger,TheWagesofWhiteness:RaceandtheMakingoftheAmericanWorkingClass(London:Verso,1991),11-13.ForadiscussionofthedominantassumptionsaboutblackcriminalityandlazinessinthepostbellumSouth,seeGeorgeFrederickson,TheBlackImageintheWhiteMind:TheDebateonAfro-AmericanCharacterandDestiny,1817-1914(Middletown,Conn.:WesleyanUniversityPress,1987,orig.1971),251-52,273-75,287-88;ClaudeH.Nolen,TheNegro’sImageintheSouth:TheAnatomyofWhiteSupremacy(Lexington,Ky.:UniversityofKentuckyPress,1967),13-15,25-27;Ayers,VengeanceandJustice,176-77.

16.Kelley,HammerandHoe,101-103;JamesC.Scott,DominationandtheArtsofResistance:HiddenTranscripts(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1990),23-36.Ofcourse,themaskofignorancedidnotalwaysworkasastrategytomitigatepunishment.Insomeinstances,ruralAfricanAmericansaccusedofstealinglivestockorburningbarnswerelynched.SeeclippingsinRalphGinzburg,ed.,100YearofLynchings(NewYork:LancerBooks,1962),92-93.

17.Kuhn,etal.,LivingAtlanta,115;SusanTucker,“AComplexBond:SouthernBlackDomesticWorkersandTheirWhiteEmployers,”Frontiers:AJournalofWomen’sStudies11,no.3(1987),6-13.

18.Thisimageispowerfullyconveyedintherecentdocumentaryfilm,“AttheRiverIStand”(1994),abouttheMemphisStrike.Foroneexplorationofthemasculinistthrustinblackpolitics,seeE.FrancesWhite,“AfricaonMyMind:Gender,CounterDiscourseandAfrican-AmericanNationalism,”JournalofWomen’sHistory2,no.1(Spring1990),73-97.Also,inchapter5IexaminethecommonthreadofmilitantpoliticsasaformofmaleredemptioninbothblacknationalistandCommunistdiscourse.

19.Roediger,TowardstheAbolitionofWhiteness,168-69.

20.JoeWilliamTrotter,Jr.,Coal,Class,andColor:BlacksinSouthernWestVirginia,1915-1932(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1990),65,108,264-65;EvelynBrooksHigginbotham,RighteousDiscontent:TheWomen’sMovementintheBlackBaptistChurch,1880-1920(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1993),177,211.

21.ThislastpointwasmadebyRichardPrice,“TheLabourProcessandLabourHistory,”SocialHistory8(January1983),62-63.

22.SeeTrotter,Coal,Class,andColor,68-85;109;WilliamCohen,AtFreedom’sEdge:BlackMobilityandtheSouthernQuestforRacialControl,1861-1935(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1991);EarlLewis,InTheirOwnInterests:Race,Class,andPowerinTwentieth-CenturyNorfolk,Virginia(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1991),30-32,168;JamesR.Grossman,LandofHope:Chicago,BlackSoutherners,andtheGreatMigration(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1989);NeilMcMillen,DarkJourney:BlackMississippiansintheAgeofJimCrow(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1989),257-81;RobertG.Athearn,InSearchofCanaan:BlackMigrationtoKansas,1879-80(Lawrence:RegentsPressofKansas,1978);NellIrvinPainter,Exodusters:BlackMigrationtoKansasafterReconstruction(NewYork:Knopf,1976);EdwinS.Redkey,BlackExodus:BlackNationalistandBack-to-AfricaMovements,1890-1910(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1969);PeterGottlieb,MakingTheirOwnWay:SouthernBlacks’MigrationtoPittsburgh,1916-1930(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1987).Forexamplesofthewaysinwhichblackmigrationisredefined,

seeJacquelineJones,TheDispossessed:America’sUnderclassesfromtheCivilWartothePresent(NewYork:BasicBooks,1992),104-26;Dollard,CasteandClassinaSouthernTown,115-19;Nolen,TheNegro’sImageintheSouth,186-88.

23.OnecouldgobackasfarasCharlesWesley,NegroLaborintheUnitedStates,1850-1925:AStudyinAmericanEconomicHistory(NewYork:VanguardPress,1927);CarterG.WoodsonandLorenzoGreene,TheNegroWageEarner(Washington,D.C.:AssociationfortheStudyofNegroLifeandHistory,1930);SperoandHarris,TheBlackWorker,forrichdescriptionsofraciallysegregatedwork.TwoofthemostsophisticatedrecentstudiesthatexaminetheracializeddimensionofindustrialworkandworkspacesareEricArnesen,WaterfrontWorkersofNewOrleans:Race,Class,andPolitics,1863-1923(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1991);Trotter,Coal,Ciass,andColor,esp.65-88,102-11.

24.FeministscholarshipontheSouth,aswellassomerecentcommunityhistories,havebeguntoexaminehowtheracializedandgenderedsocialspacesinwhichpeoplework,inadditiontotheworldbeyondwork,whichwasalsodividedbyraceand—attimes—sex,shapedthecharacterofeverydayresistance,collectiveaction,anddomination.Seeespecially,Hunter,“HouseholdWorkersintheMaking”Janiewski,SisterhoodDenied;Janiewski,“SistersunderTheirSkins,”13-35;Janiewski,“Seeking‘aNewDayandaNewWay’:BlackWomenandUnionsintheSouthernTobaccoIndustry,”in“ToToiltheLivelongDay”:AmericanWomenatWork,1780-1980,eds.CarolGronemanandMaryBethNorton(Ithaca,N.Y.:CornellUniversityPress,1987),161-78;Korstad,“‘DaybreakofFreedom’”JuliaKirkBlackwelder,“WomenintheWorkforce:Atlanta,NewOrleans,andSanAntonio,1930-1940,”JournalofUrbanHistory4(May1978),331-58.Myideasabouta“politicsoflocation”arederivedfromAdrienneRich,“NotestowardaPoliticsofLocation,”inWomen,FeministIdentity,andSocietyinthe1980’s:SelectedPapers,eds.MyriamDiaz-DiocaretzandIrisM.Zavala(Philadelphia:Benjamins,1985),7-22;LindaAlcoff,“CulturalFeminismversusPost-Structuralism:TheIdentityCrisisinFeministTheory,”Signs13(1988),434;NinaGregg,“WomenTellingStoriesaboutReality:Subjectivity,theGenerationofMeaning,andtheOrganizingofaUnionatYale”(Ph.D.diss.,McGillUniversity,1991).

25.Lewis,InTheirOwnInterests,47-58,quotefromp.58;seealsoBrendaMcCallum,“SongsofWork,SongsofWorship,”NewYorkFolklore14,nos.1

and2(1988),14.

26.Green,“TheBrotherhoodofTimberWorkers,”185.Onthepreferenceofblackworkersforsegregatedlocals,seeBruceNelson,“ClassandRaceintheCrescentCity:TheILWU,fromSanFranciscotoNewOrleans,”inTheCIO’sLeft-ledUnions,ed.StevenRosswurm(NewBrunswick,N.J.:RutgersUniversityPress,1992),19-45.

27.Janiewski,SisterhoodDenied,97-109passim.;Janiewski,“SistersunderTheirSkins,”27-28;Janiewski,“SeekingaNewDay,”166;BeverlyW.Jones,“Race,Sex,andClass:BlackFemaleTobaccoWorkersinDurham,NorthCarolina,1920-1940,andtheDevelopmentofFemaleConsciousness,”FeministStudies10(Fall1984),443-50;Jones,LaborofLove,LaborofSorrow,137-38;andonsexualexploitationofdomesticworkers,seeHunter,“HouseholdWorkersintheMaking,”116-17;Kuhnetal.,LivingAtlanta,115.

28.ThreeexceptionsareVickiRuiz,CanneryWomen,CanneryLives:MexicanWomen,Unionization,andtheCaliforniaFoodProcessingIndustry,1930-1950(Albuquerque:UniversityofNewMexicoPress,1987);MaryBularzik,“SexualHarassmentattheWorkplace:HistoricalNotes,”inWorkers’Struggles,PastandPresent,ed.JamesGreen(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1983),117-35;ElsaBarkleyBrown,“‘WhatHasHappenedHere’:ThePoliticsofDifferenceinWomen’sHistoryandFeministPolitics,”FeministStudies18(Summer1992),302-7.

29.Jones,“Race,Sex,andClass,”449;Korstad,“‘DaybreakofFreedom.’”

30.QuotefromEileenBoris,“BlackWomenandPaidLaborintheHome:IndustrialHomeworkinChicagointhe1920’s,”inHomework:HistoricalandContemporaryPerspectivesonPaidLaboratHome,eds.EileenBorisandCynthiaR.Daniels(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1989),47;Hunter,“HouseholdWorkersintheMaking,”151-86.SeealsoEileenBoris,HometoWork:MotherhoodandThePoliticsofIndustrialHomeworkintheUnitedStates(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1994).

31.Kuhnetal.,LivingAtlanta,115.

32.ElizabethClark-Lewis,“‘ThisWorkHadaEnd’:African-AmericanDomesticWorkersinWashington,D.C.,1910-1940,”in“ToToiltheLivelongDay”:AmericanWomenatWork,1780-1980,eds.CarolGronemanandMary

BethNorton(Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress,1987),207.

33.JohnMichaelMatthews,“TheGeorgiaRaceStrikeof1909,”JournalofSouthernHistory40(November1974),613-30;HughHammet,“LaborandRace:TheGeorgiaRailroadStrikeof1909,”LaborHistory16(Fall1975),470-84;PhilipS.Foner,OrganizedLaborandtheBlackWorker,1619-1981,2nded.(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1981),105-7;ForthWorthTelegram,December21,1921,reprintedinGinzburg,ed.,100YearsofLynching,157-58;WilliamH.Harris,TheHarderWeRun:BlackWorkerssincetheCivilWar(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1982),45-47;HerbertShapiro,WhiteViolenceandBlackResponse:FromReconstructiontoMontgomery(Amherst,Mass.:UniversityofMassachusettsPress,1988),338-39.

34.Janiewski,SisterhoodDenied,121;MichaelHoney,SouthernLaborandBlackCivilRights:OrganizingMemphisWorkers(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1993),208,276.

35.Roediger,WagesofWhiteness,13-14;AlexanderSaxton,TheRiseandFalloftheWhiteRepublic:ClassPoliticsandMassCultureinNineteenth-CenturyAmerica(London:Verso,1990);EricLott,LoveandTheft:BlackfaceMinstrelsyandtheAmericanWorkingClass(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1993).

36.Arnesen,WaterfrontWorkers,121-31;HerbertHill,“Myth-MakingasLaborHistory:HerbertGutmanandtheUnitedMineWorkersofAmerica,”InternationaljournalofPolitics,Culture,andSociety2(Winter1988),132-200;RobertJ.Norrell,“CasteinSteel:JimCrowCareersinBirmingham,Alabama,”JournalofAmericanHistory73(December1986),669-94;HoraceHuntley,“IronOreMinersandMineMillinAlabama,1933-1952”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofPittsburgh,1976),110-69;DavidRoediger,“LaborintheWhiteSkin:RaceandWorkingClassHistory,”inTheYearLeft3:ReshapingtheU.S.Left:PopularStrugglesinthe1980’s,eds.MikeDavisandMichaelSprinker(London:Verso,1988),287-308;Roediger,WagesofWhiteness,43-87passim.

37.MichaelYarrow,“TheGender-SpecificClassConsciousnessofAppalachianCoalMiners:StructureandChange,”inBringingClassBackIn:ContemporaryandHistoricalPerspectives,eds.ScottG.McNall,RhondaF.Levine,andRickFantasia(Boulder:WestviewPress,1991),302-3;Trotter,Coal,Class,andColor,109;PaulWillis,LearningtoLabour:HowWorkingClassKidsGetWorkingClassJobs(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1981),133;andsee

alsohisessay,“Shop-FloorCulture,Masculinity,andtheWageForm,”inWorking-ClassCulture,eds.JohnClarke,CharlesCritcher,andRichardJohnson(NewYork:St.Martin’sPress,1979),185-98.

38.Scott,DominationandtheArtsofResistance,113.

39.ThebasisforbiracialunionsintheSouthisbeyondthescopeofmyessay,thoughitisaveryimportantsubjectthatdeservesgreaterexamination.Forrecentcriticalinsightsintotheracialandclassdimensionsofinterracialunity(anddisunity),seeEricArnesen’s,“FollowingtheColorLine:BlackWorkersandtheLaborMovementBefore1930,”RadicalHistoryReview55(Winter1993),53-87;Arnesen,WaterfrontWorkers;MichaelHoney,SouthernLaborandBlackCivilRights;Roediger,TowardstheAbolitionofWhiteness;BruceNelson,“ClassandRaceintheCrescentCity,”19-45;Trotter,Coal,Class,andColor.

40.InHammerandHoe,IdocumentnumerousexamplesofwhiteradicalsandsympathizersinAlabamawhowereseverelybeaten(andinonecase,lynched)fortakingunpopularstandsonAfricanAmericanrights.ThattheycrossedthecolorlinewasfarmoreimportantthanbeingCommunists;CommunistsinNorthAlabama,wherethePartywascompletelywhiteandmadeupofsomeex-Klanmembers,facedvirtuallynoviolenceuntiltheybeganorganizingblacksharecroppersintheblackbeltcounties.SeeKelley,HammerandHoe,47,67-74,130-31,159-75passim.SimilarexamplescanbefoundinHoney,SouthernLaborandBlackCivilRights.

41.Theliteratureonthelatenineteenthandtwentiethcenturiesaloneisextensive.ThebestoverviewisShapiro,WhiteViolenceandBlackResponse;seealsoDanT.Carter,Scottsboro:ATragedyoftheAmericanSouth,rev.ed.(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1979);JamesR.McGovem,AnatomyofaLynching:TheKillingofClaudeNeal(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1982);AnthonyJ.Blasi,SegregationistViolenceandCivilRightsMovementsinTuscaloosa(Washington,D.C.:UniversityPressofAmerica,1980);ArthurRaper,TheTragedyofLynching(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1933);JacquelynDowdHall,“‘TheMindThatBurnsinEachBody’:Women,Rape,andRacialViolence,”inPowersofDesire:ThePoliticsofSexuality,eds.AnnSnitow,ChristineStansell,andSharonThompson(NewYork:MonthlyReviewPress,1983),328-49;CharlesCrowe,“RacialViolenceandSocialReform—OriginsoftheAtlantaRiotof

1906,”JournalofNegroHistory53(July1968),234-56;ScottEllsworth,DeathinaPromisedLand:TheTulsaRaceRiotof1921(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1982);andonnonviolentandviolentblackresponses,seeRobertL.Zangrando,TheNAACPCrusadeagainstLynching,1909-1950(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1980);Kelley,HammerandHoe,chap.4;GeorgeC.Wright,LifebehindaVeil:BlacksinLouisville,Kentucky,1865-1930(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1985),71-76,239-41;AugustMeierandElliotRudwick,“BlackViolenceintheTwentiethCentury:AStudyinRhetoricandRetaliation,”inAlongtheColorLine,224-37passim;WilliamIvyHair,CarnivalofFury:RobertCharlesandtheNewOrleansRaceRiotof1900(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1976);JohnD.Weaver,TheBrownsvilleRaid(NewYork:Norton,1970);RobertV.Haynes,ANightofViolence:TheHoustonRiotof1917(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1976);J.J.Fyfe,“BlindJustice:PoliceShootingsinMemphis,”JournalofCriminalLawandCriminology73(1982),707-22;JohnDittmer,BlackGeorgiaintheProgressiveEra,1900-1920(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1977),138-39;HowardN.Rabinowitz,“TheConflictbetweenBlacksandthePoliceintheUrbanSouth,1865-1900,”Historian39(November1976),62-76;Rabinowitz,RaceRelationsintheUrbanSouth,1865-1890(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1978),41-50.

42.W.E.B.DuBois,andmorerecently,MichaelSchwartz,GeorgeLipsitz,andRickFantasiapersuasivelyarguethataradicalconsciousnessoftendevelopsasaresultofcollectivestruggle.SeeDuBois,BlackReconstruction;MichaelSchwartz,RadicalProtestandSocialStructure:TheSouthernTenantFanners’AllianceandCottonTenancy,1880-1890(ChicagoandLondon:UniversityofChicagoPress,1976);RickFantasia,CulturesofSolidarity:Consciousness,Action,andContemporaryAmericanWorkers(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1988);GeorgeLipsitz,“ARainbowatMidnight”:LaborandCultureinthe1940s(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1994).

Chapter2.“WeAreNotWhatWeSeem”

1.RichardWright,TwelveMillionBlackVoices(NewYork:Thunder’sMouthPress,1988,orig.1941),10.

2.ZoraNealeHurston,MulesandMen(NewYork:Harper&Row,1990,orig.1935),2.

3.GloriaWade-Gayles,PushedBacktoStrength:ABlackWoman’sJourneyHome(Boston:BeaconPress,1993),4.

4.GeorgeLipsitz,ALifeintheStruggle:IvoryPerryandtheCultureofOpposition(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1988);ElsaBarkleyBrown,“WomanistConsciousness:MaggieLenaWalkerandtheIndependentOrderofSt.Luke,”Signs:JournalofWomeninCultureandSociety14(Spring1989),610-33;Brown,“UncleNed’sChildren:Richmond,Virginia’sBlackCommunity,1890-1930”(Ph.D.diss.,KentStateUniversity,1994);MichaelK.Honey,SouthernLaborandBlackCivilRights:OrganizingMemphisWorkers(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1993);TeraW.Hunter,“HouseholdWorkersintheMaking:Afro-AmericanWomeninAtlantaandtheNewSouth,1861-1920”(Ph.D.diss.,YaleUniversity,1990);RobinD.G.Kelley,HammerandHoe:AlabamaCommunistsduringtheGreatDepression(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1990);RobertKorstad,“‘DaybreakofFreedom’:TobaccoWorkersandtheCIO,Winston-Salem,NorthCarolina,1943-1950”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofNorthCarolina,ChapelHill,1987);EarlLewis,InTheirOwnInterests:Race,Class,andPowerinTwentieth-CenturyNorfolk,Virginia(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1991);JoeWilliamTrotter,Coal,Class,andColor:BlacksinSouthernWestVirginia,1915-1932(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1990).AlthoughPeterJ.Rachleff’soutstandingbook,andhisevenmoreprodigiousdissertation,islimitedtothenineteenthcenturyandthereforebeyondthescopeofthischapter,heoffersoneofthemostsophisticateddiscussionsoftherelationshipbetweencommunity,culture,work,andself-activity.PeterJ.Rachleff,BlackLaborintheSouth:Richmond,Virginia,1865-1890(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1984),109-115,andhis“Black,White,andGray:RaceandWorking-classActivisminRichmond,Virginia,1865-1890”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofPittsburgh,1981).

5.Therehasbeenanenormousamountofworkdoneonthesurvivalandmaintenanceofblackfamilies,andsocialhistoriansandfeministtheoristshavemadecriticalcontributionstounderstandingtheroleofunpaidwomen’s(and,toalesserdegree,children’s)workinreproducingthelaborpowerofmaleindustrialworkersandmaintainingcapitalism.ForasamplingofhistoricalstudiesofAfricanAmericanfamilies,seeHerbertGutman,TheBlackFamilyinSlaveryandFreedom,1750-1925(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1976);JamesBorchert,AlleyLifeinWashington:Family,Community,Religion,andFolklifeintheCity,1850-1970(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1980);ElmerMartin

andJoanneMartin,TheBlackExtendedFamily(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1978);AndrewBillingsley,BlackFamiliesinWhiteAmerica(EnglewoodCliffs:Prentice-Hall,1968);HarrietPipesMcAdoo,ed.,BlackFamilies(BeverlyHills:SagePublications,1981);SharonHarley“FortheGoodofFamilyandRace:Gender,Work,andDomesticRolesintheBlackCommunity,1880-1930,”Signs15(1990),336-49;JacquelineJones,LaborofLove,LaborofSorrow:BlackWomen,Work,andtheFamily,FromSlaverytothePresent(NewYork:BasicBooks,1985);E.H.Pleck,“TheTwoParentHousehold:BlackFamilyStructureinLateNineteenth-CenturyBoston,”JournalofSocialHistory6(Fall1972),3-31.Importantworksontheroleofunpaidwomen’slabor,thereproductionofmalelaborpower,andthemaintenanceofcapitalismincludeEmilyBlumenfeldandSusanMann,“DomesticLabourandtheReproductionofLabourPower:TowardsanAnalysisofWomen,theFamily,andClass,”inHiddenintheHousehold:Women’sDomesticLabourunderCapitalism,ed.BonnieFox(Toronto:Women’sEducationalPress,1980),267-307;WallySeccombe,“TheHousewifeandHerLabourunderCapitalism,”NewLeftReview83(January-February1974),3-24;JeanGardiner,“Women’sDomesticLabour,”NewLeftReview89(January-February1975),47-58;MargaretCoulsen,BrankaMagas,andHilaryWainwright,“‘TheHousewifeandHerLabourunderCapitalism’—ACritique,”NewLeftReview89(January-February1975),59-72;IraGerstein,“DomesticWorkandCapitalism,”RadicalAmerica7(July-October1973),101-28;PaulA.Smith,“DomesticLabourandMarx’sTheoryofValue,”inFeminismandMaterialism,eds.AnnetteKuhnandAnnMarieWolpe(London,1978),198-219;JeanneBoydston,HomeandWork:Housework,Wages,andtheIdeologyofLaborintheEarlyRepublic(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1990);MarthaE.Gimenez,“TheDialecticsofWagedandUnwagedWork:WagedWork,DomesticLaborandHouseholdSurvivalintheUnitedStates,”inWorkwithoutWages:DomesticLaborandSelf-EmploymentwithinCapitalism,eds.JaneL.CollinsandMarthaGimenez(Albany,N.Y.:StateUniversityofNewYorkPress,1990),25-45;SusanStrasser,NeverDone:AHistoryofAmericanHousework(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1982).

6.HeidiHartmann,“TheFamilyastheLocusofGender,Class,andPoliticalStruggle:TheExampleofHousework,”Signs6(Spring1981),366-94;LoisRitaHelmbold,“BeyondtheFamilyEconomy:BlackandWhiteWorking-ClassWomenduringtheGreatDepression,”FeministStudies13(Fall1987),629-55;SusanMann,“Slavery,SharecroppingandSexualInequality,”Signs14,no.4(1989),774-98.

7.CarolynSteedman,LandscapeforaGoodWoman:AStoryofTwoLives(NewBrunswick,N.J.:RutgersUniversityPress,1987,orig.1986),13;ElizabethFaue,“ReproducingtheClassStruggle:PerspectivesontheWritingofWorkingClassHistory,”PaperPresentedatSocialScienceHistoryAssociationMeeting,Minneapolis,October19,1990(paperinauthor’spossession),8;seealsoFaue,CommunityofSufferingandStruggle:Women,Men,andtheLaborMovementinMinneapolis,1915-1945(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1991),15;Faue,“Gender,Class,andthePoliticsofWorkinWomen’sHistory”(unpublishedpaperinauthor’spossession).

8.Althoughthesequestionshavebeendebatedforovertwodecades,wereallydonothaveadequateanswers,sincemostoftheassertionsarenotbasedonhistoricalanalysisbutaredrawnfromtheinsightsandmemoriesofahandfulofblackmaleswritingintheshadowsoftheMoynihanReport.WhereassocialscientistssuchasCalvinHernton,WilliamGrier,andPriceCobbssuggestthatblackmothersinflictedirreparablepsychologicaldamageontheirsons,feministscholarsunderstoodthatlearningthedominantcodesandsocialconventionsoftheSouthwasnecessaryforsurvival.See,forexample,CalvinHernton,SexandRacisminAmerica(GardenCity,NY:Doubleday,1965);WilliamH.GrierandPriceM.Cobbs,BlackRage(NewYork:BasicBooks,1968),51;PaulaGiddings,WhenandWhereIEnter:TheImpactofBlackWomenonRaceandSexinAmerica(NewYork:Morrow,1984);PatriciaMorton,DisfiguredImages:TheHistoricalAssaultonAfro-AmericanWomen(Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress,1991),116;DoloresJaniewski,SisterhoodDenied:Race,Gender,andClassinaNewSouthCommunity(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1985),45;JacquelynDowdHall,RevoltagainstChivalry:JessieDanielAmesandtheWomen’sCampaignagainstLynching(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1979),142.

9.ThemostsophisticatedinsightsintothepoliticalramificationsofhowSouthernblackmothersraisedtheirdaughterscanbefoundintheworkofElsaBarkleyBrown,“MothersofMind,”Sage6(Summer1989),3-10and“African-AmericanWomen’sQuilting:AFrameworkforConceptualizingandTeachingAfrican-AmericanWomen’sHistory,”Signs14(Summer1989),928-29.

10.ElsaBarkleyBrown,“ToCatchtheVisionofFreedom:ReconstructingSouthernBlackWomen’sPoliticalHistory,1865-1885,”inToBeaCitizen,ed.ArleneAvakian,JohnBracey,andAnnGordon(Amherst,Mass.:UniversityofMassachusettsPress,forthcoming).

11.Hunter,“HouseholdWorkersintheMaking,”170-86;JoeWilliamTrotter,Jr.,Coal,Class,andColor:BlacksinSouthernWestVirginia,1915-1932(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1990),199-205;ElsaBarkleyBrown,“WomanistConsciousness:MaggieLenaWalkerandtheIndependentOrderofSt.Luke,”Signs14,no.3(1989),610-33;BruceErgood,“TheFemaleProtectionandtheSunLight:TwoContemporaryNegroMutualAidSocieties,”FloridaHistoricalQuarterly50,no.1(July1971),25-38;Lewis,InTheirOwnInterests,72.

12.ElsaBarkleyBrown,“WomanistConsciousness,”610-33;EvelynBrooksHigginbotham,RighteousDiscontent:TheWomen’sMovementintheBlackBaptistChurch,1880-1920(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1993);Lewis,inTheirOwnInterests;Trotter,Coal,Class,andColor;Rachleff,BlackLaborintheSouth.Unfortunately,whilemanyoftheseinstitutionsstillexist,theydeclinedinsizeandimportancewiththeexpansionoflessexpensivecommercialinsurancepolicies,theincreasingroleofthestateinprovidingunemploymentbenefits,andthegeneraldeclineoftheeconomyduringthedepression.(Trotter,Coal,Class,andColor,198.)

13.GeraldineMoore,BehindtheEbonyMask(Birmingham:SouthernUniversityPress,1961),15.

14.AllisonDavis,BurleighB.Gardner,andMaryR.Gardner,DeepSouth:ASocialAnthropologicalStudyofCasteandClass(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1941),230.

15.SeeWilliamJ.Wilson,TheTrulyDisadvantaged:TheInnerCity,theUnderclass,andPublicPolicy(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1987),56-57;seealsoWilsonandLoicJ.D.Wacquant,“TheCostofRacialandClassExclusionintheInnerCity,”TheAnnals501(January1989),26-47.RecenthistoricalliteratureandamucholdersociologicalliteraturechallengesWilson’sclaimofa“goldenage”ofblackcommunity,especiallyLewis,InTheirOwnInterests;Trotter,Coal,Class,andColor;KennethMarvinHamilton,BlackTownsandProfit:PromotionandDevelopmentintheTrans-AppalachianWest,1877-1915(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1991);RobinD.G.Kelley,“TheBlackPoorandthePoliticsofOppositioninaNewSouthCity,”inThe“Underclass”Debate:ViewsfromHistory,ed.MichaelKatz(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1993),293-333;E.FranklinFrazier,BlackBourgeoisie(Glencoe,Ill.:FreePress,1957);St.ClairDrakeandHorace

Cayton,BlackMetropolis:AStudyofNegroLifeinaNorthernCity(NewYork:HarperandRow,1962,orig.1945),II,526-63;Davis,Gardner,andGardner,DeepSouth,230-36.

16.Althoughmygeneralremarksapplytomostblackdenominations,wemustremaincognizantofthefactthatthe“blackchurch”isnotamonolithicinstitution.Notonlyaretheredifferentrituals,modesofworship,andbiblicalinterpretations,buttheyoftendifferintermsofclassmembership.TheAfricanMethodistEpiscopalChurch,forexample,hashadamuchlargermiddle-classcongregationthantheBaptistandPentecostalchurches.ThePentecostalchurcheshavehadastrongworking-classfollowing,especiallyintheurbanNorth.Formoreonblackchurches,seeC.EricLincolnandLawrenceH.Mamiya,TheBlackChurchintheAfricanAmericanExperience(Durham,N.C.:DukeUniversityPress,1990);HansBaer,TheBlackSpiritualMovement:AReligiousResponsetoRacism(Knoxville,Tenn.:UniversityofTennesseePress,1984);HansA.BaerandMerrillSinger,eds.,African-AmericanReligionintheTwentiethCentury:VarietiesofProtestandAccommodation(Knoxville,Tenn.:UniversityofTennesseePress,1992);ArthurHuffFauset,BlackGodsoftheMetropolis:NegroReligiousCultsoftheUrbanNorth(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,1944);Higginbotham,RighteousDiscontent;WilliamE.Montgomery,UnderTheirOwnVineandFigTree:TheAfrican-AmericanChurchintheSouth,1865-1900(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1993);MiltonC.Sernett,ed.,Afro-AmericanReligiousHistory:ADocumentaryWitness(Durham,N.C.:DukeUniversityPress,1985);ClarenceE.Walker,ARockinaWearyLand:TheAfricanMethodistEpiscopalChurchduringtheCivilWarandReconstruction(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1982);EdwardL.Wheeler,UpliftingtheRace:TheBlackMinisterintheNewSouth,1865-1902(Lanham,Md.:UniversityPressofAmerica,1986);GayraudWilmore,BlackReligionandBlackRadicalism:AnInterpretationoftheReligiousHistoryofAfro-AmericanPeople,2nded.(Maryknoll,N.Y:OrbisBooks,1983).

17.Higginbotham,RighteousDiscontent,195;Wade-Gayles,PushedBacktoStrength,13.

18.Trotter,Coal,Class,andColor,180-81;Higginbotham,RighteousDiscontent,192;ElsaBarkleyBrown,“UncleNed’sChildren:Richmond,Virginia’sBlackCommunity,1890-1930”(Ph.D.diss.,KentStateUniversity,1994).

19.RobertKorstadandNelsonLichtenstein,“OpportunitiesFoundandLost:Labor,Radicals,andtheEarlyCivilRightsMovement,”JournalofAmericanHistory75(December1988),786-811;Korstad,“‘DaybreakofFreedom’”Honey,SouthernLaborandBlackCivilRights;Kelley,HammerandHoe.

20.LucyRandolphMason,ToWinTheseRights:APersonalStoryoftheCIOintheSouth(NewYork:Harper&Row,1952),108;alsoquotedinHoney,SouthernLaborandBlackCivilRights,136.

21.QuotedinKelley,HammerandHoe,149.

22.“Satisfied”quotedinBrendaMcCallum,“SongsofWorkandSongsofWorship:SanctifyingBlackUnionismintheSouthernCityofSteel,”NewYorkFolklore14,nos.1and2(1988),27;GeorgeKorson,CoalDustontheFiddle:SongsandStoriesoftheBituminousindustry(Hatboro,Pa.:FolkloreAssociates,1943).

23.SterlingSperoandAbramL.Harris,TheBlockWorker:TheNegroandtheLaborMovement(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1931),464-65;Honey,SouthernLaborandBlackCivilRights,48,168;Kelley,HammerandHoe,110,112,114-16.

24.ThenarrativesIamthinkingaboutareNellIrvinPainter,TheNarrativeofHoseaHudson,HislifeasaNegroCommunistintheSouth(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1979),347-51;JaneMaguire,OnShares:EdBrown’sStory(NewYork:Norton,1975),125-33;TheodoreRosengarten,AllGod’sDangers:TheLifeofNateShaw(NewYork:Avon,1974),189,192,238-40.

25.SeeVincentHarding,ThereIsaRiver:TheBlackStruggleforFreedominAmerica(NewYork:HarcourtBraceJovanovich,1981).

26.W.E.B.DuBois,BlackReconstructioninAmerica:AnEssaytowardaHistoryofthePartWhichBlackFolkPlayedintheAttempttoReconstructDemocracyinAmerica,1860-1880(NewYork:HarcourtBrace,1935),124.

27.LeRoiJones,BluesPeople(NewYork:Morrow,1963);LawrenceLevine,BlackCultureandBlackConsciousness:Afro-AmericanFolkThoughtfromSlaverytoFreedom(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1977),xi;SterlingStuckey,SlaveCulture:NationalistTheoryandtheFoundationsofBlackAmerica(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1987);SterlingStuckey,

“ThroughthePrismofFolklore:TheBlackEthosinSlavery,”MassachusettsReview9(Summer1968),417-37;HazelCarby,“‘ItJusBe’sDatWaySometime‘:TheSexualPoliticsofWomen’sBlues,”RadicalAmerica20,no.4(1987),9-22;CharlesP.Henry,CultureandAfrican-AmericanPolitics(Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress,1990);JohnW.Roberts,FromTrickstertoBadman:TheBlackFolkHeroinSlaveryandFreedom(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,1989);McCallum,“SongsofWorkandSongsofWorship,”9-33;Gladys-MarieFry,NightRidersinBlackFolkHistory(Knoxville:UniversityofTennesseePress,1975).

28.CharlesS.Johnson,TheNegroinAmericanCivilization:AStudyofNegroLifeandRaceRelationsintheLightofSocialResearch(NewYork:H.Holt,1930),299-310;PaulK.Edwards,TheSouthernUrbanNegroasaConsumer(CollegePark,Md.:McGrath,1969,orig.1932),7-8.

29.Lewis,InTheirOwninterests,91-92.

30.Higginbotham,RighteousDiscontent,199,also201;Trotter,Coal,Class,andColor,184.

31.W.E.B.DuBoisandAugustusGranvilleDill,eds.,MoralsandMannersamongNegroAmericans,AtlantaUniversityPublications,No.18(Atlanta:AtlantaUniversityPress,1914),82,85,87,93-94.

32.Higginbotham,RighteousDiscontent,204.

33.AccordingtoZoraNealeHurston,“jook”was“thewordforaNegropleasurehouse.Itmaymeanabawdyhouse.Itmaymeanthehousesetapartonpublicworkswheremenandwomendance,drink,andgamble.Oftenitisacombinationofthese.”ZoraNealeHurston,“CharacteristicsofNegroExpression,”inNegroAnthology,ed.NancyCunard(NewYork:NegroUniversitiesPress,1969),alsoquotedinKatrinaHazzard-Gordon,Jookin’:TheRiseofSocialDanceFormationsinAfrican-AmericanCulture(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1990),79.

34.DunnquotedinCliffordM.Kuhn,HarlonE.Joye,andE.BernardWest,LivingAtlanta:AnOralHistoryoftheCity,1914-1948(Athens,Ga.:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1990),275.OnthesocialmeaningofdancehallsandbluesclubsinSouthernblacklife,seeHunter,“HouseholdWorkersintheMaking,”92-93;Lewis,inTheirOwnInterests,99-100;GeorgeWright,LifebehindaVeil:

BladesinLouisville,Kentucky,1865-1930(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1985),138;Hazzard-Gordon,Jookin’.

35.Myuseof“alternative”culturesisborrowedfromRaymondWilliams,“BaseandSuperstructureinMarxistCulturalTheory,”inProblemsinMaterialismandCulture:SelectedEssays(London:NLB,1980),41-42.

36.Hazzard-Gordon,Jookin’,88.

37.PaulGilroy,“OneNationunderaGroove:TheCulturalPoliticsof‘Race’andRacisminBritain,”inAnatomyofRacism,ed.DavidTheoGoldberg(Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1990),274.

38.Kuhnetal.,LivingAtlanta,190.

39.Higginbotham,RighteousDiscontent.MythinkinghereowesagreatdealtoTeraHunter’sforthcomingbook,ContestingtheNewSouth:ThePoliticsandCultureofWageHouseholdLaborinAtlanta,1861-1920(unpublishedmanuscript),chapter5;KathyPeiss,CheapAmusements:WorkingWomenandLeisureinTurn-of-the-CenturyNewYork(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1986);HazelCarby,“PolicingtheBlackWoman’sBodyinanUrbanContext,”CriticalInquiry18(Summer1992),738-755;JudithWalkowitz,ProstitutionandVictorianSociety:Women,Class,andtheState(NewYork,1980);VictoriaWollcott,“‘I’masGoodasAnyWomaninYourTown’:African-AmericanWomanandthePoliticsofIdentityinInter-WarDetroit”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofMichigan,inprogress);Wollcott,“Mediums,Messages,andLuckyNumbers:African-AmericanFemaleLeisureWorkersinInter-WarDetroit”(unpublishedpaperinauthor’spossession);andtoconversationswithTeraHunterandVictoriaWollcott.

40.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,June1943,p.1,Box10,CooperGreenPapers(BirminghamPublicLibrary,Birmingham).

41.Kuhnetal.,LivingAtlanta,39.

42.Wade-Gayles,PushedBacktoStrength,13;AsaH.Gordon,TheGeorgiaNegro:AHistory(AnnArbor,Mich.:EdwardsBros.,1937),91.Ofcourse,Gordonoverstateshiscase.PaulEdwards’s1932studyofblackconsumersintheurbanSouthrevealsthat“commonandsemi-skilledlaborfamilies”werelesslikelytobuybrandnameclothing,budgetconstraintsbeinganimportantfactor.

Thosewhodidbuybrandnameproductsoftendidsotoprotectthemselvesfromunscrupuloussalespeople.Blackconsumersweremorelikelytotrustnationalbrandsthanlocal“bargains”thattendedtobeoverpricedandofpoorerquality.(PaulK.Edwards,TheSouthernUrbanNegroasaConsumer[NewYork:McGrath,1969,orig.1932],155-66.)

43.SeeDonaldBogle,Toms,Coons,Mulattoes,MammiesandBucks:AnInterpretiveHistoryofBlacksinAmericanFilms(NewYork:Continuum,1989),19-94passim.;RobertC.Toll,BlackingUp:TheMinstrelShowinNineteenthCenturyAmerica(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1974);andforadiscussionofthe“bourgeoispromenade”andhowitreproducesclasshierarchies,seeDavidScobey,“AnatomyofthePromenade:ThePoliticsofBourgeoisSociabilityinNineteenth-CenturyNewYork,”SocialHistory17(May1992),203-27.

44.StudiesofstylepoliticsinthedressofU.S.workingpeopleisstillunderdeveloped.Historicalworksthatdealwiththisaspectofworking-classoppositionsuggestarangeofusesofclothing,fromusingdresstoevadeone’soppressorstoadorningthebodywithsymbolsintendedasamilitant,resistivestatement.Fortwopathbreakingexamples,JonathanPrude,“ToLookuponthe‘LowerOrders’:RunawayAdsandtheAppearanceofUnfreeLaborersinAmerica,1750-1800,”JournalofAmericanHistory78(June1991),124-59;JacquelynDowdHall,“DisorderlyWomen:GenderandLaborMilitancyintheAppalachianSouth,”JournalofAmericanHistory,73(September1986),372-73.

45.HerbertShapiro,WhiteViolenceandBlackResponse:FromReconstructiontoMontgomery(Amherst,Mass.:UniversityofMassachusettsPress,1988),147,305-9.

46.JamesC.Scott,DominationandtheArtsofResistance:HiddenTranscripts(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1990),120.Forsimilarexamplesoftheimportanceofmonitoringandinvadingblackspaceformaintainingorder,seeJaniewski,SisterhoodDenied,121;Kelley,HammerandHoe,161-67;HowardOdum,RaceandRumorsofRace:ChallengetoAmericanCrisis(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1943),96-104;Shapiro,WhiteViolenceandBlackResponse,224-37;andfortheantebellumperiod,seeHerbertAptheker,AmericanNegroSlaveRevolts(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1943),59.

47.Painter,NarrativeofHoseaHudson,162.

48.LesterC.Lamon,BlackTennesseans,1900-1930(Knoxville,Tenn.:UniversityofTennesseePress,1977),18.

Chapter3.CongestedTerrain

1.HenryD.Spalding,comp.,EncyclopediaofBlackFolkloreandHumor(MiddleVillage,N.Y.:JonathanDavidPublishing,1971),446.

2.QuotefromRobertJ.Norrell,“LaborattheBallotBox:AlabamaPoliticsfromtheNewDealtotheDixiecratMovement,”JournalofSouthernHistory57,no.2(May1991),227.Wilkinson’sownwhitesupremacistorganizationwasformedinpartasaresponsetoablackperson’sinsistenceonridingwithwhitesonanAnnistontrain.Alabama7,no.30(July24,1942),9.

3.Onthepoliticalandideologicalchangescausedbythewar,seePeteDaniel,“GoingamongStrangers:SouthernReactionstoWorldWarII,”JournalofAmericanHistory77(December1990),893,906-8;RobertKorstadandNelsonLichtenstein,“OpportunitiesFoundandLost:Labor,Radicals,andtheEarlyCivilRightsMovement,”JournalofAmericanHistory75(December1988),786-811;BerniceReagan,“WorldWarIIReflectedinBlackMusic:UncleSamCalledMe,”SouthernExposure2(Winter1974),170-84;GeorgeLipsitz,“ARainbowatMidnight”:LaborandCultureinthe1940s(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1994);HarvardSitkoff,“RacialMilitancyandInterracialViolenceintheSecondWorldWar,”JournalofAmericanHistory58(December1971),661-81.

4.SomeofthemoresophisticatedstudieshavepaidparticularattentiontoAmericanworkersandpublicspace,althoughmostofthisworkfocusesonleisure(e.g.,sports,publicparks,theater,etc.)orpublicdisplaysofworking-classsolidarity.Moreover,almostallofthisscholarshiphasbeenpreoccupiedwithNortheasternwhiteworkers.SeeespeciallyFrancisG.Courvares,TheRemakingofPittsburgh:ClassandCultureinanIndustrializingCity,1877-1919(Albany,N.Y:StateUniversityofNewYorkPress,1984);SusanG.Davis,ParadesandPower:StreetTheaterinNineteenth-CenturyPhiladelphia(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1986);DirkHoerder,CrowdActioninRevolutionaryMassachusetts,1765-1780(NewYork:AcademicPress,1977);KathyPeiss,CheapAmusements:WorkingWomenandLeisureinTurn-of-the-

CenturyNewYork(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1986);StevenJ.Ross,WorkersontheEdge:Work,Leisure,andPoliticsinIndustrializingCincinnati,1788-1890(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1985);RoyRosenzweig,EightHoursforWhatWeWill:WorkersandLeisureinanIndustrialCity,1870-1920(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1983);ChristineStansell,CityofWomen:SexandClassinNewYork,1789-1860(NewYork:Knopf,1986);SeanWilentz,ChantsDemocratic:NewYorkCityandtheRiseoftheAmericanWorkingClass,1788-1850(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1984).Onepowerfulexception,whichismoreofanexaminationofcontemporaryLosAngelesthanahistoricalmonograph,isMikeDavis,CityofQuartz:ExcavatingtheFutureinLosAngeles(London:Verso,1990).

5.See,forexample,AugustMeierandElliotRudwick,“TheBoycottMovementagainstJimCrowStreetcarsintheSouth,1900-1906,”inAlongtheColorLine:ExplorationsintheBlackExperience,eds.MeierandRudwick(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1976),267-89;RogerA.Fischer,“APioneerProtest:TheNewOrleansStreet-CarControversyof1867,”JournalofNegroHistory53July1968),219-33;NeilMcMillen,DarkJourney:BlackMississippiansintheAgeofJimCrow(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1989),293-95;LesterC.Lamon,BlackTennesseans,1900-1930(Knoxville:UniversityofTennesseePress,1977),20-36;JohnDittmer,BlackGeorgiaintheProgressiveEra,1900-1920(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1977),16-19;GeorgeC.Wright,LifeBehindaVeil:BlacksinLouisville,Kentucky,1865-1930(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1985),52-55,191-92,248-49.ForspecificbutbriefexamplesofconflictonSouthernpublictransportationduringWorldWarII,seeDaniel,“GoingamongStrangers,”906;DoloresJaniewski,SisterhoodDenied:Race,Gender,andClassinaNewSouthCommunity(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1985),141.CliffordM.Kuhn,HarlonB.Joye,andE.BernardWest,LivingAtlanta:AnOralHistoryoftheCity,1914-1948(Athens,Ga.:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1990),77-82,isanexception,fortheyofferseveralpagesoftestimonyilluminatingtheday-to-dayactsofdominationandresistanceonAtlanta’sbussesandstreetcars.Likewise,HowardOdumhasdiscovered“stories”ofthesevariousactsofoppositiononbusses,butheleavesthereaderwiththeimpressionthattheseincidentswereexaggerated,invented,orprobablebutnotdocumented.SeeRaceandRumorsofRace:ChallengetoAmericanCrisis(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1943),113-28.

6.BirninghamNews,June25,1943.

7.Givenmyuseoftheaterasametaphor,Iendupprivilegingpublicconveyancesthemselvesassitesofcontestation.However,resistancetoconditionsonbussesandstreetcarsdidnotalwaystakeplaceatthepointofconflict.FilingcomplaintswiththeBirminghamElectricCompanywasrelativelycommon,butitinvolvedagreatdealoftimeandcouragetotraveltotheBECOofficeinpersonorwritealetter.Besides,filingcomplaintsoftenaccompaniedactsofresistanceonpublictransportation.Furthermore,onestrategyofdealingwiththedailyindignitiesofridingpublictransportationwastowageindividualboycotts.Wewillneverknowhowmanyblackworkingpeople,likeBirminghamdomesticworkerRosaJackson,simplyrefusedtoridethebusinprotestatthetreatmentofAfricanAmericans.(RosaJacksoninterview,byPeggyHamrick,July23and24,1984,.p.7,WorkingLivesCollection,OralHistoryProject,UniversityofAlabama,Tuscaloosa(hereaftercitedWLC).

8.JamesArmstronginterview,byCliffKuhn,July16,1984,p.9,WLC.

9.MartinP.KnowltontoJamesDombrowski,June27,1946,Box3,SouthernConferenceforHumanWelfarePapers,TuskegeeInstitute.

10.“RaceComplaintsforLastTwelveMonths,”and“IncidentsReported,”September1,1941toAugust31,1942,Box10,CooperGreenPapers,BirminghamPublicLibrary.Unlessotherwiseindicated,allofficialreportsanddocumentscitedbelowconcerningblackresistanceonBirminghambussesarelocatedinBox10,CooperGreenPapers.

11.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,August1943,p.1.

12.Ibid.,October1943,p.1.

13.Ibid.,June1943,p.4;BirminghamWorld,July27,1943.

14.“RaceComplaintsforLastTwelveMonths,”and“IncidentsReported,”September1,1941toAugust31,1942,“AnalysisofComplaintsandIncidentsConcerningRaceProblemsonBirminghamElectricCompany’sTransportationSystem,”12MonthsEndingAugust31,1942.

15.BirminghamElectricCo.,TransportationDepartment,“Classification—Complaints&IncidentsInvolvingRaceQuestion”N.H.Hawkins,Jr.,BirminghamElectricCompanyTransportationDepartment,n.d.

16.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,May1944,p.3.Seecomplaintsreportedin“RaceComplaintsforLastTwelveMonths,”September1,1941toAugust31,1942;alsoReportsInvolvingRaceQuestion,March1943,p.3;September1943,p.2;November1943,p.2;May1944,p.1.

17.N.H.Hawkins,Jr.,BirminghamElectricCompanyTransportationDepartment,n.d..

18.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,February1943,p.2.Weshouldpresumethathedidnotwinhiscourtcase,foritwouldhaveforcedthecompanytochangeitspolicy.

19.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,February1944,p.4.

20.Ibid.,April1944,p.2.

21.Ibid.,p.3,emphasisadded.

22.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,November1943,p.2.

23.SeveralsuchcasesaredocumentedinReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,March1943,pp.4-5;“IncidentsReported,”September1,1941toAugust31,1942,“AnalysisofComplaintsandIncidentsConcerningRaceProblemsonBirminghamElectricCompany’sTransportationSystem,”12MonthsEndingAugust31,1942,andalsoindividualincidentsinReportsInvolvingRaceQuestion,February1943-April1944.

24.RobertJ.Norrell,“CasteinSteel:JimCrowCareersinBirmingham,Alabama,”JournalofAmericanHistory73,no.3(December1986),687;MaryMarthaThomas,“AlabamaWomenontheHomeFront,WorldWarII,”AlabamaHeritage19(Winter1991),9;GeraldineMoore,BehindtheEbonyMask(Birmingham:SouthernUniversityPress,1961),28.

25.“IncidentsReported,”September1,1941toAugust31,1942,pp.5-6;andnoteincidentsontheTravellickline,August2,1943,andNorthBessemerline,August1,1943,inReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,August1943,p.1.

26.“AnalysisofComplaintsandIncidentsConcerningRaceProblemsonBirminghamElectricCompany’sTransportationSystem,”12MonthsEndingAugust31,1942;“IncidentsReported,”September1,1941toAugust31,1942,

p.4,ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,October1943,p.2.

27.HerbertShapiro,WhiteViolenceandBlackResponse:FromReconstructiontoMontgomery(Amherst,Mass.:UniversityofMassachusettsPress,1988);JamesA.Burran,“RacialViolenceintheSouthduringWorldWarII”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofTennessee,1977);Janiewski,SisterhoodDenied,141;JohnHopeFranklin,FromSlaverytoFreedom:AHistoryofAmericanNegroes,5thed.(NewYork:Knopf,1980),447.

28.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,March1943,p.3.Forotherincidentsofresistancebyservicemen,seeReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,May1944,pp.1and2;January1944,p.1;February1944,p.3.

29.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,March1943,p.5.

30.Ibid.,March1944,p.1.

31.Ibid.,June1943,p.5.

32.Ibid.,March1944,p.2.

33.Ibid.,October1943,p.1.

34.Odum,RaceandRumorsofRace,77-79;andonzootsuitculturalpoliticsduringthewar,seechapter7andStuartCosgrove,“TheZoot-SuitandStyleWarfare,”HistoryWorkshopJournal18(Autumn1984),77-91;MauricioMazon,TheZoot-SuitRiots:ThePsychologyofSymbolicAnnihilation(Austin:UniversityofTexasPress,1984);EricLott,“DoubleV,Double-Time:Bebop’sPoliticsofStyle,”Callalloo11,no.3(1988),597-605;KobenaMercer,“BlackHair/StylePolitics,”NewFormations3(Winter1987),49;BruceM.Tyler,“BlackJiveandWhiteRepression,”JournalofEthnicStudies16,no.4(1989),31-66.Infact,whiteSouthernersnotonlyfearedzootsuitersbutafalserumorcirculatedthroughoutthecountrythatthezootoriginatedinGainesville,Georgia,byayoungmanenamouredwiththecharacterRhettButlerin“GonewiththeWind.”“ZootSuitOriginatedinGeorgia,”NewYorkTimes,June11,1943.

35.“IncidentsReported,”September1,1941toAugust31,1942,pp.4,8;ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,February1943,pp.2and3;September1943,p.1;seealsonumerousincidentsfromReports(1942-44).Foradiscussionof

“Stagolee”folkloreandthepoliticalimplicationsof“baaadniggers”inAfricanAmericanworking-classconsciousness,seeJohnW.Roberts,FromTrickstertoBadman:TheBlackFolkHeroinSlaveryandFreedom(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,1989),171-215;LawrenceLevine,BlackCultureandBlackConsciousness:Afro-AmericanFolkThoughtfromSlaverytoFreedom(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1977),407-19.PerhapsthesemenmightfallwithinEricHobsbawm’sdefinitionof“primitiverebels,”buttoregardtheiractivityas“prepolitical”obscuresthefactthatmostofthemaredirectlychallengingracistpractices.Hobsbawm,PrimitiveRebels:StudiesinArchaicFormsofSocialMovementsinthe19thand20thCenturies(NewYork:Norton,1965,orig.1959).

36.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,November1943,p.2.

37.Ibid.,December1943,p.1.

38.Ibid.

39.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,March1943,p.3.

40.“RaceComplaintsforLastTwelveMonths,”September1,1941toAugust31,1942;WilliColeman,“BlackWomenandSegregatedPublicTransportation:NinetyYearsofResistance,”inBlackWomeninUnitedStatesHistory,ed.DarleneClarkHine(Brooklyn,N.Y.:CarlsonPublishers,1989),V,295-301,quotefromp.295.

41.“RaceComplaintsforLastTwelveMonths,”September1,1941toAugust31,1942,p.1;ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,October1943,p.4;BirminghamWorld,October29,1943.

42.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,March1943,p.4.

43.Ibid.

44.Ibid.,pp.5-6.

45.TwosuchincidentstookplaceontheSouthBessemerline,August2,1942,andtheWestEndline,June3,1942,“RaceComplaintsforLastTwelveMonths,”September1,1941toAugust31,1942;ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,December1943,p.2.

46.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,September1943,p.2;alsoseeMay1944,p.2.

47.SeeespeciallyReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,February1943,pp.1,4;March1943,p.4;December1943,p.2;May1944,p.2.

48.Forspecificcomplaints,seeReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,February1943,p.3;March1943,p.1;September1943,pp.1and3;November1943,pp.1and3;December1943,p.2;January,1944,p.2;February1944,pp.2and4.

49.SeeTeraHunter,“HouseholdWorkersintheMaking:Afro-AmericanWomeninAtlantaandtheNewSouth,1861-1920”(Ph.D.diss.,YaleUniversity,1990).

50.CarolBrooksGardner,“AnalyzingGenderinPublicPlaces:RethinkingGoffman’sVisionofEverydayLife,”AmericanSociologist20(Spring1989),42-56.

51.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,May1944,pp.2-3.“Loud-talking,”accordingtolinguisticanthropologistClaudiaMitchell-Kernan,isanage-olddiscursivestrategyamongAfricanAmericanswhich“byvirtueofitsvolumepermitshearersotherthantheaddressee,andisobjectionablebecauseofthis.Loud-talkingrequiresanaudienceandcanonlyoccurinasituationwheretherearepotentialhearersotherthantheinterlocutors.”Moreover,loud-talkingassumes“anantagonisticposturetowardtheaddressee.”ClaudiaMitchell-Kernan,“Signifying,Loud-talking,andMarking,”inRappin’andStylin’Out:CommunicationinUrbanBlackAmerica,ed.ThomasKochman(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1972),329and331.

52.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,August1943,p.1.

53.“IncidentsReported,”September1,1941toAugust31,1942,pp.4-6.Onpubliccursingasanpowerfulsymbolicactofresistance,seeJamesC.Scott,DominationandtheArtsofResistance:HiddenTranscripts(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1990),215.

54.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,June1943,p.4.

55.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,October1943,p.3.ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,August1942,p.2.

56.“RaceComplaintsforLastTwelveMonths,”and“IncidentsReported,”September1,1941toAugust31,1942;ReportInvolvingRaceQuestion,December1943,p.2.

57.ReportsInvolvingRaceQuestion,March1943,p.1.

58.Ibid.,October1943,p.2.

59.BirminghamWorld,October29,1943;“SouthernNegroYouthCongress—Forum,”February6,1984,presentationsbyHenryWinston,EstherCooperJackson,JamesJackson,andGraceTillmanBassett(untranscribedtape),OralHistoryoftheAmericanLeft,TamimentLibrary,NewYorkUniversity;FBIReport,“SouthernNegroYouthCongress,Birmingham,Alabama,”June14,1943,File100-82,p.5;JamesJackson,“ForCommonCourtesyonCommonCarriers,”Worker,June4,1963.

Chapter4.Birmingham’sUntouchables

1.JamesC.Scott,DominationandtheArtsofResistance:HiddenTranscripts(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1990),199.

2.NicholasLemann,ThePromisedLand:TheGreatMigrationandHowItChangedBlackAmerica(NewYork:Knopf,1991),291.

3.RobertJ.Norrell,“CasteinSteel:JimCrowCareersinBirmingham,Alabama,”JournalofAmericanHistory73,no.3(December1986),675,686-87;GeorgeW.BlankstoCooperGreen,September21,1945,LouisPizitztoCooperGreen,August24,1945,J.B.Roberts,Jr.,toCooperGreen,September5,1945,Box8,CooperGreenPapers.Indeed,theBirminghamChamberofCommercewasapparentlysodominatedbyTCIthatseveralbusinessmensupportiveofdiversificationformedtheBirminghamDistrictIndustrialDevelopmentCorporationforthepurposesofattractingnewindustries.JackYaugertoCooperGreen,May19,1945,Box8,CooperGreenPapers.ThemostimportantstudyofpostwarDetroitandtheblackworkingclassisThomasSugrue,“TheOriginsoftheUrbanCrisis:Detroit,1940-1960”(Ph.D.diss.,HarvardUniversity,1992);seealsoSugrue,“TheStructuresofUrbanPoverty:TheReorganizationofSpaceandWorkinThreePeriodsofAmericanHistory,”inThe“Underclass”Debate:ViewsfromHistory,ed.MichaelB.Katz(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1993),85-117.

4.“ReportofthePresidentoftheAlabamaStateIndustrialUnionCouncil,PeriodfromMarch1,1949toMarch1,1950,”(typescript,March1,1950),1,5,Box2,PhilipTaftPapers,BirminghamPublicLibrary;BirminghamPost-Herald,May29,1949;BirminghamPost-Herald,September4,1950,BirminghamWorld,May12,1949;ProceedingsoftheAlabamaStateIndustrialUnionCouncil,NinthConstitutionalConvention,CIO,1948(typescript,n.d.),271-74,Box2,PhilipTaftPapers;Alabama(CIO)NewsDigest,May4,1949;HoraceHuntley,“TheRiseandFallofMineMillinAlabama:TheStatusQuoagainstInterracialUnionism,1933-1949,”JournaloftheBirminghamHistoricalSociety6,no.1(January1979),7-13,and“IronOreMinersandMineMillinAlabama,1933-1952”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofPittsburgh,1976),110-69;Alabama(CIO)NewsDigest,April27,May18,25,1949;VernonH.Jensen,NonferrousMetalsIndustryUnionism,1932-1952:TheStoryofLeadershipControversy(Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress,1954),233-38;HoseaHudson,“StruggleagainstPhilipMurray’sRacistPoliciesinBirmingham,”PoliticalAffairs53,no.9(September1974),55-57.

5.CharlesL.Joiner,“AnAnalysisoftheEmploymentPatternsofMinorityGroupsintheAlabamaEconomy,1940-1960”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofAlabama,1968),51-55;JohnFranklinPearce,“HumanResourcesinTransition:RuralAlabamasinceWorldWarII”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofAlabama,1966);Norrell,“CasteinSteel,”675,686-87.

6.BobbyWilson,“BlackHousingOpportunitiesinBirmingham,Alabama,”SoutheasternGeographer17,no.1(May1977),49-57;GeorgeA.Denison,M.D.,“HealthasanIndicationofHousingNeedsinBirmingham,Alabama,andRecommendationsforSlumClearance,RedevelopmentandPublicHousing,”ReportbyJeffersonCountyBoardofHealth,April12,1950,pp.1and9;BirminghamHousingAuthority,NinthAnnualReportoftheHousingAuthorityoftheBirminghamDistrict(June30,1948);“StatementofJ.C.DeHoll,ManageroftheBirminghamHousingAuthority,Birmingham,Ala.,”U.S.Congress,JointCommitteeonHousing,StudyandInvestigationofHousing:HearingsbeforetheJointCommitteeonHousing,pt.II(Washington,D.C.:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1948),1280,1286-92;GeorgeDenison,M.D.,toBirminghamCityCommission,November10,1949,Box8,CooperGreenPapers;RobertA.Thompson,HylanLewis,andDavisMcEntire,“AtlantaandBirmingham:AComparativeStudyinNegroHousing,”inStudiesinHousingandMinorityGroups,eds.NathanGlazerandDavisMcEntire,(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1960),58,61,65.

7.“StatementofMoltonH.Gray,Chairman,NationalCouncilofNegroVeterans,”U.S.Congress,JointCommitteeonHousing,StudyandInvestigationofHousing:HearingsbeforetheJointCommitteeonHousing,pt.II(Washington,D.C.,GovernmentPrintingOffice,1948),1368-71;“StatementofEmoryO.Jackson,RepresentingtheAlabamaConferenceoftheNAACPBranches,”ibid.,p.1373;Thompsonetal.,“AtlantaandBirmingham,”59-73.

8.U.S.DepartmentofCommerce,BureauoftheCensus,CountyandCityDataBook,1962(Washington,D.C.:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1962),433.Foracomparisonofchangesinpercentageofblackpopulation,seeTableIII;RobertGainesCorely,“TheQuestforRacialHarmony:RaceRelationsinBirmingham,Alabama,1947-1963”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofVirginia,1979),36;EdwardS.LaMonte,“PoliticsandWelfareinBirmingham,Alabama:1900-1975”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofChicago,1976),245,251;Thompsonetal.,“AtlantaandBirmingham,”54.

9.Corely,“TheQuestforRacialHarmony,”44-46,54;FlorenceS.AdamstoMrs.E.D.Wood,Controller’sOffice,September28,1950,Box1,JeffersonCountyCoordinatingCommitteeonSocialForcesPapers,BirminghamPublicLibrary.

10.“OrganizationandRulesofProcedureoftheInterracialCommitteeofJeffersonCountyCoordinatingCouncil,”“MinutesofInterracialCommitteeMeeting,FridayJune18,1951,”JeffersonCountyCoordinatingCommitteeonSocialForcesPapers,BirminghamPublicLibrary,microfilm.

11.“Minutes,InterracialCommitteeMeeting,”September18,1951;January10,1952;December18,1952;November4,1953;May17,1955;“Minutes,InterracialCommittee,SubcommitteeonHousing,”July31,1951,September15,1955,JeffersonCountyCoordinatingCommitteeonSocialForcesPapers,BirminghamPublicLibrary,microfilm.

12.“Minutes,InterracialCommittee,SubcommitteeonDaycare,”September17,1951,August17,1954,JeffersonCountyCoordinatingCommitteeonSocialForcesPapers,BirminghamPublicLibrary,microfilm.

13.“Minutes,InterracialCommittee,SubcommitteeonEmploymentRelations,”May31,1955,JeffersonCountyCoordinatingCommitteeonSocialForcesPapers,BirminghamPublicLibrary,microfilm.

14.“MinutesofJointCommunityChest-RedCrossMeeting,ExecutiveCommittee,April2,1956,”Box1,JeffersonCountyCoordinatingCommitteeonSocialForcesPapers,BirminghamPublicLibrary.

15.JacquelynM.J.Clarke,“GoalsandTechniquesinThreeNegroCivilRightsOrganizationsinAlabama”(Ph.D.diss.,OhioStateUniversity,1960),AppendixB,pp.134-49;GlennT.Eskew,“TheAlabamaChristianMovementforHumanRightsandtheBirminghamStruggleforCivilRights,1956-1963,”inBirmingham,Alabama,1956-1963:TheBlackStruggleforCivilRights,ed.DavidGarrow(Brooklyn,N.Y.:CarlsonPublishers,1989),45-46.

16.PetitionfromAlabamaChristianMovementforHumanRightstoCityCommissioners,July25,1965,Box12,BoutwellPapers;Eskew,“TheACMHR”BirminghamNews,September27,1960;U.S.BureauoftheCensus,EighteenthCensusoftheU.S.:1960,Vol.I,Part2,CharacteristicsofthePopulation:Alabama(Washington,D.C.:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1961),461.

17.RobinD.G.Kelley,HammerandHoe:AlabamaCommunistsduringtheGreatDepression(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1990).

18.“StatementbyBessieB.Ammons,Janitress,SmithfieldCourtProject,”January24,1951,N.C.Ward,Manager,SmithfieldCourttoEugeneConnor,CommissionerofPublicSafety,January24,1951,Box14,JamesMorganPapers,BirminghamPublicLibrary.

19.ReportfromEarlHeaton—M.S.Davis,CityDetectivesinChargeViceSquadtoC.F.Eddins,AssistantChiefofPolice,May24,1943,Box8,CooperGreenPapers.Theliteraturedemonstratingarelationshipbetweenpovertyandcrimeisvoluminous.SeeStevenBox,Recession,CrimeandPunishment(Totowa,N.J.:BarnesandNobleBooks,1987);D.GlaserandK.Pace,“Crime,Age,andEmployment,”AmericanSociologicalReview24(1959),679-86;A.J.ReissandA.L.Rhodes,“TheDistributionofJuvenileDelinquencyintheSocialClassStructure,”AmericanSociologicalReview26(1961),720-43;ElliotCurrie,ConfrontingCrime(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1985),146;E.Green,“Race,SocialStatus,andCriminalArrest,”AmericanSociologicalReview35(1970),476-90;R.W.BeasleyandG.Antunes,“TheEtiologyofUrbanCrime:AnEcologicalAnalysis,”Criminology11(1974),439-61;J.R.BlauandP.M.Blau,“TheCostofInequality:MetropolitanStructureandViolentCrime,”

AmericanSociologicalReview47(1982),114-29;JamesW.Messerschmidt,Capitalism,PatriarchyandCrime(Totowa,N.J.:RowmanandLittlefield,1986),54-58;I.Jankovic,“LaborMarketandImprisonment,”CrimeandSocialJustice8(1977),17-31;D.HumphriesandD.Wallace,“CapitalistAccumulationandUrbanCrime,1950-1971,”SocialProblems28(1980),179-93;A.D.Calvin,“UnemploymentamongBlackYouths,Demographics,andCrime,”CrimeandDelinquency27(1981),9-41;RichardB.Freeman,“TheRelationofCriminalActivitytoBlackYouthEmployment,”inTheEconomicsofRaceandCrime,eds.MargaretC.SimmsandSamuelL.Myers,Jr.(NewBrunswick,N.J.:TransactionBooks,1988),99-107;LladPhillipsandHaroldVotey,Jr.,“RationalChoiceModelsofCrimesbyYouth,”inibid.,pp.129-87;LladPhillips,H.L.Votey,Jr.,andD.Maxwell,“Crime,Youth,andtheLaborMarket,”JournalofPoliticalEconomy80(1972),491-504.

20.Messerschmidt,Capitalism,PatriarchyandCrime,58-60;AnneCampbell,TheGirlsintheGang:AReportfromNewYorkCity(NewYork:BasilBlack-well,1984)andGirlDelinquents(NewYork:St.Martin’sPress,1981);PatCarlen,Women,CrimeandPoverty(Philadelphia:OpenUniversityPress,1988).

21.Birminghamisnotuniqueinthisrespect.SeeMesserschmidt,Capitalism,PatriarchyandCrime,52-53;JeffereyReiman,TheRichGetRicherandthePoorGetPrison(NewYork:Wiley,1984);LeeP.Brown,“BridgesoverTroubledWaters:APerspectiveonPolicingintheBlackCommunity,”inBlackPerspectivesonCrimeandtheCriminalJusticeSystem;ASymposiumed.RobertL.Woodson(Boston:G.K.Hall,1977),87-88.

22.W.CooperGreentoJamesE.Chappell,August9,1943,FlorenceAdamstoGreen,September7,1943,AdamstoCeliaWilliams,September7,1943,“MinutesoftheExecutiveCommitteeoftheYouthProtectiveAssociation,”January31,1945,W.CooperGreentoJ.EdgarHoover,August3,1943,Box15,CooperGreenPapers;“YouthProtectiveAssociationofJeffersonCounty,”AlabamaSocialWelfare10,no.5(May1945),12-13.

23.GeraldineMoore,BehindtheEbonyMask(Birmingham:SouthernUniversityPress,1961),15.

24.BirminghamWorld,November5,1946.

25.DavidJ.Garrow,BearingtheCross:MartinLutherKing,Jr.,andthe

SouthernChristianLeadershipConference(NewYork:Morrow,1986),254-55;Eskew,“TheACMHR,”82,85;TaylorBranch,PartingtheWaters:AmericaintheKingYears,1954-1963(NewYork:SimonandSchuster,1988),759-60;LeeE.Bains,Jr.,“Birmingham,1963:ConfrontationoverCivilRights,”inBirmingham,Alabama,1956-1963:TheBlackStruggleforCivilRights,ed.DavidGarrow(Brooklyn,N.Y.:CarlsonPublishers,1989),181.AlloftheaccountscitedabovedescribingtheBirminghamdemonstrationsrefertothosewhoengageinactsofviolenceas“onlookers,”“spectators,”people“alongthefringes,”or“bystanders.

26.Garrow,BearingtheCross,261;Branch,PartingtheWaters,793-802;Bains,“Birmingham,1963,”182-83.

27.Eskew,“TheACMHR,”75-77;Bains,“Birmingham,1963,”228-29;HowellRaines,MySoulisRested(NewYork:Putnam,1977),190;LaMonte,“PoliticsandWelfare,”285-91.

28.GlennT.EskewisoneofthefewhistorianswhohascommentedonthisstrainedrelationshipbetweenBirmingham’sblackpoorandthecivilrightsmovement.Ashepointsout,“WhilethedemandsoftheBirminghammovementfailedtoaddresstheneedsoftheunderclass,thecampaignitselfledtotheinvolvementofthesepoorandpowerlessblacksinthestruggle.”Eskew,“TheACMHR,”94.

29.Scott,DominationandtheArtsofResistance,277.InsomewaysthisargumentresemblesFrantzFanon’sinterpretationofviolencebytheoppressedasatransformativeprocesswhichultimatelyaltersthepersonalitiesofsubordinategroups.(Seeespecially,FrantzFanon,TheWretchedoftheEarth[NewYork:GrovePress,1966],29-74;LutherP.GerlachandVirginiaH.Hine,People,Power,Change:MovementsofSocialTransformation[Indianapolis:Bobbs-Merrill,1970],148-49.)However,whatIamsuggestingisthatcollectiveviolenceservedtolaybarethehiddentranscript.Thefeelingoffrustrationandhatredexistedlongbeforetheuprisingbutonlyoccasionallyfoundapublicplatform.Whatappearedtobeatransformationinpersonalitywasreallyachangeinthepublicposturingsofsegmentsoftheblackpoor.

30.MemofromGeorgeSeibelstoAlbertBoutwell,October15,1964,Re:“ProbableDopeConsumptionbyTeenagersintheElytonHousingProjectArea”“TelephoneConversationbetweenMrs.VirginiaDavisandBirminghamPolice,”

May11,1964,transcript,Box30,BoutwellPapers.

31.In1965,foursociologistsandcriminologistscompletedastudywhichconcludedthatcrimesofviolenceagainstotherblacksdeclinewhenthereisawell-organized,directactioncampaign,becauserace-pridereplacesself-hatred.Themovementallowed“lower-class”blackstochanneltheiraggressioninmorepositivedirections.SeeFrederickSolomon,WalterWalker,GarrettJ.O’Connor,andJacobR.Fishman,“CivilRightsActivityandReductioninCrimeamongNegroes,”CrimeandSocialJustice14(Winter1980),27-35(orig.publ.inArchivesofPsychiatry12[1965],227-36).

32.JuvenileandDomesticRelationsCourtofJeffersonCounty,AnnualReport(1963),15,25.

33.MemofromDet.C.L.PiercetoChiefJamieMoore,September15,1963,Re:ShootingofJohnnyRobinson,BirminghamPoliceDepartment,StatementofOfficerJ.E.Chadwick,September16,1963,StatementofMarvinKent,September16,1963,StatementofJimmySparks,September16,1963,StatementofOfficerP.C.Cheek,September16,1963,StatementofSidneyHowell,September16,1963,Box31,BoutwellPapers.Statementsweretakenfromthewhitesinthecar,thoughnoblackpeoplewereaskedtosubmitstatementsorserveaswitnesses.

34.JuvenileandDomesticRelationsCourtofJeffersonCounty,AnnualReport(1966),18;“NegroesAreCallinga60-DayPeriodofMourningfortheDead!”(ACMHRflyer,ca.March1967),Unsigned,“RacialNotes[BirminghamPoliceDepartment],”March6,1967,Box15,BoutwellPapers.Alargebodyofresearchsuggeststhatblackmalesaremorelikelytobevictimsofpolicehomicidesthanwhites.See,forexample,G.D.Robin,“JustifiableHomicidebyPoliceOfficers,”JournalofCriminalLaw,CriminologyandPoliceScience54(1963),225-31;S.Harring,T.Platt,R.Speiglman,andP.Takagi,“TheManagementofPoliceKillings,”CrimeandSocialJustice8(1977),34-43;P.Takagi,“AGarrisonStatein‘DemocraticSociety,’”CrimeandSocialJustice(Spring-Summer1978),2-25;A.L.Kobler,“Figures(andPerhapsSomeFacts)onPoliceKillingofCiviliansintheUnitedStates,1965-1969,”JournalofSocialIssues31(1975),163-91;M.W.Meyer,“PoliceShootingsatMinorities:TheCaseofLosAngeles,”Annals452(1980),98-110;J.J.Fyfe,“BlindJustice:PoliceShootingsinMemphis,”JournalofCriminalLawandCriminology73(1982),707-22.

35.StatementbyMrs.CatherineMcGann(typescript),n.d.,LawrenceE.McGintytoMayorAlbertBoutwell,September15,1964,Inter-OfficeCommunicationfromJamieMoore,ChiefofPolicetoMayorBoutwell,September17,1964,Box30,BoutwellPapers.

36.“NegroesAreCallinga60-DayPeriodofMourningfortheDead!”(ACMHRflyer,ca.March1967),Unsigned,“RacialNotes[BirminghamPoliceDepartment],”March6,1967,Unsigned,“RacialNotes[BirminghamPoliceDepartment],”March8,1967,Box15,BoutwellPapers.

37.JimmieLewisFranklin,BacktoBirmingham:RichardArrington,Jr.,andHisTimes(Tuscaloosa,Ala.:UniversityofAlabamaPress,1989),92-133,quotefromp.104.Infact,FranklinarguesthatArrington’ssuccessfulbidformayorcanpartlybeattributedtohisstandagainstpolicebrutality.

38.Norrell,“CasteinSteel,”690-91.

39.BobbyWilson,“RacialSegregationTrendsinBirmingham,Alabama,”SoutheasternGeographer25,no.1(May1985),32-33;MarilynnKindell,“ADescriptiveAnalysisoftheImpactofUrbanRenewalonaRelocatedFamily:ACaseStudyoftheMedicalCenterExpansionProject”(M.A.thesis,UniversityofAlabama,Birmingham1982);U.S.BureauoftheCensus,SeventeenthCensusoftheU.S.:1950,Vol.3,CensusTractStatistics(Washington,D.C.:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1952),7-10;RichardFussell,ADemographicAtlasofBirmingham,1960-1970(University,Ala.:UniversityofAlabamaPress1975),65-66;andforageneraldescriptionofurbanrenewalpoliciesintheurbanSouth,DavidR.Goldfield,Black,White,andSouthern:RaceRelationsandSouthernCulture,1940tothePresent(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1990),205.

40.Indeed,ifweweretoexcludetract44fromourdefinitionoftheinnercity,thenthepercentageofblackswouldhaveincreasedby5percentbetween1960and1970ratherthandecreasedby1percent,andthepercentageoffamiliesbelowthepovertylinewouldriseslightlyfrom45.5%to49%.

41.Wilson,“RacialSegregationTrendsinBirmingham,”32-33;Fussell,ADemographicAtlasofBirmingham,20-21;U.S.BureauoftheCensus,TwentiethCensusofPopulationandHousing,1980:CensusTracts(Washington,D.C.:GovernmentPrintingOffice1983),235-40.

42.OriginallycalledtheBirminghamAreaCommitteefortheDevelopmentofEconomicOpportunity,thisprecursortotheJCCEOwasestablishedinJanuary1965tooverseeatleastfortyEOAprograms,butitsdirector,ErskineSmith,wasforcedtoresignandtheorganizationhadtoberestructuredfollowingattacksbyGovernorGeorgeWallaceforestablishingtieswiththeUrbanLeagueand,later,bythefederalgovernmentfornotcomplyingwithitschargeofencouraging“maximumfeasibleparticipationoftheresidents.”Sixmonthslater,however,theorganizationreemergedastheJCCEOafteritwasdeemedacceptableinbothMontgomeryandWashington,D.C.LaMonte,“PoliticsandWelfare,”349-58;BirminghamPost-Herald,May15,1965.

43.LaMonte,“PoliticsandWelfare,”281-82,352-60;CommunityServiceCouncil,FamilyandChildrenStudyofJeffersonCounty:PrioritiesandRecommendations(Birmingham:CommunityServiceCouncil1970),pp.11,19;Fussell,ADemographicAtlasofBirmingham,20-21.ForbackgroundontheEOAanditsfederaladministrativearm,theOfficeofEconomicOpportunity,seeMichaelB.Katz,TheUndeservingPoor:FromtheWaronPovertytotheWaronWelfare(NewYork:Pantheon,1989),79-101,112-23;JamesT.Patterson,America’sStruggleagainstPoverty,1900-1985(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1986),142-54.

44.LaMonte,“PoliticsandWelfare,”358,364-66.

45.BirminghamNews,July29,1969;LaMonte,“PoliticsandWelfare,”368-70.

46.CarlBraden,“BirminghamMovementGrows,”SouthernPatriot30,no.7(September1972).

47.AnneBraden,“LawandOrderinBirmingham:TwoBlackLiberationFrontLeadersJailed,”SouthernPatriot29,no.3(March1971),5.

48.Ibid.,pp.5-6.

49.Ibid.,p.6.

50.StevenH.Haeberle,PlantingtheGrassroots:StructuringCitizenParticipation(NewYork:Praeger1989),123;PhilipB.Coulter,PoliticalVoice:CitizenDemandforUrbanPublicServices(Tuscaloosa:UniversityofAlabamaPress,1988),46-55,92;andonblackpoliticsinBirminghamduringthe1970sand1980s,seeFranklin’sthoroughbiographyofArrington,Backto

Birmingham.Similarly,JeffreyBerry,KentPortnoy,andKenThomson’sstudyofthepoliticalbehaviorofthepoorinfourcities,includingBirmingham,concludesthatthepoliticalbehavioroftheblackpoordifferslittlefromthatofothergroups,thoughAfricanAmericansacrossclasslineshaveaslightlyhigherparticipationratethanwhites.“ThePoliticalBehaviorofPoorPeople,”inTheUrbanUnderclass,eds.ChristopherJencksandPaulE.Peterson(Washington,D.C.,BrookingsInstitution1991),esp.369-70.

PartIIToBeRedandBlack

1.LangstonHughes,“ANewSong,”Liberator,October15,1932.

Chapter5.“Afric’sSonsWithBannerRed”

1.HarlemLiberator,June24,1933.

2.HaroldCruse,TheCrisisoftheNegroIntellectual(NewYork:Morrow,1964),144,149,150-51passim.;JamesO.Young,BlackWritersoftheThirties(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1973),40,157-60;ErnestAlien,“TheCulturalMethodologyofHaroldCruse,”JournalofEthnicStudies5,no.2(1977),26-50;ArthurParis,“CruseandtheCrisisinBlackCulture,”JournalofEthnicStudies5,no.2(1977),63-66;JabariSimama,“BlackWritersExperienceCommunism:AnInterdisciplinaryStudyofImaginativeWriters,TheirCritics,andtheCPUSA”(Ph.D.diss.,EmoryUniversity,1978),270.

3.TheworkofMarkNaisonandPaulBuhle,inparticular,hasexploredthepoliticsofblackcultureduringthePopularFront.Itwasacriticalmoment,sinceblackculturewaselevatedtothestatusasarevolutionarycomponentofAmericanculture,asCommunists—especiallyinHarlem—successfullydrewAfricanAmericanartistsandperformersintotheirranks.SeeMarkNaison,CommunistsinHarlemduringtheDepression(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1983),193-219;Naison,“CommunismandHarlemIntellectualsinthePopularFront:Anti-FascismandthePoliticsofBlackCulture,”JournalofEthnicStudies9,no.1(1981),1-25;PaulBuhle,MarxismintheUnitedStates:RemappingtheHistoryoftheAmericanLeft(London:Verso1987).Themorerecentimportantbiographiesofblackradicalartistsinclude,WayneF.Cooper,ClaudeMcKay:RebelSojournerintheHarlemRenaissance,ABiography(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1986);ArnoldRampersad,TheLifeofLangstonHughes,Volume1:1902-1941,I,Too,SingAmerica(New

York:OxfordUniversityPress,1986);MargaretWalker,RichardWright—DaemonicGenius:APortraitoftheMan,ACriticalLookatHisWork(NewYork:WarnerBooks,1988);MartinBaumlDuberman,PaulRobeson(NewYork:Knopf,1989);seealsoSamG.Kim,“BlackAmericans’CommitmenttoCommunism:ACaseStudyBasedonFictionandAutobiographies”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofKansas,1986).

4.OntheSocialistPartyandAfricanAmericans,seePhilipFoner,AmericanSocialismandBlackAmericans:FromtheAgeofJacksontoWorldWarII(Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress,1977);JervisAnderson,A.PhillipRandolph:ABiographicalPortrait(NewYork:HarcourtBraceJovanovich,1973),85-137;TheodoreKomweibel,NoCrystalStair:BlackLifeandtheMessenger,1917-1928(Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress,1975);HenryWilliams,BlackResponsetotheAmericanLeft(Princeton:HistoryDepartment,PrincetonUniversity,1971);RobertAllen,ReluctantReformers:RacismandSocialReformMovementsintheUnitedStates,rev.ed.(Washington,D.C.:HowardUniversityPress,1983),212-15;SallyMiller,“TheSocialistPartyandtheNegro,1901-1920,”JournalofNegroHistory56(July1971),220-39;LawrenceMoore,“FlawedFraternity:AmericanSocialistResponsetotheNegro,1901-1912,”TheHistorian33,no.1(1969),1-14;MarkNaison,“MarxismandBlackRadicalisminAmerica:NotesonaLong(andContinuing)Journey,”RadicalAmerica5,no.3(1971),4-10;DavidA.Shannon,TheSocialistPartyofAmerica(NewYork:Macmillan,1955),49-52;JamesWeinstein,TheDeclineofSocialisminAmerica,1912-1925(NewYork:MonthlyReviewPress,1967),69-70.

5.Firstquote,AmsterdamNewsSeptember5,1917;secondquote,Crusader1,no.8(April1919),8-9;Ibid.,1,no.12(August1919),4.AnselmoR.Jackson,associateeditoroftheCrusader,wrotethatthepaperwasdedicated“tothedoctrineofself-governmentfortheNegroandAfricafortheAfricans.”Crusader1,no.3(November1918),1.DespitestatementsintheCrusader,RichardB.MooreandW.A.Domingo,twoformerleadersoftheABB,denythatBriggs,ortheABB,everadvocatedsuchaposition.“RichardB.Moore,Interview,January15,1958,”and“WA.Domingo,Interview,January18,1958,”Box21,Folder3,TheodoreDraperPapers,EmoryUniversity.FormoreontheABB,see“CyrilBriggsandtheAfricanBloodBrotherhood,”WPAWriters’Project,No.1,Reporter:CarlOfford,SchomburgCollection;Crusader2,no.2(October1919),27;“ProgramoftheAfricanBloodBrotherhood,”CommunistReview(London),April1922,pp.449-54;MarkSolomon,“Redand

Black:NegroesandCommunism,1929-1932”(Ph.D.diss.,HarvardUniversity,1972),80-83;FormoreontheABB,seeHarryHaywood,BlackBolshevik:AutobiographyofanAfro-AmericanCommunist(Chicago:LiberatorPress,1978),122-30;Naison,CommunistsinHarlem,3,5-8,17-18;TheodoreVincent,BlackPowerandtheGarveyMovement(Berkeley,Calif.:RampartsPress,1971),74-85andpassim;TonyMartin,RaceFirst(Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress,1976);237-46;TheodoreDraper,AmericanCommunismandSovietRussia(NewYork:Viking,1960),322-32;PhilipS.Foner,OrganizedLaborandtheBlackWorker,1619-1981,2nded.(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1981),148-49;CedricJ.Robinson,BlackMarxism:TheMakingoftheBlackRadicalTradition(London:ZedPress,1983),296-301;DavidSamuels,“FiveAfro-CaribbeanVoicesinAmericanCulture,1917-1929:HubertH.Harrison,WilfredA.Domingo,RichardB.Moore,CyrilBriggsandClaudeMcKay”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofIowa,1977);ThemanTaylor,“CyrilBriggsandtheAfricanBloodBrotherhood:EffectsofCommunismonBlackNationalism,1919-1935”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofCalifornia,SantaBarbara,1981).

6.Workers(Communist)PartyofAmerica,ProgramandConstitution:WorkersPartyofAmerica(NewYork:LiteratureDepartment,WorkersPartyofAmerica,1924),14;Workers(Communist)PartyofAmerica,TheSecondYearoftheWorkersPartyofAmerica:Theses,Programs,Resolutions(Chicago:LiteratureDepartment,WorkersPartyofAmerica,1924),125;V.I.Lenin,“TheSocialistRevolutionandtheRightofNationstoSelf-Determination(Theses),”inLeninontheNationalandColonialQuestions:ThreeArticles(Peking:ForeignLanguagesPress,1967),5;“ThesesontheNationalandColonialQuestionAdoptedbytheSecondCongressoftheCominternCongress,”inTheCommunistInternational,1919-1943,Documents,ed.JaneDegras(London:OxfordUniversityPress,1956),I,142.Roy’scontributiontotheTheses,aswellastothegeneraldirectionoftheCommissionwasquitesubstantial.Amongotherthings,herecognizedtheexistenceofclassdistinctionsinthecoloniesandheplacedthepeasantryinapivotalpositionforwagingtheanticolonialmovement.See,ManabendraNathRoy,M.N.Roy’sMemoirs(BombayandNewYork:AlliedPublishers,1964),378;seealsoJohnHaithcox,CommunismandNationalisminIndia:M.N.RoyandCominternPolicy,1920-1939(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1971),14-15;D.C.Grover,M.N.Roy:AStudyofRevolutionandReasoninIndianPolitics(Calcutta:MinervaAssociates,1973),2-13.AcopyofRoy’sthesesareavailableinV.B.Karnik,M.N.Roy:APoliticalBiography(Bombay:NavJagritiSama,1978),107-10.ForLenin’sviewsonRoy’ssupplementarytheses,see“TheReportoftheCommissionon

theNationalandColonialQuestions,July26,1920,”inLeninontheNationalandColonialQuestions,30-37;Draper,AmericanCommunism,321.Asearlyas1913,Leninwroteashortarticleentitled“RussiansandNegroes,”wherehecomparedtheplightofblackstothatofemancipatedRussianserfs.(CollectedWorks[London:Lawrence&Wishart,1963],vol.18,pp.543-44.)Inhis“NotebooksonImperialism,”puttogetherin1916,hewascriticaloftheSocialistParty’spositiononAfro-Americans,aswellastheMississippiSocialistParty’spolicyofsegregation.(CollectedWorks[London:Lawrence&Wishart,1965],vol.39,pp.590-91.)Lenin’scriticismoftheAmericanCommunists’failuretoworkamongblackswasbasedonresearchhehadconductedregardingtheplightofblacksharecroppersandtenantfarmersintheUnitedStates.Anditwasintheseworks,completedin1915and1917,thatLeninsuggestedthatblacksconstituteanoppressednationintheUnitedStates.(V.I.Lenin,“NewDataontheLawsGoverningtheDevelopmentofCapitalisminAgriculture,”inCollectedWorks,[London:Lawrence&Wishart,1963],vol.22,pp.13-102;“OnStatisticsandSociology,”inCollectedWorks[London:Lawrence&Wishart,1963]vol.23,p.276.)

7.Draper,AmericanCommunism,320-21,327-28;Robinson,BlackMarxism,304;RogerE.Kanet,“TheCominternandthe‘NegroQuestion’:CommunistPolicyintheUnitedStatesandAfrica,1921-1941,”Survey19,no.4(Autumn1973),89-90;Haywood,BlackBolshevik,225;ClaudeMcKay,ALongWayfromHome(NewYork:LeeFurman,1937),177-80;Billings[OttoHuiswoud],“ReportontheNegroQuestion,”InternationalPressCorrespondence3,no.2(1923),14-16.Thefulltextofthe“ThesesontheNegroQuestion”isavailableinBulletinoftheIVCongressoftheCommunistInternationalno.27(December7,1922),8-10.

8.Workers(Communist)PartyofAmerica,FourthNationalConventionoftheWorkers(Communist)PartyofAmerica(Chicago:LiteratureDepartment,WorkersPartyofAmerica,1925),121and122.

9.OntheCPandGarveyism,seeVincent,BlackPowerandtheGarveyMovement,211;RobertHill,ed.,TheMarcusGarveyandUniversalNegroImprovementAssociationPapers(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1984),111,675-681;(quotation)Workers(Communist)PartyofAmerica,FourthNationalConventionoftheWorkers(Communist)PartyofAmerica,122;JamesJackson[LovettFort-Whiteman],“TheNegroinAmerica,”CommunistInternational(February1925),52;RobertMinor,“AfterGarvey—

What?”WorkersMonthly5(June1926),362-65.

10.Haywood,BlackBolshevik,139,140-46;“ReportofNationalNegroCommittee,CPUSA,”(transcript,1925),Box12,Folder,“Negro-1924-25,”RobertMinorPapers,ButlerMemorialLibrary,ColumbiaUniversity;JamesFord,TheNegroandtheDemocraticFront(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1938),HarveyKlehr,TheHeydayofAmericanCommunism:TheDepressionDecade(NewYork:BasicBooks,1984),324;WilsonRecord,TheNegroandtheCommunistParty(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1951),29-33.

11.WillyMünzenberg,“PouruneConférenceColoniale,”CorrespondenceInternationale6,no.9(August1926),1011;Münzenberg,“LaPremièreConférenceMondialecontrelaPolitiqueColonialeImpérialiste,”CorrespondanceInternationale7,no.17(February5,1927),232;RobinD.G.Kelley,“TheThirdInternationalandtheStruggleforNationalLiberationinSouthAfrica,1921-1928,”Ufahamu15,nos.1and2(1986),110-11;EdwardT.Wilson,RussiaandBlackAfricabeforeWorldWarII(NewYork:Holmes&Meier,1974),151;SouthAfricanWorker,April1,June24,1927;“LesDécisionsduCongrès:RésolutionCommunesurlaQuestionNègre,”LaVoixdesNègres1,no.3(March1927),3.

12.“ResolutionsProposedbyWorkersPartyofAmericaattheNegroSanhedrin,February12,1924,”pp.4,7,9,13,Box13,and“ReportofNationalNegroCommittee,CPUSA,”(tsc.,1925),Box12,RobertMinorPapers;W.A.DomingoInterview,January18,1958(tsc.),p.4,Box21,Folder3,TheodoreDraperPapers,EmoryUniversity;Ford,TheNegroandtheDemocraticFront,82;Haywood,BlackBolshevik,143-46;Klehr,TheHeydayofAmericanCommunism,324;Naison,CommunistsinHarlem,13.

13.Naison,CommunistsinHarlem,18;(quotation)GilbertLewis,“RevolutionaryNegroTradition,”NegroWorker,March15,1930,8.CyrilBriggspublishedawholeseriesofessaysonthisscore,suchas“NegroRevolutionaryHero—ToussaintL’Ouverture,Communist8,no.5(May1929),250-54;“TheNegroPressasaClassWeapon,”Communist8,no.8(August1929),453-60;and“MayFirstandtheRevolutionaryTraditionsofNegroMasses,”DailyWorker,April28,1930.

14.WilliamL.Patterson,“AwakeNegroPoets,”NewMasses4(October1928),

10.

15.“DraftProgramoftheLeagueofStruggleforNegroRights,”(tsc.,n.d.),pp.1-3,Box12,Folder—“Negroes,1931,”RobertMinorPapers;LeagueofStruggleforNegroRights,Equality,LandandFreedom:AProgramforLiberation(NewYork:LeagueofStruggleforNegroRights,1933).

16.Liberator,February21,1931.

17.ResolutionoftheCentralCommittee,CPUSA,onNegroWork,March16,1931(tsc.),pp.2-4,Box12,Folder—“Negro,1931,”RobertMinorPapers;DailyWorker,March23,1931;Liberator,March28,1931.

18.DailyWorker,January19,1932;Klehr,TheHeydayofAmericanCommunism,332;[Herman]Mackawain,“TheLeagueofStruggleforNegroRightsinHarlem,”PartyOrganizer8(April1934),60;“TheReminiscencesofEarlBrowder,”InterviewconductedbyJosephR.Starobin,1964(tsc.),vol.III,p.285,ColumbiaOralHistoryProject,ButlerMemorialLibrary,ColumbiaUniversity;Haywood,BlackBolshevik,439-40.

19.NellIrvinPainter,TheNarrativeofHoseaHudson,HisLifeasaNegroCommunistintheSouth(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1979),102.

20.Liberator,November21,1931.

21.QuotedinTonyMartin,LiteraryGarveyism:Garvey,BlackArtsandtheHarlemRenaissance(Dover,Mass.:MajorityPress,1983),43-46,73.

22.MichaelGold,“SendUsaCritic,”inMikeGold:ALiteraryAnthology,ed.MichaelFolsom(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1972),139;PaulaRabinowitz,“WomenandU.S.LiteraryRadicals,”inWritingRed:AnAnthologyofAmericanWomenWriters,1930-1940,ed.CharlotteNekolaandPaulaRabinowitz(NewYork:TheFeministPressattheCityUniversityofNewYork,1987),3;seealso,CharlotteNekola,“WorldsMoving:Women,Poetry,andtheLiteraryPoliticsofthe1930’s,”inibid.,129-31;StanleyBurnshaw,“NotesonRevolutionaryPoetry,”NewMasses10(February20,1934),22;V.F.Calverton,“LeftwardHo!”ModernQuarterly6(Summer1932),26-32;PaulaRabinowitz,LaborandDesire:Women’sRevolutionaryFictioninDepressionAmerica(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1991).

23.Liberator,August22,1931.

24.DailyWorker,August10,1935.

25.DailyWorker,December3,1932.

26.ElizabethFaue,CommunityofSufferingandStruggle:Women,Men,andtheLaborMovementinMinneapolis,1915-1945(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1991),71;SharonHartmanStrom,“Challenging‘Woman’sPlace’:Feminism,theLeft,andIndustrialUnionisminthe1930’s,”FeministStudies9,no.2(Summer1983),359-86.

27.RichardFrank,“NegroRevolutionaryMusic,”NewMasses11,no.7(May15,1934),29.

28.EugeneGordon,“AlabamaMassacre,”NewMasses7(August1931),16;DailyWorker,December3,1932;RubyWeems,“TheMurderofRalphGray,”Liberator,November21,1931;GraceLumpkin,ASignforCain(NewYork,1935),223;RobinD.G.Kelley,HammerandHoe:AlabamaCommunistsduringtheGreatDepression(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1990),146.

29.WilliamL.Patterson,“TheNegroQuestion,”(unpublishedms.,April1933),1,microfilm,reel2,InternationalLaborDefensePapers(SchomburgCollection).

30.HarryHaywood,“AgainstBourgeois-LiberalDistortionsofLeninismontheNegroQuestionintheUnitedStates,”Communist8,no.9(August1930),700.

31.See,forexample,DavidJohnAhola,Finnish-AmericansandInternationalCommunism:AStudyofFinnish-AmericanCommunismfromBolshevizationtotheDemiseoftheThirdInternational(Washington,D.C.:UniversityPressofAmerica,1981);AuvoKostiainen,TheForgingofFinnish-AmericanCommunism,1917-1924:AStudyinEthnicRadicalism(Turku:TurunYliopisto,1978);MichaelGaryKarni,“Yhteishyva—OrFortheCommonGood:FinnishRadicalismintheWesternGreatLakesRegion,1900-1940”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofMinnesota,1975);AlGedicks,“TheSocialOriginsofRadicalismamongFinnishImmigrantsinMidwestMiningCommunities,”ReviewofRadicalPoliticalEconomics8(1976),1-31;PeterKivisto,ImmigrantSocialistsintheUnitedStates:TheCaseofFinnsandtheLeft(London:Associated

UniversityPresses,1984);GeorgeP.Hummasti,“FinnishRadicalsinAstoria,Oregon,1904-1940:AStudyinImmigrantSocialism”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofOregon,1975);PaulBuhle,“JewsandAmericanCommunism:TheCulturalQuestion,”RadicalAmerica23(Spring1980),9-33;DavidP.Shuldiner,“OfMosesandMarx:FolkIdeologywithintheJewishLaborMovementintheUnitedStates”(Ph.D.diss.,UCLA,1984);PeterKwong,Chinatown,NewYork:LaborandPolitics,1930-1950(NewYork:MonthlyReviewPress,1979);KarlYoneda,Ganbatte:Sixty-YearStruggleofaKibeiWorker,ed.YujiIchioka(LosAngeles:UCLAAsianStudiesCenter,1983);DouglassMonroy,“AnarquismoyComunismo:MexicanRadicalismandtheCommunistPartyinLosAngelesduringthe1930’s,”LaborHistory24(Winter1983):34-59.

32.Patterson,“AwakeNegroPoets,”10.

33.Buhle,MarxismintheUnitedStates,157.Onthedebateoverproletarianliterature,seeibid.,chapter5;LawrenceSchwartz,MarxismandCulture:TheCPUSAandAestheticsinthe1930’s(PortWashington,N.Y.:KennikatPress,1980);AlanM.Wald,TheNewYorkIntellectuals:TheRiseandDeclineoftheAnti-StalinistLeftfromthe1930’stothe1980’s(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1987),78passim.

34.SeeforinstanceWalterCarmon’sreviewofHughes’sNotWithoutLaughter,NewMasses6,no.5(October1930).ThebeginningofaseriousblackliterarycritiquewithinPartycirclesdatesbackto1935withthefoundingoftheAmericanWriters’Congress.SeeespeciallyHenryHart,ed.,AmericanWriters’Congress(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1935),139-53;EugeneClay,“TheNegroinRecentAmericanLiterature,”InternationalLiterature6(1935),79-80;and,ofcourse,RichardWright,“BlueprintforNegroWriting,”NewChallenge1(Fall1937),53-61.

35.MichaelGold,“TheNegroRedsofChicago,”DailyWorker,September30,1932.

36.HaroldPreece,“FolkMusicoftheSouth,”NewSouth1,no.2(March1938),13;alsoseeHaroldPreecetoAnneJohnson,December25,1936,ClydeJohnsonPapers,microfilm,reel13.

37.PhilipSchatz,“SongsoftheNegroWorker,”NewMasses5,no.12(May1930),6-8;LawrenceGellert,“NegroSongsofProtest,”NewMasses6,no.11

(April1931),6-8.

38.DailyWorker,April7,1934;SouthernWorker,July1936.Asearlyas1932,thesamesongwassungbyblackCommunistsinChicago,buttheirversionwasslightlydifferentinthatitreferredtothe“NewCommunistSpirit.”DailyWorker,September30,1932,quotedinR.SergeDenisoff,GreatDayComing:FolkMusicandtheAmericanLeft(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1971),37.Forexamplesofadaptationsof“WeShallNotBeMoved,”seeLaborDefender9,no.11(December1933),80;HaroldPreecetoAnneJohnson,December25,1936,ClydeJohnsonPapers,microfilm,reel13.

39.SouthernWorker,July18,1931.

40.DailyWorker,October2,1932.

41.Liberator,November14,1931.

42.PoetLangstenHugheswasunusualamongblackpoetswhocontributedtotheCommunistpressforhisoftenexplicitdepictionofordinaryblackfolkdispensingwithorquestioningreligionaltogether.SeeespeciallyLangstonHughes’sworkspublishedinNewMasses,theLiberator,andtheNegroWorker.Themoreprofaneworksinclude“GoodbyeChrist,”“GodtoHungryChild,”“AChristianCountry,”“TheNewBlackBlues,”and“ANewSong.”MuchofthisworkhasbeenreproducedinLangstonHughes,GoodMorningRevolution:UncollectedWritingsofSocialProtest,ed.FaithBerry(Brooklyn,N.Y.:LawrenceHill,1973);seealsoLiberator,October15and31,1931.ThecharactersinHughes’spoems,however,werenotunusual.AsIhavedemonstratedelsewhere,itislikelythatsomeblacksweredrawntothePartyasaresultoftheirpersonaldisillusionmentwiththechurch.RobinD.G.Kelley,“‘Comrades,PraiseGawdforLeninandThem!’:IdeologyandCultureamongBlackCommunistsinAlabama,1930-1935,”ScienceandSociety52,no.1(Spring1988),64-66.

Chapter6.“ThisAin’tEthiopia,Butit’llDo”

1.BaltimoreAfro-American,September28,1935;alsoquotedinRobertWeisbord,EbonyKinship:Africa,Africans,andtheAfro-American(Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress,1973),102.

2.DailyWorker,February11,1939.ForanelaborationontheroleofMarxist

pedagogyamongAfricanAmericansintheCP,seeRobinD.G.Kelley,HammerandHoe:AlabamaCommunistsduringtheGreatDepression(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1990),93-99.

3.DailyWorker,April7,1934;SouthernWorker,July,1936.

4.Kelley,HammerandHoe,40-42,95;DailyWorker,February11,1939;JoeBrandt,ed.,BlackAmericansintheSpanishPeople’sWaragainstFascism,1936-1939(NewYork:VALB,1981),24;SouthernWorker,March21,1931;NellIrvinPainter,TheNarrativeofHoseaHudson,HisLifeasaNegroCommunistintheSouth(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1979),84;HarryHaywood,BlackBolshevik:AutobiographyofanAfro-AmericanCommunist(Chicago:LiberatorPress,1978),398;“TestimonyofLeonardPatterson,”StateofLouisiana,JointLegislativeCommittee,SubversioninRacialUnrest:AnOutlineofaStrategeWeapontoDestroytheGovernmentsofLouisianaandtheUnitedStates,PublicHearings,PartI(BatonRouge:StateofLouisiana,1957),121.

5.Brandt,BlackAmericans,14,25;DailyWorld,February24,1979.

6.JamesYates,MississippitoMadrid:MemoirofaBlackAmericanintheAbrahamLincolnBrigade(Seattle:OpenHandPublishers,1989),15-28.

7.Ibid.,29-55,72-73.

8.ArthurLandis,TheAbrahamLincolnBrigade(NewYork:CitadelPress,1967),73;SteveNelson,JamesR.Barrett,andRobRuck,SteveNelson:AmericanRadical(Pittsburgh:UniversityofPittsburghPress,1981),218;Brandt,BlackAmericans,33-35.

9.OscarHunterinterview,May2,1980,AbrahamLincolnBrigadeArchives(BrandeisUniversity),pp.18-19.

10.Ibid.,pp.6-20,78;Brandt,BlackAmericans,23.

11.AdmiralKilpatrickinterview,June8,1980,AbrahamLincolnBrigadeArchives(BrandeisUniversity).

12.WilliamR.Scott,“BlackNationalismandthehalo-EthiopianConflict,1934-1936,”JournalofNegroHistory63,no.2(1978),118-21;GayraudWilmore,

BlackReligionandBlackRadicalism,2nded.(Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1983,120-21,126-28,160-61;EdwardUllendorff,EthiopiaandtheBible(London:PublishedfortheBritishAcademybyOxfordUniversityPress,1968);WA.Shack,“EthiopiaandAfro-Americans:SomeHistoricalNotes,1920-1970,”Phylon35,no.2(1974),142-55;BernardMakhosezweMagubane,TheTiesThatBind:African-AmericanConsciousnessofAfrica(Trenton,N.J.:AfricaWorldPress,1987),160-65;S.K.B.Asante,Pan-AfricanProtest:WestAfricaandtheItalo-EthiopianCrisis,1934-1941(London:Longman,1977),9-38;Weisbord,EbonyKinship,90-92.

13.RandallK.Burkett,GarveyismasaReligiousMovement:TheInstitutionalizationofaBlackCivilReligion(Metuchen,N.J.:ScarecrowPress,1978),34-35,85-86,122,125,134-35;ArnoldKuzwayo,“AHistoryofEthiopianisminSouthAfricawithParticularReferencetotheAmericanZuluMissionfrom1835-1908”(M.A.thesis,UniversityofSouthAfrica,1979);GeorgeShepperson,“EthiopianismandAfricanNationalism,”Phylon14,no.1(1953),9-18.

14.Scott,“BlackNationalism,”121,128-29;MarkNaison,CommunistsinHarlemduringtheDepression(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1983),138-140;Magubane,TheTiesThatBind,166-67;CedricJ.Robinson,“TheAfricanDiasporaandtheItalo-EthiopianCrisis,”RaceandClass27,no.2(Autumn1985),51-65;Weisbord,EbonyKinship,94-100;S.K.B.Asante,“TheAfro-AmericanandtheItalo-EthiopianCrisis,1934-1936,”Race15,no.2(1973),167-84.

15.Julianneveractuallysawcombat.FormoreonRobinsonandJulian,seeWeisbord,EbonyKinship,pp.94-95;HubertFauntleroyJulian,BlackEagle:ColonelHubertJulian,asToldtoJohnBullock(London:Jarrolds,1964);JohnPeerNugent,TheBlackEagle(NewYork:SteinandDay,1971).Onthewaritself,seeAngeloDelBoca,TheEthiopianWar,1935-1941(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1969);GeorgeBaer,TheComingoftheItalian-EthiopianWar(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1967);EsmondeRobertson,MussoliniasEmpireBuilder:EuropeandAfrica,1932-1936(NewYork:Macmillan,1977).

16.QuotedinScott,“BlackNationalism,”129;Naison,CommunistsinHarlem,138-40.

17.Naison,CommunistsinHarlem,138-40,155-58,174-76.

18.GeorgePadmore,TheLifeandStrugglesofNegroToilers(London:R.I.L.U.MagazinefortheInternationalTradeUnionCommitteeofNegroWorkers,1931),77;JamesFord,TheNegroandtheDemocraticFront(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1938),160;onslaveryinEthiopia,seeJonR.Edwards,“Slavery,theSlaveTradeandtheEconomicReorganizationofEthiopia,1916-1934,”AfricanEconomicHistory11(1982),3-14.Inaddition,SovietleadersprobablyrealizedfromtheoutsetthatEthiopiacouldnothavedefeatedItalyunderanycircumstances.OneofthedifferencesbetweenHaileSelassie’ssituationin1935andthecircumstancesinwhichMenelikIIwasabletoroutItaliantroopsatAdowawasthatanarmsembargohadbeenimposedonEthiopiasince1916thatlasteduntil1930.SeeespeciallyHaroldG.Marcus,“TheEmbargoonArmsSalestoEthiopia,1916-1930,”InternationalJournalofAfricanHistoricalStudies16,no.2(1983),263-79.

19.DailyWorker,March2,6,22,27,May29,1937,November12,17,24,1938;Naison,CommunistsinHarlem,196-97,212;Scott,“BlackNationalism,”127;MartinBaumlDuberman,PaulRobeson(NewYork:Knopi,1989),215-20;Rampersad,TheLifeofLangstenHughes(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1986),1,351;FaithBerry,LangstonHughes:BeforeandBeyondHarlem(Brooklyn,N.Y.:LawrenceHill,1983),261-63;JamesBaldwin,NotesofaNativeSon(Boston:BeaconPress,1955),3.

20.ChicagoDefender,March26,1938;DailyWorker,September23,1938,January7,1939;BaltimoreAfro-American,October1,1938;JosephNorth,NoMenAreStrangers(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1958),126;Yates,MississippitoMadrid,129;BrandtBlackAmericans,18,23;Naison,CommunistsinHarlem,197;NegroCommitteetoAidSpain,ANegroNurseinRepublicanSpain(NewYork:TheNegroCommitteetoAidSpain,1938);DailyWorker,March30,1937,May18,1938.

21.OnstrugglesbetweentheChurchandanticlericalists,seeespeciallyGeraldBrenan,TheSpanishLabyrinth:AnAccountoftheSocialandPoliticalBackgroundoftheCivilWar(Cambridge,Eng.:TheUniversityPress,1943);PierreBrouéandEmileTemime,TheRevolutionandtheCivilWarinSpain,trans.TonyWhite(Cambridge,Mass.:MITPress,1972),37;JoseM.Sanchez,ReformandReaction:ThePolitico-ReligiousBackgroundoftheSpanishCivilWar(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1964);FrancesLannon,

“TheChurch’sCrusadeagainsttheRepublic,”inRevolutionandWarinSpain,1931-1939,ed.PaulPreston(London:Methuen,1984),35-58.FormoreonBasqueandCataloniannationalism,seeNormanJones,“RegionalismandRevolutioninCatalonia,”inRevolutionandWarinSpain,85-111;MartinBlinkhorn,“TheBasqueUlster:NavarreandtheBasqueAutonomyQuestionundertheSpanishRepublic,”HistoricalJournal17,no.3(1974),593-613.CataloniawasalsothecenterofSpanishanarchism.SeeRobertW.Kern,RedYears/BlackYears:APoliticalHistoryofSpanishAnarchism,1911-1937(Philadelphia:InstitutefortheStudyofHumanIssues,1978),1;MurrayBookchin,TheSpanishAnarchists:TheHeroicYears,1868-1936(NewYork:FreeLifeEditions,1977);SamDolgoff,ed.,TheAnarchistCollectives:Workers’Self-ManagementintheSpanishRevolution,1936-1939(NewYork:FreeLifeEditions,1974);GeorgeOrwell,HomagetoCatalonia,1stAmericaned.(NewYork:HarcourtBraceandWorld,1952);GeraldW.Meaker,TheRevolutionaryLeftinSpain,1914-1923(Stanford,Calif.:StanfordUniversityPress,1974);AbelPaz,Durruti:ThePeopleArmed(Montreal:BlackRoseBooks,1977).Andforamoreextensivediscussionofagrarianstruggles,seeBrouéandTemime,TheRevolutionandtheCivilWarinSpain,34-35;PaulPreston,“TheAgrarianWarintheSouth,”inRevolutionandWarinSpain,159-81;E.E.Malefakis,AgrarianReformandPeasantRevolutioninSpain(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1970);JuanMartinezAlier,LabourersandLandownersinSouthernSpain(London:Allen&Unwin,1971).

22.RaymondCarr,ModernSpain,1875-1980(NewYork;OxfordUniversityPress,1980),47-116;GabrielJackson,TheSpanishRepublicandtheCivilWar,1931-1939(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1965),3-24;ShannonE.FlemingandAnnK.Fleming,“PrimodeRiveraandSpain’sMorocanProblem,1923-1927,”JournalofContemporaryHistory12(January1977),85-99;ShlomoBen-Ami,“TheDictatorshipofPrimodeRivera:APoliticalReassessment,”JournalofContemporaryHistory12(January1977),65-84;VictorAlba,TransitioninSpain:FromFrancotoDemocracy,trans.BarbaraLotito,(NewBrunswick,N.J.:TransactionBooks,1978),49-63;StanleyPayne,AHistoryofSpainandPortugal:VolumeII(Madison:UniversityofWisconsinPress,1973),578-629.

23.OnthehistoryoftheSecondRepublic,seePaulPreston,TheComingoftheSpanishCivilWar:Reform,Reaction,andRevolutionintheSecondRepublic,1931-1936(London:Macmillan,1978);Jackson,TheSpanishRepublicandtheCivilWar;ShlomoBen-Ami,TheOriginsoftheSecondRepublicinSpain(New

York:OxfordUniversityPress,1978);ArthurLandis,Spain!:TheUnfinishedRevolution!(BaldwinPark,Calif.:Camelot,1972),9-97;AvivaandIsaacAviv,“TheMadridWorkingClass,theSpanishSocialistPartyandtheCollapseoftheSecondRepublic(1934-1936),”JournalofContemporaryHistory16(April1981),229-50.Onthe1934uprising,seePaulPreston,“Spain’sOctoberRevolutionandtheRightistGraspforPower,”JournalofContemporaryHistory10(October1975),555-78;ManuelGrossi,L’InsurrectiondesAustries:QuinzeJoursdeRevolutionSocialiste(Paris:EDI,1972);AdrianShubert,“TheEpicFailure:TheAsturianRevolutionofOctober1934,”inRevolutionandWarinSpain,113-36;Kern,RedYears/BlackYears,128-30;Jackson,TheSpanishRepublicandtheCivilWar,148-68.

24.PaulPreston,“TheCreationofthePopularFrontinSpain,”inThePopularFrontinEurope,eds.HelenGrahamandPaulPreston(NewYork:St.Martin’sPress,1987),84-105;RobertG.Colodny,“NotesontheOriginoftheFrentePopularofSpain,”ScienceandSociety31(Summer1967),257-74.

25.TheamountofpublishedworkontheSpanishCivilWarseemsinfinite.ForjustasamplingofthegoodEnglish-languagescholarshipontheconflict,seeBrouéandTemime,TheRevolutionandtheCivilWarinSpain;RaymondCarr,TheSpanishTragedy:TheCivilWarinPerspective(London:Weidenfeld&Nicolson,1977);Jackson,TheSpanishRepublicandtheCivilWar;HughThomas,TheSpanishCivilWar,4thed.(NewYork:Norton,1986,orig.1961);BurnettBolloten,TheSpanishRevolution:TheLeftandtheStruggleforPowerduringtheCivilWar(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1979),andhisfinalcomprehensivehistorypublishedposthumously,TheSpanishCivilWar:RevolutionandCounterrevolution(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1990);Brenan,TheSpanishLabyrinth;Alba,TransitioninSpain:FranzBorkenau,TheSpanishCockpit:AnEye-WitnessAccountofthePoliticalandSocialConflictsoftheSpanishCivilWar(AnnArbor:UniversityofMichiganPress,1963,orig.1937);JoanC.Ullman,TheTragicWeek(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1968);Cattell,CommunismandtheSpanishCivilWar;RobertG.Colodny,TheStruggleforMadrid:TheCentralEpicoftheSpanishConflict(NewYork:PaineWhitman,1958);VernonRichards,LessonsoftheSpanishRevolution:1936-1939(London:FreedomPress,1983,orig.1953);StanleyPayne,TheSpanishRevolution(NewYork:Norton,1970);Landis,Spain!;RonaldFraser,BloodofSpain:AnOralHistoryoftheSpanishCivilWar(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1979).

26.BrouéandTemime,TheRevolutionandtheCivilWarinSpain,321-65;Payne,AHistoryofSpainandPortugal,II,669-70;HughKay,SalazarandModernPortugal(NewYork:HawthorneBooks,1970);H.Martins,“Portugal,”inEuropeanFascism,ed.S.J.Woolf(NewYork:RandomHouse,1968),302-36;JohnCoverdale,ItalianInterventionintheSpanishCivilWar(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1975);RobertH.Whealey,HitlerandSpain:TheNaziRoleintheSpanishCivilWar,1936-1939(Lexington:UniversityPressofKentucky,1989);RaymondL.Proctor,Hitler’sLuftwaffeintheSpanishCivilWar(Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress,1983).ThewarradicalizedasegmentofthePortugueseworkingclass;inSeptember1936agroupofPortugueseseamenmutiniedandattemptedtojointheSpanishLeft.SalazarrespondedbyadoptingmorerepressivemeasuresandabandoningwhathehadcalledCatholiccorporatismforamoreblatantlyfascistformofgovernment.Ironically,Salazar’sdownfallwastheresultofamilitarycoupledbyPortugal’sversionofthe“ArmyofAfrica”in1974.Theofficersandtroopshadbecomewar-wearyafterfightinganticolonialinsurgentsinPortugal’sAfricancolonies.Aleft-wingmilitaryjuntahelpedusherinademocraticregimeinPortugalandindependenceforMozambique,Angola,Guinea-Bissau,andtheCapeVerdeIslands.Seeespecially,BarbaraCornwall,TheBushRebels(NewYork:HoltRinehart&Winston,1972),84-87;R.M.Fields,ThePortugueseRevolutionandtheArmedForces(NewYork:Praeger,1976);JamesH.Mittleman,“SomeReflectionsonPortugal’sCounterRevolution,”MonthlyReview28(March1977),58-64;PhilMailer,Portugal:TheImpossibleRevolution(London:Solidarity,1977);NicosPoulantzas,TheCrisisofDictatorship:Portugal,Greece,Spain(London:NLB,1976).

27.Theirdecisiontoremain“neutral”withrespecttoSpainhasitsrootsinU.S.andBritishforeignpolicyduringthe1930s,whichconsistentlyviewedthespreadofcommunismasagreaterevilthanthespreadoffascism.Indeed,bothcountrieshadshownhostilitytowardSpainbeginningwiththeSecondRepublic,andthePopularFrontdrewevenmorehostileopposition.SeeDouglasLittle,MalevolentNeutrality:TheUnitedStates,GreatBritain,andtheOriginsoftheSpanishCivilWar(Ithaca,N.Y:CornellUniversityPress,1985);RichardP.Traina,AmericanDiplomacyandtheSpanishCivilWar(Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress,1968).

28.BrouéandTemime,TheRevolutionandtheCivilWarinSpain,321-365;DantePuzzo,SpainandtheGreatPowers,1936-1941(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1962);DavidCarlton,“Eden,Blum,andtheOriginsofNon-

intervention,”JournalofContemporaryHistory6(January1971),40-55;M.D.Gallagher,“LeonBlumandtheSpanishCivilWar,”ibid.,56-64.

29.Infact,withtheexceptionofMexico,theUSSRwastheonlycountrytooffermilitaryandothermaterialaidtotheSpanishRepublic,althoughSovietassistanceneverequaledItalianandGermanaidtoFranco.BrouéandTemime,TheRevolutionandtheCivilWarinSpain,321-65;SovietWarVeterans’Committee,InternationalSolidaritywiththeSpanishRepublic,1936-1939(Moscow:ProgressPublishers,1974),329-30.

30.EvenbeforetheCominternbeganorganizingInternationalBrigades,volunteersfromGermany,Italy,France,Austria,andBelgiumwereslowlytricklingacrosstheSpanishborderwithindaysoftheofficers’uprising.AmongthefirstgroupofvolunteersweretwoAmericans,RosarioNegreteofthe(Trotskyite)RevolutionaryWorkers’LeagueandengineerLeeFleischman,bothofwhomfoundtheirwayintotheranksoftheRepublicanarmybeforetheLincolnandWashingtonbattalionshadbeenformed.RobertRosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft:TheLincolnBattalionintheSpanishCivilWar(NewYork:Pegasus,1969),28-31.

31.Rosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,95;SubversiveActivitiesControlBoard(hereafterSACB),“HerbertBrownell,Jr.,AttorneyGeneraloftheUnitedStatesv.VALB,”September15,1954,p.3265;Landis,TheAbrahamLincolnBrigade,17.

32.Landis,TheAbrahamLincolnBrigade,15-16;Rosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,122-132;quotefromYates,MississippitoMadrid,112,alsosee108-12.FordescriptionsoftheclimboverthePyrenees,seeespeciallyBessie,MeninBattle,18-24;Nelson,Barrett,andRuck,SteveNelson,199-202;Nelson,TheVolunteers,70-77;Haywood,BlackBolshevik,471-72.

33.Hunterinterview,p.23;SACB,“HerbertBrownell,Jr.,AttorneyGeneraloftheUnitedStatesv.VALB,”September15,1954,p.3203;DailyWorker,September29,1937.

34.DailyWorker,September29,1937;Hunterinterview;Yates,MississippitoMadrid,131-52,155;DailyWorker,December23,1938;Brandt,BlackAmericans,20-21,23,27-30;ArthurH.Landis,“AmericanFliersinSpanishSkies,”inOurFight:WritingsbyVeteransoftheAbrahamLincolnBrigade:

Spain,1936-39,eds.AlvahBessieandAlbertPrago(NewYork:MonthlyReviewPress,withtheVeteransoftheAbrahamLincolnBrigade,1987),27.

35.Brandt,BlackAmericans,15,43;Yates,MississippitoMadrid,176;EluardLuchellMcDanielinterview,March13,1978,RadicalEldersOralHistoryProject,2a-21,pp.57-58;LetterfromVictorBerchinTheVolunteer12,no.1(May1990),23;DailyWorker,May21,1937;BaltimoreAfro-American,February20,1937;ChicagoDefender,April3,1937.OntheUgandanradicalwhoservedinSpain,seeRasMakonnen,Pan-AfricanismFromWithin,ed.KennethKing(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1973),176.IamgratefultoCedricJ.Robinsonforbringingthistomyattention.

36.Rosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,46-47,139-40;BrouéandTemime,TheRevolutionandtheCivilWarinSpain,370;Landis,TheAbrahamLincolnBrigade,34,65,72-74,80,83,109,162,166,171,173,191;Hunterinterview,pp.27-28,30-31.

37.Rosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,221-22,266-69,308-9;Nelson,Barrett,andRuck,SteveNelson,187,203.

38.DailyWorker,September29,1937;Yates,MississippitoMadrid,119;Rolfe,TheLincolnBattalion,53;Nelson,Barrett,andRuck,SteveNelson,218;Brandt,BlackAmericans,8,33-35;Rosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,161-62;Landis,TheAbrahamLincolnBrigade,34,65,73,171,173,242;Hunterinterview,p.33.

39.Landis,TheAbrahamLincolnBrigade,73;Nelson,Barren,andRuck,SteveNelson,218;Brandt,BlackAmericans,33-35;Rosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,184.

40.ThemostcomprehensiveaccountofthebattlesinwhichtheLincolnBrigadeparticipatedisLandis,TheAbrahamLincolnBrigade,seealsoRosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,149-64,174-212,230-54,276-96,313-33;Bessie,MeninBattle;Nelson,TheVolunteers,101-88passim,muchofwhichappearsagaininNelson,Ruck,andBarrett,SteveNelson;Rolfe,TheLincolnBattalion,37-293passim.;Brome,TheInternationalBrigades,105-18,195-225,236-61;SovietWarVeterans’Committee,InternationalSolidarity,340-345;andRichardson,CominternArmy,81-89.

41.Brandt,BlackAmericans,32;JoeandLeoGordon,“SevenLettersfrom

Spain,”inBessieandPrago,eds.,OurFight,196.

42.ThompsonquotedinDailyWorker,September29,1937.WhileU.S.militarypolicyfromtheAmericanRevolutionthroughWorldWarIIhasalwaysremainedambivalentoropposedtoplacingblacktroopsincombatduty,specificcircumstanceshavealwaysresultedinasuspensionofsuchapolicy.FormoreonthehistoryofblacksinthemilitarythroughWorldWarI,seeBernardC.Nairy,StrengthfortheFight:AHistoryofBlackAmericansintheMilitary(NewYork:FreePress,1986);JackD.Foner,BlacksandtheMilitaryinAmericanHistory(NewYork:Praeger,1974);BenjaminQuarles,TheNegrointheAmericanRevolution(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1961);JamesMcPherson,ed.,TheNegro’sCivilWar:HowAmericanNegroesFeltandActedduringtheWarfortheUnion(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1965);ArlenFowler,TheBlackInfantryintheWest,1869-1891(Westport,Conn:GreenwoodPress,1971);WilliamH.Leckie,TheBuffaloSoldiers:ANarrativeoftheNegroCalvaryintheWest(Norman,Okla.:UniversityofOklahomaPress,1967);MarvinFletcher,TheBlackSoldierandOfficerintheUnitedStatesArmy,1891-1917(Columbia,Mo.:UniversityofMissouriPress,1974);WillardB.Gatewood,“SmokedYankees”andtheStruggleforEmpire:LettersofNegroSoldiers,1898-1902(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1971);GeraldWilsonPatton,“WarandRace:TheBlackOfficerintheAmericanMilitary”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofIowa,1978);W.AllisonSweeney,HistoryoftheAmericanNegrointheGreatWorldWar(NewYork:NegroUniversitiesPress,1969,orig.1919);RobertWMullen,BlacksinAmerica’sWars:TheShiftinAttitudesfromtheRevolutionaryWartoVietnam(NewYork:MonadPress,1973).

43.Duberman,PaulRobeson,217;DoloresIbarruri,TheyShallNotPass:TheAutobiographyofLaPasionaria(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1966),265.

44.Haywood,BlackBolshevik,474-87;DailyWorker,October12,1937;McDanielinterview,5a-20;Hunterinterview,21and25.WhenhewasstationedatMurcia,oneofHunter’sjobswastopickupdeserters.OnewasablackmanwhomhehadknowninChicago.Hunterinterview,55.

45.JoeandLeoGordon,“SevenLettersfromSpain,”194;Nelson,Barrett,andRuck,SteveNelson,219.

46.OntheSoviets’roleintheLoyalistdefenseandthetensionsbetweenefforts

tomakearevolutionandfightaconventionalwar,seeBolloten,TheSpanishRevolution;BrouéandTemime,TheRevolutionandtheCivilWarinSpain,172-212;Kern,RedYear/BlackYear,239-247;RaymondCarr,ModernSpain,137;E.H.Carr,TheCominternandtheSpanishCivilWar,29-31;Ibarruri,TheyShallNotPass,270-75.

47.Guttman,TheWoundintheHeart,100;DailyWorker,December2,1938.

48.Duberman,PaulRobeson,219;Rampersad,TheLifeofLangstonHughes,I,345;Rosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,196;TomPage,“InterviewwithaBlackAnti-Fascist,”inBessieandPrago,eds.,OurFight,56;SACB,“HerbertBrownell,Jr.,AttorneyGeneraloftheUnitedStatesv.VALB,”September15,1954,p.3211;McDanielinterview,pp.5a-23;DailyWorker,December2,1938.ForobservationsbyotherblackvisitorstothefrontwhomaintainedthatSpainwasfreeofprejudice,seeWilliamPickens,“WhatISawinSpain,”Crisis45(October1938),321;EdwardE.Strong,“IVisitedSpain,”Crisis43(December1936),358-59;EslandaGoodeRobeson,“JourneytoSpain,”inHeartofSpain,ed.AlvahBessie(NewYork:VeteransoftheAbrahamLincolnBrigade,1952),247.

49.Guttman,TheWoundintheHeart,99;ThyraEdwards,“MoorsandtheSpanishWar,”Opportunity16(March1938),84-85;Yates,MississippitoMadrid,127;McDanielinterview,5a-23.

50.Rampersad,TheLifeofLangstonHughes,I,349,351;BaltimoreAfro-American,October30,1937;Hughes,IWonderasIWander,327,351;Berry,LangstonHughes,262;BrouéandTemime,TheRevolutionandtheCivilWarinSpain,266-67;DailyWorker,September29,1937.

51.Rolfe,TheLincolnBattalion,266;Yates,MississippitoMadrid,116,145-46;RayDurem,TakeNoPrisoners(London:PaulBremean,1971),3;seealsoletterfromVictorBerchinTheVolunteer12,no.1(May1990),23.

52.McDanielinterview,pp.5b-27and28.

53.Rosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,313,314-21;Bessie,MeninBattle,139-94passim;Bolloten,TheSpanishRevolution,403-77;BrouéandTemime,TheRevolutionandtheCivilWarinSpain,273-315;RaymondCarr,TheSpanishTragedy,197-201;Cattell,CommunismandtheSpanishCivilWar,169-78;Kern,RedYears/BlackYears,225-33;Alba,TransitioninSpain,145-57.

54.OntheLincolnbattalion’sroleintheEbrooffensive,seeRosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,324-33;Landis,TheAbrahamLincolnBrigade,511-588;Bessie,MeninBattle,213-345;Rolfe,TheLincolnBattalion,258-93;JamesM.Jones,“HoldThatPosition!”inBessieandPrago,eds.,OurFight,261-68.

55.Rosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,335-338;Rolfe,TheLincolnBattalion,306-10;Ibarruri,TheyShallNotPass,313;Yates,MississippitoMadrid,158-59.

56.Yates,MississippitoMadrid,158-59;TomPage,“InterviewwithaBlackAnti-Fascist,”56;ProwellandMcDanielquotedinRosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,196.

57.Yates,MississippitoMadrid,160.

58.Hunterinterview,pp.59-60;Yates,MississippitoMadrid,160;Rosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,338-44;SACB,“HerbertBrownell,Jr.,AttorneyGeneraloftheUnitedStatesv.VALB,”September15,1954,p.3213.

59.Kilpatrickinterview;MauriceIsserman,WhichSideWereYouOn?:TheAmericanCommunistPartyduringtheSecondWorldWar(Middletown,Conn.:WesleyanUniversityPress,1982),28;Rosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,341-46;SACB,“HerbertBrownell,Jr.,AttorneyGeneraloftheUnitedStatesv.VALB,”September15,1954,pp.3220-22.OntheCP’sdefenseoftheNazi-SovietPact,seeHarveyKlehr,TheHeydayofAmericanCommunism:TheDepressionDecade(NewYork:BasicBooks,1984),386-409;Isserman,WhichSideWereYouOn?32-54;Naison,CommunistsinHarlem,287-90.

60.Brome,TheInternationalBrigades,290-93;Rosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,346-47;Eby,BetweentheBulletandtheLie,314-15;Isserman,WhichSideWereYouOn?104-12.OnracismandAfricanAmericanparticipationinthearmedforcesduringWorldWarII,seeRichardM.Dalfiume,DesegregationoftheU.S.ArmedForces:FightingonTwoFronts,1939-1945(Columbia:UniversityofMissouriPress,1969);HerbertShapiro,WhiteViolenceandBlackResponse:FromReconstructiontoMontgomery(Amtierst:UniversityofMassachusettsPress,1988),305-309;PhilipMcGuire,ed.,TapsforaJimCrowArmy(SantaBarbara,Calif.:ABC-Clio,1983);MaryP.Motley,ed.,TheinvisibleSoldier:TheExperienceoftheBlackSoldier,WorldWarII(Detroit:WayneStateUniversityPress,1987);StudsTerkel,TheGoodWar:AnOralHistoryofWorldWarII(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1984),149-56,261-67,

274-79,365-71.

61.Motley,ed.,TheInvisibleSoldier,194-95;SACB,“HerbertBrownell,Jr.,AttorneyGeneraloftheUnitedStatesv.VeteransoftheAbrahamLincolnBrigade.”Hearings,September15,1954,pp.3234,3250,3282;Yates,MississippitoMadrid,160-64.

62.ManningMarable,Race,Reform,andRebellion:TheSecondReconstructioninBlackAmerica,1945-1982(Jackson,Miss.:UniversityPressofMississippi,1984),13-14;HerbertGarfinkel,WhenNegroesMarch:TheMarchonWashingtonMovementintheOrganizationalPoliticsoftheFEPC(Glencoe,III.:FreePress,1959);SACB,“HerbertBrownell,Jr.,AttorneyGeneraloftheUnitedStatesv.VALB,”September15,1954,pp.3245;Isserman,WhichSideWereYouOn?118-19.

63.Durem,TakeNoPrisoners,3.

64.Ibid.,p.8.

65.Hunterinterview,pp.68-69;andonthepoliticalsignificanceofthebebopcounterculture,seechapter7.AlsoseeEricLott,“DoubleV,Double-Time:Bebop’sPoliticsofStyle,”Callaloo11,no.3(1988),597-605;StuartCosgrove,“TheZoot-SuitandStyleWarfare,”HistoryWorkshopJournal18(Autumn1984),77-91;BruceM.Tyler,“BlackJiveandWhiteRepression,”JournalofEthnieStudies16,no.4(Winter1989),31-66;BenSidran,BlackTalk(NewYork:Holt,Rinehart&Winston,1967),78-115.

66.Rosenstone,CrusadeoftheLeft,351-55;U.S.Congress,HouseUnAmericanActivities,CommunistActivitiesinthePhiladelphiaArea(Washington,D.C.:GovernmentPrintingOffice,1952),4434-41;SACB,“HerbertBrownell,Jr.,AttorneyGeneraloftheUnitedStatesv.VALB,”September15,1954,p.3225;Kilpatrickinterview,pp.64,68.

67.Brandt,BlackAmericans,20-21,25;Durem,TakeNoPrisoners,3;Yates,MississippitoMadrid,160-64;Kilpatrickinterview,p.73.

68.JohnGerassi,ThePrematureAntifascists:NorthAmericanVolunteersintheSpanishCivilWar,1936-1939:AnOralHistory(NewYork:Praeger,1986),155.

PartIII.RebelsWithoutaCause?

1.CypressHill,“HowICouldJustKillaMan,”CypressHill(Columbia,1991).

Chapter7.TheRiddleoftheZoot

1.DudleyRandallandMargaretG.Burroughs,eds.,ForMalcolm:PoemsontheLifeandDeathofMalcolmX(Detroit:BroadsidePress,1967),10.

2.NegroDigest1,no.4(Winter-Spring1943),301.

3.MalcolmX,withAlexHaley,TheAutobiographyofMalcolmX(NewYork:GrovePress,1964),56.

4.Anumberofscholars,fromavarietyofdifferentdisciplinesandstandpoints,haveillustratedtheextenttowhichtheAutobiographydependedonvariousrhetoricalstrategiesandliterarydevices(i.e.,conversionnarrative).SeeespeciallyThomasBenson,“RhetoricandAutobiography:TheCaseofMalcolmX,”QuarterlyjournalofSpeech60(February1974),1-13;WernerBerthoff,“WitnessandTestament:TwoContemporaryClassics,”NewLiteraryHistory2(Winter1971),311-27;NancyClasby“AutobiographyofMalcolmX:AMythicParadigm,”JournalofBlackStudies5,no.1(September1974),18-34;DavidDemarest,“TheAutobiographyofMalcolmX:BeyondDidacticism,”CLAJournal16,no.2(December1972),179-87;CarolOhmann,“TheAutobiographyofMalcolmX:ARevolutionaryUseoftheFranklinTradition,”AmericanQuarterly22,no.2(1970),131-49;JohnHodges,“TheQuestforSelfhoodintheAutobiographiesofWE.B.DuBois,RichardWright,andMalcolmX”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofChicago,1980);StephenWhitfield,“ThreeMastersofImpressionManagement:BenjaminFranklin,BookerTWashington,andMalcolmXasAutobiographers,”SouthAtlanticQuarterly77(Autumn1978),399-417.

5.Partofthereasonforthis,Ibelieve,hassomethingtodowiththeunusualproclivityofmostMalcolmbiographerstoadoptapsychobiographicalapproachinplaceofananalysiswhichplacesthesubjectwithinspecifichistoricalandculturalcontexts.ExamplesincludeBrucePerry,Malcolm:TheLifeofaManWhoChangedBlackAmerica(Barrytown,N.Y:StationHillPress,1991)andPerry’sthreearticles,“MalcolmXinBrief:APsychologicalPerspective,”JournalofPsychohistory11,no.4(Spring1984),491-500;“MalcolmXandthePoliticsofMasculinity,”PsychohistoryReview13,nos.2and3(Winter1985),18-25;“EscapefromFreedom,CriminalStyle:TheHiddenAdvantagesofBeing

inJail,”JournalofPsychiatryandLaw12,no.2(Summer1984),215-30;LawrenceB.Goodheart,“TheOdysseyofMalcolmX:AnEriksonianInterpretation,”TheHistorian53(Autumn1990),47-62;FrederickHarper,“Maslow’sConceptofSelf-ActualizationComparedwithPersonalityCharacteristicsofSelectedBlackAmericanProtestors:MartinLutherKing,Jr.,MalcolmX,andFrederickDouglass”(Ph.D.diss.,FloridaStateUniversity,1970);CedricJ.Robinson,“MalcolmLittleasaCharismaticLeader,”Afro-AmericanStudies3(1972),81-96;EugeneVictorWolfenstein,TheVictimsofDemocracy:MalcolmXandtheBlackRevolution(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1981).TheworstexamplethusfarisclearlyBrucePerry’smassivepsychobiography.IgnoringAfricanAmericanurbancultureingeneral,andblackpoliticsduringWorldWarIIinparticular,enablesPerrytotreatMalcolm’sdecisionsandpracticesasmanifestationsofadifficultchildhood,thusisolatinghimfromthebroadersocial,cultural,andpoliticaltransformationstakingplacearoundhim.ThroughoutthebookPerrybetraysanincredibleignoranceofblackcultureandculturalpolitics,andthefactthatstandardworksareomittedfromthenotesandbibliographyfurtherunderscoresthispoint.Ontheotherhand,Wolfensteinmakessomereferencetoblackpoliticsduringthewar,buthisverythindiscussionfocusesalmostexclusivelyonorganized,relativelymainstreamblackpoliticssuchasA.PhilipRandolph’sMarchonWashingtonMovement.Theculturalpoliticsofblackzootsuiters,forallitscontradictionsandapparentdetachmentfromsocialstruggle,isignored.Seealso,GeorgeBreitman,TheLastYearofMalcolmX:TheEvolutionofaRevolutionary(NewYork:MeritPublishers,1967);Breitman,MalcolmX:TheManandHisIdeas(NewYork:MeritPublishers,1965);JohnHenrikClarke,ed.,MalcolmX:TheManandHisTimes(NewYork:Macmillan,1969);JamesCone,MartinandMalcolmandAmerica:ADreamorNightmare(Maryknoll,N.Y:OrbisBooks,1991);PeterGoldman,TheDeathandLifeofMalcolmX(NewYork:HarperandRow,1973);WilliamMoore,“OnIdentityandConsciousnessofElHajjMalikElShabazz(MalcolmX)”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofCalifornia,SantaCruz,1974).

6.RoiOttley,‘NewWorldA-Coming’:insideBlackAmerica(Boston:HoughtonMifflin,1943),306.Onblackpoliticsduringthewar,seeRichardDalfiume,FightingonTwoFronts:DesegregationoftheArmedForces,1939-1953(Columbia,Mo.:UniversityofMissouriPress,1969)and“The‘ForgottenYears’oftheNegroRevolution,”JournalofAmericanHistory55(June1968),90-106;HerbertGarfinkel,WhenNegroesMarch:TheMarchonWashingtonMovementintheOrganizationalPoliciesforFEPC(Glencoe,111.:FreePress,1959);Lee

Finkle,“TheConservativeAimsofMilitantRhetoric:BlackProtestduringWorldWarII,”JournalofAmericanHistory60(December1973),692-713;PeterJ.Kellogg,“CivilRightsConsciousnessinthe1940’s,”TheHistorian42(November1979),18-41;NeilA.Wynn,TheAfro-AmericanandtheSecondWorldWar(NewYork:HolmesandMeierPublishers,1975);JohnModell,MarcGoulden,andMagnussonSigurdur,“WorldWarIIintheLivesofBlackAmericans:SomeFindingsandanInterpretation,”JournalofAmericanHistory76(December1989),838-48;HarvardSitkoff,ANewDealforBlacks:TheEmergenceofCivilRightsasaNationalIssue(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1978),298-325,andSitkoff,“RacialMilitancyandInterracialViolenceintheSecondWorldWar,”JournalofAmericanHistory58(December1971),661-81;RobertKorstadandNelsonLichtenstein,“OpportunitiesFoundandLost:Labor,Radicals,andtheEarlyCivilRightsMovement,”JournalofAmericanHistory75(December1988),786-811;HerbertShapiro,WhiteViolenceandBlackResponse:FromReconstructiontoMontgomery(Amherst,Mass.:UniversityofMassachusettsPress,1988),301-48.

7.ManningMarable,Race,Reform,andRebellion:TheSecondReconstructioninBlackAmerica,1945-1990,2nded.(Jackson,Miss.:UniversityPressofMississippi1991),14-17;PhilipS.Foner,OrganizedLaborandtheBlackWorker,1619-1981(NewYork:InternationalPublishers,1981),239,243;DanielR.FusfeldandTimothyBates,ThePoliticalEconomyoftheUrbanGhetto(Carbondale,Ill.:SouthernIllinoisUniversityPress,1984),48;WilliamH.Harris,TheHarderWeRun:BlackWorkerssincetheCivilWar(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1982),113-22;GeorgeLipsitz,“ARainbowatMidnight”:LaborandCultureinthe1940s(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1994),14-28;NelsonLichtenstein,Labor’sWaratHome:TheCIOinWorldWar11(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1982),124-26.

8.Wolfenstein(VictimsofDemocracy,175-76)makesasimilarobservationabouttheintensificationofintraracialclassdivisions,althoughwedisagreesignificantlyastothemeaningofthesedivisionsfortheemergenceofblackworking-classopposition.Besides,Iaminsistingonthesimultaneityofheightenedintraracialclassstruggleandracistoppression.

9.Perry,Malcolm,48-49;MalcolmX,Autobiography,38-41;Wolfenstein,VictimsofDemocracy,154-57.

10.I’mmakingadistinctionherebetweenAfricanAmericanzootsuitersandthe

ChicanozootsuitersintheSouthwest.InpredominantlyMexicanAmericanurbancommunities,especiallyLosAngeles,thezootsuitemergedaboutthesametime,butitalsohasitsrootsinthepachucoyouthculture,anequallyoppositionalstylepoliticsemergingoutofpoverty,racism,andalienation.Theyreappropriatedaspectsoftheirparents’andgrandparents’Mexicanpastinordertonegotiateanewidentity,adoptingtheirownhipversionofSpanishlacedwithEnglishwordsandderivedfromaveryoldcreolizeddialectknownasCalo.FormoreonChicanozootsuitersandpachucoculture,seeStuartCosgrove,“TheZoot-SuitandStyleWarfare,”HistoryWorkshopJournal18(Autumn1984),78-81;MauricioMazon,TheZoot-SuitRiots:ThePsychologyofSymbolicAnnihilation(Austin,Tex.:UniversityofTexasPress,1984);MarcosSanchez-TranquilinoandJohnTagg,“ThePachuco’sFlayedHide:Mobility,Identity,andBuenosGarras,”inCulturalStudies,eds.LawrenceGrossberg,CaryNelson,andPaulaTreichler(London:Routledge,1992),566-70;MarcosSanchez-Tranquilino,“Manoamano:AnEssayontheRepresentationoftheZootSuitanditsMisrepresentationbyOctavioPaz”JournaloftheLosAngelesInstituteofContemporaryArt(Winter1987),34-42;RalphH.TurnerandSamuelJ.Surace,“ZootSuitersandMexicans:SymbolsinCrowdBehavior,”AmericanjournalofSociology62(1956),14-20;OctavioPaz,TheLabyrinthofSolitude:LifeandThoughtinMexico(NewYork:GrovePress,1962),5-8;ArturoMadridBarela,“InSearchoftheAuthenticPachuco:AnInterpretiveEssay,”Aztlan4,no.1(Spring1973),31-60.ThebestgeneraldiscussionsofthezootinAfricanAmericancultureareCosgrove,“TheZoot-Suit,”77-91;BraceM.Tyler,“BlackJiveandWhiteRepression,”JournalofEthnicStudies16,no.4(1989),32-38;SteveChibnall,“WhistleandZoot:TheChangingMeaningofaSuitofClothes,”HistoryWorkshop20(Autumn1985),56-81.Malcolm’sowndescriptionofhiszootsuitscanbefoundinAutobiography,52,58.

11.Cosgrove,“TheZoot-Suit,”78,80;LeRoiJones,BluesPeopie:NegroMusicinWhiteAmerica(NewYork:WilliamMorrow,1963),202;EricLott,“DoubleYDouble-Time:Bebop’sPoliticsofStyle,”Callalloo11,no.3(1988),598,600;BenSidran,BlackTalk(NewYork:Holt,RinehartandWinston,1971),110-11;Tyler,“BlackJiveandWhiteRepression,”31-66.

12.DominicJ.Capeci,Jr.,RaceRelationsinWartimeDetroit(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1984),andTheHarlemRiotof1943(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1977);HarvardSitkoff,“TheDetroitRaceRiotof1943,”MichiganHistory53(Fall1969),183-206;Shapiro,WhiteViolence,310-337.

13.KennethB.ClarkandJamesBarker,“TheZootEffectinPersonality:ARaceRiotParticipant,”JournalofAbnormalandSocialPsychology40,no.2(April1945),”146;andforabroaderdiscussionofpolicebrutalityinHarlemduringthelate1930sand1940s,seeCherylGreenberg,OrDoesitExplode?BlackHarlemintheGreatDepression(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1991),193-94,211.

14.MalcolmX,Autobiography,54.

15.KobenaMercer,“BlackHair/StylePolitics,”NewFormations3(Winter1987),49;alsoseeLawrenceLevine,BlackCultureandBlackConsciousness:AfroAmericanFolkThoughtJromSlaverytoFreedom(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1977),291-92.Forageneraldiscussionofthewaysoppositionalmeaningcanbereinscribedinstyleswhichareessentiallyarecastingofaspectsofthedominantculture,seeDickHebdige,Subculture:TheMeaningofStyle(London:Methuen,1979),17-19.AlthoughWolfensteindoesnotcompletelyacceptMalcolm’sdescriptionoftheconkasanactofself-degradation,hereduceshistransformationtohipsterentirelytoanegationofwagedwork,ignoringthecreativeconstructionofanethnicidentitythatcelebratesdifferenceaswellaschallengesthehegemonicimageoftheblackmalebody.InWolfenstein’sschema,oppositionalidentitybecomesmerelycaricature.Thushewrites,“hewastryingtobewhite,butinablackman’sway”(Wolfenstein,VictimsofDemocracy,157).

16.MalcolmX,Autobiography,59-60.

17.Ibid.,72(firstquote),49.

18.Ibid.,51;andforadescriptionoftheSavoyinHarlem,seeJervisAnderson,ThisWasHarlem:ACulturalPortrait,1900-1950(NewYork:Farrar,Straus&Giroux,1981),307-14.

19.QuotedinLott,“DoubleV,Double-Time,”603.Lott’sessayisbyfarthebestdiscussionofthepoliticsofbebop.SeealsoIraGitler,SwingtoBop:AnOralHistoryoftheTransitioninJazzinthe1940’s(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1985);JackChambers,Milestones1:TheMusicandTimesofMilesDavisto1960(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,1983);IraGitler,JazzMastersofthe1940s(NewYork:CollierBooks,1966);Jones,BluesPeople,175-207;FrankKofsky,BlackNationalismandtheRevolutioninMusic

(NewYork:PathfinderPress,1970),chapter1;RobertReisner,Bird:TheLegendofCharlieParker(NewYork:CitadelPress,1962);Sidran,BlackTalk,78-115;JohnWilson,Jazz:TheTransitionYears,1940-1960(NewYork:Appleton-Century-Crofts,1966).

20.Seechapter2,aswellasPaulGilroy,“OneNationunderaGroove:TheCulturalPoliticsof’Race’andRacisminBritain,”inDavidTheoGoldberg,ed.,AnatomyofRacism(Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1990),274;TeraHunter,“HouseholdWorkersintheMaking:Afro-AmericanWomeninAtlantaandtheNewSouth,1861-1920”(Ph.D.diss.,YaleUniversity,1990),92-93;andKatrinaHazzard-Gordon,Jookin’:TheRiseofSocialDanceFormationsinAjrican-AmericanCulture(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1990).

21.MalcolmX,Autobiography,71;GeraldR.Gill,“Dissent,DiscontentandDisinterest:Afro-AmericanOppositiontotheUnitedStatesWarsoftheTwentiethCentury”(unpublishedbookmanuscript,1988),166-67;Gitler,SwingtoBop,115-16;Tyler,“BlackJive,”34-35.ItisinterestingtonotethatinGermanyasubcultureresemblingblackhipstersemergedinoppositionto“Naziregimentation.”Theyworezootsuits,listenedtojazz,grewtheirhairlong,andspentasmuchtimeaspossibleintheclubsandbarsbeforetheywerecloseddown.The“swingboys,”astheywerecalled,facedenormousrepression;jailingsandbeatingswerecommonmerelyforpossessingjazzrecords.EarlR.Beck,“TheAnti-Nazi’SwingYouth,’1942-1945,”JournalofPopularCulture19(Winter1985),45-53;“HansMassaquoi,”inStudsTerkel,ed.,TheGoodWar:AnOralHistoryofWorldWarTwo(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1984),500-501;MichaelH.Kater,“ForbiddenFruit?JazzintheThirdReich,”AmericanHistoricalReview94(February1989),11-43;Kater,DifferentDrummers:JazzintheCultureofNaziGermany(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1992).

22.MalcolmX,Autobiography,104-7;DizzyGillespie,withAlFraser,ToBeorNot…toBop:Memoirs(GardenCity,N.Y.:Doubleday,1979),119-20.Malcolm’slaterspeechesreturnedtothisverytheme.ThemilitarywasinitiallyreluctanttodraftAfricanAmericans,Malcolmexplainedtohisaudiences,because“theyfearedthatiftheyputusinthearmyandtrainedusinhowtouseriflesandotherthings,wemightshootatsometargetsthattheyhadn’tpickedout.Andwewouldhave.”MalcolmX,MalcolmXSpeaks:SelectedSpeechesandStatements,ed.GeorgeBreitman(NewYork:MeritPublishers,1965),140;“NotJustanAmericanProblem,butaWorldProblem,”inBrucePerry,ed.,

MalcolmX:TheLastSpeeches(NewYork:PathfinderPress,1989),176.

23.MalcolmX,Autobiography,71;ClarkandBarker,“TheZootEffect,”145.

24.Gill,“Dissent,Discontent,andDisinterest,”164-68;GeorgeQ.Flynn,“SelectiveServiceandAmericanBlacksduringWorldWarII,”JournalofNegroHistory69(Winter1984),14-25.Ironically,oneofthemostwidelypublicizedgroupsofblackconscientiousobjectorshappenedtobemembersoftheNationofIslam.About100ofitsmemberswerearrestedforresistingthedraft,includingitsspiritualleaderElijahMuhammad.Yet,despitethefactthatanumberofjazzmusicianshadconvertedtoIslamandevenadoptedArabicnames(e.g.,SahibShihab,IdrisSulieman,andSadikHakim)duringthewar,MalcolmclaimscompleteignoranceoftheNationpriortohisprisonstint.OntheNationofIslamduringthewar,seeGill,“Dissent,Discontent,andDisinterest,”156-57;E.U.Essien-Udom,BlackNationalism:ASearchforIdentity(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1962),80-81;Sidran,BlackTalk,82.

25.Seeespecially,Tyler,“BlackJive,”34-39passim.

26.Tyler,“BlackJive,”38;Mazon,Zoot-SuitRiots,54-77;Cosgrove,“TheZoot-Suit,”80-88;C.L.R.James,GeorgeBreitman,EdgarKeemeretal,FightingRacisminWorldWarII(NewYork:PathfinderPress,1980),254-55;MalcolmX,Autobiography,77.

27.Forexample,BrucePerry(whocharacterizesMalcolm’sentirefamilyasabunchofcriminals)notonlysuggeststhattheftismerelyamanifestationofdeviantbehaviorrootedinunfulfilledpersonalrelationships,buthenaturalizestheProtestantworkethicbyassertingthatMalcolm’sresistanceto“steadyemployment”reflectedareluctanceto“assumeresponsibility.”(Malcolm,57-61passim.)

28.Greenberg,OrDoesItExplode?198-202;FusfeldandBates,PoliticalEconomy,45-46.

29.CarolB.Stack,AllOurKin:StrategiesforSurvivalinaBlackCommunity(NewYork:HarperandRow,1974);BettyLouValentine,HustlingandOtherHardWork:LifeStylesintheGhetto(NewYork:TheFreePress,1978);forcomparativecontemporaryandhistoricalexamplesfromBritain,seethebrilliantbookbyPeterLinebaugh,TheLondonHanged:CrimeandCivilSocietyinthe

EighteenthCentury(London:AlienLane,ThePenguinPress,1991);StevenBox,Recession,Crime,andPunishment(Totowa,N.J.:BamesandNobleBooks,1987);JasonDitton,Part-TimeCrime:AnEthnographyoffiddlingandPilferage(London:Macmillan1977);RichardC.HollingerandJ.RClark,TheftbyEmployees(Lexington,Mass.:LexingtonBooks,1983);andforageneraldiscussionoftheinformaleconomyandworking-classopposition,seeCyrilRobinson,“ExploringtheInformalEconomy,”CrimeandSocialJustice15,nos.3and4(1988),3-16.

30.MalcolmX,Autobiography,44,51;Wolfenstein,VictimsofDemocracy,157.Foradiscussionofthe“hustler’sethic”asarejectionofthe“Protestantworkethic,”seeJuliusHudson,“TheHustlingEthic,”inThomasKochman,ed.,RappinandStylinOut:CommunicationinUrbanBlackAmerica(Urbana,111.:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1972),414-16.

31.Wolfenstein,VictimsofDemocracy,155;Perry,Malcolm,72.HoraceCaytonandSt.ClairDrakefoundnumerousexamplesofpoorblackresidentsinChicago’sSouthsidemutuallysupportingoneanotherwhilesimultaneouslyengagedintheilliciteconomy.BlackMetropolis:AStudyofNegroLifeinaNorthernCity,2nded.(NewYork:HarperandRow,1962),II,570-611passim.

32.MalcolmX,Autobiography,134;Perry,Malcolm,77-78,82-83.TheevidencePerryprovidestomakethisassertion(whichincludessimplisticFreudianinterpretationsoflaterspeeches!)isslim,tosaytheleast.ButevenifthehearsayPerry’sinformantpassedonistrue,itwouldnotcontradictmyargument.ForthemannerinwhichMalcolmallegedlyexploitedgaymenpositionedthemasOther,andinthecasesPerrycitesobtainingmoneywasfarmoreimportantthansexualpleasure.Heapparentlydidnotidentifywithanundergroundgaycommunity;rather,itwasmerelyanother“stunt”inthelifeofahustler.

33.Perry,Malcolm,51-52;Wolfenstein,VictimsofDemocracy,162-63.

34.See,forexample,MilesDaviswithQuincyTroupe,Miles:TheAutobiography(NewYork:SimonandSchuster,1989),87-189passim.;CharlesMingus,BeneaththeUnderdog(Harmondsworth,England:Penguin,1969);andforsomepostwarexamplesbeyondthejazzworld,seeElliotLiebow,Tally’sCorner:AStudyofNegroStreetcornerMen(Boston:Little,BrownandCo.,1967),137-44;ChristinaMilnerandRichardMilner,BlackPlayers:TheSecret

WorldofBlackPimps(NewYork:Little,Brown,1972).

35.“RomancewithoutFinance,”Bird/TheSavoyRecordings[MasterTakes](Savoy,1976).

36.IcebergSlim[RobertBeck],Pimp:TheStoryofMyLife(LosAngeles:HollowayHouse,1969),vi.

37.MalcolmX,Autobiography,68.

38.Ibid.,47-48,75.Anumberofscholarshavesuggestedthatpimpsandhustlers,atleastinblackfolklore,weremorelikemodern-daytrickstersthan“badmen.”See,forexample,LawrenceLevine,BlackCultureandBlackConsciousness,381-82;MilnerandMilner,BlackPlayers,242.

39.“NotJustanAmericanProblem,butaWorldProblem,”inPerry,ed.,MalcolmX:TheLastSpeeches,161.

40.MalcolmX,Autobiography,firstquote,78,secondquote,55.

41.bellhooks,“SittingattheFeetoftheMessenger:RememberingMalcolmX,”inYearning:Race,GenderandCulturalPolitics(Boston:SouthEndPress,1990),84.

42.MalcolmX,Autobiography,43.

Chapter8.Kickin’Reality,Kickin’Ballistics

1.QuotedinRobertWarshow,TheImmediateExperience:Movies,Comics,TheatreandOtherAspectsofPopularCulture(NewYork:Atheneum,1970),130.

2.EugeneGenovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll:TheWorldtheSlavesMade(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1974),629.

3.Forthosewhomighthaveforgotten,severalthousandpeopleseizedthestreetsonApril29,1992,inpantoprotesttheacquittalofthefourofficerswhobrutallybeatablackmotoristnamedRodneyKingthirteenmonthsearlier.FormoreontheL.A.rebellion,seeespeciallyMikeDavis,“InL.A.,BurningAllIllusions,”Nation254,no.21(June1,1992),743-46;L.A.Weekly,14,no.23(May8-

14,1992);LosAngelesTimes,UnderstandingtheRiots:LosAngeiesBeforeandAftertheRodneyKingCase(LosAngeles:LosAngelesTimes,1992);RobertGooding-Williams,ed.,ReadingRodneyKing,ReadingUrbanUprising(NewYork:Routledge,1993).

4.AlanLight,“LA.RappersSpeakOut,”RollingStone633(June25,1992),21;seealsoLight’s“RappersSoundedWarning,”RollingStone634/35(July9-23,1992),15-17,whichappearedamonthaftermyownarticle,“StraightfromUnderground,”Nation254,no.22(June8,1992),793-96.

5.MTVNewsinterview,May3,1992;IceCube,ThePredator(PriorityRecords,1992).

6.QuotefromKofiBuenorHadjor,DaysofRage:…BehindtheLosAngelesRiots(unpublishedmanuscript,1992,inauthor’spossession).I’mgratefultoUlaTaylorandKofiHadjorformakingthismanuscriptavailabletome.ItisanincredibleexplorationoftherootsandconsequencesoftheL.A.Rebellion.ThebestsourcesonrecentpolicebrutalitycasesinLosAngelesareTheIndependentCommissionontheLosAngelesPoliceDepartment,ReportoftheIndependentCommissionontheLosAngelesPoliceDepartment(LosAngeles:TheCommission,1991)[hereafterTheChristopherReport];MikeDavis,CityofQuartz:ExcavatingtheFutureinLosAngeles(London:Verso,1990),267-92;seealsoDouglasG.Glasgow,TheBlackUnderclass:Poverty,Unemployment,andEntrapmentofGhettoYouth(NewYork:RandomHouse,1981),101;M.WMeyer,“PoliceShootingsatMinorities:TheCaseofLosAngeles,”Annals452(1980),98-110;andforotherlocalandnationalexamples,onemightconsult,S.Harring,TPlatt,R.Speiglman,andRTakagi,“TheManagementofPoliceKillings,”CrimeandSocialJustice8(1977),34-43;P.Takagi,“AGarrisonStatein‘DemocraticSociety,’”CrimeandSocialJustice(Spring-Summer1978),2-25;CommunityRelationsService,ThePoliceUseofDeadlyForce:WhatPoliceandtheCommunityCanDoAboutIt(Washington,D.C.:DepartmentofJustice,CommunityRelationsService,1977);JerryG.Watts,“ItJustAin’tRighteous:OnWitnessingBlackCrooksandWhiteCops,”Dissent90(1983),347-53;BrucePierce,“BlacksandLawEnforcement:TowardsPoliceBrutalityReduction,”BlackScholar17(1986),49-54;A.L.Kobler,“Figures(andPerhapsSomeFacts)onPoliceKillingofCiviliansintheUnitedStates,1965-1969,”JournalofSocialIssues31(1975),163-91;J.J.Fyfe,“BlindJustice:PoliceShootingsinMemphis,”JournalofCriminalLawandCriminology73(1982),707-22;BernardD.Headley,

7.Forthisanalysis,whichrunsthroughoutmuchofthechapter,IamindebtedtomyconversationswithCharlesBrightandtoreadingJohnIrwin,TheJail:ManagingtheUnderclassinAmericanSociety(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1985);DianaR.Gordon,TheJusticeJuggernaut:FightingStreetCrime,ControllingCitizens(NewBrunswick,N.J.:RutgersUniversityPress,1990);MichelFoucault,DisciplineandPunish:TheBirthofthePrison,trans.AlanSheridan(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1977),esp.pp.195-228.

8.TriciaRose,“BlackTexts/BlackContexts,”inBlackPopularCulture,ed.GinaDent(Seattle:BayPress,1992).

9.CharlieAheam,WildStyle(film)(1982).

10.DavidToop,RapAttack2(London:Serpent’sTail,1991),40;theMortonlyricsarequotedfromthe“Rockbeat”columnintheVillageVoice,39,no.4(January25,1994),76;onthebaaadmannarratives,seeJohnW.Roberts,FromTrickstertoBadman:TheBlackFolkHeroinSlaveryandFreedom(Philadelphia:UniversityPennsylvaniaPress,1989),171-215;andonsignifying,seeHenryLouisGates,Jr.,TheSignifyingMonkey:ATheoryofAfrican-AmericanLiteraryCriticism(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1988),especially64-88;ClaudiaMitchell-Kernan,“Signifying,Loud-talking,andMarking,”inRappinandStylin’Out:CommunicationinUrbanBlackAmerica,ed.ThomasKochman(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1972);BruceJackson,“GetYourAssintheWaterandSwimLikeMe”:NarrativePoetryfromBlackOralTradition(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1974);LawrenceW.Levine,BlackCultureandBlackConsciousness:Afro-AmericanFolkThoughtfromSlaverytoFreedom(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1977),407-20.

11.DarrylJames,“Ice-TtheEx-Gangster,”Rappin’(January1991),37;HavelockNelsonandMichaelA.Gonzales,BringtheNoise:AGuidetoRapMusicandHipHopCulture(NewYork:HarmonyBooks,1991),30-31.Whenthisbookwenttopress,BrianCross’sincrediblebookontheL.A.hiphopscene,It’sNotaboutaSalary…Rap,RaceandResistanceinLosAngeles(London:Verso,1993),hadjustcomeout.Unfortunately,IdidnothaveachancetoincorporatehisinsightsorhisinterviewswithL.A.rappersintothischapter,asidefromafewsmallcorrections.Itdoesn’tmatter,however,sincethematerialessentiallyreinforcesmyinterpretation.Nevertheless,Iwouldsuggestthatall

seriousreadersandhiphopfanscheckoutCross’sbook.

12.James,“Ice-TtheEx-Gangster,”37;“TforTwo,”Details(July1991),51-55;AlanLight,“RapperIce-TBustsaMovie,”RollingStone(May16,1991),85;Mills,“TheGangstaRapper,”32;Cross,It’sNotAboutaSalary,24;IceT,RhymePays(SireRecords,1987).

13.Mills,“TheGangstaRapper,”32;FrankOwen,“HangingTough,”Spin6,no.1(April1990),34;NelsonandGonzales,BringtheNoise,80-81,165-67;NWA,StraightOuttaCompton(RuthlessRecords,1988).

14.Samplingreferstothepracticeofincorporatingportionsofotherrecords,ordifferentsounds,intoahiphoprecording.Digitalsamplersareusuallyused,whichenableproducerstoisolatespecificsoundsandmanipulatethem(changetheregister,thetempo,etc.).

15.“1993SummerJeepSlammers,”Source(July1993),76.Therearesomeexceptions,themostobviousbeingCompton’sMostWantedwhichismoreinclinedtowardjazzandquietstormtracks(seeespecially,CMW,StraightCheckN’Em(OrpheusRecords,1991).Nevertheless,funkdominatesWestCoastgangstarap,andtheintroductionofreggaeandjazz,unliketheEastCoast,hasbeenslowcoming.

16.Thelargerhiphopcommunityhasmaintainedanambivalent,andoccasionallycritical,stancetowardmostgangstarappers.See,forinstance,thecriticismsofKoolMoeDee,YZ,andothersin“Droppin’Science,”Spin5,no.5(August1989),49-50;TheJ,“Ifyoudon’tknowyourCulture,Youdon’tKnowNothin’!:YZClaimsHe’s‘ThinkingofaMasterPlan’forBlackAwareness,”RapPages(December1991),64;“ViewsonGangsta-ism,”Source(December1990),36,39,40;aswellascriticalperspectivesinthemusicitself,e.g.,DeltheFunkeeHomosapien,“HoodzComeinDozens,”IWishMyBrotherGeorgeWasHere(PriorityRecords,1991);PublicEnemy,“NoNigga,”Apocalypse’91(DefJam,1991);ArrestedDevelopment,“PeopleEveryday,”and“GiveaManAFish,”3Years,5Monthsand2DaysintheLifeOf…(ChrysalisRecords,1992);TheDisposableHeroesofHipoprisy,especially“FamousandDandy(LikeAmosN’Andy),”HypocrisyistheGreatestLuxury(IslandRecords,1992);TheCoup,KillMyLandlord(WildPitchRecords,1993).

17.IceT,OG:OriginalGangster(SireRecords,1991);IceCube,KillatWill

(PriorityRecords,1992);IceCube,ThePredator(PriorityRecords,1992);IceT,Power(WarnerBros.,1988);CPO,ToHellandBlack(CapitolRecords,1990);NWA,100MilesandRunnin’(Ruthless,1990);Dr.Dre,TheChronic(InterscopeRecords,1992);CMW,StraightCheckN’Em(OrpheusRecords,1991).HowIceT’slyricsfrom“I’mYourPusher”weremisinterpretedwasdiscussedontheMacNeil-LehrerNewshouronaspecialsegmentonrapmusic.

18.IceT[andtheRhymeSyndicate],“MyWordisBond,”TheIceberg/FreedomofSpeech…JustWatchWhatYouSay(SireRecords,1989);IceCube,“J.D.’sGafflin’,”AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted(PriorityRecords,1990).WestCoastrappersalsocreatehumorouscountercritiquesofgangsterism;themostpenetratingisperhapsDelthaFunkeeHomosapien’shilarious,“HoodzComeinDozens,”IWishMyBrotherGeorgeWasHere(PriorityRecords,1991).

19.Cubequote,DavidMills,“TheGangstaRapper:ViolentHeroorNegativeRoleModel?”Source(December1990),39;seealsoDanCharnas,“AGangsta’sWorldView,”Source(Summer1990),21-22;“NiggersWithAttitude,”MelodyMaker65,no.44(November4,1989),33;andtheGetoBoys’BushwickBill’sexplanationinJ.Sultan,“TheGetoBoys,”Source(December1990),33.

20.DigitalUnderground’s,“GoodThingWe’reRappin’,”SonsoftheP(TommyBoy,1991)isnothingifnotatributetothepimpnarratives.Onehearselementsofclassictoasts,including“ThePimp,”“DogassPimp,”“PimpingSam,”“WickedNell,”“TheLameandtheWhore,”andperhapsothers.Eventhemeterisverymuchinthetoastingtradition.(Fortranscriptionsofthesetoasts,seeBruceJackson,“GetYourAssintheWaterandSwimLikeMe”,106-30.)SimilarexampleswhichresemblethemorecomicalpimpnarrativesincludeIceCube,“I’mOnlyOutforOneThing,”AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted(Priority,1990)andSonofBazerk,“Sex,Sex,andmoreSex,”SonofBazerk(MCA,1991).

21.SeeJohnLeland,“Rap:CanItSurviveSelf-importance?”Details(July1991),108;Owen,“HangingTough,”34;JamesBernard,“NWA[Interview],”Source(December1990),34.Infact,IceCubeleftNWAinpartbecausetheywerenot“political”enough.ThoughmostaccountsindicatethatfinancialdisputesbetweenCubeandmanagerJerryHellercausedthesplit,inatleastoneinterviewheimpliedthatpoliticshadsomethingtodowithitaswell.AsearlyasStraightOuttaCompton,Cubewantedtoincludemorelikesongs“F—thePolice,”andwhentheFBIsentawarningtothembecauseoftheirinflammatorylyrics,Cubeplannedtoputoutatwelve-minuteremixinresponse.Ofcourse,

neitherhappened.ItfinallybecamecleartoCubethathecouldnotremaininNWAafterJerryHellerkeptthemfromappearingonJesseJackson’sweeklyTVshow.DarrylJames,“IceCubeLeavesNWAtoBecomeAmerikkka’sMostWanted,”Rappin(January1991),20.

22.Davis,CityofQuartz,304-7;EdwardSoja,PostmodernGeographies:TheReassertionofSpaceinCriticalSocialTheory(London:Verso,1989),197,201.

23.NWA,Efil4zaggin(PriorityRecords,1991).

24.Theideathatunemployedblackyouthturntocrimebecauseitismorerewardingthanminimum-wage,service-orientedworkhasbeenexploredbyanumberofsocialscientists.See,forexample,RichardB.Freeman,“TheRelationofCriminalActivitytoBlackYouthEmployment,”inMargaretC.SimmsandSamuelL.Myers,Jr.,eds.,TheEconomicsofRaceandCrime(NewBrunswick,N.J.:TransactionBooks,1988),99-107;LladPhillipsandHaroldVotey,Jr.,“RationalChoiceModelsofCrimesbyYouth,”inibid.,pp.129-187;LladPhillips,H.L.Votey,Jr.,andD.Maxwell,“Crime,Youth,andtheLaborMarket,”JournalofPoliticalEconomy80(1972),491-504;PhilipMossandChrisTilly,WhyBlackMenAreDoingWorseintheLaborMarket:AReviewofSupply-SideandDemand-SideExplanations(NewYork:SocialScienceResearchCouncilCommitteeforResearchontheUnderclass,WorkingPaper,1991),90-93.Foradiscussionoftheroleofgangsintheilliciteconomy,seeMartinSanchezJankowski,IslandsintheStreet:GangsandAmericanUrbanSociety(BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1991),119-31.Despitethegeneralperceptionthatdealersmakeanenormousamountofmoney,atleastonestudysuggeststhattheaveragecrackpeddleronlymakesabout’700permonth.SeePeterReuter,RobertMacCoun,andPatrickMurphy,MoneyfromCrime:AStudyoftheEconomicsofDrugDealinginWashington,D.C.(SantaMonica,Calif.:Rand,DrugPolicyResearchCenter,1990);Davis,CityofQuartz,322.

25.Fordiscussionsofthewaysinwhichthemassmediadepictblackyouthgangs,violence,andthecrackeconomyininner-cityneighborhoods,seeJankowski,IslandsintheStreet,284-302;JimmieL.ReevesandRichardCampbell,CrackedCoverage:TelevisionNews,TheAnti-cocaineCrusade,andTheReaganLegacy(Durham,N.C.:DukeUniversityPress,1994);HermanGray,“RaceRelationsasNews:ContentAnalysis,”AmericanBehavioralScientist30,no.4(March-April1987),381-96;CraigReinarmanandHarryG.

Levine,“TheCrackAttack:PoliticsandMediainAmerica’sLatestDrugScare,”inImagesofIssues:TypifyingContemporarySocialProblems,ed.JoelBest(NewYork:AldinedeGruyter,1989),115-35;ClarenceLusane,PipeDreamBlues:RacismandtheWaronDrugs(Boston:SouthEndPress,1991).

26.“NiggersWithAttitude,”MelodyMaker65,no.44(November4,1989),33.

27.James,“IceTtheEx-Gangster,”38.Ofcourse,thelastpartofIceT’spronouncementsechoesarangeofconspiracytheoriesthatcontinuetofloatamongcommunitiesundersiege,andevenfoundavoiceinFuriousStyles,aleadcharacterinJohnSingleton’sBoyzNtheHood.ButT’sassertioncannotbedismissedsoeasily,sincetherearemoreliquorstorespercapitaandpersquaremileinlow-incomeinner-cityneighborhoodsthananywhereelseintheUnitedStates.SeeGeorgeA.Hacker,MarketingBoozetoBlacks(Washington,D.C.:CenterforScienceinthePublicInterest,1987);ManningMarable,HowCapitalismUnderdevelopedBlackAmerica:ProblemsinRace,PoliticalEconomy,andSociety(Boston:SouthEndPress,1983).

28.IceT,OG:OriginalGangster(SireRecords,1991)

29.BillMoyersinterviewwithBerniceJohnsonReagon,PBS;Abrahams,DeepDownintheJungle,58-59;MarkZanger,“TheIntelligentForty-year-old’sGuidetoRap,”BostonReview(December1991),34.

30.AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted.

31.BrucePerry,ed.,MalcolmX:TheLastSpeeches(NewYork:PathfinderPress,1989),161.

32.Thisargumenthasbeenmadebynumerousscholars.Forasampling,seeKenAuletta,TheUnderclass(NewYork:RandomHouse,1982),90-108passim.;CharlesMurray,LosingGround:AmericanSocialPolicy,1950-1980(NewYork:BasicBooks,1984);seealsoRogerLane’smorehistoricalbutequallyflawedtreatmentinRootsofViolenceinBlackPhiladelphia,1860-1900(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,1986).WilliamsJuliusWilson,TheTrulyDisadvantaged:TheInnerCity,theUnderclass,andPublicPolicy(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1987),30-32,37-38,makesadifferentargument,suggestingthatsocialdislocationistheultimatecauseofcriminalbehavior,whichinturnbecomesoneoutofasetofpathologiesbroughtaboutbypersistentpoverty.Nevertheless,thereisalargebodyofresearchthatsuggests

povertyandjoblessnessaredirectlyrelatedtocrime.Inadditiontosourcescitedinnote27,seeStevenBox,Recession,CrimeandPunishment(Totowa,N.J.:BarnesandNobleBooks,1987);D.GlaserandK.Rice,“Crime,Age,andEmployment,”AmericanSociologicalReview24(1959),679-86;JasonDitton,Part-TimeCrime:AnEthnographyofFiddlingandPilferage(London:Macmillan,1977);RichardC.HollingerandJ.P.Clark,TheftbyEmployees(Lexington,1983);A.J.ReissandA.L.Rhodes,“TheDistributionofJuvenileDelinquencyintheSocialClassStructure,”AmericanSociologicalReview26(1961),720-43;ElliotCurrie,ConfrontingCrime:AnAmericanChallenge(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1985),146;E.Green,“Race,SocialStatus,andCriminalArrest,”AmericanSociologicalReview35(1970),476-90;R.W.BeasleyandG.Antunes,“TheEtiologyofUrbanCrime:AnEcologicalAnalysis,”Criminology11(1974),439-61;J.R.BlauandP.M.Blau,“TheCostofInequality:MetropolitanStructureandViolentCrime,”AmericanSociologicalReview47(1982),114-29;JamesW.Messerschmidt,Capitalism,PatriarchyandCrime(Totowa,N.J.:RowmanandLittlefield,1986),54-58;I.Jankovic,“LaborMarketandImprisonment,”CrimeandSocialJustice8(1977),17-31;D.HumphriesandD.Wallace,“CapitalistAccumulationandUrbanCrime,1950-1971,”SocialProblems28(1980),179-93;A.D.Calvin,“UnemploymentamongBlackYouths,Demographics,andCrime,”CrimeandDelinquency27(1981),9-41.

33.D.Dub,“We’reNotGlamorizin’—ButWe’reFactualizin,’”RapPages1,no.2(December1991),55-56.ForBobbyByrd,however,ajobisnotsomethingonepulls,butsomethingonehas.Hislyricsareclearlyaboutwagelabor:“Yougottohaveajob/Putmeatonthetable/Yougottohaveajob/tokeepthefamilystable.”(QuotedinMichaelHaralambos,SoulMusic:TheBirthofaSoundinAmerica[NewYork:DeCapo,1974],115.)

34.W.C.andtheMAADCircle,Ain’tADamnThangChanged(Priority,1991).

35.Ibid.

36.IceCube,DeathCertificate(Priority,1991).

37.Thephrase“criminal-criminals”istakenfromPeterLinebaugh’samazingbook,TheLondonHanged:CrimeandCivilSocietyintheEighteenthCentury(London:AllenLane,ThePenguinPress,1991).OfLondon’sworking-classcriminals,hewrites:“Ifwecategorizethemtooquicklyassocialcriminalstaking

fromtherich,orcriminal-criminalsstealingfromthepoor,intheprocessofmakingthesejudgementswecloudourattentivenesstotheirs”(p.xxiii).

38.Ain’tADamnThangChanged.

39.JamesBernard,“IceCube:BuildingaNation,”Source27(December1991),34.

40.DaLenchMob,GuerrillasinThaMist(Priority,1992).

41.QuotedinJankowski,IslandsintheStreet,103.

42.Davis,CityofQuartz,297;LosAngelesTimes,May25,1992;AlexanderCockburn,“BeattheDevil,”Nation254,no.21(June1,1992),738-39.

43.IceT,“Pain”and“6intheMornin,”RhymePays,“HighRollers,”Power,“NewJackHustler,”OG:OriginalGangster,IceCube,“DeadHomiez”KillatWill,“ColorBlind,”DeathCertificate,NWA,“AlwayzintoSomethin,”Efil4zaggin;CypressHill,CypressHill(Columbia,1991).

44.CapitolPunishmentOrganization,ToHellandBlack(CapitolRecords,1990).ItmightbeworthnotingthatevenagroupashardasDaLenchMobsuggeststhatblackurbanyouthshouldbecomemorereligious.

45.D.Dub,“We’reNotGlamorizin,’”57.

46.Messerschmidt,Capitalism,PatriarchyandCrime,58-60,quotep.59;TonyPlatt,“‘Street’Crime:AViewfromtheLeft,”CrimeandSocialJustice9(Spring-Summer1978),26-34;WalterJ.Ong,FightingforLife:Contest,Sexuality,andConsciousness(Ithaca,N.Y.:CornellUniversityPress,1981),68-69;R.W.Connell,GenderandPower:Society,thePerson,andSexualPolitics(Stanford,Calif.:StanfordUniversityPress,1987),57-58,85-86;R.E.DobashandR.P.Dobash,ViolenceagainstWives:ACaseagainstPatriarchy(NewYork:TheFreePress,1979);BarbaraEhrenreich,HeartsofMen:AmericanDreamsandtheFlightfromCommitment(GardenCity,N.Y.:AnchorPress,1983),7-11.Oneveryobviousexampleofgangstarappersmeasuringone’smasculinitybyhisabilityandwillingnesstofightisIceT’s“Bitches2”fromOG:OriginalGangster.Onewoman’sgangstagroupwhosemusictalksaboutwomenengagingindrive-byshootingsandtakingoutpoliceinaflurryofbuckshotistheNewYork-basedBytchesWithProblems.Seetheir“We’re

ComingBackStrapped”and“Wanted,”TheBytches(DefJam,1991)

47.See“TheDriveBy,”AmeriKKKa’sMostWantedandKillatWill.

48.Compton’sMostWanted,StraightCheckN’Em(Sony,1991).InarecentarticleintheSource,hiphopcriticReginaldC.Dennis,whoalsosharesthesegangstarappers’sensitivitytoboththelogicofcrimeanditsdetrimentaleffects,hasevenmadeapleaforcriminalstobesociallyresponsiblewhenengaginginviolence:“Ifyouhavechosenthelifestyleofthe‘gangsta’youcanstillcontributetothecausebymakingsurethebloodofinnocentsisnotrandomlyspilledbecauseofyourirresponsibility.Dowhatyougottado,butkeepitlimitedtoyoursocialcircle.Ifyoumustbecriminalmindedbeprofessionalandresponsible—don’tdragchildrenandotherinnocentsdownwithyou….Inthiswaywecanattempttofindsomecommongroundbetweenthecriminalandtheactivist,andindiverseways,worktowardsthesamegoal.”(“Afterall…WearetheoneswhoareDying:InnerCityCrime,”Source18[February1991],34.)

49.IceCube,KillatWill.

50.NWA,NWAandthePosse(RuthlessRecords,1988).

51.From“TheWall,”ToHellandBlack.

52.DeathCertificate(Priority,1991).

53.IceT,“NewJackHustler,”OG:OriginalGangster.

54.IceCube,“Rollin’WittheLenchMob,”AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted.

55.IceT,OG:OriginalGangster;IceCube,AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted.

56.D.Dub,“We’reNotGlamorizin,’”56-57.

57.QuotedinRobertHilbum,“TheRapIs:Justice,”LosAngelesTimes,May31,1992;IceCube,“Who’stheMack,”MTVvideo;seealso“NiggersWithAttitude,”MelodyMaker65,no.44(November4,1989),34.Ofcourse,thecomplicityoftheU.S.governmentinthedistributionofdrugsintotheblackcommunityisnotanewtheme,norisituniquetohiphop.SeeSirMix-a-Lot,“NationalAnthem,”lyricsreprintedinLawrenceA.Stanley,ed.,Rap:TheLyrics(NewYork:PenguinBooks,1992),294;2Black,2StrongMMG,“War

onDrugs,”Doin’HardTimeonPlanetEarth(RelativityRecords,1991);GetoBoys,“CityunderSiege,”TheGetoBoys(DefAmericanRecords,1989).

58.Davis,CityofQuartz,268;Jankowski,IslandsintheStreet,252,254;alsoseeGlasgow,TheBlackUnderclass,100-101.

59.NWA,“F_____ThaPolice,”StraightOuttaCompton;Owen,“HangingTough,”34.

60.CMW,StraightCheckN’Em;CypressHill,CypressHill;KidFrost,EastSideStory(VirginRecords,1992).

61.GeorgeLipsitz,TimePassages:CollectiveMemoryandAmericanPopularCulture(Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1990),5;W.C.andtheMAADCircle,Ain’tADamnThangChanged.

62.Althoughyoungblackwomenalsooccupiedpublicspace,werevictimsofpolicemarking,andexperiencedoutrightbrutality,L.A.gangstarappershavebeensilentonthepolicingofwomen.Combinedwithadominantblackpoliticalideologythathasframedtheissuessolelyintermsoftheproblemsofblackmales,therefusaltoacknowledgeblackwomen’sexperienceswithstatesanctionedviolencehaseffectivelyrenderedtheminvisibleinthewholediscourseaboutpolicebrutalityintheaftermathofRodneyKing.Evenblackfemalerappershaveignoredtheissueofstate-sanctionedviolenceagainstwomen—oneexceptionbeing“Wanted”bytheNewYork-basedrapgroup,BytchesWithProblems.“Wanted”notonlyremindslistenersthatwomenarevictimsofpoliceharassment,butbrieflyaddsthedimensionofsexualabuseintheirdescriptionsofday-to-dayrepression.(BWP,TheBytches[DefJam,1991].)Whileitistruethatthepercentageofblackmalevictimsofpolicerepressionismuch,muchhigherthanthatoffemales,wecannotignorethefactthatthemostimportantpolicehomicideandbrutalitycasesoverthepastdecadehavehadblackfemalevictims:EulaLoveandEleanorBumpurs,tonameafew.Unfortunately,scholarshiponpolicingisequallymale-focusedandthuscomplicitinrenderingblackwomen’sexperiencesinvisible.OnerecentexceptionisRuthChigwada’sstudyofblackwomeninBritain,“ThePolicingofBlackWomen,”inOutofOrder?PolicingBlackPeople,eds.EllisCashmoreandEugeneMcLaughlin(London:Routledge,1991),134-50.

63.AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted;alsore-mixedonKillatWill.

64.Davis,CityofQuartz,274.

65.Ibid.,272.Ofcourse,L.A.isnotuniqueinthisrespect.See,forexample,Box,Recession,CrimeandPunishment,46-47;LeeP.Brown,“BridgesoverTroubledWaters:APerspectiveonPolicingintheBlackCommunity,”inBlackPerspectivesonCrimeandtheCriminalJusticeSystem,ed.RobertL.Woodson(Boston:G.K.Hall,1977),87-88;ElijahAnderson,Streetwise:Race,Class,andChangeinanUrbanCommunity(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1990),194-96.

66.“DressCode,”Ain’tADamnThangChanged.

67.DickHebdige,Subculture:TheMeaningofStyle(London:Methuen,1979),18.

68.ThisinterpretationisderivedfromareadingofStuartHall,“Culture,Media,andthe‘IdeologicalEffect,’”inJamesCurran,MichaelGurevitch,andJanetWoolacott,eds.,MassCommunicationandSociety(BeverlyHills:SagePublications,1979),315-48.

69.Fromitsfoundinginthemid-1960s,theFive-PercentersbelievethateverypersonisGod.Lesscommonly,“G”isusedasashorthandtermfor“money,”whichisalsousedasaformofaddress.Althoughmypointthatthisterminologycutsacrossgenderlinesisdrawnfromveryunscientificparticipantobservation,onemightlistentothemusicofYoYo,M.C.Lyte,orQueenLatifahfortheiremploymentof“G”asaformofaddress.

70.Again,wemustbecarefulnottopresumethatthesestylesaremerelytheauthenticexpressionsofpoorblackurbanyouth.Manymiddle-classsuburbanblackkidsandmanymorewhitekids—malesandfemales—canbefoundsportingthe“G”styleoncollegeandhighschoolcampuses,malls,andplaygroundsthroughoutthecountry.Whatthismeansdeservesanessayinitself,

71.IceCube,DeathCertificate;CypressHill,“Pigs,”CypressHill.

72.IceCube,“TheWrongNiggatoF_____Wit,”DeathCertificate,and“EndangeredSpecies(TalesfromtheDarkside),”AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted.

73.MarcMauer,YoungBlackMenandtheCriminalJusticeSystem:AGrowingNationalProblem(Washington,D.C.:TheSentencingProject,1990),1-11;John

Irwin,TheJail;Gordon,TheJusticeJuggernaut;Messerschmidt,Capitalism,PatriarchyandCrime,52-53;JeffereyReiman,TheRichGetRicherandthePoorGetPrison,2nded.(NewYork:Wiley,1984);R.Sheldon,CriminalJusticeinAmerica:ASociologicalApproach(Boston:Little,Brown,1982),39-50;Brown,“BridgesoverTroubledWaters,”87-88;AlfredN.Garwood,BlackAmericans:AStatisticalSourcebooh3rded.Rev.(PaloAlto,Calif:InformationPublishers,1993),210-13.Statisticsaside,manyrapperstakeupthesubjectofincarcerationbecausetheyknowpeoplewhoare“lockeddown,”andinsomeinstances,afewrapartistshaveactuallyservedtimeinthepenitentiary.SomeexamplesincludeMAADCirclerapperCoolio,EastCoastrappersIntelligentHoodlum(PercyChapman),K-Solo,andthecurrentlyincarceratedLifer’sGroup.

74.MichelFoucauk,“IntellectualsandPower,”Language,Counter-memory,Practice:SelectedEssaysandInterviewsbyMichelFoucault,trans.DonaldF.BouchardandSherrySimon(Ithaca,N.Y.:CornellUniv.Press,1977),209.

75.IceT,“YouShouldaKilledMeLastYear,”OG:OriginalGangster,IceCube,“TheNiggaYaLovetoHate,”AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted;otherexamplesinclude2Pac,“Trapped,”2PacalypseNow;PublicEnemy,“BlackSteelintheHourofChaos,”ItTakesaNationofMillionstoHoldUsBack(DefJam,1988);MMG,2Black,2Strong,“UpintheMountains,”Doin’HardTimeonPlanetEarth(Relativity,1991).PopulartextswhichsuggestthatincarcerationreflectspartofaconspiracyincludeJawanzaKunjufu,CounteringtheConspiracytoDestroyBlackBoys(Chicago:AfricanAmericanImages,1985-86),3vols.;BabaZakA.Kondo,ForHomeboysOnly:ArmingandStrengtheningYoungBrothersforBlackManhood(Washington,D.C.:NubiaPress,1991).Althoughwomen’svoicesareabsentinthesenarrativesaboutincarceration,weshouldkeepinmindthat96percentofthenation’sprisonpopulationismale.(FranklinE.ZimringandGordonHawkins,TheScaleofimprisonment[Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1991],73.)

76.KillatWill(PriorityRecords,1990).AsimilarpointismadeinWC.andtheMAADCircle’s“OutonaFurlough,”Ain’tADamnThangChanged.

77.Clearly,therootsofhomophobiaamongAfricanAmericanmaleslayelsewhere,butitisinterestingtonotehowfrequentlyhomosexualityistalkedaboutintermsofprisonrape.ThispervasiveimagemustshapetheparticularcharacterofhomophobiainAfricanAmericanurbancommunities.

78.OG:OriginalGangster.

79.Ibid.

80.ClaudeBrown,“TheLanguageofSoul,”EsquireMagazine69(April1968),88.

81.ClaudiaMitchell-Kernan,“Signifying,Loud-talking,andMarking,”328;andfornumerousexamplesfromfolklore,seeLevine,BlackCulture;Roberts,FromTrickstertoBadman,174-215passim.;“NiggersWithAttitude,”MelodyMaker65,no.44(November4,1989),33.AsIceCubeslowlymovesawayfromgangstarap,influencedlargelybytheNationofIslam,hisviewsontheuseofthewordseemtohaveundergoneasubstantialshift.Inarecentinterview,hetoldhiphopjournalistJamesBernard,“ThereasonIsay‘nigger’isbecausewearestill‘niggers’cuzwegotthiswhitemaninourheads.Untilwegethimoutourheads,that’swhenwebecomeBlackmen[sic]andthat’swhenI’llstopusingtheword.”(JamesBernard,“IceCube:BuildingaNation,”Source27[December,1991],32.)Althoughmostculturalnationalistgroupscritiqueoravoidtheterm“Nigga”altogether,X-Clanapparentlyembracesthephraseasanironic,oftenhumorouscommentonwhitefearsofblackmilitancy.Seeespeciallytheirmostrecentalbum,Xodus:TheNewTestament(PolygramRecords,1992).

82.2Pac,2pacalypseNow(Interscope,1991).

83.NWA,Efil4zaggin.

84.RobenH.DeCoy,TheNiggerBible(LosAngeles:HollowayHousePublishingCo.,1967),33;WilliamL.VanDeburg,NewDayinBabyion:TheBlackPowerMovementandAmericanCulture,1965-1975(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1992),218;NiggerUprising(LosAngeles:AshantiArtService,1968).Therearedozensofexamples.Wemightpointtothelight-skinnedcharacterinthefilmversionof“TheSpookWhoSatbytheDoor”whoclaimedhisauthenticitybycallinghimselfa“Nigger,”orCecilBrown’sreferencetoJamesBrown’smusicas“Niggerfeeling”inhisbrilliantessay,“JamesBrown,Hoodoo,andBlackCulture,”BlackReview(1971),182.Wemightalsoconsidertheprize-winningandcelebratednarrativecompiledbyTheodoreRosengarten,AllGod’sDangers:TheLifeofNateShaw(NewYork:Avon,1974).WhenShaw(whoserealnamewasNedCobb)usedthe

word“nigger”asaformofself-designation,itsignifiedmorethancolor.Inmakingdistinctionsbetween“niggers”and“betterclassNegroes,”herepresentedtheimpoverished,theexploited,theworkingperson.

85.QuotedinMichaelEricDyson,“TheCultureofHipHop,”ZetaMagazine(June1989),46;IceT,TheIceberg/FreedomofSpeech…JustWatchWhatYouSay;seealsoIceT,“RadioSuckers,”Power(SireRecords,1988),“ThisOne’sForMe,”TheIceberg/FreedomofSpeech…JustWatchWhatYouSay;IceCube,“TurnofftheRadio,”AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted.

86.Ain’tADamnThangChanged.

87.Onthecomplicityofblackpoliticians,seeDavis,CityofQuartz,290-92.

88.Owen,“HangingTough,”34.AcomparablelinecanbefoundinM.C.Ren’scontributionto“Niggaz4Life,”Efil4zaggin.

89.IceCube,“EndangeredSpecies(TalesfromtheDarkside),”AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted.

90.W.C.andtheMAADCircle,Ain’taDamnThangChanged;IceCube,“TheNiggaYaLovetoHate,”AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted.

91.Hebdige,Subculture,86.

92.Examplescanbefoundinmostgangstarap,butseeespeciallyEazyDuz-It(Ruthless,1988);StraightOuttaCompton;100MilesandRunning;“Niggaz4Life,”Efil4zaggin.

93.NWA,“Niggaz4Life,”Efil4zaggin;IceT,“StraightUpNigga,”OG:OriginalGangster.Theblackmalecelebrationofstereotypesofblacksexualityiscommoninmuchblackhumor.LawrenceLevinewrites,“BlackhumorreflectedanawarenessthatthepervasivestereotypeofNegroesasoversexed,hyper-virile,anduninhibitedlypromiscuouswasnotpurelyanegativeimage;thatitcontainedenvyaswellasdisdain,thatitwasaprojectionofdesireaswellasfear.”BlackCulture,338.

94.Efil4zaggin.

95.RogerAbrahams,DeepDownintheJungle:NegroNarrativeFolklorefrom

theStreetsofPhiladelphia,rev.ed.,(Chicago:Aldine,1970,orig.1963),258.

96.Jackson,“GetYourAssintheWaterandSwimLikeMe,”129;seealsoseveralothertoastsinJackson’scollectionaswellasDennisWepman,RonaldB.Newman,andMurrayBinderman,TheLife:TheLoreandFolkPoetryoftheBlackHustler(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,1976).

97.HenryLouisGates,Jr.,“TwoLiveCrewDe-Coded,”NewYorkTimes,June19,1990;onurbantoastsand“baaadman”narratives,seeespeciallyJackson,“GetYourAssintheWaterandSwimLikeMe”Levine,BlackCulture,407-20;Roberts,FromTrickstertoBadman,171-215;Abrahams,DeepDownintheJungle;AnthonyReynolds,“UrbanNegroToasts:AHustler’sViewfromLosAngeles,”WesternFolklore33(October1974),267-300;Wepman,Newman,andBinderman,TheLife.

98.“SexualizedSociety”isborrowedfromJohnD’EmilioandEstelleFreedman,intimateMatters:AHistoryofSexualityinAmerica(NewYork:HarperandRow,1988),326-30.ThemorepopularpimpnarrativesincludeIcebergSlim[RobertBeck],Pimp:TheStoryofMyLife(LosAngeles:HollowayHouse,1969);ChristinaMilnerandRichardMilner,BlackPlayers:TheSecretWorldofBlackPimps(NewYork:Little,Brown,1972).Onthepimpinpopularfilm,seeDonaldBogle,Toms,Coons,Mulattoes,MammiesandBucks:AnInterpretiveHistoryofBlacksinAmericanFilms,newed.(NewYork:Continuum,1989),234-42;DanielLeab,FromSambotoSuperspade:TheBlackExperienceinMotionPictures(Boston:HoughtonMifflin,1975);DavidE.James,“ChainedtoDevilpictures:CinemaandBlackLiberationintheSixties,”inTheYearLeft2:TowardaRainbowSocialism-EssaysonRace,Ethnicity,ClassandGender,ed.MikeDavisetal,(London:Verso1987),125-38.BlacknationalistnarrativesthattendtocelebrateorromanticizethepimpinAfricanAmericancommunitiesincludeH.RapBrown,Die,Nigger,Die(NewYork:DialPress,1969);BobbyScale,SeizetheTime(NewYork:RandomHouse,1970);andLonelyRage(NewYork:TimesBooks,1978)inwhichScalehimselftakesonthecharacteristicsofapimp;HueyENewton,RevolutionarySuicide(NewYork:HarcourtBracejovanovich,1973);EldridgeCleaver,SoulonIce(NewYork:McGraw-Hill,1968).

99.IceTquotedinNelsonandGonzales,BringtheNoise,110;

100.UlfHannerz,Soulside:inquiriesintoGhettoCultureandCommunity(New

York:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1969),105-7;Chamas,“AGangsta’sWorldView,”22.

101.InthefollowingdiscussionIlimitmycritiqueofsexismtoL.A.gangstarapandthusdonotdealwithbetter-knowcontroversies(e.g.,theTwoLiveCrewobscenitytrial).Forgeneraltreatments,seeespecially,TriciaRose,“NeverTrustaBigButtandaSmile,”CameraObscura23(1991),109-31;KimberleCrenshaw,“BeyondRacismandMisogyny:BlackFeminismand2LiveCrew,”BostonReview16,no.6(December1991),6,33;MichelleWallace,“WhenBlackFeminismFacestheMusicandtheMusicIsRap,”NewYorkTimes,July29,1990;MichaelEricDyson,“AsComplexasTheyWannaBe:2LiveCrew,”ZetaMagazine(January1991),76-78;PaullaEbron,“RappingbetweenMen:PerformingGender,”RadicalAmerica23,no.4(June1991),23-27.

102.Forexample,seeLosAngelesTimes,August22,1991;JewellT.Gibbs,Young,BlackandMaleinAmerica:AnEndangeredSpecies(Dover,Mass.:AuburnHouse,1988);interviewwithHarryEdwards,SanFranciscoFocus(March,1984),100;Murray,LosingGround;LawrenceMead,BeyondEntitlement:TheSocialObligationofCitizenship(NewYork:FreePress,1985);andforaliberalapproachwhichalsosuggeststhatfamilystructureispartlytoblameforpersistentpoverty,seeEleanorHolmesNorton,“RestoringtheTraditionalBlackFamily,”NewYorkTimesMagazine(June2,1985).

103.“It’saMan’sWorld,”AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted.

104.D.Dub,“We’reNotGlamorizin’”57;IceCubemadeasimilarpointinBernard,“IceCube:BuildingaNation,”32.

105.Messerschmidt,Capitalism,PatriarchyandCrime,134.

106.Rose,“NeverTrustaBigButtandaSmile,”115.AclearexampleisIceT,“ILoveLadies,”fromhisRhymePaysalbum.

107.“It’saMan’sWorld(FeaturingYoYo),”AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted.IamgratefultoTriciaRoseforherinsightsintothewaysinwhichYoYo’sinterventiondisruptsCube’smasculinistdiscourse.(ConversationwithTriciaRose,December26,1991.)SeealsoYoYo’sotherlyricalchallengestosexismonMakeWayfortheMotherlode(Profile,1991).ItshouldbenotedthatsomeofthemostantisexistlyricsonYoYo’salbumwerewrittenbyIceCube.

108.KillatWill(Priority,1991);ashorterversionappearedfirstonAmeriKKKa’sMostWanted.

109.AlanLight,“BeatingUptheCharts,”RollingStone(August8,1991),66;CalvinSims,“GangsterRappers:TheLives,theLyrics,”NewYorkTimes,November28,1993.

110.Ain’taDamnThangChanged.

111.“TheHouse,”OG:OriginalGangster;“FuckMyDaddy,”Ain’taDamnThangChanged.BayAreagangstarapper2PAChasdealtcriticallywithissuessuchasincest(“BrendaHasaBaby”)andtherapeofyoungwomenbytheirstepfathers(“Part-TimeMutha”).See2PacalypseNow.

112.QuotedinSims,“GangstaRappers.”

113.Light,“L.A.RappersSpeakOut,”21.

114.IcreditthemusiccriticTourewiththatterm;atleastthat’swhereIgotitfrom.It’shardtodescribe,otherthanakindofWestCoast“twang,”aTexas-meets-Californiaaccent.

115.BrentStaples,“ThePoliticsofGangsterRap;AMusicCelebratingMurderandMisogyny,”NewYorkTimes,August27,1993;MichelMarriot,“HarshRapLyricsProvokeBlackBacklash,”NewYorkTimes,August15,1993;Sims,“GangsterRappers:TheLives,theLyrics”DonnaBritt,“AOne-WordAssaultonWomen,”WashingtonPost,November30,1993;ScottArmstrong,“BacklashIsBrewingover‘GangstaRap’LyricsasPublicSays‘Enough,’”ChristianScienceMonitor,December13,1993;MichaelFarquhar,“GangstaRapRippedbyProtesters:BlackWomen’sGroupArrestedatU.C.Store,”WashingtonPost,December22,1993.

Afterword

1.HereImustacknowledgemydebttoGeorgeLipsitz,particularlyhisbookALifeintheStruggle:ivoryPerryandtheCultureofOpposition(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1988).Thisbookhassubstantiallyshapedmyconceptionofhowsocialmovementsandsocialactivistsemergeandsucceed;itsimpactonmyfirstbook,HammerandHoe:AlabamaCommunistsDuringtheGreatDepression(ChapelHill,N.C.:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1990)

shouldbeself-evident.

2.OntheBusRidersUnion,seeMikeDavis,“L.A.’sTransitApartheid:RunawayTrainCrushesBuses,”TheNation(September18,1995),270-74;EricMann,“InvestinBuses—forthePeople,”LosAngelesTimes,August24,1993;EricMannandLisaDuran,“MTACanBoostRidershipandStayViable,”LosAngelesTimes,March22,1995.

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______.BlackMarxism:TheMakingoftheBlackRadicalTradition.London:ZedPress,1983.

______.“MalcolmLittleasaCharismaticLeader.”Afro-AmericanStudies3(1972):81-96.

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______.TowardstheAbolitionofWhiteness:EssaysonRace,Politics,andWorkingClassHistory.London:Verso,1994.

______.TheWagesofWhiteness:RaceandtheMakingoftheAmericanWorkingClass.London:Verso,1991.

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______.“NeverTrustaBigButtandaSmile.”CameraObscura23(1991):109-31.

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______.WeaponsoftheWeak:EverydayFormsofPeasantResistance.NewHaven:YaleUniv.Press,1985.

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______.WhigsandHunters:TheOriginsoftheBlackAct.London:AllenLane,1975.

Thompson,RobertA.,HylanLewis,andDavisMcEntire.“AtlantaandBirmingham:AComparativeStudyinNegroHousing.”InStudiesinHousingandMinorityGroups,editedbyNathanGlazerandDavisMcEntire,13-83.BerkeleyandLosAngeles:Univ.ofCaliforniaPress,1960.

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______.Coal,Class,andColor:BlacksinSouthernWestVirginia,1915-1932.Urbana:Univ.ofIllinoisPress,1990.

Tucker,Susan.“AComplexBond:SouthernBlackDomesticWorkersandTheirWhiteEmployers.”Frontiers:AJournalofWomen’sStudies11,no.3(1987):6-13.

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______.StudiesintheSocialandEconomicHistoryoftheWitwatersrand,1886-1914:NewNineveh.NewYork:Longman1982.

Vincent,Theodore.BlackPowerandtheGarveyMovement.Berkeley,Calif.:RampartsPress,1971.

Wade-Gayles,Gloria.PushedBacktoStrength:ABlackWoman’sJourneyHome.Boston:BeaconPress,1993.

Wald,AlanM.TheNewYorkIntellectuals:TheRiseandDeclineoftheAnti-StalinistLeftfromthe1930’stothe1980’s.ChapelHill:Univ.ofNorthCarolinaPress,1987.

Walker,ClarenceE.ARockinaWearyLand:TheAfricanMethodistEpiscopalChurchduringtheCivilWarandReconstruction.BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniv.Press,1982.

Walker,Margaret.RichardWright—DaemonicGenius:APortraitoftheMan,ACriticalLookatHisWork.NewYork:WarnerBooks,1988.

Walkowitz,Judith.ProstitutionandVictorianSociety:Women,Class,andtheState.NewYork:CambridgeUniv.Press,1980.

Wall,Brenda.TheRodneyKingRebellion:APsychopoliticalAnalysisofRacialDespairandHope.Chicago:AfricanAmericanImages,1992.

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______.“Shop-FloorCulture,Masculinity,andtheWageForm.”InWorking-ClassCulture:StudiesinLaborandTheory,editedbyJohnClarke,CharlesCritcher,andRichardJohnson,185-98.NewYork:St.Martin’sPress,1979.

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______.“RacialSegregationTrendsinBirmingham,Alabama.”SoutheasternGeographer25,no.1(May1985):30-43.

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Wilson,John.Jazz:TheTransitionYears,1940-1960.NewYork:Appleton-Century-Crofts,1966.

Wilson,WilliamJ.TheTrulyDisadvantaged:TheInnerCity,theUnderclass,andPublicPolicy.Chicago:Univ.ofChicagoPress,1987.

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Workers(Communist)PartyofAmerica.FourthNationalConventionoftheWorkers(Communist)PartyofAmerica.Chicago:LiteratureDepartment,WorkersPartyofAmerica,1925.

______.TheSecondYearoftheWorkersPartyofAmerica:Theses,Programs,

Resolutions.Chicago:LiteratureDepartment,WorkersPartyofAmerica,1924.

Workers(Communist)PartyoftheUnitedStatesofAmerica.ProgramandConstitution:WorkersPartyofAmerica.Chicago:LiteratureDepartment,WorkersPartyofAmerica,1924.

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Worthman,Paul,andJamesGreen.“BlackWorkersintheNewSouth,1865-1915.”InKeyIssuesintheAfro-AmericanExperience,editedbyNathanHuggins,MartinKilson,andDanielFox,47-69.NewYork:HarcourtBraceJovanovich,1971.

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Wright,Richard.“BlueprintforNegroWriting.”NewChallenge1(Fall1937):53-61.

______.TwelveMillionBlackVoices.1941.Reprint,NewYork:Thunder’sMouthPress,1988.

Wynn,NeilA.TheAfro-AmericanandtheSecondWorldWar.NewYork:Holmes&Meier,1975.

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Yarrow,Michael.“TheGender-SpecificClassConsciousnessofAppalachianCoalMiners:StructureandChange.”InBringingClassBackIn:ContemporaryandHistoricalPerspectives,editedbyScottG.McNall,RhondaF.Levine,andRickFantasia,285-310.Boulder:WestviewPress,1991.

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Zanger,Mark.“TheIntelligentForty-year-old’sGuidetoRap.”BostonReview16,no.6(December1991):7,34.

Zangrando,RobertL.TheNAACPCrusadeagainstLynching,1909-1950.Philadelphia:TempleUniv.Press,1980.

Zimring,FranklinE.,andGordonHawkins.TheScaleofImprisonment.Chicago:Univ.ofChicagoPress,1991.

DissertationsandUnpublishedPapers

Brown,ElsaBarkley.“UncleNed’sChildren:Richmond,Virginia’sBlackCommunity,1890-1930.”Ph.D.diss.,KentStateUniversity,1994.

Burran,James.“RacialViolenceintheSouthduringWorldWarII.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofTennessee,1977.

Clarke,JacquelynM.J.“GoalsandTechniquesinThreeNegroCivilRightsOrganizationsinAlabama.”Ph.D.diss.,OhioStateUnversity,1960.

Corely,RobertGaines.“TheQuestforRacialHarmony:RaceRelationsinBirmingham,Alabama,1947-1963.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofVirginia,1979.

Faue,Elizabeth.“Gender,Class,andthePoliticsofWorkinWomen’sHistory.”Unpublishedpaperinauthor’spossession.

______.“ReproducingtheClassStruggle:PerspectivesontheWritingofWorkingClassHistory.”PaperpresentedattheSocialScienceHistoryAssociationMeeting,Minneapolis,October19,1990.Paperinauthor’spossession.

Gill,GeraldR.“Dissent,DiscontentandDisinterest:Afro-AmericanOppositiontotheUnitedStatesWarsoftheTwentiethCentury.”Unpublishedbookmanuscript,1988.

Gregg,Nina.“WomenTellingStoriesaboutReality:Subjectivity,theGenerationofMeaning,andtheOrganizingofaUnionatYale.”Ph.D.diss.,McGillUniversity,1991.

Hadjor,KofiBuenor.“DaysofRage:…BehindtheLosAngelesRiots.”Unpublishedmanuscriptinauthor’spossession,1992.

Harper,Frederick.“Maslow’sConceptofSelf-ActualizationComparedwithPersonalityCharacteristicsofSelectedBlackAmericanProtestors:MartinLutherKing,Jr.,MalcolmX,andFrederickDouglass.”Ph.D.diss.,FloridaStateUniversity,1970.

Hodges,John.“TheQuestforSelfhoodintheAutobiographiesofW.E.B.DuBois,RichardWright,andMalcolmX.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofChicago,1980.

Hummasti,GeorgeP.“FinnishRadicalsinAstoria,Oregon,1904-1940:AStudyinImmigrantSocialism.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofOregon,1975.

Hunter,TeraW.“HouseholdWorkersintheMaking:Afro-AmericanWomeninAtlantaandtheNewSouth,1861-1920.”Ph.D.diss.,YaleUniversity,1990.

Huntley,Horace.“IronOreMinersandMineMillinAlabama,1933-1952.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofPittsburgh,1976.

Joiner,CharlesL.“AnAnalysisoftheEmploymentPatternsofMinorityGroupsintheAlabamaEconomy,1940-1960.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofAlabama,1968.

Kami,MichaelGary.“Yhteishyva—OrFortheCommonGood:FinnishRadicalismintheWesternGreatLakesRegion,1900-1940.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofMinnesota,1975.

Kim,SamG.“BlackAmericans’CommitmenttoCommunism:ACaseStudyBasedonFictionandAutobiographies.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofKansas,1986.

Kindell,Marilynn.“ADescriptiveAnalysisoftheImpactofUrbanRenewalonaRelocatedFamily:ACaseStudyoftheMedicalCenterExpansionProject.”Master’sthesis,UniversityofAlabama,Birmingham,1982.

Korstad,Robert.“‘DaybreakofFreedom’:TobaccoWorkersandtheCIO,Winston-Salem,

NorthCarolina,1943-1950.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofNorthCarolina,ChapelHill,1987.

Kuzwayo,Arnold.“AHistoryofEthiopianisminSouthAfricawithParticularReferencetotheAmericanZuluMissionfrom1835-1908.”Master“sthesis,UniversityofSouthAfrica,1979.

LaMonte,EdwardS.“PoliticsandWelfareinBirmingham,Alabama:1900-1975.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofChicago,1976.

Moore,William.“OnIdentityandConsciousnessofElHajjMalikElShabazz(MalcolmX).”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofCalifornia,SantaCruz,1974.

Patton,GeraldWilson.“WarandRace:TheBlackOfficerintheAmericanMilitary.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofIowa,1978.

Pearce,JohnFranklin.“HumanResourcesinTransition:RuralAlabamasinceWorldWarII.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofAlabama,1966.

Rachleff,PeterJ.“Black,White,andGray:RaceandWorking-classActivisminRichmond,Virginia,1865-1890.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofPittsburgh,1981.

Samuels,David.“FiveAfro-CaribbeanVoicesinAmericanCulture,1917-1929:HubertH.Harrison,WilfredA.Domingo,RichardB.Moore,CyrilBriggsandClaudeMcKay.”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofIowa,1977.

Shuldiner,DavidP.“OfMosesandMarx:FolkIdeologywithintheJewishLaborMovementintheUnitedStates.”Ph.D.diss.,UCLA,1984.

Simama,Jabari.“BlackWritersExperienceCommunism:AnInterdisciplinaryStudyofImaginativeWriters,TheirCritics,andtheCPUSA.”Ph.D.diss.,EmoryUniversity,1978.

Solomon,Mark.“RedandBlack:NegroesandCommunism,1929-1932.”Ph.D.diss.,HarvardUniversity,1972.

Sugrue,Thomas.“TheOriginsoftheUrbanCrisis:Detroit,1940-1960.”Ph.D.

diss.,HarvardUniversity,1992.

Taylor,Theman.“CyrilBriggsandtheAfricanBloodBrotherhood:EffectsofCommunismonBlackNationalism,1919-1935”Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofCalifornia,SantaBarbara,1981.

Wollcott,Victoria.“‘I’masGoodasAnyWomaninYourTown’:African-AmericanWomenandthePoliticsofIdentityinInter-warDetroit.”Ph.D.diss.,inprogress,UniversityofMichigan.

______.“Mediums,Messages,andLuckyNumbers:African-AmericanFemaleLeisureWorkersinInter-WarDetroit.”Unpublishedpaperinauthor’spossession.

Discography

ArrestedDevelopment.3Years,5Monthsand2DaysintheLifeOf…ChrysalisRecords,1992.

BytchesWithProblems.TheBytches.DefJam,1991.

CapitalPunishmentOrganization.ToHellandBlack.CapitolRecords,1990.

Compton’sMostWanted.StraightCheckN’Em.OrpheusRecords,1991.

TheCoup.KillMyLandlord.WildPitchRecords,1993.

CypressHill.CypressHill.Columbia,1991.

DaLenchMob.GuerrillasinThaMist.PriorityRecords,1992.

DeltheFunkeeHomosapien.IWishMyBrotherGeorgeWasHere.PriorityRecords,1991.

DigitalUnderground.SonsoftheP.TommyBoy,1991.

TheDisposableHeroesofHipoprisy.HypocrisyIstheGreatestLuxury.IslandRecords,1992.

Dr.Dre.TheChronic.Deathrow/Interscope,1992.

EazyE.Eazy-Duz-It.Ruthless,1988.

GetoBoys.TheGetoBoys.DefAmericanRecords,1989.

IceCube.AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted.PriorityRecords,1990.

______.DeathCertificate.PriorityRecords,1991.

______.KillatWill.PriorityRecords,1992.

______.ThePredator.PriorityRecords,1992.

IceT.Theiceberg/FreedomofSpeech…JustWatchWhatYouSay.SireRecords,1989.

______.OG:OriginalGangster.SireRecords,1991.

______.Power.WarnerBros.,1988.

______.RhymePays.SireRecords,1987.

KidFrost.EastSideStory.VirginRecords,1992.

NWA.Efil4zaggin.PriorityRecords,1991.

______.NWAandthePosse.RuthlessRecords,1988.

______.100MilesandRunnin’.PriorityRecords,1990.

______.StraightOuttaCompton.RuthlessRecords,1988.

Parker,Charlie.Bird/TheSavoyRecordings[MasterTakes].Savoy,1976.

PublicEnemy.Apocalypse′91.DefJam,1991.

______.ItTakesaNationofMillionstoHoldUsBack.DefJam,1988.

SnoopDoggyDogg.DoggyStyle.PriorityRecords,1993.

SonofBazerk.SonofBazerk.MCA,1991.

2Black,2StrongMMG.Doin“HardTimeonPlanetEarth.RelativityRecords,1991.

2Pac.2PacalypseNow.InterscopeRecords,1991.

W.C.andtheMAADCircle.Ain’tADamnThangChanged.Priority,1991.

X-Clan.Xodus:TheNewTestament.PolygramRecords,1992.

YoYo.MakeWayfortheMotherlode.Profile,1991.

Filmography

Ahearn,Charlie.WildStyle(1982).

Appleby,David,MargaretAllisonGraham,andSteveRoss.AttheRiverIStand(1994).

Dixon,Ivan.TheSpookWhoSatbytheDoor(1973).

Singleton,John.BoyzNtheHood(1991).

AcknowledgmentsThisbookisapatchworkquiltofsorts.Thechaptersbeganasdifferentprojectsandwereshapedbyentirelydifferentgroupsofpeoplesomeofwhosepathsnevercrossed.Forthatreason,thelistofpeopleandinstitutionstowhichI’mindebtedisenormous.Firstandforemost,I’vegottogivebigpropstoJanakeBakhleoftheUniversityofMinnesotaPress—abrillianteditorandastellarscholarinherownright.Shewasthefirsttoenvisionthisbookandwantedtopublishit,butcontractualobligationsmadeitimpossible.AphatshoutoutgoestoDebChasmanofBeaconPressandMikeSprinkerofVersofortheirencouragementandinsight;toBruceNichols,myeditoratTheFreePress,forbelievinginRaceRebelsaswellasfutureprojects;andtoDeniseStinson,whosehardworkandenergymakehertheJamesBrownofliteraryagents.

GeorgeLipsitzhasbeenenormouslykind,generous,andsupportivefromdayone—amodelofmentorship,intellectualintegrityandpoliticalcommitment.Similarly,NellIrvinPainter’ssupportandencouragementhavebeenunwavering.Sheisamasterteacherwithoneofthemostbrilliantmindsinthehistoricalprofession.TriciaRosegetsphat,phat,phatpropsjustforbeingTricia—puregeniusandfunnyashell.Herintellectualimprintonthisbookshouldbeobvioustothedumb,def,andblind.I’mthoroughlyindebtedtomyall-too-briefconversationswithGregTateandArthurJafa,bothofwhomIthinkofasmodernRenaissanceBlackMen,toweringfigures,trueintellectuals,sharpcritics,or,betteryet,contemporaryPaulRobesonswithasenseofhumorandalotmorehair.TeraHunter’samazinginsightintoAfricanAmericancultureputsmeintherevisionmodeaftereveryconversation,andherfriendshiphasbeenlife-sustaining.I’meternallygratefultoElsaBarkleyBrown,mentorextraordinaireandfontofsupportevenwhenI’mwrong,andtoEarlLewis,aselflesscollaboratorandabrilliantcritic.Ialsodependontheirfriendship.ThesamemustbesaidofJayneLondon,TiffanyR.L.Patterson,MichaelEricDyson,MarciaDyson,GeorgeSanchez,GinaMorantz-Sanchez,SidLemelle,SalimaLemelle,JuliusScott,DeniseGreene,EmirLewis,MichaelAwkward,LaurenRich,SantiagoandEmilyColás—allofwhomhavecontributedinonewayoranothertothemanuscriptand/ormysanity.

Many,manypeoplereadpartsofthemanuscript,eitherindraftformoraspublishedarticles,andofferedusefulsuggestions,criticisms,andrealitychecks.Otherssimplylistenedtoideasandkeptmegoing.Someofthesefolksdeservealengthier,moreenthusiasticexpressionofgratitudesincetheircomradeshipprovedasimportanttomeastheirintellect.TothemImustapologizeinadvance.ThelistincludesElizabethAlexander,SusanArmeny,EdwardL.Ayers,HoustonBaker,Jr.,DanaBarron,EileenBoris,CharlesBright,MariJoBuhle,PaulBuhle,JaneBurbank,KathleenCanning,GeorgeChauncey,StuartClarke,DannyDuncanCollum,FredCooper,FernandoCoronil,MarcCrawford,DannyCzitrom,LauraDowns,AliceEchols,GeoffEley,GlenT.Eskew,ElizabethFaue,JanetFrancendese,GeraldGill,HermanGray,JacquelynDowdHall,RobertL.Harris,JanetHart,DarleneClarkHine,TomHolt,MichaelHoney,TomJackson,ClydeandAnnJohnson,MichaelKatz,RobertKorstad,CliffKuhn,NelsonLichtenstein,PeterLinebaugh,WahneemaLubiano,ClarenceLusane,TracyeMatthews,TerrenceJ.McDonald,AugustMeier,GaryMiles,DavidMontgomery,ToniMorrison,BruceNelson,EricPerkins,LindaReed,JimmieReeves,ArmsteadRobinson,DavidRoediger,SonyaRose,DavidScobey,JamesScott,JonathanScott,RebeccaScott,JulieSkurski,JamesSpady,ThomasSugrue,DavidThelen,JoeW.Trotter,AkinyeleUmoja,MarisVinovskis,AlanWald,KenWarren,CornelWest,VictoriaWollcott,JoeWood,allthemembersoftheVeteransoftheAbrahamLincolnBrigadeArchives,mynewcolleaguesatNewYorkUniversity,mycomradesontheRadicalHistoryRevieweditorialcollective,andallofmygraduatestudents,toonumeroustobenamed.PropstoDavidFreund,JamieHart,PamelaHenry,andLindaWillisfortheirexpertresearchassistanceandcriticaleye.AndjuicyphatpropstothestaffattheCenterforAfro-AmericanandAfricanStudies—GerriBrewer,TammyDavis,CamilleSpencer,andEvansYoung—forputtingupwithmeandmyincessantrequests.

BiguptoIceT,hismanagerJorgeHinojosa,andhisattorneyEricGreenspanforgivingmepermissiontoreprintportionsofhislyricsfreeofcharge.Giventheratherlargefeesothermusicpublishingcompaniesrequire,IceT’sgenerositywasmostwelcome.Heandhiscompany,RhymeSyndicateProductions,haveconsistentlydemonstratedastrongcommitmenttothoseofusseriousaboutexamininghiphopanditsantecedents.Onthemusictip,letmealsothankalltherepresentativesofpublishingcompanies(gratefullyacknowledgedonthecopyrightpage)forfacilitatingmypermissionrequestsandthestaffatASCAPandBMIfordirectingmetothepropersources.

Specialthankstothemanyarchivistsandlibrarianswhoshowedmetheway,especiallytheindefatigableMarvinY.Whiting,directoroftheTutwilerCollectionattheBirminghamPublicLibrary,andVictorBerchoftheAbrahamLincolnBrigadeArchives.ResearchandwritingweresupportedbygenerousgrantsfromtheInstituteforResearchonPoverty;theSocialScienceResearchCouncilCommitteeforResearchontheUrbanUnderclass;UniversityofPennsylvaniaUrbanStudiesProgram(underthedirectionofMichaelKatz);theStephenA.StoneResearchAward,UniversityofMichigan;RackhamFacultyResearchGrant,UniversityofMichigan;theCenterforAfro-AmericanandAfricanStudies;andtheFordFoundation.

Finally,thefolkswhocountmostinmyworld.Bigmackadociouspropstomyfamily:mymothersAnandaSattwaandAnnetteRohan;myfatherDonaldKelleyandhiswifeMaryKay;mygrandmotherCarmenChambers;mysistersandbrothers(in-lawsandoutlaws)MakaniThemba,MeilanCarter,ClaudineandStanleyAllison,IrieHarris,DonMitchell,ClaudiusHarris,Jr.,ChrisKelley,FujikoKelley,ShannonPatrickKelley,BenjaminKelley,CraigBerrysmith,andalltheirchildren;andmywife’stribeofsupportivecousins(toonumeroustoname).I’mforevergratefultotwooftheworld’sgreatestteachers:JaneAndriasandThelmaReyna.TheyoughttotakecreditforwhateverIdidrightandbearnoresponsibilityformymistakesandstupidity.Theirextraordinarycommitmenttopubliceducationandtostrugglingcoloredcitykids,especiallyinanerawhenevenprogressivepoliticalactivistsarequicktowriteoffthecurrentgenerationofAfricanAmericanyouth,issimplyunparalleled.TobothIsendmydeepestloveandappreciation.

Lastbutnotleast,acrazypsychoalphadiscobetashoutouttoalltheladiesinthehouse.DiedraHarris-Kelley,mypartnerinloveandtheft,myaround-the-wayStatenIslandgirlwhostuckitoutsinceourfirstyearatCalStateLongBeachfourteenyearsago,deservesseriouspropsforalltheworksheputintothisbook.Shereaditagainstherwill,askedmequestionsIcouldn’tanswer,correctedtypos,andhelpedmenegotiatemywaythroughthecomplicatedmazeofcommercialpublishing.Andshefoundtimeinherbusyscheduletoproduceyetanotherbeautifuldustjacket.Ilearnedthistimearoundnottoaskforastrikingillustrationafterthebookiswritten.Rather,oneoughttolettheartworkinspirethebook,whichisexactlywhatIdid.TheseriesofsmallpastelpanelsonthedustjacketcompelledmetothinkinnewwaysaboutthehiddenhistoryofAfricanAmericanculture,resistance,andthepoliticsofidentity.ThesehauntingfacesarethevisualequalofPaulLaurenceDunbar’smovingpoem,“WeWear

theMask.”Criticsdon’tknowityet,butDiedraisthefutureoftheNewYorkartscene.

Andthenthereismynewestloveandbestestfriend,EllezaCarmenAkilahKelley.Sheenteredthisworldliterallyforty-eighthoursafterIreceivedadvancecopiesofmyfirstbookandhascomeintoherownasIwrotevirtuallyallthechaptersofthisone.WatchinghergrowhasbeenthemostwonderfuldiversionI’veeverhad—despitesleeplessnights,andherchickenpoxandAcademyAward-winningtantrums.IfthenextbooktakesevenlongeritwillprobablybebecausesheandIarespendingtoomuchtimeplayingfreezetag,computergames,AladdinandJasmine,orourfavorite,theFunkadelicchasegame.She’sStarchild,mommyistheMothershipConnection,and,asalways,I’mSirNoseDevoidoffunk.Andifyou’refamiliarwiththestory,youknowthatIdon’tdanceuntilthetinyladysings—orblastsmewiththebopgun.

Index

AbovetheLaw,189Abrahams,Roger,214Absenteeism,7,70Abu-Lughod,Lila,9AbyssinianBaptistChurch,129AfricanAmericanstudies,5-6AfricanBloodBrotherhood(ABB),106,108AfrikaIslam,189Ahearn,Charlie,186AidtoDependentChildren,95AlabamaBlackLiberationFront(ABLF),97-98AlabamaChristianMovementforHumanRights(ACMHR),84,92AlabamaEconomicActionCommittee,92-93,97AlfonsoXIII,KingofSpain,134Algren,Nelson,128“AlligatorWine”(Hawkins),187AmericanLeagueAgainstWarandFascism,130-131AmericanNegroLaborCongress(ANLC),107-109AmeriKKKa’sMostWanted(IceCube),190,201,203-204,220AMG,189Ammons,Bessie,85Antiracism,amongwhiteworkers,32Arrestrates,85-86,91,206-207Arrington,Richard,93,99

Artists,104,109-121AshantiArtService,211AtlantaDailyWorld,132Attucks,Crispus,158AutobiographyofMalcolmX,The,196-197AverageWhiteBand,189“AwakeNegroPoets”(Patterson),109-110Baaadmannarratives,187,191Baldwin,James,133“BalladofEthiopia,The”(Hughes),123BaltimoreAfro-American,132Baraka,Amiri,44Barnes,Dee,221Battle,Thaddeus,139Bebop,170“BehindClosedDoors”(W.C.andtheMAADCircle),203,204BehindtheEbonyMask(Moore),39,87Bell,Daniel,17BessemerBigFourQuartet,41Besteiro,Julian,150“BirdintheHand,A”(IceCube),195Birmingham,Alabama,seePoorAfricanAmericansinthecivilrightsera;Publictransportation,resistanceon

BirminghamNegroYouthCouncil,86“Bitch,”useofterm,214,218,220,223BjozeJack,153Black,Robert,21BlackJacobins(James),5-6BlacknationalismCommunistPartyand,seeCommunists,AfricanAmericangangstarapand,212

Blacknationalistorganizations,97-98

BlackPanthers,197BlackPowerslogans,99BlackReconstructioninAmerica(DuBois),5,17,43Blake,Eubie,132Bluesclubs,46-48Blum,Leon,136Bolden,Dorothy,22-23Boo-YaaTribe,189Boutwell,Albert,92,94“BreakingandEntering,”188B-Real,223Briggs,Cyril,106,110BrotherCrook(akaRonWilkins),197BrotherhoodofSleepingCarPorters,34BrotherhoodofTimberWorkers,23,26-27Broue,Pierre,147Brown,ElsaBarkley,37-38Brown,H.Rap,215Brown,James,189Brown,Tom,151Bryant,Mrs.H.C.,82-83Bryant,Wayland,97,98Buhle,Paul,116BusRidersUnion,232-233Butts,Calvin,224Caballero,Largo,147Calloway,Cab,132“CalltoRaceManhood,”112Cameo,189CapitalPunishmentOrganization(CPO),189,190,197,200,212Carter,Bonita,92

Carter,Bunchy,197Carter,CouncilGibson,139Carth,Pauline,68,74Casado,Lopez,150Certeau,Michelde,20Chaulieu,Pierre,1,13ChicagoDefender,132Chokeholds,184Churches,40-43,45,46CitizenParticipationProgram(CPP),98-99CitizensCommitteeforEqualAccommodationsonCommonCarriers,74CivilrightsorganizationspoorAfricanAmericansinBirminghamand,83-85,87-90,92-93,100

publictransportationand,74Clarke,Kenneth,170,172Clark-Lewis,Elizabeth,29Classconciousnessracialized,26-27roleoffamiliesinformationof,36-37

Classtensions,intraracial,39-40Cleaver,Eldridge,215Clinton,George,189Clothes,50-51,64,165-166,204-206Coad,Mack,125Coalminers,20,31,79Coe,Clarence,29“ColdestRap,The”(IceT),188Collado,TomasDiaz,137“ColorBlind”(IceCube),197Commercializedleisureactivities,44-49CommitteeAgainstPoliceBrutality,92-93

CommitteeforEqualJobOpportunity,97CommitteeforthePreventionofDelinquency,86CommunistParty,10,34,77,104,107,123,132,136,144CommunistPartyofSpain,144,147CommunistPartyoftheUnitedStates(CPUSA),104-110,115,120-121,154-156

Communists,AfricanAmerican,10-11,100,103-121AmericanNegroLaborCongressand,107-109blacknationalismand,105-107community-of-cultureconceptand,115culturalcriticismand,115-120Ethiopiaand,130-132internationalistvisionand,107-108LeagueAgainstColonialOppressionand,108LeagueofStruggleforNegroRightsand,110-111Liberatorand,110-113masculinityandproletarianrealism,112-114,121musicand,117-120poetryand,109-116resolutiononblackself-determinationand,109,114,115,121ScottsboroNinedefenseand,110asvolunteersinSpanishCivilWar,seeSpanishCivilWar

Community,politicsandpleasuresof,35-53churchesandspiritualempowerment,42-43churchleaders,42churchmembers,40-43,45,46commercializedleisureactivities,44-49communityorganizations,38-39dress,50-51familylife,36-38intraracialclassandgendertensions,39-40

morality,45-46religiousgroundingsoflabormovement,41-42stoolpigeonsand,52

CommunityAlertPatrol,197Communityorganizations,38-39ComprehensiveEmploymentandTrainingAct(CETA),192Compton,California,188,192,193,202ComptonCartel,189Compton’sMostWanted,189,190,198-199,203Congregation,secularformsof,45,51CongressofIndustrialOrganizations(CIO),34,40-43Conkhairdo,167-168,178-179Connor,Eugene“Bull,”57,88,89Coolio,180-181,195,198,201,204Coulter,Philip,99Crackeconomy,193Criminaljusticesystem,206-207CriminalMinded,187-188“CultofTrueSambohood,”21-22Culturalworld,hidden,seeCommunity,politicsandpleasuresofCursing,7,71-72Cutbacksinpublicservices,231-233CypressHill,189,197,203,206DailyWorker,107DaLenchMob,196Dameron,Tadd,170Dancehalls,45-49,168-170Dancing,47,168-171Daniels,Samuel,129-130Davis,Allison,39Davis,Mike,184

Davis,Miles,170Davis,WalterJ.,129Daycarecenters,83“DayzofWayback,the”(NiggasWithAttitude),192-193“DeadHomiez”(IceCube),199DeathCertificate(IceCube),195,196,200DeathrowRecords,189,223,224Decoda,Charlie,30DeCoy,Robert,210-211Deference,maskof,22-23,32Deindustrialization,78-87,93Delany,Martin,158Detroit,Michigan,166-167Dies,Martin,152Dignity,32,104Dill,August,45-46Discursiveresistancestrategies,70-72Divineintervention,interpretationof,42-43Divisionoflabor,racializationof,30-31D.J.Premier,181DJQuick,189DOC,189Dr.Dre,188-190,192-193,199-200,218-219,221,223,224DoggyStyle(SnoopDoggyDog),224Domesticworkers,seeHouseholdworkersDominationandtheArtsofResistance(Scott),77Donawa,Arnold,133“DopeMan”(NiggasWithAttitude),199-200DoubleTrouble,186DoubleVcampaign,154,163-164Draftdodging,171-173

Dress,29,50-51,64,165-166,204-206“DressCode”(W.C.andtheMAADCircle),204-205“DriveByMissDaisy”(Compton’sMostWanted),198-199Drugdealers,astargetsofgangstarap,199-200DuBois,W.E.B.,5,17,30,43,45Dunbar,PaulLaurence,7,15Dunn,Roy,46Durem,Ramón,148,154-155,157EazyE(akaEricWright),188,189,212,213,224EazyDuzIt(EazyE),188EconomicOpportunityAct(EOA),94Edwards,Steven,58Efil4zaggin(NiggasWithAttitude),191,218,221Elks,38Ellison,Ralph,161,163,179,181Emerge,209Emotionaldetachmenttowardswomen,176Employment,62,82,84,86,87,93,164,173,192“EndangeredSpecies(TalesfromtheDarkside)”(IceCube),203,212Ephraim,Robert,130EricB.,208“EscapefromtheKillingFields”(IceT),194Ethiopia,123,124,128-132“Ethiopia,ThouLandofOurFathers,”129Ethiopianism,129EthiopianWorldFederation,131“Exhortation”(Thompson),103-104,110,111FacingReality(Jamesetal.),1Factoryworkers,18,20FairEmploymentPracticesCommittee,62Familylife,36-38

Faue,Elizabeth,37,114“Feminizing”ofmen,23Food,Tobacco,Agricultural,andAlliedWorkers(FTA),40-41Footdragging,7,24Ford,James,131Fort-Whiteman,Lovett,108Foucault,Michael,207FourthWorldCongressoftheComintern,107Foxx,Redd,215Franco,Francisco,135,136,146,147,150Frank,Richard,114Frankson,Knute,139Fraternalorganizations,38FriendsoftheAbrahamLincolnBrigade(FALB),152“F—ThaPolice”(NiggasWithAttitude),202-203“FuckMyDaddy”(W.C.andtheMAADCircle),221-222“G,”205Gangstarap,183-227asart,185-186blackmiddleclassand,210-211blacknationalismand,212blackpoliticiansand,211-212capitalismand,193,200-201criticismofcrimeandviolenceby,197dailylifeintheghettoand,208-209descriptivepurposevs.advocacyin,190dressstylesand,204-206drugdealersastargetsof,199-200earlyhistoryof,187-189economicandsocialproblemsinL.A.and,192-195first-personnarrative,useof,190,194

asforebodingofL.A.Rebellionof1992,183-184G-funk,189hardcore,224idealizationofcrimeby,195-197importanceof,225-226inspirationforstyleof,187-188irreverenceand,187mainstreamAmericancultureand,201-202MalcolmXand,180-181masculinistemphasisof,185,190,198,213,217metaphorin,189-190,195-196misconceptionsabout,189-190misogynisticcharacterof,185,187,198-199,214-223“nigga,”useoftermin,209-213pimpnarrativeinfluenceon,191policerepressionand,184-185,193,197,202-206politicsand,196-197prisonlifeand,207-208promotionofself-protectionby,197-198racialstereotypesand,213-214asrationalizationandexplanationofcriminalbehavior,185RobinHoodmetaphorin,195-196

Gangstarap(cont.)rootsof,186-187tiestoL.A.’sworking-classcommunities,192violenceand,189-191,193,195-197,213,218-219whitevoyeurismand,191womenrappersand,222

Gangstarr,181“GangsterasaTragicHero,The”(Warshow),183Gardner,CarolBrooks,70

Garland,Walter,137,138,140-141,145,157Garveyism,11,26,105,107,120,129Gaston,A.G.,88Gates,Darryl,184,202,204,206Gellert,Lawrence,117Genderconventions,22-23,27Gendertensions,intraracial,39Genovese,Eugene,6,183GeorgiaNegro,The:AHistory(Gordon),50“GetOffMyDickNigger—andTellYo’B—toComeHere”(IceCube),221“GetupoffthatFunk”(W.C.andtheMAADCircle),195-196G-funk,189Gillespie,Dizzy,170-172,181Gilroy,Paul,48“GiveMeThatOldCommunistSpirit,”118Gladnick,Robert,156Gold,Michael,112,116-117Gordon,Asa,50Gordon,Eugene,114Gordon,Leo,142,144Gospelsinging,41-42Graffiti,7“GrandLarceny”(IceT),190Grant,Coot,47Grass-rootsorganizations,38Gray,Ralph,125GreatSociety,94Green,Cooper,86Grimes,Tiny,175“GuerrillasinthaMidst”(DaLenchMob),196Guru,181

Gutman,Herbert,6Guttman,Allen,146Haeberle,Steven,99HaileSelassie,EmperorofEthiopia,129-131Hall,Covington,23-24HammerandHoe:AlabamaCommunistsduringtheGreatDepression(Kelley),10

Hampton,Lionel,170“HandsOffEthiopia”campaign,131Handy,W.C.,132Harding,Vincent,43Harlem,NewYork,166-167,170HarlemMusicians’CommitteeforSpanishDemocracy,132Hawkins,Jay,187Haywood,Harry,115,143,152HeadStart,95Hebdige,Dick,205Henderson,O’Dee,84-85Hemdon,Milton,144Hi-C,189“Hiddentranscript,”8Higginbotham,EvelynBrooks,46,49Hill,Cypress,159Hiphop,seeGangstarap“Hippingthehip”(Durem),155Hipsters,65-67,163-181;seealsoMalcolmXHiringpractices,racist,82HispanoMoroccanAnti-FascistAssociation,147Hobsbawm,Eric,6Holloway,George,30Homework,28

Honey,Michael,30Hoover,J.Edgar,86“House,The”(IceT),221Householdworkerscollectivesupportamong,18deferenceby,22-23resistanceonpublictransportationby,69resistancestrategiesof,18,19-20,70sexualharassmentof,28-29

Houseparties,46,48HouseUn-AmericanActivitiesCommittee,156-157Housing,80-81,87“HowICouldJustKillaMan”(CypressHill),159Hudson,Hosea,52,111Huggins,John,197Hughes,Langston,101,104,111,116,123,132,145-147Humor,72Hunter,Oscar,124,127-128,137,138,141,143,152,155-158Hurston,ZoraNeale,35-36Hustlers,173-178Hustlers’Convention,187,215-216IcebergSlim,176,215IceCube,184,189,190,194-197,199-204,207-210,212,217,219-220IceT,184,188,189,193-194,197,200,201,207-209,213,215,216,221,226Idlenesslabel,24“IfWeMustDie”(McKay),104“IfYouDon’tWork,UDon’tEat”(W.C.andtheMAADCircle),194Illness,feigningof,18“ImptheSkimp,theTennisShoePimp,”215“I’mYourPusher”(IceT),190Incipientstrikes,18IndependentOrderofSt.Luke,38

Infrapolitics,8-9InnocentMan,191InternationalUnionofMine,MillandSmelterWorkersofAmerica,40-41,80InterracialCommittee,JeffersonCountyCoordinatingCouncilonSocialForces,82-83

Interracialsolidarity,32Intraclassconflict,29-30Intraracialclassandgendertensions,39Irreverence,187“It’saMan’sWorld”(IceCube),220“IWannaKillSam”(IceCube),196“Jackin’forBeats”(IceCube),190Jackson,Bert,139,157Jackson,Bruce,214Jackson,EmoryO.,87Jackson,John,84-85James,C.L.R.,1,5-6,13James,Pack,189Jarvis,Malcolm,165J.D.,190,195“Jeepbeats,”206JeffersonCountyCommitteeforEconomicOpportunity(JC-CEO),94-96JeffersonCountyCoordinatingCouncilonSocialForces,82-83JeffersonCountyWelfareRightsOrganization,97Jerome,V.J.,113-114JimCrowordinances,32,33,36,45,49,51,56,60,64,65,78JobCorps,192Jobdiscrimination,82,173Jobperformance,24Johnson,Edward,141-142,151Johnson,J.Rosemond,118

Johnson,JamesWeldon,118Johnson,LyndonB.,94“Jookjoints,”46-47Julian,HubertF.,130Kanga,Constance,149Kee,Salaria,133KidFrost,189,203,207Kilpatrick,Admiral,128,156,157King,A.D.,88King,Rodney,183,184,203,206KingTee,189KnightsofPythias,38KRS1,187KuKluxKlan,57“KuKluxKlanBeware,”112Labor/CommunityStrategyCenter,LosAngeles,232Labormovement,religiousgroundingsof,41-42Laborunions,17,18,24,26-27,30,33-34,41-42,80,164,231“LameandtheWhore,The,”214-215Lamon,Lester,53Landis,Arthur,137LaRock,Scott,187Law,Oliver,126-127,132,137,140,141,143Lazinesslabel,21,24LeagueAgainstColonialOppression,108LeagueofStruggleforNegroRights(LSNR),103,110-111Lee,GraceC.,1,13Lehmann,Ed,23Leisureactivities,44-49Leland,John,191Lemann,Nicholas,77

Lenin,V.I.,106-107“LetterfromSpain”(Hughes),147Levine,Lawrence,44Lewis,Abe,125,151,157Lewis,Earl,26,45Liberator,103,110-113,116“LiftEveryVoiceandSing”(JohnsonandJohnson),118-119Lightin’Rod,187LincolnBrigade,124,134,141,148-152Lindyhop,168-170Linebaugh,Peter,12-13,19Literaryworks,109-116,120,121Litvinov,Maxim,131Lomax,Alan,187LosAngeles,California,gangstarapin,seeGangstarapLosAngelesRebellionof1992,183-184LosAngelesSummerJobProgram,192Lott,Eric,30Love,EulaMae,184Love,Vaughn,125LowProfile,189Lumpkin,Grace,114Lunceford,Jimmy,132“MakeMeaPalletontheFloor”(Morton),187MalcolmX,97,161-181autobiographyof,162,179-180burglaryactivitiesof,177-178celibacyof,179onconkhairdo,167-168,178-179oncriminalityandprivateproperty,178draftavoidancetacticsof,171

gangstarapcommunityand,180-181hustlerperiodof,173-178initiationintohipstersubculture,165-166politicsof,181onthepress,194RoselandBallroomand,168-170speakingstyleof,180“study”ofwhiteracistpsychologyby,176-177whiteservicemenand,173womenand,175-176onzootsuitstyle,165-166,169

“MalcolmX—AnAutobiography”(Neal),161Malnourishment,84“Manifest”(Gangstarr),181“Man’sBestFriend,A”(IceCube),197MasculinityCommunistsandblacknationalistsand,112-114,121dignityand,104earningpowerand,86gangstarapand,185,190,198,213,217Garveyitepoetryand,112hipstersand,65maleworkersand,23-24,31-32

Mason,LucyRandolph,41Masons,38Mayor’sOfficeofCitizensAssistance(MOCA),99M.C.Eiht,195,199,204M.C.Ren,192-193McAdory,Mildred,74McDaniel,EluardLuchell,143,145,146,149,151McGann,Catherine,91-92McKay,Claude,104

MenelikII,EmperorofEthiopia,128Messerschmidt,James,198Migration,limitationof,25Military,SpanishCivilWarveterans’enlistmentin,153-154Militaryuniforms,51,64Ministers,42Minton’sPlayhouse,170Misogynisticcharacterofgangstarap,185,187,198-199,214-223Mobility,25MobStyle,189Mola,Emilio,136Monk,Thelonius,170Monroe’sUptown,170Montgomery,David,6Moore,Geraldine,39,86-87Moore,RichardB.,108Moore,RudyRay,215Moraleconomy,19Morality,45-46Morgan,Crawford,138,152-154,156-157Moroccans,146Morton,JellyRoll,187“Movement,The”(CapitalPunishmentOrganization),200MulesandMen(Hurston),35“MurderBallad,The”(Morton),187“MurderofRalphGray,The”(Weems),111-112Music,10-11,18,41-42,117-120,169-170;seealsoGangstarapMutualbenefitassociations,38“MySummerVacation”(IceCube),200“MyWordIsBond”(RhymeSyndicate),190Naison,Mark,109

Nation,Lil,197NationalAssociationfortheAdvancementofColoredPeople(NAACP),4,43,74,77,93

NationalBaptistConvention,24,40NationofIslam,97Nazi-SovietPactof1939,152-153Neal,Larry,161Negligence,workplace,17Negrin,Juan,147,150NegroWorld,104,112NeighborhoodYouthCorps,192Nelson,Steve,144Networksofsolidarity,28“NewJackHustler”(IceT),200NewMasses,114“NewSong,A”(Hughes),101Newton,HueyP.,215NewYorkTimes,209“Nigga,”useofterm,209-213NiggasWithAttitude(NWA),184,188-189,191-193,197,199-200,202,203,218,221

“NiggaYaLovetoHate,The”(IceCube),207,220“Niggaz4Life”(NiggasWithAttitude),210“Nigger,”useofterm,209-211NiggerBible,The(DeCoy),210-211“Niggerwork,”30-31“NightinTunisia”(Gillespie),181“NoMo’,NoMo’,”19-120“NotJustanAmericanProblem”(MalcolmX),194NuNiggazontheBlock,189NWAandthePosse,188

OddFellows,38OG(IceT),207OhioPlayers,189“OneLessBitch”(NiggasWithAttitude),218-219Onyx,187Openhouses,46“OperationHAMMER,”202Organizedresistance,33-34Ottley,Roy,164Owen,Chandler,106Padmore,George(akaMalcolmNurse),131Page,Tom,145,151Painter,Nell,6Palmer,A.Mitchell,128Pan-Africanism,107,108,111,115,121,124Pan-AfricanReconstructionAssociation(PARA),129Pan-toting,18,19-20Parker,Charlie,170,175Parks,Rosa,68Parliament-Funkadelicsamples,189Patchen,Kenneth,113Patterson,WilliamL.,109-110,115-116Peck,James,139,153Perry,Bruce,173,175Pettiford,Oscar,170Pimp,celebrationof,216Pimpnarratives,191,215-216PittsburghCourier,132Poets,10-11,109-116PoisonClan,189Policerepression

gangstarapand,184-185,193,197,202-206poorAfricanAmericansinthecivilrightseraand,78,84-87,89-93,97-98zootsuitersand,166-167

Politicalideologycommunityorganizationsand,38familylifeand,37-38

Politics,redefinitionof,9-11PoorAfricanAmericansinthecivilrightsera(Birmingham),77-100AlabamaChristianMovementforHumanRightsand,84,92AlabamaEconomicActionCommitteeand,92-93arrestratesofmaleyouths,85-86blacknationalistorganizationsand,97CitizenParticipationProgramand,98-99civilrightsorganizationsand,83-85,87-90,92-93,100collectiveresistanceby,87-89CommitteeAgainstPoliceBrutalityand,92-93community-basedinterracialorganizationsand,97-98daycarecenters,83deindustrializationand,78-87,93housing,80-81,87InterracialCommitteeand,82-83JeffersonCountyCommitteeforEconomicOpportunityand,94-96laborunions,80maleyouths,85-86,90-91malnourishment,84migration,81-82policerepression,78,84-87,89-93,97-98racisthiringpractices,82relationshipwithmainstreamcivilrightsleaders,78SouthernChristianLeadershipConferenceand,87-89urbanrenewalprograms,93-94welfare,95

PoorPeople’sActionCommittee(PPAC),96PopularFront,133,135Populists,77Poston,Robert,112Powell,AdamClayton,Sr.,129Powell,Bud,170Preece,Harold,117Price,Lloyd,187PrimodeRivera,Miguel,134Pringle,Claude,141-142,151Prisonlife,ingangstarap,207-208“Product,The”(IceCube),207-208PromisedLand,The(Lemann),77ProperDos,189Prostitutes,48-49ProvisionalCommitteefortheDefenseofEthiopia(PCDE),130Prowell,Alpheus,151Pryor,Richard,215,220Psychologicalwage,30Publictransportation,1990sorganizationstoimproveconditionson,232-233Publictransportation,resistanceon(Birmingham),55-75ambiguityofcolorlineand,60-62bychildrenandteenagers,63-64collectivenatureof,72-74designofstreetcarsandbussesand,57discursivestrategies,70-72byhipsters,65-66occupationof“white”space,58-59passbysand,59,69byservicemen,64-65shortchangingofpassengersand,61-62

significanceof,74-75studyof,56vehicleoperatorsas“police”and,57-58violence,58,59,62-69whitemalepassengersas“police”and,58bywomen,67-70

“PulseoftheRhyme”(IceT),190Quittingstrategy,18,25Racialmythology,7(Ladyof)Rage,189Rakim,208Randolph,A.Philip,106,163Ranger,Terrence,6Rapmusic,seeGangstarapRawick,George,17“RealNiggazDon’tDie”(LastPoets),203Reconstructionera,37-38Redding,GroverCleveland,129Reeves,Otto,142Religiousgroups,38,40-43,45,46Respectability,50RhymePays(IceT),188,216RhymeSyndicate,The,189,190Riots,166-167,170,183-184Roach,Douglas,137,141,144,145Roberson,James,137Roberston,Harold,98Robeson,EslandaGoode,143Robeson,Paul,104,132,145Robinson,JohnC.,130Robinson,Johnny,91Rochester,Sterling,156

Roediger,David,23,24,30Rolemodels,39,40RollingStone,184RollJordan,Roll:TheWorldtheSlavesMade(Genovese),183Roosevelt,FranklinD.,153Roosevelt,Patrick,139Rose,Tricia,186,219RoselandBallroom,168-169Rosenstone,Robert,150Roy,M.N.,106-107Rudé,George,6RuthlessRecords,188,189Sabotage,7,17,18,20-21,23-25Sanitationworkers’strikeof1968(Memphis),23“Satisfied”(BessemerBigFourQuartet),41-42Savoy,The,169SchoolyD,187Scott,JamesC.,8,77,89-90Scott,William,129“Scottsboro”(VanVeen),113ScottsboroNine,110“ScottsboroSong,The,”118Seale,Bobby,2152ndIINone,189Secretsocieties,38Segregation,25-27,32,33,36,45,49,51,56,60,64,65,78,153Seibels,George,92ServicemenAfricanAmerican,64-65,153-154white,172-173

“700CalendarDays”(Hunter),124

Sexindustry,48-49Sexualexpression,47,49,185,213,216,219Sexualharassment,27-29ShareCroppers’Union(SCU),111,125“SheSwallowedIt”(NiggasWithAttitude),221Shiftlesslabel,21,25Shortchangingofpassengers,61-62Shuttlesworth,Fred,84SignforCain,A(Lumpkin),114“Signifying,”187Simmons,Russell,223Singing,18,41-42;seealsoGangstarap

SirJinx,198Sissle,Noble,132“6intheMornin’”(IceT),188Slowdowns,17,18,24SmokeSomeKill(SchoolyD),187-188SnoopDoggyDog,189,223-224SocialistPartyofAmerica(SPA),106Socialworld,hidden,seeCommunity,politicsandpleasuresofSoldiers,seeServicemenSolidarity,networksof,28Songs,10-11,117;seealsoGangstarapSouthCentralCartel,189SouthCentralLosAngeles,12,183-185,193,197,202SouthernChristianLeadershipConference(SCLC),87-89SouthernNegroYouthCongress(SNYC),74“SouthernOrganizer”(Patchen),113

SouthernOrganizingCommitteeforEconomicJustice,97SouthsideActionCommittee,97

SpanishChildren’sMilkFund,132SpanishCivilWar,11,123-158blacknewspapersupportof,132Bruneteoffensive,141CommunistPartyexperiencesandbackgroundofvolunteers,124-128courageofvolunteers,140-143culturalfiguresupportof,132diversityofvolunteers,124enlistmentdifficultiesofvolunteers,137invasionofEthiopiaand,123-124,129-132medicalvolunteers,133Moroccantroopsin,146-147motivationsofvolunteers,123-124,129-132,138multinationalcharacterofInternationalBrigades,139-140newlyarrivedvolunteers,136-139Pan-Africanforcesin,139-140pilotvolunteers,139problemvolunteers,143racismofSpanishpeople,146rebelliousactsofvolunteers,144returnhomeofvolunteers,150-151revolutionaryprocessand,144-145rootsof,134-136socialandculturallifeofvolunteers,148-149surrenderofRepublicanarmy,150trainingproblemsofvolunteers,140transitiontocivilianlifeafter,151-152traveldifficultiesofvolunteers,137-138treatmentofvolunteersbySpanishpeople,145veteransof,152-158

Spiritualempowerment,42-43

Spiritworld,politicalstruggleand,43SpookWhoSatbytheDoor,The,196“SqueezetheTrigger”(IceT),188“StaggerLee,”187Stalin,Josef,114-115,152StarOrderofEthiopia,129Steedman,Carolyn,37Steelworkers,62,84SteelWorkersOrganizingCommittee(SWOC),40-41“StillGafflin’”(Compton’sMostWanted),204Stone,Sly,189Stoolpigeons,52StraightOuttaCompton(NiggasWithAttitude),188“StraightUpNigga”(IceT),209“StreetKiller”(IceT),201StreetKnowledgeProductions,189Strikes,17,18,38,164Stuckey,Sterling,44SubversiveActivitiesControlBoard,156SweetSweetback’sBaaadassSong(VanPeebles),191Talkingloudly,70-71TangoandCash,191Taylor,Joe,148Temime,Emile,147TennesseeCoal,Iron,andRailroadCompany(TCI),79TexasOilCompany,136Theft,workplace,7,18-20,24Thompson,E.P.,6,19,37Thompson,J.,103-104,110,111Thompson,Louise,142“ThrowYaGunsintheAir”(Onyx),187

“ToaBlackMan”(Jerome),113-114Tobaccoworkers,18,20,21,27-28“Tower,The”(IceT),208TransportWorkersAssociationofNorfolk,26Trent,Tom,137Trotter,Joe,24Truth,Sojourner,68Turner,Bernice,98TwelveMillionBlackVoices(Wright),352Pac(TupacShakur),210,221Uniformshouseholdservice,29military,51,64

UniónMilitarEspañola,135UnionofSovietSocialistRepublics,131,136,152-153UnitedAidforEthiopia,132UnitedAutoWorkers,80UnitedMineWorkers,38UnitedNegroCollegeFund,164UnitedNeighborhoodImprovementAssociation(UNIA),96,107UnitedSteelWorkersofAmerica(USWA),80UniversityofAlabamaMedicalCenter,93-94UrbanLeague,4,82Urbanrenewalprograms,93-94Vann,David,89VanPeebles,Melvin,191VanVeen,Sadie,113Verbalattacksonracism,71,72Verbalinsults,29-30VeteransoftheAbrahamLincolnBrigade(VALB),152-154,156Violence;seealsoPolicerepression

gangstarapand,189-191,193,195-197,213,218-219publictransportationinBirminghamand,58,59,62-69bywhiteworkers,29-30

Wade-Gayles,Gloria,7,35,50Wages,unpaid,20Walker,WyattT.,88“Wall,The”(CapitalPunishmentOrganization),200Waller,Fats,132WaronPoverty,95Warshow,Robert,183Washerwomen,20,21,38“WashingSociety,”38Waterfrontworkers,26Watson,Alonzo,136-137Wattscommunity,LosAngeles,California,192,193,202W.C.andtheMAADCircle,180-181,189,194-196,198,202,203,207,217,221-222

Weems,Ruby,111-112Welfare,95Wells-Barnett,IdaB.,68WestHighlandJubileeSingers,41“WeWeartheMask”(Dunbar),15“WhenYouMeetaMemberoftheKuKluxKlan”(Poston),112White,Edward,136“WhoGottheCamera”(IceCube),184“Who’stheMack”(IceCube),202“Wigging,”20WildStyle,186-187Wilkinson,Horace,55Williams,MaryLou,170Williams,Paul,139Williams,Raymond,47

Williams,Ronald,97,98Willis,Paul,31-32Wilson,William,99Wolf,Milt,142Womencommercializedleisureactivitiesand,46,47gangstarapand,185,187,198-199,214-223householdworkers,seeHouseholdworkershustlingmenand,175-176networksofsolidarity,28prostitutes,48-49resistanceonpublictransportationby,67-70resistancestrategiesof,18,20,21,27-28secretsocieties,38sexualharassmentof,27-29tobaccoworkers,18,27-28washerwomen,20,21,38workersinBirminghamduringWorldWarII,62

WorkandItsDiscontents(Bell),17Workethic,24Workplaceresistance,1-4,17-34absenteeism,7,17“CultofTrueSambohood”and,21-22deferenceand,22-23feigningofillness,18footdragging,7,24locationand,25-26negligence,17networksofsolidarity,28organizedresistanceand,33-34quitting,18,25

relevanceofabsenceof,25sabotage,7,17,18,20-21,23-25tosexualharassment,27-28slowdowns,17,18strikes,17,38theft,7,18-20,24uniformsand,29toverbalinsults,29-30whiteresponsesto,33“wigging,”20

WorksProgressAdministration(WPA),173Wright,Eric,seeEazyEWright,Richard,12,35-36,104,128,146Writers,109-116,120,121“WrongNiggatoF—Wit”(IceCube),206

Yarrow,Michael,31Yates,James,125-126,148,151,154,157Yella,188“YouCan’tFadeMe”(IceCube),219-220

Youthculture,11-12Youths,male;seealsoGangstarap;MalcolmXarrestratesof,85-86,91,206-207confrontationswithpolice,90,91resistanceonpublictransportationby,63-66

YoYo,217,220Zapp,189Zootsuiters,65-66,163-174,180

Workingpeoplefoughtconstantlytocontrolthepaceofworkandincreaseleisuretime.HereagroupofstevedoresinHouston,Texas,seizeafreemomenttorest.(PhotobyRussellLee.CourtesyLibraryofCongress)

Washingclotheswashardwork,butitgaveAfricanAmericanhouseholdworkersmoreautonomyandallowedthemtoescapethewatchfuleyeofemployers.Inthisphoto,takenaboutNovember1941,twowomeninGreensboro,Georgia,lugbagsofsoiledlaundryhometobewashed.(CourtesySchomburgCenterforResearchinBlackCulture,NewYorkPublicLibrary)

TwoblackmenoutsideastorenearReserve,Louisiana,taketimeoutforafewhandsofcards.Althoughthisisaruraltownscene,cards,dominoes,andothergamesofchancewereplayedonfrontporchesandsidewalksinblackcommunitiesthroughouttheurbanSouth.(CourtesySchomburgCollectionforResearchinBlackCulture,NewYorkPublicLibrary)

Formanyblackworkers,the“nighttimewastherighttime.”OnephotographercapturedajovialsceneofAfricanAmericanmenhangingoutinapopularbarinAtlantaduringthe1940s.(CourtesyJ.NealMontgomeryCollection,AtlantaPublicLibrary)

Workingpeople,likethesepicturedhereinWoodville,Georgia,builtandsustainedchurcheswiththeirwages.Womenwerethebackboneofthecongregation.Blackchurchesnotonlyprovidedfellowship,asenseofcommunity,andhelptothoseinneed,butwerefirstandforemostplacesofreflectionandspiritualempowerment.(CourtesySchomburgCenterforResearchinBlackCulture,NewYorkPublicLibrary)

AlthoughblackhouseholdworkersintheurbanSouthusuallydependedonpublictransportationtogettoandfromwork,theydidnotalwaysacceptthetermsofJimCrow.Theywereatthecenterofmanyday-to-daybattlesagainstsegregation,harassmentbydriversandpassengers,andavarietyofotherindignities.Inthispicture,twodomesticworkerswaitforastreetcarindowntownAtlanta,circa1939.(PhotobyMarionPostWolcott.CourtesyLibraryofCongress)

Above:PhotographerCharlesMoorepowerfullycaptureswhatmightbedescribedasa“publicdeclarationofthehiddentranscript.”HereyoungpeopleconfrontpoliceduringtheBirminghamdemonstrationsinMay1963,presumablyexpressingfeelingsandfrustrationstheywouldnormallykeeptothemselves.Onecannothelpbutnoticetheexpressionsofangerandjoy,fearandfearlessnessontheirfaces.ItisafarcryfromthemorecommonimageofblackyouthontheirkneesprayingbeforeEugene“Bull”Connor.(©1963CharlesMoore/BlackStar)

Left:Bythemid-tolate1960s,thecivilrightsmovementhadbecome

increasinglymilitant,asreflectedinthisuncompromisingflyerprotestingpolicebrutalityinBirmingham.(CourtesyAlbertBoatwellPapers,DepartmentofArchivesandManuscripts,BirminghamPublicLibrary)

Above:MorethaneightyAfricanAmericanstraveledtoSpainin1936-37todefendtheSpanishRepublicfromafascisttakeover.Thisincredibleactofheroismanddeepcommitmentloantifascismcaughttheattentionofseveralleadingwriters,includingLangstonHughes.Inthisphoto,HughesspendsafreemomentwithAbrahamLincolnBrigadevolunteerCrawfordMorgan.(CourtesyAbrahamLincolnBrigadeArchives,BrandeisUniversity)

Left:AmongtheAfricanAmericanswhoservedintheLincolnBrigadewasonewoman,SalariaKee.SheinitiallytriedtovolunteerthroughtheRedCross,butwastoldtheydidnotaccept“Negro”nurses.(CourtesyAbrahamLincolnBrigadeArchives,BrandeisUniversity)

ManyblackLincolnBrigadevolunteersweredrawntoSpainthroughtheirworkinthe“HandsOffEthiopia”campaign.SpainbecameanalternativebattlefieldforAfricanAmericanstogetbackatMussoliniforhisinvasionofAfrica’slasttrulysovereignstatein1935.Inthisphoto,HarlemresidentsprotestItaly’saggressionagainstEthiopiabyboycottingalocalItalianmerchant.(AP/WideWorldPhotos)

Duringthe1930sand1940s,theSavoyBallroomwasoneofHarlem’shottestdancespots.ItwasafavoriteofyoungMalcolmLittlewheneverhewasinNewYork.(CourtesySchomburgCenterforResearchinBlackCulture,NewYorkPublicLibrary)

HereisarareimageofMalcolmLittle,conkedandzooteddown,posingwithhishalfsisterEllainBoston.Malcolmremembered:“Icouldn’twaitforeighto’clocktogelhometoeatoutofthosesoul-foodpotsofElla’s,thengetdressedinmyzootandheadforsomeofmyfriends’placesintown,tolindy-hopandget

high,orsomething,forrelieffromthoseHillclowns.”(CourtesySchomburgCenterforResearchinBlackCulture,NewYorkPublicLibrary)

FromMalcolmLittletoMalcolmX©dignified,bespectacled,upright,conservativelyattired.(CourtesySchomburgCenterforResearchinBlackCulture,NewYorkPublicLibrary)

SouthCentralLosAngelesafterthe1992uprising.PhotographerJamesW.

Jeffreybrilliantlycapturesthedevastationandthewayinwhichthateventwas“framed.”ThisphotoalsooffersapowerfulvisualmetaphorforwhatmanyL.A.gangstarapperssetouttodo:turnthecamerasoneverydayrealities.Andyet,likethecoverageoftheL.A.Rebellionitself,their“reality”isalsoaproductoftelevisedfictionsandactiveimaginations.(©Jeffrey,“EyeonL.A.,”fromLifeinaDayofBlackL.A.:TheWayWeSeeIt,publishedbyUCLACAASPublications)