‘Protection’ and ‘Migration’ as an Adaptation Strategy? European Policy and the Case of...
Transcript of ‘Protection’ and ‘Migration’ as an Adaptation Strategy? European Policy and the Case of...
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AUGUSTUS 2014
Faculteit Criminologie en Rechtsgeleerdheid
VAKGROEP INTERNATIONAAL EN EUROPEES RECHT
‘Protection’ and ‘Migration’ as an Adaptation Strategy?
European Policy and the Case of African Environmental Migrants.
Proefschrift ingediend met het oog op het behalen van de graad van Master in
de Rechten, Afstudeerrichting Internationaal en Europees Recht.
SAMUEL LIETAER
Promotor: Prof. Dr. Serge Gutwirth
Co-promotor: Dr. Richard Lewis
Academiejaar 2013-2014
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Acknowledgements
Many persons and certain institutions made the writing of this graduation thesis possible.
Accordingly, I wish to convey my thanks to them.
Besides the support of my family and friends, I have been fortunate to have advisors like
prof. Dr. Serge Gutwirth and Richard Lewis who gave me the freedom to explore on my
own, and at the same time the guidance to recover when my steps faltered. They have
been there to listen, give advice and comment on the revisions of this manuscript.
I am also indebted to the organism UCOS (University Centre for Development Cooperation)
with whose members I have interacted during the course of my graduate studies.
Particularly, I would like to acknowledge Bram Cleys, who, in cooperation with the VUB,
allowed me together with some other students to attend the climate negotiations in
Warsaw. Without this study trip I would never have been able to meet quite some European
and African delegates to the COP 19, as well as interesting representatives of civil society.
I thank this diverse panel of interviewed ‘climate actors’ for their time spent to answer my
complex questions.
The helpful members of the richly documented European Central Library also merit an
acknowledgement.
Although under the auspices of the VUB, many reasons brought me to put pen to paper in
the language of Shakespeare rather than in Vondel’s or Molière’s tongue. English being the
most commonly used at the UN is the main one.
Samuel Lietaer Brussels, August 2014
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Table of Content
Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………………………………...2
Table of Content………………………………………………………………………………………………………3
List of Acronyms... ………………………………………………………………………………………………..5
1. Introduction ........................................................................................... 6
1.1. Defining the problem ......................................................................... 6
1.2. Defining the Research Question and the Purpose................................... 7
2. Methodology .......................................................................................... 9
3.Migration and Climate Change: choosing and defining the words ................. 10
4.What does and will environmental migration look like? ............................... 12
4.1. Scale ............................................................................................. 12
4.2.Causes and consequences of environmentally induced migration in Africa 14
4.2.1. Many drivers, few options ............................................................... 16
4.2.2. African-EU Migration in perspective ................................................... 20
4.3. The case for Migration ..................................................................... 23
4.3.1. Migration has always existed as an adaptation strategy ......................... 23
4.3.2. Migration as an adaptation strategy .................................................. 22
4.3.3. Some negative consequences……………………………………………………………….….25
4.4. A Human rights Approach to environmental migration………………............... 26
5.“Legal” and “illegal” migration ................................................................. 28
6.Which legal protection, hence recognition? ............................................... 30
6.1.External displacement ...................................................................... 31
6.1.1. International Refugee Law: Nothing in the 1951 Refugee Convention of
Geneva.. ............................................................................................. 32
6.1.2. Protection for EDPs under the Current EU Legal Framework: International and
Complementary Forms ........................................................................... 33
6.1.2.1.The 2001 Temporary Protection Directive ...................................... 34
6.1.2.2.The Qualification Directive: ‘Subsidiary Protection’ .......................... 35
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6.1.3. Existing National Frameworks in the EU ............................................. 36
6.1.4. Cross-border legal protection in Africa ............................................... 37
6.1.4.1.The African refugee Convention ................................................... 37
6.1.4.2. Any practical support from the EU? .............................................. 38
6.1.4.3. Regional Free Movement Agreement ............................................ 39
6.2. Internal Displacement in Africa ......................................................... 40
6.2.1. The ‘Guiding Principles’, the ‘Nansen Principles’ and the ‘Revised Framework on
Durable Solutions’…………………………………………….…………………………………………………………..40
6.2.2.The Kampala Convention................................................................... 41
6.3. What is the EU’s answer to these legal gaps? ..................................... 43
6.3.1. No institutional and political support for a new legal framework ............... 43
6.3.2. “No reason for a lack of action” ........................................................ 46
6.3.3. Primary Law: A promising basis of Objectives ...................................... 47
7.Migration as an adaptation strategy? ....................................................... 48
7.1. Climate Change Law as a catalyser.................................................... 50
8. The EU’s ‘environmental migration policy’: an adequate response?..............55
8.1. A ‘balanced and comprehensive approach’ ......................................... 55
8.2. Migration as an adaptation strategy promoted and facilitated ............... 57
8.2.1.The EU and Africa as key partners ..................................................... 59
8.2.2.Focus on south-south migration ........................................................ 61
8.2.3.Planned relocation as a last resort solution….………………………………………….……..63
9. The Challenges of Institutional Governance and Policy Coherence ............... 65
10. Issues and lessons of the Africa-EU Cooperation ..................................... 68
11. Financial implications .......................................................................... 70
12. Conclusion ......................................................................................... 72
Bibliography ............................................................................................ 77
Lexicon .................................................................................................. 105
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List of Acronyms
ACP African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States AWG-LCA Ad hoc Working Group on Long-term Cooperative Action under the Convention CBDR Common But Differentiated Responsibilities COP Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change DEVCO Development and Cooperation DG Directorate-General DG CLIMA Directorate-General Climate Action DG DEVCO Directorate-General EuropeAid Development & Cooperation DG ECHO Directorate-General Humanitarian Aid DG ENV Directorate-General Environment DG HOME Directorate-General Home Affairs DPI-NGO Department of Public Information Non-Governmental Organization EC European Commission ECHR European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms ECJ European Court of Justice ECtHR European Court on Human Rights EDPs Environmentally Displaced Persons EEAS European External Action Service EM Environmentally-induced Migration EMs Environmental migrants EP European Parliament ESS European Security Strategy EU European Union GAMM Global Approach to Migration and Mobility GCCA Global Climate Change Alliance GHG Greenhouse Gas HLWG High Level Working Group IASC Inter-Agency Standing Committee ICCPR International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ICERD International Convention on the Elimination on All Forms of Racial Discrimination ICESCR International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights IDP Internally displaced persons IOM International Organization for Migration IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change JHA Justice and Home Affairs MDG Millennium Development Goals MS Member States NGO Non-governmental organization OCHA Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs ODA Official Development Assistance OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development OHCHR Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Right SDGs Sustainable Development Goals TEU Treaty on European Union TFEU Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union UN United Nations UNDP United Nations Development Program UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
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1. Introduction
1.1. Defining the problem
Since the publication of the IPCC Fourth Assessment Report, evidence has emerged of
greater and more rapid impacts of climate change. We now face the realistic possibility of
climate warming up to four degrees, while more than two degrees is considered a
dangerous level of climate change.1 This phenomenon is already contributing to migration
and displacement, due to the world that is transforming dramatically: besides the number
of more visible sudden-onset natural disasters that is predicted to drastically increase,
there are already parts slowly - but certainly - becoming uninhabitable, and abandoned by
its inhabitants forced to seek sanctuary. This more or less forced migration will happen
internally or externally – from African to developed countries in Europe, for example -
temporarily or permanently.2
First, on a preliminary basis, the research question and the purpose of this paper will be
outlined, as well as the working definitions of the major concepts, namely ‘environmental
migration’ (EM) and ‘environmentally induced displacement’ (EDP).
Second, we will briefly address the impacts of climate change and describe how they link
to the proliferation of ‘environmental migrants’ (EMs) and ‘environmentally displaced
persons’ (EDPs).3 A view will be provided of what climate-induced migration does and will
look like: what are its causes and the expected consequences in terms of numbers, and
what are the main concerns related to the thus established prospects?
Third, against the backdrop of literature designing the case for migration and considering
a human rights perspective as most adequate approach, we will briefly discuss the state of
legal recognition and protection of EDPs at different levels: the international protection
obligations4, i.e. to what extent international refugee law, complementary forms of
1 M.L. PARRY et al. (eds.) Contribution of working group II to the fourth assessment report of the
intergovernmental panel on climate change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007; See also the ‘Headline Statements’ of January 2014 sketching out the conclusions of the 5th assessment (a.o. at least 95 percent likely that human activities – chiefly the burning of fossil fuels – are the main cause of warming since the 1950s and the impacts are speeding up): Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Climate Change 2013: The Physical Science Basis. Working Group 1 Contribution to the Fifth Assessment Report of the IPCC: Summary for Policy Makers, October 2013, 33 p. 2 See the most quoted definition of “environmental refugee” developed by UN Environment Programme (UNEP)
researcher Essam el-Hinnawi: E. EL-HINNAWI, “Environmental Refugees”, Nairobi: United Nations Environment Programme, 1985. 3 In order not to create confusion with traditional refugees, among other reasons, we use the terms environmental
migrants (EMs) and environmentally displaced persons (EDPs). For the exact working definitions of these terms see the Lexicon. 4 Geneva Refugee Convention of 1951 including its protocol of 1967.
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protection (‘subsidiary protection’ in the EU) or ‘temporary protection’, including
corresponding EU norms (Qualification Directive, Temporary Protection Directive) are
applicable or could become applicable if interpreted in a specific way.
Fourth, in order to examine the developing European approach concerning climate-induced
migration in Africa and whether the EU considers migration as an adaptation strategy, an
analysis of the EU’s international obligations by addressing climate change law concerning
this issue will be made.
Fifth, it will also be useful to address and evaluate the challenging existing partnerships so
as to enhance the European climate-induced migration policy as an aspect of the broader
adaptation policies. In addition, we will assess to which extent the external dimension of
the EU’s migration policies provide possibilities to support African countries affected by
adverse slow-onset environmental changes.5 Also other main legal and political triggers
and hurdles will (briefly) come into play throughout the article, such as the financial
implications to conclude.
1.2. Defining the Research Question and the Purpose
Although both sudden and slow-onset environmental events have always had an impact
on the movements of human populations, the last twenty years the impact of climate
change6 on migration movements has received growing public attention - from scholars,
researchers and media - at unprecedented levels and is increasingly a topic of political
interest worldwide.7 This must be perceived in the context of rising awareness and fear
regarding the possible consequences of global climate change.8 It has indeed the potential
to undermine all three pillars of ‘sustainable development’ as identified by the 2002
5 These possibilities include strengthening countries’ policy framework on the protection of environmentally
displaced persons, enhancing governments’ capacities to respond to disasters and medium-/long-term environmental change, and increasing the resilience of local communities. 6 See the Lexicon for the definition of climate change. 7 EU Commissioner MALMSTRÖM recently affirmed: “Migration is certainly a policy area of growing importance
for the EU.” C. MALMSTRÖM, “Progress in EU migration policy since 1999”, Speech of the EU Commissioner for Home Affairs, Tampere, 13 September 2013; However, the recent UN General Assembly note by the Secretary General on the human rights of migrants draws attention to the absence of a voice of climate-change-induced migrants: UN General Assembly, “Report of the Special Rapporteur, Francois Crepeau, on the human rights of migrants”, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 66/172, A/67/299, 2012; See also the older speech
of UN High Commissioner about the lack of attention: GUETERRES, A., “Millions Uprooted”, Foreign Affairs, September/October 2008, cited in UNHCR, “Climate change, natural disasters and human displacement: a UNHCR perspective”, 2008, 6. 8 For illustrative examples, see: S. LONERGAN, “The Role of Environmental Degradation in Population
Displacement”, Environmental Change and Security Project Report No. 4, 1998, 5-15; T. HOMER-DIXON, “On the Threshold: Environmental Changes as Causes of Acute Conflict”, 16(2) International Security, 1991, 76-116; T. HOMER-DIXON, “Thresholds of Turmoil: Environmental Scarcities and Violent Conflict” in D. DEUDNEY and R. MATTHEW (eds.), Contested Grounds: Security and Conflict in the New Environmental Policies, Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999.
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Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development - environmental protection,
economic development, and social development.9 As early as 1990, the IPCC was
concerned that the most severe single impact of climate change could be ‘climigration’10,
that is, environmental, or in particular, climate induced migration.11 Since this increasingly
complex challenge requires a wide array of actions to address it appropriately,12 the EU is
active at different levels, ranging from political dialogue with its partners to ad hoc support
for climate action as well as integrating climate change into its development cooperation
and other policy areas.13
Although there has been increased debate in recent years in both academic and policy
circles concerning the impact of climate change on human migration responses14, little
attention has been focused on how existing climate change policies discuss migration,
whether it is perceived as a ‘problem’, a ‘solution’, or something in between. Questions
remain also as to the legal (normative) and political (policy) aspects of this phenomenon.
This paper has a twofold purpose. On the one hand it attempts to partly address this
research gap by first examining whether the current overall EU framework for immigration
and asylum offer adequate responses to climate change-related movement due to slow-
onset climate events.15 On the other hand, if this is not the case, we will assess the
potential of migration to remedy this problem and examine to what extent the EU’s
migration policy considers – or should consider - migration (from and in Africa16) as an
adaptation17 strategy in response of slow-onset climate change impacts. Migration as an
9World Summit on Sustainable Development, Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development, § 5, U.N.
Doc. A/CONF.199/20, Sept 4, 2002. See the lexicon for this notion. 10
R. BRONEN, “We must protect communities who face climate change displacement -'Climigration' requires a
new and unique institutional response based in human rights doctrine”, The Guardian, 2009. 11
In this paper, all kinds of human movements being solely or additionally caused by environmental factors (including non-voluntary movements) shall be described using the term ‘environmental migration’ or ‘environmentally induced migration’ (see the section “Working Definitions”). 12 Since 2001 there is no serious scientific dispute about the cause and consequences of anthropogenic
climate change. See: IPCC, “Climate Change 2001: the scientific basis. Contribution of working group I to the Third Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change”, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001, 13. Yet migration was only mentioned formally for the first time in the climate change negotiation texts in Cancun (2010), 18 years after the climate negotiations. 13 EU, “Supporting a climate for Change”, Brussels, 2012, 4; K. WARNER, “Climate Change, Induced
Displacement: Adaptation Policy in the Context of the UNFCCC Climate Negociations”, UNHCR, Legal and Protection Policy Research Series, 2011. 14R. McLEMAN and B. SMIT, ”Migration as an adaptation to climate change” , Climate Change, Vol. 76, N° 31,
2006, 23 p.; see, for example, the analyses concerning climate-induced migration of WARNER et al. (2009); PERCH-NIELSEN et al. (2008). 15 Because the tipping point between voluntary and forced migration (refugees) is in a grey area, thus, we will
have to pay attention to both categories (‘Environmentally-induced displacement’ and ‘Environmental migration’), as for the terms of migration and asylum. 16 Africa is a complex and diverse grouping, with 33 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and it is in this continent
that the adaptation challenge is perhaps greatest. In this paper we may sometimes use ‘Africa’ in the sense of ‘African Union’ (AU). See: Constitutive Act of the African Union, signed at Lomé (Togo), 11 July 2000. 17
For the notion of adaptation to climate change, see the lexicon.
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alternative paradigm could be part of the elements of the complex legal framework
surrounding individuals vulnerable to displacement induced by climate change.18
This research is also of particular relevancy as these slower impacts do not attract the
same level of attention by policymakers and the media as sudden disasters (such as
cyclones, floods, or tidal surges), while they affect much more persons.19
Although we argue that addressing this plight is one of the most crucial governance needs,
our hypothesis is that - due to a fear of massive influx of environmental migrants - the EU
would not have a position on environmental migration, and even less so, a specific and
explicit position on environmental migration from and in Africa. Hence this gap would
reduce the possibilities for Africans to enjoy their rights and opportunities that – both
internal and international - migration could provide.
2. Methodology
Due to the nature of the research question, this multidisciplinary20 and qualitative research
will be of descriptive, explanatory (sociological approach) and evaluative (philosophical
approach) nature.
This research is accomplished by means of research through literature, which encompasses
empirical evidence and theoretical insights, sources of law (relevant primary and secondary
law provisions, case law, policy statements, and past practice) and the most relevant policy
documents on the one hand and a complementing qualitative research method21 on the
other hand. This latter was done by means of semi-structured interviews of African and
EU-policymakers, NGO-activists and scholars.
18 Many Scholars see a mix of strategies as ‘essential’ and reject a ‘one-size-fits-all approach’. See, for example,
R. BEDFORD and C. BEDFORD, “International Migration and Climate Change: A Post-Copenhagen Perspective on Options for Kiribati and Tuvalu” in B. BURSON (ed.), Climate Change and Migration: South Pacific Perspectives, Institute of Policy Studies, Victoria University of Wellington, 2010, 93. 19 J. McADAM, o.c., 2012, 183. 20 We will consider aspects of juridical, political, sociological and geographical nature. 21 For the full list of interviewees, see Appendix I.
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3. Migration and Climate Change: choosing and defining the words
Many definitions of human migration exist, each of them answering this question in a rather
different way.22 Migration, a movement of a person to a new place of residence23, is a
complexly layered process that intersects with some of the most vexing issues in
international politics today, namely, human rights, development and climate change.24
The effects of environmental change on migration are so diverse that it is hard to
encompass all scenarios under one single concept and definition. Yet, definitions are
“crucial in guiding policy-making to assign roles and responsibilities”25, because “the way
a phenomenon is conceptualized is central to the way its regulation is approached”.26
Moreover, the viability and value of institutionalizing international cooperation on
international migration matters generally, and environmental migration particularly,
depend upon how that phenomenon can and should be formulated as a discrete concept in
law and policy.27
Since for this paper it is not the purpose to look at the most suitable terminology - implying
criteria - for a new ‘Climate Refugee’ Treaty in order to protect EDPs, nor does it attempt
to define a typology, the whole detailed review in terminology can be skipped.28 Certainly,
each terminology has pros and cons with different political and analytical effects and is
fascinating to debate and study in their own right.29 Some prospective research and
proposals30 have been formulated, with different degrees of feasibility and realism.31
Actually, in human sciences and law doctrine there are almost as much working definitions
as there are lawyers, policymakers and researchers in different types of research domains.
22 See the different definitions of, for example, D. PERRUCHNOUD (ed.), “Glossary on Migration”, IOM, 2004, p.
41; Encyclopedia Britannica, cited in I.HRISTOSKI and K. SOTIROSK, “Conceptual Data Modelling of Modern Human Migration”, Management Information Systems, Vol. 7, N° 4, 2012, 3-12. 23 L. KOROVAVALA, “Migration as Adaptation”, Nansen Initiative Consultation, Cook Islands, 21-24 May 2013, 2. 24 K.R. KHORY, “Introduction”, in K.R. KHORY (ed.), Global Migration: Challenges in the 21st Century, Basingstoke:
Palgrave McMillian, 2012, 2. 25 SWD(2013)138 final, 14. 26 J. MC ADAM, o.c., 2012,186. 27 J. McDAM,, ”Environmental Migration Governance”, University of New South Wales Faculty of Law Research
Series, Working Paper 1, 2009, 33 p. 28 Moreover, the debate around such treaty would be global (and not inter-regional). In addition, if the treaty
becomes the main focus, attention may shift from the more immediate, alternative, and additional responses that may enable people to remain in their homes for as long as possible (which is the predominant wish among affected communities), or to move safely within their own countries, or to migrate in a planned manner over time. Interviews with several African Delegates from Burkina Faso, Mali and Guinée Conakry,Warsaw, November 2013. 29 See, inter alia, B. DOCHERTY and T. GIANNINI, "Confronting a Rising Tide: A Proposal for a Convention on
Climate Change Refugees", Harvard Environmental Law Review 33, 2009, 349-403. 30 See for example : D.C. BATES, o.c., 2002, 465-477; BOANO, C., “FMO Research Guide on Climate change and
displacement”, 2008, 48 p.; International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD), “Climate refugees. Legal and policy responses to environmentally induced migration”, Study commissioned by the European Parliament, Directorate General for internal policies, Policy Department C: Citizens' rights and constitutional affairs, civil liberties, justice and home affairs, Brussels, 2011, 90 p. 31 B. DOCHERTY and T. GIANNINI, o.c., 2009, 349-403.
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Also international organisations (IO), civil society organisations (CSO) and media use the
term that is the most appropriate to their particular agenda.32
In migration theory the decision to emigrate is described as a continuum: ranging from
persons with absolute no control over their relocation (forced migration) to persons with
total control (voluntary migration).33 As RENAUD et al provide a full discussion of this
continuum, they argue that clarification of the role of environmental conditions and change
within migration decisions is essential for informed policy and programmatic response.34
An overview thereof will be discussed in the next section.
Due to the fact that the term ‘environmental refugee’35 has been challenged both in the
academic36 and political debate37, this paper uses the terms ‘environmentally induced
migration’ (EM) and ‘environmental migrants’ (EMs) on the one hand, and ‘environmentally
induced displacement’ and ‘environmentally induced displaced persons’ (EDPs) on the
other hand.38
It is important to know that this is also the official terminology used by the EU,39 and that
this terminology should not be seen as definitive.40
The impacts of climate change need to be the main reason but also the direct cause for
displacement. Thus, pure economic migrants and displacement triggered by conflicts
(which might be caused inter alia by climate change-induced environmental degradation
or disaster) will not be covered. Apart from the complex and difficult relationship of
different factors leading to armed conflicts, persons fleeing violent conflicts are already
32 V. KOLMANNSKOG, “Future floods of refugees. A comment on climate change, conflict and forced migration”,
Norwegian Refugee Council, April 2008, 10; See also in this sense: SWD (2013) final 138, 14. 33 D.C. BATES, “Environmental Refugees? Classifying Human Migrations caused by Environmental Change,
Population and Environment”, Vol. 23, N° 5, 2002, 467. 34 F.G. RENAUD et al.. “Decision Framework for Enivronmentally Induced Migration.” International Migration. Vol.
49, 2011, 5-28. 35 The concept “environmental refugees” emerged in the 1970s in parallel with environmental crises, particularly
desertification in Africa. See: C. FARBOTKO and H. LAZRUS, “The first climate refugees? Contesting global narratives of climate change in Tuvalu”,Global Environmental Change, 22 (2), 2012, 382-390. 36 See, for example, R. BLACK, "Environmental refugees: Myth or reality?", New Issues in Refugee Research,
Working paper 34, Geneva, UNHCR, 2001,19 p. 37 For instance, the EU has been convinced by influential institutions like the UNHCR and the IOM, arguing against
this term and against the amendment of the 1951 Convention may undermine the international legal protections for refugees and present a potentially misleading link between climate change and migration. See: B. GLAHN, “Climate Refugees? Addressing the International Legal Gaps”, International Law Bar News, Vol. 63, Issue 3, 2009, 18. Furthermore, some of the ‘Disappearing States’, such as Tuvalu and Kiribati, have showed resistance to the ‘climate refugee’ concept. 38 See the lexicon for the working definitions of these terms. 39 Our definition (see the lexicon) is the same definition as advanced by a study commissioned by the European
Parliament (ICMPD, 2011) as well as the latest Commission Staff Working Document on the topic: SWD(2013) 138 final, 15, also referring to F. RENAUD et al., “A Decision Framework for Environmentally Induced Migration”, International Migration, Vol. 49, 2011, 5-29. Also see F.RENAUD et al., “Control, Adapt or Flee: How to Face Environmental Migration?”, UNU-EHS InterSections No. 5, 2007. 40 SWD (2103) final 138, 15; ICMPD, o.c., 31. This also applies at least partially to the definition of a refugee as
defined in the Geneva Convention of 1951 as different and subtle forms of persecution exist. For a detailed discussion of the term ‘refugee’, see R. ZETTER, “More Labels, fewer Refugees: Making and Remaking the Refugee Label in an Era of Globalisation”, Journal of Refugee Studies, Vol.20 , Issue 2, 2007, 172-192.
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sufficiently protected under international law (i.e. international refugee law,
complementary forms of protection, temporary protection, 1998 Guiding Principles on
Internal Displacement).41
4. What does and will environmental migration look like?
The IPCC stated as early as 1990 that “the gravest effects of climate change may be
those on human migration.”42
4.1. Scale
Climate change has already a significant impact on population movements and contributes
to migration43 and displacement44, not least in Africa.45 In accordance with the estimates
of UN Environment Program, by 2060 there could be fifty million ‘environmental refugees’
in Africa alone.46 These (forced) migrations are mostly internal, at least in the initial
phase.47
Dire global evaluations already existed in the 1990s. Although precise numbers of those
likely to be displaced as a result of global warming are impossible to ascertain, the figure
ranges from 50 million48 to “billions having to move”, but is usually estimated to be around
200 million people by 2050.49 On our planet, more people are displaced annually by natural
41 UNHCR, “Climate change, natural disasters and human displacement: a UNHCR perspective”, 2008, 8. 42 IPCC, “First Assessment Report 1990”, Working Group II, 20. 43 Around fifty million people or more could now be called “Environmental migrants”. But see F. GEMENNE, “Why
the Numbers don’t Add up: A review of Estimates and Predictions of People Displaced by Environmental Changes”, Global Environmental Change, N° 21, 2011, 41-49. 44 In 2012, 32.4 million people were newly displaced in 82 countries by disasters associated with natural hazards.
T. MORRIS (ed.), “Global estimates 2012. People Displaced by disasters”, Internal-Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) and Norwegian refugee Council (NRC), May 2013, 6; K. WARNER and C. EHRHART, “In Search of Shelter, Mapping the Effects of Climate Change on Human Migration and Displacement”, Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere, Inc (CARE), 2008, 4. 45 W. KÄLIN, “The Climate Change–Displacement Nexus”, Speech at ECOSOC Panel on Disaster Risk Reduction
and Preparedness: Addressing the Humanitarian Consequences of Natural Disasters 16 July, 2008; A. WILLIAMS, “Turning the Tide: Recognizing Climate Change Refugees in International Law”, Law and Policy 30:4, 2008, 522; see also: World Bank, “Infographic: What Climate Change Means for Africa and Asia”, 2013. 46 C. BOANO, R. ZETTER and T. MORRIS, “Environmentally displaced people, Understanding the linkages between
environmental change, livelihoods and forced migration”, Refugee Studies Centre, University of Oxford, November 2008, 12. 47 F. RENAUD et al., O.c., 2007, 17. 48 N. MYERS and A. KENT, An environmental exodus. An emergent crisis in the global arena, Climate institute,
1995,3. 49 This is a widely cited number by British environmentalist Norman MYERS, which has become the accepted
figure; see, for instance N. MYERS, “Environmental Refugees: An Emergent Security Issue”, 13th Economic Forum, Prague, May 2005, 5 p.; Another frequently quoted prevision -which claims to be an update of Myer's forecast- is that of the non-governmental organisation Christian Aid, which expects 250 million climate refugees
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disasters than by conflict.50 This is twenty times more than the number of people who are
currently protected by UNHCR.51 Every year more than three hundred thousand people die
due to the impacts of climate change.52
However, while a number of publications in the area of climate change displacement have
acknowledged that migration is likely to occur as a consequence of climate change,
predicting with any accuracy how climate change will impact on population distribution and
movement is difficult. In effect, it has become one of the most contentious issues in the
debates on environmental migration.53 This is because to date, there is neither a
scientifically-agreed methodology to determine the number of displaced people due to
climate change, nor an agreed definition for such migration.54
Also, predictions have been highly instrumental in the ever-increasing attention given to
environmental migration in the media.55
Moreover, none of these estimates of migration associated with global warming gives any
consideration to adaptation mechanisms.56
Furthermore, there has been no agreement on how environmental factors impact
migration, forced migration and displacement and how much weight should be given to it
as opposed to other drivers of migration.57 Hence, according to the vast majority, migration
linked to environmental change needs to be located in the context of the broader range of
factors that drive migration.58
out of a total of one billion environmental refugees between 2007 and 2050. See, for instance, Christian Aid, “Human Tide : The Real Migration Crisis”, May 2007, 5. 50 N. MYERS, “Environmental refugees: a growing phenomenon of the 21st century”, Philosophical Transactions
of the Royal Society of London Series B-Biological Sciences, 2002, 609. 51 F. BIERMANN and I. BOAS, “Climate Change and Human Migration: Towards a Global Governance System to
Protect Climate Refugees” in J. SCHEFFRAN, et al. (eds.), Climate Change, Human Security and Violent Conflict, Berlin, Springer-Verlag, 2012, 293. 52 Human Impact Report of Climate Change, The Anatomy of a silent Crisis, Global Humanitarian Forum, Geneva,
2009, 11. 53 See, for instance, D. KNIVETON et al., “Climate Change and Migration: Improving Methodologies to Estimate
Flows”, International Organisation for Migration Research Series 33, 2008, 72 p. ; V. KOLMANNSKOG, "Future floods of refugees. A comment on climate change, conflict and forced migration", Norwegian Refugee Council, 2008, 43 p.; E. PIGUET, "Climate change and forced migration", New Issues in Refugee Research, research paper No. 153, Geneva, UNHCR, January 2008, 18 p. 54European Parliament, Parliamentary Questions to the Commission, Answer given by Mrs. Malström on behalf of
the Commission, 24 August 2012. 55 F. GEMENNE, “Why the Numbers don’t Add up: A review of Estimates and Predictions of People Displaced by
Environmental Changes”, Global Environmental Change, N° 21, 2011, 41-49. 56 L. HEINZERLING, “Climate change, Human health and the post-cautionary principle”, Georgetown Law Journal,
Vol. 96, N°2, 453. 57 See e.g. the outcomes of the EC-financed project of multi-country comparative research and different kinds of
human mobility worldwide. J. JÄGER, et al., Environmental Change and Forced Migration Scenarios Project (EACH-FOR), Synthesis Report, 14 May 2009, 81 p. 58 FORESIGHT, Migration and Global Environmental Change, Final Project Report, London, The Government Office
for Science, 2011, 123.
14
One can thus observe a divide in the literature between two - at first sight - contrary
schools, namely the maximalistic school (or alarmist59) and the minimalistic (or the
skeptic60) school, joining this latter position.61
4.2. Causes62 and consequences of environmentally induced migration in
Africa63
This future climate change is expected, according to the Fourth IPCC report64, to severely
affect people’s livelihoods worldwide through four pathways65:
1) Longer term drying trends, such as warming and intensified droughts and
desertification66, making access to water resources more difficult, and undermining
human health, agricultural livelihoods and reduced food security;67
59 The alarmists see the environment as a principal cause of population movements, emphasize the forced nature
of the migration (using the term “refugee”), and often project that hundreds of millions of persons will be affected, often without differentiating between those who will move short distances to safer ground and those who may move thousands of miles to new countries . For a critique, see: O. BROWN, "Climate change and forced migration: observations, projections and implications", UNDP, Human Development Report 2007/2008, Occasional Paper: Fighting climate change: human solidarity in a divided world, UNDP, Geneva, 2008, 35 p. And more recently, S. MARTIN, o.c., 2010, 5. 60 It approaches migration as a consequence of a multitude of complex factors, climate change being one of
those. Since one cannot isolate climate change as one independent cause, 'minimalistic scholars' urged caution in relation to estimating the scale and extremity of the movements. See, for instance, D. KNIVETON et al, “Climate Change and Migration: Improving Methodologies to Estimate Flows”, International Organisation for Migration Research Series 33, 2008, 72 p.; V. KOLMANNSKOG, "Future floods of refugees. A comment on climate change, conflict and forced migration", Norwegian Refugee Council, 2008, 43 p; E. PIGUET, o.c., 2008. 61See J. MORRISSEY, Environmental Change and Forced Migration: A State of the Art Review, Oxford, Refugee
Studies Centre, 2009, 49 p. 62 An increasing number of authors have started to study the causes since the first decade of the 2000s. For
example: C. BOANO, R. ZETTER and T. MORRIS, "Environmentally displaced people. Understanding the linkages between environmental change, livelihoods and forced migration", Oxford, Refugee Studies Centre, 2008, 44 p. 63 REUVENY discusses 38 cases of environmental migration events in recent years. Of these 15 occurred in Africa,
involving more than 20 million people. R. REUVENY, “Climate Change-induced Migration and Violent Conflict”, Political Geography, N° 26, 2007, 656-673. 64 IPCC, “Climate Change 2007: Synthesis Report”, 2007. 65 See for extended explanations: E. PIGUET, “Climate change and forced migration”, New Issues in Refugee
Research, Research Paper N° 153, January 2008, 5-7. 66 See the lexicon for the definition, based on: United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification in Countries
Experiencing Serious Drought and/or Desertification, Particularly in Africa, art. 1(a), 1994, U.N. Doc. A/AC.241/27. 67 See, for an illustrative case-study: A. D. SIYOUM, “Food Insecurity and Environmental Migration in Drought-
Prone Areas of Ethiopia” in M. LEIGHTON, S. XIAOMENG and K. WARNER (eds.), Climate Change and Migration: Rethinking Policies for Adaptation and Disaster Risk Reduction, UNU-EHS, 62-73.
15
2) Rising sea levels68 making coastal areas and deltas uninhabitable, for besides the
floods, it results in sea-water intrusion into freshwater deltas and coastal
groundwater reservoirs;69
3) Intensification of natural disasters (more intense and frequent storms, like
hurricanes, torrential rains and floods)70, that threaten the health and physical
safety of affected populations; and
4) Increased pressure and competition caused by immigrants over natural, scarce
resources71 that may lead to conflict.72 This will be even more likely especially
where other mediating factors are at play in the same region, including social
tensions, extreme poverty and weak governance.73
As mentioned earlier, a major distinction can be made between rapid-onset climate events
describing extreme weather events, slow-onset74 climate events comprising drought,
desertification and land degradation75 and sea-level rise.76
68 For every centimeter of sea-level rise, one million people have to move. An increase in sea level is irreversible
and manifests itself over a long period of time. The projected sea level rise makes populations living at an altitude of less than 1 metre directly vulnerable, see B. SAUL and J. MCADAM, “An Insecure Climate for Human Security? Climate-Induced Displacement and International Law”, Sydney Centre for International Law, Working Paper 4, 16; S. DASGUPTA, et al., “The Impact of Sea Level Rise on Developing Countries: A Comparative Analysis”, World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 4136, World Bank, 2007, 51 p.; G. McGRANAHAN, et al., "The rising tide: assessing the risks of climate change and human settlements in low elevation coastal zones”, Environment and Urbanization, 19(1), 2007, 17; Paleo Sea Level Working Group, “The sea-level Conondrum: case-studies from palaeo-archives”, Journal of Quaternery Science 25, N°1, 2010, 19-25, 7 p. (A constantly rising sea-level scenario is being challenged by this study). 69 For example, a sea level rise (from melting polar icecaps) of just one meter in the Nile Delta of Egypt may
gradually, yet inexorably, displace up to six million people and flood 4,500 square km of farmland. O. BROWN, o.c., 2008, 8. 70 The impact of hurricanes and floods in population displacement is among the easiest to identify, as they manifest themselves in a brutal and direct manner. 71 For example, food and water shortages, housing problems,I. SALEHYAN, “From climate change to conflict? No
consensus yet”, Journal of Peace research, N° 45, 2008, 315. 72
S.F. MARTIN, “ Managing environmentally induced migration”, In F. LACZKO and C. AGHAZARM (eds.),
Migration, environment and climate change: Assessing the evidence,Geneva, IOM, 353–384; N. GLEDITSCH, et al., “Climate Change and Conflict: the Migration Link”, Coping with Crisis: Working Paper Series, New York, International Peace Academy, 2007, 20 p. 73 D. KNIVETON, et al., “Migration and climate change: towards an integrated assessment of sensitivity”,
Environment and Planning, 2011; 43(2):431–450; Contra or at least strongly relativising: TERTRAIS, B., “The Climate Wars Myth”, The Washington Quarterly, 34 (3),2011, 17-29. 74
A slow-onset emergency is defined as one that does not emerge from a single, distinct event but one that
emerges gradually over time, often based on a confluence of different events. OCHA, “OCHA and Slow-onset Emergencies”, OCHA Occasional Policy Briefing Series, N°6, 2011, 3. 75 As has been extensively documented degradation is progressively increasing and not least in Africa, see: M.
LEIGHTON, “Drought, desertification and migration: past experiences, predicted impacts and human rights issues” in: E. PIGUET, A. PECOUD and P. DE GUCHTENEIRE (eds.), Migration and Climate change, UNESCO, 2011, 331-358. 76 ICMPD, o.c., 2011, 20-22.
16
The first two scenarios are probable to cause slow-onset migration, in which people search
for new homes and livelihoods in diverse directions and over a lengthy period of time as
conditions in their home communities worsen. In some cases alternative livelihoods are
not possible or impacted areas cease to fulfil its function, e.g. in the case of severe
desertification or sinking below sea-level.77 In such cases migration can be characterized
as forced movement. The largest group of EDPs are individuals affected by the gradual
environmental degradation due to climate change and the loss of biodiversity.78
The third and fourth scenarios are likely to create conditions that cause large-scale
displacement, often in emergency situations.79 While in the latter case the international
community may not have sufficient time to take precautionary measures to protect the
affected population, in the former situation, with proper planning, displacement – thus
becoming (forced) migration - can be integrated into adaptation strategies.80
Protection of human rights is imperative in both situations. However, the legal situation
that arises in relation to gradual consequences associated with climate change is much
more complex.
4.2.1. Many drivers, few options
When people or faced with severe environmental degradation, they have roughly one of
three options:
1) Stay and adapt to mitigate the effects;
2) Stay, do nothing and accept a lower quality of life; or
3) Leave the affected area.81
If no effort is made to protect the groups of people at risk, then they have no alternative
but to migrate,82 since they will not be able to gain access to alternative livelihoods within
77 K. WARNER, “Assessing Institutional and Governance Needs Related to Environmental Change and Human
Migration”, Study Team on Climate-Induced Migration, German Marshall Fund of the United States, June 2010, 4. 78 A. WILLIAMS, “Turning the tide: Recognizing Climate Refugees in International Law”, Law & Policy, Vol. 30,
N°4, 504-506. 79 S.F. MARTIN, Environmental Change and Migration: what we know”, Migration Policy Institute Policy Brief, N°2,
Washington D.C., September 2013, 3. 80 S. ATAPATTU, “Climate Change, Human Rights and Forced Migration: Implications for International Law”, 27
Wis. International Law Journal, 2009, 614. 81 K. WARNER, M. HAMZA, A. OLIVER-SMITH, F. RENAUD, A. JULCA, “Climate Change, Environmental degradation
and migration, Nat Hazards, 55, 2009, 689-715, 690. 82P. ĎURKOVÁ, A. GROMILOVA, B. KISS, M. PLAKU, “Climate refugees in the 21st century”, Regional Academy
on the United Nations, 2012, 4.
17
a reasonable timeframe.83 In general, people prefer to stay - migration is often the last
resort,84 but at early and intermediate stages of environmental degradation, migratory
responses are often temporary in nature and serve as an adaptation strategy to
environmental change. “Eating the dry season”85 by sending a family member to the
nearest city is a widespread strategy to adapt to harsh environmental conditions. The
matrix of factors that impact upon a decision to migrate are complex and contingent,86 in
the sense that “migration becomes a learnt behaviour within a population, developing
emergent properties as a result.”87
At advanced stages of environmental degradation, when livelihoods can no longer be
sustained, communities often resort to permanent migration to less affected areas or to
urban and semi-rural centres.88
An important insight is that the basic role played by socioeconomic inequalities in driving
migration from rural to urban areas has not been properly factored in: much of this
movement is toward and not away from environmental risk and is particularly associated
with growing cities in coastal low-elevation zones, for instance in parts of Africa.89 New
arrivals to urban areas are frequently poor, ill-serviced and often do not have secure land
rights, use substandard materials for housing, and may have no choice but to build in the
most precarious locations. In the absence of affordable, decent housing, migrants may
resort to unregulated construction, as well as unsustainable and unsanitary livelihood
practices leading to serious public health risks, increased risk of violence against women,
deforestation, soil erosion and pollution.90
83 S.F. MARTIN, O.c., 2013, 4. 84 L. KOROVAVALA, “Migration as Adaptation”, Nansen Initiative Consultation, IOM, Cook Islands, 21-24 May
2013, 3. 85 “Eating the dry season” is an expression used in the Sahel to describe the temporary migration of young adults
during dry periods from their rural communities to urban centres in search for work. See: O. BROWN, “Eating the Dry Season – Labour mobility as a coping strategy for climate change”, IISD Commentary, Winnipeg, Canada, International Institute for Sustainable Development, 2007; and D. RAIN, “Eaters of the Dry Season: Circular Labour Migration in the West African Sahel”, Boulder, Westview Press, 1999. 86 D. KNIVETON et al., o.c., 2008, 9. 87 R. BLACK et al., o.c., 2013, 30. 88 IOM, “Displacement and migration: examples of initiatives to support resilience and adaptation”, UN System Side Event, Geneva, 2010, 4 p.; T. AFIFI, “Economic or Environmental Migration? The Push Factors in Niger”, International Migration Vol. 49, Issue S1, June 2011, 95 -124. 89 African cities will grow rapidly the next 50 years: from 2 million in 2000 to 26-36 million by 2060. FORESIGHT,
o.c.,10; See also D. POTTS, “Whatever happened to Africa’s rapid urbanization?”, Africa Research Institute, 2012, 20 p. 90 J. JÄGER, et al., Environmental Change and Forced Migration Scenarios Project (EACH-FOR), Synthesis Report,
2009, 81 p. The EC SWD (2013) 138 final refers also to this study; F. LACKZKO and C. AGHAZARM (eds.), Migration, environment and climate change: assessing the evidence, Geneva, IOM, 2009, 441 p.
18
Hence, many of those leaving rural areas are likely to settle in cities that may themselves
be under risk of significant environmental change. These challenges are not directly linked
to migration, but rather to development and urbanization.91
The EU has not yet addressed this issue, but it is mentioned in its SWD (2013) that
attention should go to how cities can be assisted in planning for increased migration in
order to meet the needs of all current and future residents. Providing infrastructures and
services (e.g. health, education…) in urban centres will become an even more challenging
issue in the future. The EC stresses in addition that effective urban planning and land use
will be crucial and addressing the social protection needs of migrants in cities will be even
more important.92 In the worst cases, relocation of affected populations either internally
or to a third country may be needed.93
The new wave of empirical research thus that environmental change acts on an already
mobile world.94 Indeed, environmental push factors are not the whole story.95 Socio-
economic, political and cultural factors are also fuelling African emigration, and heavily
influence vulnerability to both direct and indirect impacts of climate change.96
Furthermore, the nature of that relationship remains highly context-specific97 , as it
depends also on understanding “the cognitive processes of the people experiencing the
impact of climate change; the individual, household and community-attitudes to migration
and migration outcomes; and the type of climate stimulus that migration may be
responding to”.98
91 A. GEDDES and W. SOMERVILLE, “Migration and environmental change: Assessing the developing European
approach”, Brussels, Migration Policy Institute Europe, Policy Brief Series, Issue N° 2, 2. 92 SWD(2013) 138 final, 33. 93 IOM, “Disaster Risk Reduction, Climate Change Adaptation, and Environmental Migration: A Policy Perspective”,
2010, 3. Further on will be discussed whether the EU considers relocation as an option. See the lexicon for the definition. 94
R. BLACK et al., “Migration and Climate Change: Toward an Integrated Assessment of Sensitivity” in T. FAIST
and J. SCHADE (eds.), Disentangling Migration and Climate Change, Springer Science, 2013, 29-53; C. TACOLI, “Crisis or adaptation? Migration and Climate Change in a context of high mobility” , Environment and Urbanization 21(2), 513-525; R. BLACK et al., “The effect of environmental change on human migration”, Global Environmental Change, Vol. 21, N°1, 2011, 3-11. 95
The assumption that climate variability leads to migration in a linear way is not any longer supported by
empirical investigation. See: D. KNIVETON et al., “Migration and climate change: towards an integrated assessment of sensitivity”, Environment and Planning, 2011, Vol. 43, N°2, 431–450. This also underlined by a recent study conducted by the ICMPD (2011) for the European Parliament; T. AFIFI, T. and K. WARNER, "The impact of environmental degradation on migration flows across countries", Working Paper 5/2008, United Nations University Institute for Environment and Human Security (UNU-EHS), Bonn, 25 p.Contra: N. MYERS, oc., 1997; F. GEMENNE, “Climate-induced Displacements in 4°C+ world”, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society A 369 (1934), 2011, 182-195. 96 C. TACOLI, “Migration and adaptation to climate change », Sustainable Development Opinion, International
Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), 2007, 1. 97
J. McADAM, J. 2012. Climate Change, Forced Migration and International Law. Oxford: University Press, 312 p. 98 D. KNIVETON et al., O.c., 57.
19
To conclude, experts disagreed on concepts (who’s affected), causality, likely patterns of
movement and over who will provide protection to such a category of people should they
exist99 and sometimes even whether environmental change is responsible.100
What is sure is that the scale and the degree to which people are forced to migrate will be
determined by their vulnerability101 or resilience to these situations, or in other words, the
capability to cope or adapt to them.102
Climate change poses a major threat for African countries due to the climate sensitivity of
their economies, high exposure to climate disasters, and limited capacity to adapt.103 Africa
is often cited as the continent most vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change
and therefore a priority for adaptation funding and projects.104 However, in a context of
uncertain long-term impacts, governments tend to hesitate to engage in policy action.105
Source: FORESIGHT, Migration and Global Environmental Change, London, 2011.
99 F. RENAUD et al., O.c., 2007, 14-15. 100 A. GEDDES and W. SOMERVILLE, “Migration and environmental change: Assessing the developing European
approach”, Brussels, Migration Policy Institute Europe, Policy Brief Series, Issue N° 2, 2. 101 See the lexicon for the definition of vulnerability in this context. 102 R. BLACK et al. , “The effect of environmental change on human migration”, Global Environmental Change,
21 (1), 2011, 3-11; B. MAYER, “Migration as a Sustainable Adaptation Strategy”, Presentation at the second conference of the Initiative on Climate Adaptation Research and Understanding through the Social Sciences: Climate Vulnerability and Adaptation: Marginal Peoples and Environments, Unedited Draft, Ann Arbor, 2011, 4. 103
M. BOKO et al., “Africa. Climate Change 2007: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability” in M.L. PARRY et al.
(eds.), Fourth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge UK, 433-467. Africa consists mostly of people directly involved in agriculture, fishing and herding. 104 M. BOKO et al., ‘Africa. Climate change 2007: impacts, adaptation and vulnerability’, 443. 105 C.A. VLASSOPOULOS, “Institutional Barriers to the Recognition and Assistance of Environmentally Forced
Migrants”, in T. AFIFI and J. JÄGER (eds.), Environment, Forced Migration and Social Vulnerability, Springer-Verlag, Berlin Heidelberg, 2010, 17-27.
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4.2.2. African-EU Migration in perspective
Long a region of emigration Europe has become a region of immigration for many migrants
around the world, especially from Africa. There is indeed a clear colonial fingerprint on
much of the trouble, dependency and hardship that modern Africa experiences, resulting
in migration and ‘refugee-flows’.106 In the nineties, the EU has been increasingly involved
in addressing what was then perceived as the so-called “migration pressure”.107 Around 30
percent of migration to Europe is attributed to Africa,108 with an unkown share of them
being probably EMs.
Despite the fact that environmental migration is often depicted as the movement of
vulnerable persons from the global South to wealthy countries in the North, it must be
understood that most EMs are likely to be internal migrants, and, amongst those who will
need or decide to cross an international border, most are likely to remain to neighbouring
countries.109 In other words, only a small share of (African) EMs will come to the EU.
The harsh reality that “many Africans now see migration as a last hope for improving their
living standards”110 should be put into perspective.
First, in many African countries, market oriented reforms have boosted the competiveness
of the national economy, but have failed to create sufficient jobs to absorb the growing
number of people in the deteriorated labour market. As a consequence, many young people
face either long-term unemployment or under-employment.111
Second, Africa’s migration is to considerable extent “a result of bad laws and policies,
unscrupulous employers and corrupt officials.”112 Although the overall democratic prospect
of Africa has improved in recent years, the social and political landscape of the continent
106 A. SIMMS, Ecological Debt. The Health of the Planet and the Health of Nations, London, Pluto Press, 2005,
145-146. 107 In its 1994 Communication, the Commission explains that: “Migration pressure relates to all actual and potential migratory movements directed towards Europe. (…) the root causes need to be addressed take a variety of forms. Economic disparities will generally represent the most significant pressure. Other pressures derive from demographic and environmental factors. In other cases the pressures relates to the human rights of political situation in the country of origin...” Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament on Immigration and Asylum Policies, COM (94)23 Final, adopted on 23.02.1994, 13, pt. 47. 108 Eurostat, “The European Union and the African Union: A Statistical Portrait”, European Union, 2012, 100 p. 109 For review of literature on frequent destinations of environmental migrants, see A.M. FINDLAY, “Migrant
Destinations in an Era of Environmental Change”, Global Environmental Change 21, 2011, 50-58. Destination areas of geographical proximity often face some of the same environmental challenges as the areas of origin. 110 A. ADEPOJU, “Migration in sub-Saharan Africa”, A background paper commissioned by the Nordic Africa
Institute, 2007 , 6. 111 P. BOSCH and E. HADDAD, “Migration and Asylum: An Integral Part of the EU’s External Policies,” Forum
Natolinskie, Vol. 3, N°11, 2007, 4. 112 I. KHAN, The Unheard Truth: Poverty and Human Rights, WW Norton and Co, 2009, 74. Even though she talks
about India, this is mutatis mutandis applicable to African countries, especially to so-called ‘failed states’ and ‘fragile states’.
21
still remains highly volatile and fragile with many countries experiencing “unconsolidated
hybrid regimes” characterized by a mix of democratic and undemocratic features and
dominated by a low level equilibrium between the demand for democracy and the supply
for democracy.113 This type of regime has a greater propensity toward political instability
and military conflict114 as a result of increasing vulnerability to poverty and social
deprivation, coupled with weak state institutions that are inadequate in managing
competition over diminishing resources due to global warming.115 The conflict in Darfur,
for example, has been recognized as stemming from an ecological crisis in the region,
which, at least in part, was caused by climate change.116
Third, lower costs of migration, improved communication, greater information availability
and the need to join relatives, families and friends are among the factors which compound
with push-pull factors.117
Last but not least, the patterns of migration also depend on the level of education, the
existence of social networks118 and access to transport. Marginalized groups are more likely
affected by climate change, in particular if local institutions are unable to mediate growing
competition for resources.119 In Mali, for example, the drought contributed to a reduction
of cross-border movements because families no longer had sufficient resources to pay for
travel to other countries.120 Hence, environmental change is equally likely to prevent
migration as it is to cause migration.121 In other words, environmental changes may erode
social and human capital, physical and financial resources and thus leave people “trapped”
when migration may be the best strategy for increasing their life chances.122
113 M. BRATTON and R. MATTES, “Neither Consolidating Nor Fully Democratic: The Evolution of African Political
Regimes, 1999-2008”, Afrobarometer Briefing Paper, N°67, 2009. 114 The small democratic gains can be easily reversed by the cycle of conflict as vividly illustrated in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, Ivory Coast, Kenya and Mali, just to name a few. See: W. NAUDÉ, “Conflict, Disasters and No Jobs. Reasons for International Migration from Sub-Saharan Africa”, Helsinki: UNU-WIDER, 25 p. 115 German Advisory Council on Global Change, “World in Transition: Climate Change as a Security Risk –
Summary for Policy Makers”, 2007, 1. 116 X., “A Climate of Conflict: the links between climate change, peace and war”, International Alert (website),
2007, http://www.international-alert.org/sites/default/files/publications/A_climate_of_conflict.pdf, 12. 117 AU Executive Council, The Migration Policy Framework for Africa, June 29, 2006, EX. CL/276 (IX), 2. 118 In a case study, COLLYER showed that even highly marginalized migrants in the EU were able to develop
transnational social organizations. M. COLLYER, “Migrants as strategic actors in the European Union's Global Approach to Migration and Mobility”, Global Networks, Vol. 12, Issue 4, 2012, 50-524. 119 C. TACOLI, o.c., 2009, 5. 120 E. PIGUET, “Climate change and forced migration”, New Issues in Refugee Research, research paper No. 153,
UNHCR, Geneva, January 2008, 7, referring to T. HAMMER, “Desertification and Migration”, in J. D. UNRUH, M. S. KROL, and N. KLIOT (eds.), Environmental Change and Its Implications for Population Migration, Kluwer, Dordrecht 2004. 121 FORESIGHT, o.c., 12. 122 FORESIGHT, o.c., 9.
22
4.3. The case for Migration
Of thirty ways to escape danger, running away is the best. (Old Chinese Proverb)123
4.3.1. Migration has always existed as an adaptation strategy
Migration – both internal and cross-border – is one of the oldest strategies for dealing with
a degradation of environmental conditions.124 Given the historical125 links, human ties, and
geographic proximity between Africa and Europe - and against the backdrop of the push-
pull factors discussed above - Europe will remain, mutatis mutandis, and for the
foreseeable future, a natural outlet for millions of Africans, especially the youth seeking a
“better”126 future.127 This is the reality the European and African policymakers must cope
with. That it comprises both opportunities and challenges for receiving and sending
countries, is acknowledged by the EC128.
Some governments have turned their attention to planned migration options, since experts
observed that international planned migration can provide several advantages.129
4.3.2. Migration as an adaptation strategy
Migration exists along a double continuum: from forced to voluntary, and from being an
element of humanitarian responses to part of sustainable development.130 Several authors
argue indeed that migration should potentially be recognized as part of a poverty reduction
and a sustainable adaptation strategy in the context of growing environmental stress: the
123 With these words pioneer EL HINNAWI begins his 1985 monograph on the topic of environmental refugees. 124 Ironically it dates back from the migration of Homo sapiens from Africa about 100,000 years ago.
Acknowledging this evidence: Council of Europe, Parliamentary Assembly, Resolution 1655, “Environmentally induced migration and displacement: a 21st-century challenge”, 30 January 2009; see also Council of Europe, Recommendation 1862, 30 January 2009. 125 For a comprehensive overview of the evolving relationship between Africa and the EU, see: M. CARBONE, “EU-
Africa relations in the twenty-first century: evolution and explanations”, in M. CARBONE (ed.), The European Union in Africa: incoherent policies, asymmetrical partnership, declining relevance?, Manchester University Press, 2013, 3-21. 126 Indeed, everything is relative… 127 J. MANGALA, “Africa-EU Partnership on Migration, Mobility and Employment”, in J. MANGALA (ed.), Africa and
the European: a strategic Partnership, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, 198. 128 SWD (2013) final 138, 25; COM(2013) 292 final , 4. 129 A. JULCA, “Multidimensional Re-creation of Vulnerabilities and Potential for Resilience in International
Migration”, International Migration, Vol. 49, N° 30, 2011, 34. 130 F. LACKZKO and C. AGHAZARM (eds.), o.c., 2009; C. TACOLI, “Migration and adaptation to climate change”,
Sustainable Development Opinion, Institut international pour l’environnement et le développement (IIED), 1.
23
costs and advantages of adaptation through migration should be compared with those of
other adaptation options.131
The year 2050 is a common marker for narratives on mass displacement.132 While
considerable adaptation measures (building dykes, combating desertification,…) are
feasible over such an extended timeframe, there is a “risk undermining the case for
investment and adaptation measures in vulnerable coastal regions to deal with very real
existing vulnerabilities.”133
Unlike political asylum, slow-onset environmental degradation migration can be foreseen
and planned well in advance, without waiting before it is too late when the worst has
occurred. As BIERMANN and BOAS argue, a “planned and voluntary resettlement and
reintegration of affected populations over periods of many years and decades” should be
preferred to “mere emergency response and disaster relief.”134 It can offer a relatively safe
mechanism for enabling people to move away from the dire effects of climate change
without artificially treating them as being in need of international ‘protection’ (from a
persecutory or abusive State) in a traditional sense of refugee or human rights law.
Managed migration pathways are also better suited to respond to slow-onset climate
change impacts, which are unlikely to trigger existing (or future) temporary protection
mechanisms designed for sudden disasters.135
Reduced options for migration may cut off important forms of income support, such as
remittances, and in the long run may make it unsustainable for households and
communities to remain in situ, ultimately leading to a much larger migration at a later
point, potentially in an unplanned and vulnerable way.136
Considering climate migration as a failure of adaptation reflects the idea that migration is
a wrong on its own, and, therefore, should be prevented, as shown in the policies of
hostility to migration that many Western states currently implement. The wrong is not
migration, but unmanaged migration, resulting in development of slums, human trafficking
and “fourth world.”137
131 B. MAYER, o.c., 2011, 1; See also: R. McLEMAN and B. SMIT, “Migration as an adaptation to climate change”
, Climate Change, Vol. 76, N° 31, 2006; R. BLACK et al., “Migration as Adaptation”, Nature, Vol. 478, 2011, 447-449. 132 J. McADAM, o.c., 2012, 183. 133 IOM, “Assessing the Evidence: Environment, Climate Change and Migration in Bangladesh”, 2010, 18. The
same applies for several low-lying coastal zones in Africa. 134 F. BIERMANN and I. BOAS, “Protecting Climate Refugees: The Case for a Global Protocol”, Environment,
Vol.50, Issue 8, 2008, 12. (Remarking the link with the precautionary and prevention principles of environmental law). 135 See: J. McADAM, o.c., 2012, 201-211. 136 FORESIGHT, o.c.,14. Also recognized by the EC in SWD (2013) final, 32-33. 137 B. MAYER, “Migration as a Sustainable Adaptation Strategy”, o.c., 2011, 6. See also in this sense: IOM,
“Disaster Risk Reduction, Climate Change Adaptation, and Environmental Migration: A Policy Perspective”, 2010, 20 p.
24
Below is a matrix of four possible forms of climate migration that are discussed by MAYER,
that we allow us to reproduce here.138
Degree of political
coordination/ Expected
length
Individual Communities
Temporary Circular Migration Temporary Displacement
Definitive Individual assimilation abroad Permanent Resettlement
In sum, conceived as adaptation, migration is not forced, but voluntary; it is not reactive,
but preventive; it is not precipitated, but anticipated; it is not “inflicted” on public
authorities, but decided and organized by them or, at least, with them, with the aim of
reaching a mutually beneficial program. This may even be the only realistic strategy under
certain circumstances.139
4.3.3. Some negative consequences
As for the negative aspects, migration can among others lead to social issues (due to
integration difficulties) in the host society, disrupt family ties (often for indeterminate
periods), lead to brain drain (exacerbated when others follow) and a loss of possible
community leaders, and result in remittance dependency.140 Though, with a well thought-
out and balanced migration policy these issues can possibly be overcome.
138 B. MAYER, “Migration as a Sustainable Adaptation Strategy”, o.c., 2011 8. 139 B. MAYER, “Migration as a Sustainable Adaptation Strategy”, o.c., 2011, 6. 140 A. JULCA, “Multidimensional Re-creation of Vulnerabilities and Potential for Resilience in International
Migration”, International Migration, Vol. 49, N° 30, 34, 2011, 34; See also: O. BAKEWELL, “Which Diaspora for Whose Development? Some Critical Questions about the Role of Africa Diaspora Organizations as Development Actors”. DIIS Policy Brief, May 2009, 28 p.; J. BURGESS and S. GUTWIRTH, A threat against Europe? Security, Migration and Integration, VUB Press, IES Publication Series, 2011, 224 p.; These negative aspects were also stressed by most African officials in the interviews, thus arguing for “careful and limited planned international migration, for example for study programmes”. (Delegate of the African Group to the climate negotiations, Warsaw, November 2013). Several EU documents and joint EU-Africa partnerships address these issues, as mentioned further in deeper detail.
25
4.4. A Human rights Approach to environmental migration
Some may argue that it is important to focus squarely on climate change in the context of
human movement, otherwise missing an opportunity to leverage funding and assistance,
given its ethical141 and political142 authority.143 As we deal with a novel situation, and with
the advent of the epoch known as the 'Anthropocene' (and thus leaving the Holocene), the
Earth is no longer in the background, but very much in the foreground, in constant rivalry
with human intentionality.144 As the Earth (or ‘Gaïa’) is fighting back, on (meta-) juridical
and ethical grounds human rights and migration may not suffice and might even appear
as a far dream in a near catastrophic future.145 Some authors argue indeed for more
fundamental, ‘cosmopolitical’ legal considerations in the climate debate.146
Yet as for the current situation, we follow McADAM’s reasoning that the most effective
responses will consider climate-change related movement “within a broader human rights
matrix”.147 The most can be made of migration by ensuring that those who move are
accorded the same rights as people in the host community.148 Where migration can
significantly increase community’s capacity to adapt to climate change, studies show that
this is likely to be the case “only where there is a significant degree of autonomy and choice
in mobility decisions”.149 Notwithstanding the evidence that the complexity of climate
change-related movement necessitates a nuanced understanding, a human rights
approach offers indeed “a more sober, and ultimately justifiable, approach”.150
141
P. PENZ, “International Ethical Responsibilities to “Climate Refugees””, in J. Mc Adam (ed.), Climate Change
and Displacement : Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 2010. 142 E. NEUMAYER, “The environment: one more reason to keep immigrants out?”, Ecological economics, Vol. 59,
N°2, 2006, 204-207. 143 The European Greens insist on the fact that, even though they chose to use the term "climate refugee", one
should not ignore the underlying debate about the multi-dimensional nature of migration. THE GREENS, “Climate Change, Refugees and Migration”, position paper, May 2013, 4. 144 S. GUTWIRTH, “Bouleversement Climatique: Penser ce qui vient avec Bruno Latour”, Revue Juridique de
l’Environnement, 1/2014, 45-50 (to be published); B. LATOUR, “War and peace in an age of ecological conflicts”, Sciences Po, Paris Lecture prepared for the Peter Wall Institute Vancouver, 23rd of September 2013. 145 See, for example, Lovelock’s ‘maps of liveability’ in J. LOVELOCK, The revenge of Gaia, Cambridge, Basic
Books, 2006, 81, which provide food for thought concerning the growing population versus the shrinking liveable spaces on planet Earth... 146 Among others: S. GUTWIRTH, 2004, referring to the many books of J. LOVELOCK on the concept of Gaïa; I.
PRIGOGINE and I. STENGERS, 1986; M. SERRES, 2000.; B. LATOUR; H. JONAS, 1985. 147 J. Mc ADAM, o.c., 2012, 38. 148 A. JULCA, “Multidimensional Re-creation of Vulnerabilities and Potential for Resilience in International
Migration”, International Migration, Vol. 49, N° 30, 34, 2011, 34. 149 See, for example, J. BARNETT and M. WEBBER, “Accommodating Migration to Promote Adaptation to Climate
Change”, Commission on Climate Change and Development, 2009, 2. 150 J. Mc ADAM, o.c., 2012, 38.
26
Considering primarily the notion of justice to the climate change induced migrants151 and
article 13 of the 1948 Declaration of Human Rights152, the international community (and
especially the UN) and receiving states must ensure protection to people who are forced
to cross international borders. They are entitled to protection of their human dignity by
human rights guarantees,153 since forced migration itself is a violation of the right not to
be displaced.
The UN Human Rights Council confirmed that - both directly and indirectly - the effects of
climate change may undermine the enjoyment of several human rights, including: the right
to life154, right to adequate food155, the right to water156, the right to health157, and the
right to adequate housing,158 culture, and a healthy environment (to the extent the latter
two rights are recognized under international law).159
According to the EC, “respect for the rights of migrants and refugees, is a key component
of EU policies”.160
In the context of the EU’s legal obligations towards EMs and EDPs we discuss firstly the
difference between ‘legal’ and ‘illegal’ migration, then followed by the existing legal
protection for African EDPs. Thereafter we will assess the EU’s answers to the gaps, its
migration options provided for African EMs at European level and discuss whether they are
sufficient for a humane (environmental) migration policy.161
151 See, for an analysis of the notion: D. SCHLOSBERG, “Reconceiving Environmental Justice: Global Movements
And Political Theories”, Environmental Politics, N°13, 2004, 517-540 ; More recently: P. PENZ, P., “International Ethical Responsibilities to “Climate Refugees””, in J. Mc Adam (ed.), Climate Change and Displacement : Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 2010. 152 Article 13 states : “1. Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state. 2. Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.” 153 M. LEIGHTON, “Climate Change and Migration: Key Issues for Legal Protection of Migrants and Displaced
Persons”, Washington, The German Marshall Fund of the United States, 2010, 3 and 5. 154 Art 6 ICCPR; Art 6 UNCRC. 155 Art 11 ICESCR; Art 14 CEDAW; Art 5 CERD. 156 Art 14 CEDAW; Art 28 CRPD; Art 24 CRC. 157 Art 12 ICESCR. 158 Art 11 ICESR. 159 At the moment, no such right exists in a universally recognized source of international law (see art 38 (1)
Statute of the International Court of Justice). The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (1981) contains both a right to health and a right to environment. Article 16 of the Charter guarantees the right to enjoy the best attainable state of physical and mental health to every individual. Article 24 declares that all peoples shall have the right to a general satisfactory environment favorable to their development. S. ATAPATTU, “Global Climate Change: Can Human Rights (and Human Beings) Survive this Onslaught?”, COLO. J. INT'L ENVTL. L. & POL'Y , Vol. 20, N°35, 2008, 45-53 . As for the EU, see: O.W. Pedersen, “European Environmental Human Rights and Environmental Rights: A Long Time Coming?”, Georgetown International Environmental Human Rights, Vol. 21, N° 1, 2008. 160 COM (2013) 292 final, 5. 161 Necessary to curbing irregular migration and trafficking and smuggling networks, which take advantage of
migrants’ desperation and vulnerability.
28
5. “Legal” and “illegal” migration
Since the rise of the nation state in the 19th Century, the interposition of borders entailed
a new issue of prevention of entry onto the territory of a nation state. Before that, there
were no passports162 to define migration either as “legal” or “illegal” depending on the
causes that drive people to flee.163 Although the definition of these causes changes over
time, only the migrants defined as refugees under the 1951 Geneva Convention are
considered legal migrants, unless they are allowed by specific migration regulatory
schemes (mostly education and/or labour).
A substantial number of economic migrants appear to use the asylum procedure to try
entering or staying on the territory of the EU. The ‘mixed nature’ of migratory flows
contributes to placing the national asylum systems under pressure and the credibility of
the asylum procedures under strain. The 1994 EC’s Communication on immigration and
asylum policies referred for the first time to it by designating “those following a famine or
ecological disaster”.164 Today as the EC acknowledged in the same communication, most
often, these movements and environmental factors, when considered, will amount as a
cause of economic ‘illegal’ migration.
These hundreds of thousands illegal migrants165 don’t enjoy the same rights as the legal
migrants.166 As studies show how parts of the economy of the EU MS rely on migrant’s
exploitation on the black labour market, it seems arguably hypocritical to restrict migration
and call the EU a ‘front-runner in human rights’.167 Moreover, many migrants face
discrimination and xenophobia, while their contributions to the host society go largely
unrecognised.168
162 J. TORPEY, The Invention of the Passport. Surveillance, Citizenship and the State, Cambridge University Press,
2000, 93 e.s. 163 The number of illegal migrants in the EU is estimated at between 6 and 15 % of the total number of migrants.
UNDP, "Overcoming barriers: Human mobility and development", Human Development Report, 2009, 1. 164 Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament on Immigration and Asylum Policies, COM(94)23 Final, 15, pt. 56. 165 The nature of irregular immigration into the EU makes it a phenomenon that is difficult to quantify. However,
certain indicators provide guidance: in 2009, the number of irregularly staying non-EU nationals apprehended in the EU was about 570 000. See: European Commission, “Irregular migration”, DG Home Affairs (website), s.d. Though, the EU and Africa “commit to fight irregular migration (…)”, by several means; see: Fourth EU-Africa Summit, EU-Africa Declaration on Migration and Mobility, Brussels 2-3 April 2014, 3. 166 European Migration Network, “Illegally Resident Third Country Nationals in EU Member States: state
approaches towards them, their profile and social situation”, Synthesis Report, 2007, 32 p. 167Some evolution should be remarked as for this issue at the UN- HLD on migration in October 2013 (see, for
example the IRIS-project). 168 United Nations General Assembly, "Making Migration Work", High-level Dialogue on International Migration
and Development, 68th Session of the General Assembly, 3-4 October 2013.
29
The foot-dragging of MS to implement immigration policies and the calls for stricter border
controls, which are echoing throughout Europe, to control and restrict migration flows are
not likely to decrease - at least not until a brighter economic conjuncture.169
The new EU-Africa Migration Action Plan (2014-2017) is supposed to help decrease the risk
of tragedies such as the Lampedusa tragedy in October 2013.170 Important tools for the
fight against irregular migration between Africa and Europe remain the strengthening of
borders and surveillance systems (through for example Frontex and Eurosur) and the
facilitation of return and readmission on the one hand, and addressing the ‘root causes’ of
irregular migration on the other.171
For memory, more than 25.000 migrants died on their way to the Old Continent since 2000
and more than 40.000 made the crossing last year.172 Between 300.000 and 600.000
people are waiting in North Africa to traverse the Mediterranean.173
As there are now whole groups of persons that are at risk due to environmental change
(EMs and EDPs), we will therefore analyse the extent of their (theoretical) legal status and
protection, which is an indication for the (non-) recognition of the issue.
169 This was also argued in interviews with Italian and Polish delegates at the Climate Negotiations (COP 19) in
Warsaw, Poland, December 2013. 170 See H. DE HAAS, “The deadly cost of tighter border controls”, De Morgen, 8 October 2013. 171 See the Fourth EU-Africa Summit, EU-Africa Declaration on Migration and Mobility, Brussels 2-3 April 2014. 172 C. BONAL, “Lampedusa, Melilla, l'Evros... : ces portes de l'Europe où meurent les migrants”, Libération, 7
October 2013. See also : X, “The migrant files”, https://www.detective.io/detective/the-migrants-files/ , s.d. (winner of the Datajournalism Awards) 173 Estimation of the Italian Ministry of Home Affairs and therefore the Italian minister Alfano vows to make
Europe 'defend its border' ; See : Ansa Med, « Up to 600,000 migrants ready to cross Med », (website), 3 April 2014.
30
6. Which legal protection174, hence recognition?
The approach commonly taken to the issue of EMs and EDPs stems principally from a
scientific and developmental perspective, and it is only lately that the rights angle has been
brought into examination.175 We start considering the EDPs, since the (more planned) form
of EM could fall - although not necessarily - into that category.
In terms of categories, a distinction needs to be made with respect to internal or external
displacement, i.e. whether the displacement involves the crossing of internationally
recognised borders.
As for external displacement, two areas of international law, which the EU stated to
advocate strongly and consistently176 - are relevant as to determine the due protection and
assistance: Refugee Law and Human Rights Law.177
The links between climate change, human rights, and displacement have also been taken
up in the UNFCCC negotiations, as part of the emerging Climate Change Law.178 Yet
remarkably, despite the strong ethical claims179, which suggest that a focus on climate
change is warranted, international environmental law presently adds little to a protection
claim.180 This explains why we will not dig deeper into the ‘environmental law principles’ in
the next section.181
174 “Protection” means protection of all rights and fundamental freedoms. 175 One of the first countries to moot the nexus of climate change displacement and human rights was the
Maldives, in September 2007 at the sixth session of the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The UNHRC has since then adopted three resolutions on human rights and climate change (Human Rights Council Resolutions 7/23, 10/4 and 18/22 on Human Rights and Climate Change) and two resolutions on human rights and the environment (Human Rights Council Resolutions 16/11 and 19/10). 176 European Union, EU Guidelines on promoting compliance with international humanitarian law, OJ C327, 23
December 2005, 4. 177 Key international human rights instruments are: the ICCPR, UDHR, ICESC; additionally there are other human
rights instruments and conventions that can be applied more specifically to the protection of displaced persons, such as the Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness; Convention on Status of Stateless People; International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and their Families; Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children; Convention on the Rights of the Child; Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the ILO Convention on the Rights of Indigenous People. 178 Adaptation Policy in the Context of the UNFCCC Climate Negociations”, UNHCR, Legal and Protection Policy
Research Series, 2011. 179 Climate ethics is an emerging field that has much to offer, but within which much more work remains to be
done. See, for example, P. PENZ, “International Ethical Responsibilities to “Climate Refugees””, in J. McAdam (ed.), Climate Change and Displacement : Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 2010; D.G. ARNOLD, (ed.), The Ethics of Global Climate Change, Cambridge University Press, 2011; A. SIMMS, Ecological Debt. The Health of the Planet and the Health of Nations, London, Pluto Press, 2005. 180 McADAM explains the reasons for this conclusion by examining State responsibility for climate change under
international environmental law. In legal terms it is very difficult to establish causation for climate change. J. McADAM, Climate Change, Forced Migration and International Law, 90-97. 181 Such as the ‘Precautionary Principle’ captured in Article 191(3) of the TFEU, Principle 15 of the 1992 Rio
Declaration and Article 3 (3) of the UNFCCC; and the ‘Principle of Common But Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities’ (CBDR) captured in Article 3 of the UNFCCC and Article 10 (1) of its ‘Kyoto Protocol’. For further analysis, see, a.o.: A. BOYLE, “Human Rights and the Environment: A Reassessment”, UNEP paper revised, 2010, 39 p.
31
6.1. External displacement
Many authors have queried whether there exists a legal protection regime for EDPs,182 but
neither on international or European level183 are there currently specific or adequate legal
frameworks in place to protect EDPs in the country of stay.184
At first, an earlier background paper of the EC noted that there is an urgent need for an
agreed terminology and definition at international level, as well as to clarify the legal status
of people migrating due to climate change to ensure adequate legal protection. The EC
urged the international community to take a proactive approach, amongst others, in
asylum and migration.185 Against this backdrop, Commissioner MALMSTRÖM responsible
for Home Affairs stated that “what we certainly can do is strive for the creation of well-
functioning asylum systems in as many places as possible (…) How do we get there? Well,
we can only start from home, in my case the European Union.”186
Two years later in 2013, the Commission states that “existing legal frameworks could be
applied more effectively and build consensus at the international level on basic guiding
principles187 governing environmentally induced migration and displacement”.188 However,
this latest statement can be seriously questioned, as shows the following analysis.
182 W. KÄLIN, W. and N. SCHREPFER, “Protecting people Crossing Borders in the Context of Climate Change:
Normative Gaps and Possible Approaches”, Legal and Protection Policy Series, Geneva, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2012, 80 p.; See also: ICMPD, o.c.,2011; C. BOANO, o.c., 2008, L.E. BACAIAN, o.c., 2011; M. AMMER, o.c., 2009; B. GLAHN, o.c., 2012. 183 ICMPD, o.c., 2011, 11. 184 R. ZETTER, “Legal and normative frameworks”, Forced Migration Review, October 2008, Issue 31, 62-63. 185 European Commission, EU 2011 Report on Policy Coherence for Development, Commission Staff Working
Paper, SEC(2011) 1627 final, 4. 186
European Commission, “Higher standards of protection for refugees and asylum seekers in the EU”, Speech
of C. MALMSTRÖM at the UNHCR Ministerial Meeting, Roundtable Discussion on 'Protection Challenges and Opportunities', Geneva, 7 December 2011. 187
In that respect, besides the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, work initiated at the Nansen
Conference on Climate Change and Displacement in Norway in June 2011 is an important step forward. Participants of the conference devised 10 Principles on Climate Change and Cross-Border Displacement, primarily in the context of sudden onset events. Those principles call for strengthening prevention, resilience and disaster preparedness. 188 SWD (2013) 138 final, 21.
32
6.1.1. International Refugee Law: Nothing in the 1951 Refugee Convention of
Geneva.
EMs and EDPs are beyond the scope of the International Refugee Convention of 1951189;
hence it does not apply to them.190 When the 1951 UN Convention Relating to the Status
of Refugees was drafted, there was to be considered a clear distinction between refugees
and migrants. Article 1 of this Convention established the right to asylum for those in fear
of state-led persecution based on race, religion, political opinion, or ethnicity (nationality
or membership of a social group).191 It would be difficult to deem environmental
degradation as 'persecution' in the sense envisaged in the convention, leaving thus those
whose homes had become uninhabitable due to the changes and forces of nature
uncovered by the current mandate of UNHCR.192
The official definition of refugee is based on very narrow legal concern recognized under
the 1951 Geneva Convention193 that it is leaving little room for debate or expansion.194
While it is often advocated that people living in a degrading environment should have a
“right to leave” and a “right to stay”, these assumptions surely deserve more legal
academic attention195, discussing how we could guarantee these rights in a warming
world.196
189 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, adopted on 28 July 1951, entered into force on 27 April 1954, 189 UNTS 137. [hereinafter ‘Geneva Convention’]; M. MOREL and F. MAES, “The Curious Phenomenon of “Environmental Migration/Displacement” and the Role of International Law in Cross-Border Protection” in D. French (ed.), Global Justice and Sustainable Development, Leiden, Koninklijke Brill NV, 2010, 273-288. 190 C. COURNIL, "A la recherche d’une protection pour les «réfugiés environnementaux» : actions, obstacles,
enjeux et protections", REVUE Asylon(s), 6, 2008. 191 Article 1 (A) of the Geneva Convention. 192 Article 1 (A) of the Geneva Convention. Contra: The effort of the advocates of an ad hoc policy for the EM
amounts to persuading the political community that those migrants should also be considered as persecuted. For example, see: CONISBEE, M. and SIMMS, A., “Environmental Refugees. The Case for Recognition”, New Economics Foundation, London, 2003, 44 p.; MYERS, o.c., 1997. 193 S. McINERNEY-LANKFORD et al., Human Rights and Climate change Environmental Protection and Human
Rights Law: Basic Concepts, Washington D.C., The World Bank, 2011, 162 p. 194 L. WESTRA, Environmental Justice and the rights of ecological refugees, London, Earthscan, 2009, 11. 195 N. DE MOOR, “Returning to a destructed environment: on the right and duty to return”, Paper prepared for
the ClimMig Conference on “Human Rights, Environmental Change, Migration and Displacement”, Vienna, 20-21 September 2012, 25 p. 196 See therefore: F. GEMENNE, “Climate-induced displacements in a 4°C+ world: scenarios and policy options”,
IDDRI Science Po, Presentation at the Nansen Conference, Oslo, 6 June 2011; F. GEMENNE, “Migration, Security and Human Development in the Face of Climate Change”, IDDRI Sciences Po, Presentation for the 'Jornada Vint Anys després Rio' in Barcelona, 29 February 2012.
33
6.1.2. Protection for EDPs under the Current EU Legal Framework: International
and Complementary Forms
From the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) to the Treaty of Lisbon (2009),197 European Union
(EU) member states (MSs) have increased the EU competence on immigration, asylum,
and external borders. The enlargement and ever-deeper integration of the EU have
gradually led to a common migration regime, created through the harmonization of
immigration and asylum policies within EU MSs. This regime can be understood as an
“entirety of formal and informal directives, regulations, practices, and conventions adopted
at the level of EU institutions that regulate the movement of persons across borders and
the entry and stay of non-EU nationals in the common territory.”198
As the EU has become an increasingly important player on the global scene, “its common
external action is constantly enlarging to new domains; immigration is one of these.” 199
To protect the refugees, the European Union relies on international instruments like the
1951 Refugee Convention and its Protocol, as well as on international principles for the
protection of refugees, like the principle of non-refoulement.200 In cases of severe
environmental degradation the human rights principle of non-refoulement could protect
against return when this must be seen to involve ill-treatment above a certain threshold.201
In human rights law (which has a much broader application than refugee law), the principle
of non-refoulement is an absolute and general ban on returning people to places where
they risk certain ill-treatment.202
Legal scholars have argued that to an extent or another, available instruments providing
complementary203 forms of protection at the EU level, namely subsidiary and temporary
protection could be applicable to ‘environmentally displaced individuals’ as enshrined in the
Qualification Directive and in the Temporary Protection Directive.204
197 Treaty of Lisbon Amending the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty Establishing the European
Community, Dec. 13, 2007, 2007 O.J. (C 306) 1 (entered into force Dec. 1, 2009) [hereinafter “Treaty of Lisbon or Lisbon”]. 198 S. LAVENEX and M. E. UCARER, “The Emergent EU Migration Regime and Its External Impact.” In S. LAVENEX
and M. E. UCARER (eds.) Migration and Externalities of European Integration, Oxford: Lexington Books, 2003, 3. 199 Commission of the European Communities, A Common Immigration Policy for Europe: Principles, actions and
tools, COM (2008) 359 final, 3. 200 L.E., BACAIAN,“The protection of refugees and their right to seek asylum in the European Union”, Institut
européen de l’université de Genève, Collection Euryopa, vol. 70, 2011, 7. 201 V. KOLMANNSKOG, o.c., 2008, 32. 202
V. KOLMANNSKOG, o.c., 2008, 29. 203 Complementary protection’ is the “protection granted to individuals on the basis of a legal obligation other
than the principle refugee treaty”, M. AMMER, “Climate change and Human Rights: The Status of Climate Refugees in Europe”, 2009, 56 with reference to J. McADAM, Complementary Protection in International Refugee Law, Oxford University Press, 2007, 2-3. 204 N. DE MOOR and A. CLIQUET, “Environmental Displacement: A New Challenge for European Migration Policy”,
Gent, Rijksuniversiteit Gent, 2009, 20 p.
34
The Return Directive205 and additional Directives addressing such issues as, for instance,
asylum procedures,206 reception conditions,207 and victims of trafficking,208 may, indeed,
have some passing relevance to EDPs, but they are not here subject to review.
6.1.2.1. The 2001 Temporary Protection Directive209
Amongst the available European legal instruments, temporary protection is the only
instrument that, in theory, could be activated in case of mass displacement following an
environmental event.210
The directive defines ‘displaced persons’ in a broader way than beneficiaries of subsidiary
protection in the Qualification. The EU Directive grants temporary protection, on the basis
of a non-exhaustive list, which has been designed in particular for (…) persons who are
“unable to return in safe and durable conditions because of the situation prevailing in that
country (…)”, and “persons at serious risk of, or who have been victims of, systematic or
generalized violations of their human rights”.211 Nevertheless, the Directive leaves wide
room for manoeuvre, in the form of open definitions of key words, such as ‘mass influx’.212
The problem with this mechanism is its temporary nature (a protection within the EU for
up to three years) and would consequently prove insufficient for those that require long
term protection - which is mostly the case with the slow onset climate change impacts.
After this period they may as others without asylum or residence permit, find protection
through the non-refoulement principle, which will be discussed below. Hitherto there is not
much jurisprudence in the EU to support this claim.
205 European Parliament and Council Directive 2008/115/EC of 16 Dec. 2008 on Common Standards and
Procedures in Member States for Returning Illegally Staying Third Country Nationals, 2008 O.J. (L 348) 98 (EC) [hereinafter “Return Directive”]. 206 Council Directive 2005/85/EC of 1 Dec. 2005 on Minimum Standards on Procedures in Member States for
Granting and Withdrawing Refugee Status, 2005 O.J. L 326 13 (EC). 207 Council Directive 2003/9/EC of 27 Jan. 2003 Laying down Minimum Standards for the Reception of Asylum
Seekers, 2003 O.J. L 31 18 (EC). 208 Council Directive 2004/81/EC of 29 Apr. 2004 on the Residence Permit Issued to Third Country Nationals Who
Are Victims of Trafficking in Human Beings or Who Have Been the Subject of an Action to Facilitate Illegal Immigration, Who Cooperate with the Competent Authorities, 2004 O.J. (L 261) 19(EC). 209 Council Directive 2001/55/EC of 20 July 2001 on minimum standards for giving temporary protection in the event of a mass influx of displaced persons and on measures promoting a balance of efforts between Member States in receiving such persons and bearing the consequences thereof, OJ L 212, 7.8.2001. 210 A. KRALER et al., o.c., 2012, 1. 211 Article 2 c) of the Temporary Protection Directive. See: J. McADAM,“The European Union Qualification
Directive: The Creation of a Subsidiary Protection Regime”, International Journal of Refugee Law, 2005, 17 (3), 461-516. 212 The term ‘mass influx’, which is the heart of the system, means ‘arrival in the Union of a large number of displaced persons, who come from a specific country or geographical area, whether their arrival in the Union was spontaneous or aided, for example through an evacuation programme’ (Article 2d)
35
Furthermore, as a political mechanism of burden-sharing within the EU requiring a qualified
majority Council decision on the activation of the directive, the Temporary Protection
Directive is an inherently limited instrument. In addition, it is does not provide individual
protection, but provides collective protection to a group to be defined on a case by case
basis by the Council.213
6.1.2.2. The Qualification Directive: ‘Subsidiary Protection’
However, other available instruments, notably subsidiary protection under the 2004
Qualification Directive, which was “recast” in December of 2011214, could be expanded to
cover individuals displaced by natural disasters.215 It establishes the criteria asylum-
seekers must satisfy in order to have their status as either a “refugee” or a “person eligible
for subsidiary protection” 216 recognised. The rights enjoyed by those who hold one or the
other status, controversially, differed in substance prior to the recast.217
The Qualification Directive uses the human rights framework, in particular the ECHR, as a
yardstick.218 At this moment, neither Article 2 nor Article 3 ECHR have been applied by the
ECtHR in removal cases concerning EM, and it is clear that the ECJ will not take this step
before the ECtHR does.219
As the Directive gives only a common interpretation of the original definition of a
refugee,220 a protection mechanism for individual victims of environmental events is still
missing at EU-level. It would be necessary amending the recast Qualification Directive
through expanding the scope of subsidiary protection and, in particular, the notion of
“serious harm” as defined in the Article 15. A possible option would be, instead of an
exhaustive list of situations, to include also climate change-induced situations.221
213M. AMMER, "Climate change and Human Rights: The Status of Climate Refugees in Europe", Ludwig Boltzmann
Institute of Human Rights (BIM), Austria, 2009, 64. 214 The EU’s new “recast” Qualification Directive must transposed by MS into national law by December 21, 2013.
The U.K., Ireland and Denmark have opted out. See Directive 2011/95/EU of Dec. 13, 2011 on Standards for the Qualification of Third- Country Nationals or Stateless Persons as Beneficiaries of International Protection, for a Uniform Status for Refugees or for Persons Eligible for Subsidiary Protection, and for the Content of the Protection Granted (Recast), 2011 O.J. (L 337) 95. [hereinafter Qualification Directive Recast]. 215 See ICMPD, o.c., 2011, 52-53. 216 The recast Directive eliminates the “person who otherwise needs international protection” approach and speaks
instead of “persons eligible for subsidiary protection.” (art. 1) 217 M.D. COOPER, “Migration and Disaster-Induced Displacement: European Policy, Practice and Perspective”,
CGD Working Paper 308, Washington, D.C., 2012, 27. 218 M. AMMER, "Climate change and Human Rights: The Status of Climate Refugees in Europe", Ludwig Boltzmann
Institute of Human Rights (BIM), Austria, 2009, 44. 219 N. DE MOOR, “Returning to a destructed environment: on the right and duty to return”, Paper prepared for
the ClimMig Conference on “Human Rights, Environmental Change, Migration and Displacement”, Vienna, 20-21 September 2012, 25 p. 220 F. BIERMANN and I. BOAS, 2010. ; V. KOLMANNSKOG and F. MYRSTAD, 'Environmental Displacement in
European Asylum Law', European Journal of Migration and Law 11, 2009. 221 ICMPD, o.c., 2011.
36
A wide interpretation of the Qualification Directive so as to include EDPs was clearly not
the intention of the drafters, and is currently not widely accepted. While the principle of
non-refoulement in relation to socioeconomic living conditions could, in theory, act as a
possible basis for the elaboration of a regional asylum regime for EDPs, in practice, such a
development currently still seems an unattainable ideal.222 Thus, even with the non-
refoulement principle, they may end up in a status limbo unless the states use their
discretion to grant humanitarian asylum.
6.1.3. Existing National Frameworks in the EU
For receiving countries, the main legal issue to be considered is under what circumstances
persons displaced across borders by the effects of slow-onset environmental change should
not be expected to return to their country of origin and therefore remain in need of some
form of international protection, whether temporary or permanent.223
This is also covered by the Return Directive (2008/115/EC), which requires Member States
to suspend a return decision should return not be possible and also explicitly allows Member
States to withdraw a return decision and grant a residence status.224
There are isolated (non-harmonized) cases of external displacement due to slow-onset
natural disasters being incorporated - sometimes explicitly and more often implicitly - into
national legal frameworks.225 Sweden and Finland have included EDPs within their
immigration policies. Denmark has between 2001 and 2006, on discretionary grounds,
granted humanitarian status to Afghani victims of drought famines. They would have been
placed in a vulnerable situation had they been returned.226
In the mentioned cases the decision is made on an individual basis.227
Sweden includes within its asylum system persons who do not qualify for refugee status,
but have a need for protection. Such a person in need of protection “has left his native
222 N. DE MOOR, o.c., 24. 223 See: European Migration Network, “The different national practices concerning granting of non-EU harmonised
protection statuses”, 2010, 105. 224 A. KRALER et al.,o.c., 2012. 225 Sweden, Finland and to lesser extent Cyprus and Italy, which are destined to sudden-onset disasters. See for
Cyprus: Article 29 (4) of the Refugee Law of 2000. See for Italy: Legislative Decree nr 286 on the consolidated text of provisions governing immigration and the status of the foreigner, 25 july 1998. 226
ICMPD, “Comparative study on the Existence and Application of Categorized Protection in Selected European
Countries”, ACVZ Preliminary study, N°12, 2006, 33; UNHCR, “Forced Displacement in the Context of Climate Change: Challenges for States under International Law”, 2009. 227 S. MARTIN, “Climate Change and International Migration”, Background paper WMR 201, 2010, 9.
37
country and does not wish to return there because he or she: — has a fear of the death
penalty or torture is in need of protection as a result of war or other serious conflicts in the
country ― is unable to return to the native country because of an environmental
disaster.”228 Most recipients of this status are assumed to need only temporary protection.
But the Swedish rules foresee – like the similar Finnish Aliens Act229 - that some persons
may need permanent solutions.
Although these mechanisms are rather of a humanitarian nature and suited for sudden-
onset disasters, they could serve as best-practice or even offer a model for developing
similar mechanisms - with a more permanent nature - at the EU level.
6.1.4. Cross-border legal protection in Africa
6.1.4.1. The African refugee Convention
One should start with investigating whether the regional ‘African refugee convention’ (or
OAU Convention)230 is an alternative source of protection for persons falling outside the
ambit of the 1951 Convention. It contains - like the Cartagena Declaration in Latin America
- broader refugee definitions than the 1951 Refugee Convention.
The OAU Convention includes as refugees inter alia people who are displaced on account
of “events seriously disturbing the public order”. It has been queried whether this could
encompass environmental catastrophes such as famine and drought.231 Such an
interpretation is theoretically possible, even though people fleeing such catastrophes are
frequently given refuge on the territory of neighbouring States, receiving States rarely
declare that they are acting pursuant to their OAU Convention obligations.232 This is
important because the explanation a State gives for acting in a particular way is relevant
to ascertaining whether it supports or rejects a liberal interpretation of the treaty.
228 Swedish Aliens Act, 2005, 716. 229 The concept of “environmental disaster” is not defined; Finnish Aliens Act, Section 109. 230 Organization of African Unity Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa,
Organization of African Unity (OAU), 10 September 1969, 1001 UNTS, 45 (hereinafter ‘OAU Convention’). The definition is reflected in the national law of at least 6 of its Member States. 231 See for example: A. EDWARDS, “Refugee Status Determination in Africa”, African Journal of International and
Comparative Law, Vol. 14, N° 204, 2006, 225-227. 232 A. EDWARDS, “Refugee Status Determination in Africa”, African Journal of International and Comparative Law,
Vol. 14, N° 204, 2006, 227.
38
An expansion of the concept beyond its conventional meaning of public disturbances
resulting in violence is “rather unlikely” to be accepted by the States concerned.233
Consequently, the general practice of hosting people displaced by environmental events
“may be seen as contributing to the development of a right of temporary protection on
humanitarian grounds under customary international law, rather than under treaty”.234
Nevertheless, the OAU Convention would apply if refuge were sought on account of riots
in the aftermath of an environmental event, triggered by the government’s failure to
provide assistance.235
It stresses the difficulties of attributing movement to ‘climate change’: at what point does
it become too indirect to be considered a driver of movement and this matter in terms of
protection and assistance granted?
By contrast to the 1951 Refugee Convention, which assesses the risks of potential future
harm, the AOU Convention seems to require evidence of an actual threat. Thus, protection
is premised on having already been “compelled to leave” because of the threat.236 As a
consequence, its utility as instrument for providing pre-emptive protection is limited.237
6.1.4.2. Any practical support from the EU?
As will be assessed further in this paper more thoroughly in the context of environmental
migration, the EU has not yet been specifically targeting EMs or EDPs in Africa, nor
elsewhere.238 Yet the EU has been active in helping communities to find sustainable
solutions for displaced people, in particular refugees. The EC put a case for some of these
initiatives, if adequately adapted, to possibly serve as a useful model to apply to EDPs.239
One such initiative targeting refugees are the Regional Protection Programmes (RPPs) that
comprise two main components: measures to enhance the protection capacity of non-EU
countries where refugees are hosted as well as support to offer durable solutions to
refugees, such as local integration, voluntary return and resettlement (including towards
233 W. KÄLIN, ., “Conceptualizing Climate-Induced Displacement” in J. McADAM, Climate Change and
Displacement, Multidisciplinary Perspectives, Oxford/Portland, 2010 , 88. 234 A. EDWARDS, o.c., 2006, 227. 235 W. KÄLIN, ., “Conceptualizing Climate-Induced Displacement” in J. McADAM, Climate Change and
Displacement, Multidisciplinary Perspectives, Oxford/Portland, 2010 , 88. 236 OAU Convention, Art. 1 (2) : “was compelled to leave…”. 237 J. McADAM, Climate Change, Forced Migration and International Law, 2012, 49. 238 Interview with EC lead negotiator at COP 19; This can also be deduced from: SWD (2013) 138 final, 30. 239 SWD(2013) 138 final, 30.
39
the EU). Such an RPP has been launched, amongst other places, in the Great Lakes Region
with the aim, amongst other things, of building up the capacity of local authorities to
integrate refugees and displaced populations. Lessons learned from projects implemented
in that framework “clearly highlight the need for a comprehensive response to the needs
of long-term displaced people”.240
One of the main challenges is to find integration solutions for these populations, without
affecting the livelihoods of host communities or creating imbalances between each group’s
living conditions.241
6.1.4.3. Regional Free Movement Agreement
Existing regional agreements on the free movement of people, including for the purpose
of work, in particular those adopted through regional integration organisations such as the
Economic Community of West-African States (ECOWAS), might, if properly implemented,
also serve as frameworks for environmentally induced migration.
Although they do not target specifically EMs, they might be used by them to move
temporarily or permanently to other countries in the region. For example, evidence
suggests that the ECOWAS Free Movement Protocol has increased access to protection for
refugees in West Africa by allowing the displaced to move as labour migrants to
neighbouring countries.242 However, implementation of agreed provisions is frequently
ineffective.243 Therefore, a 26 million EUR initiative to promote implementation of the
ECOWAS 1980 Free Movement Protocol was recently launched.244
6.2. Internal Displacement in Africa
Assisting and protecting internal migrants has been a difficult task for the international
community for a variety of reasons. These include inadequate resources, lack of
cooperation between different agencies, lack of clarity and consensus over the definition
of IDPs, contradictions between short-term relief aid and longer-term developmental
240 SWD(2013) 138 final, 31. 241 SWD(2013) 138 final, 30-31. 242 K. LONG., “Extending Protection? Labour Migration and Durable Solutions for Refugees”, New Issues in Refugee Research, Research Paper No. 176, October 2009, 33 p. 243 SWD(2013) 138 final, 20. 244 SWD(2013) 138 final, 28.
40
assistance, limited access to displaced populations and insufficient political will to engage
in internal matters of sovereign states.245 Another reason is the fact that internal migrants
remain within the jurisdiction of their own nation states and they may be eligible for
legislation and state policies pertaining to national social protection246 However, social
policy initiatives that focus on the protection of EDPs have, where implemented so far,
done little in achieving their intended goals of providing protection to them.247
The EC recalled indeed: “Where environmentally induced displacement remains internal,
states have a clear responsibility to assist migrants and address their long-term needs”.248
Thereby it echoed what is also stated in the AU Convention for the Protection and
Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa (the so-called “Kampala Convention”),
which will be discussed next after the so-called “Guiding Principles”.
6.2.1. The ‘Guiding Principles’, the ‘Nansen Principles’ and the ‘Revised
Framework on Durable Solutions’
Internal displacement is covered by the 1998 UN Guiding Principles on Internal
Displacement (‘Guiding Principles’), which defines IDPs in a very broad, general and
indeterminate way and cover also those displaced “by natural or man-made disasters”.249
Principles 10-27 detail the protection that should be provided during a displacement, but
this only applies to those who have not crossed an international border.
They are recognised by the UN General Assembly as "an important international framework
for the protection of internally displaced persons."250 The IDP framework may arguably be
a better solution than traditional refugee umbrella determined by the Geneva Convention
of 1951.251 Promoting the Guiding Principles is thus discussed as one of the most promising
245 African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of IDPs in Africa (hereinafter “the Kampala
Convention”), African Union, Addis Ababa, 22 October 2009; UNFPA, “Meeting the Challenges of Migration: Progress since the ICPD”, 2004; See also: A. ABEBE, “The African Union on internally displaced persons: its codification, background, scope and enforcement challenges”, Refugee Survey Quarterly, Vol. 29, N° 3, 2010, 29-57; A. ABEBE, “Legal and institutional dimensions of protecting and assisting internally displaced persons in Africa”, Journal of Refugee Studies, Vol. 22, 2009, 155-175. 246 SABATES-WHEELER, R. and WAITE, M., “Migration and Social Protection: A Concept Paper”, Working Paper
T2, 2003 and http://www. migrationdrc.org/publications/working_papers/WP-T2.pdf 247 A. D. SIYOUM, “Food Insecurity and Environmental Migration in Drought-Prone Areas of Ethiopia” in M. LEIGHTON, S. XIAOMENG and K. WARNER (eds.), Climate Change and Migration: Rethinking Policies for Adaptation and Disaster Risk Reduction, UNU-EHS, 68 248 SWD (2013) 138 final, 30. 249 The UN adopted a set of non-binding principles governing IDPs in 1998. See UNHCR, “Report of the
Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Francis M. Deng, on the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, delivered to the Economic and Social Council”, 2- 3, U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/1998/53/Add.2, 1998. [hereinafter the Guiding Principles]. See also the lexicon for a more detailed definition. 250 UN General Assembly, A/60/L.1, 2005, § 132. 251 A. Williams, “Turning the Tide: Recognizing Climate Change Refugees in International Law”, Law & Policy, Vol.
30, N°4, 2008, 511.
41
options in the literature. They offer, just like the ten ‘Nansen Principles’252, a ‘bottom-up’
approach with a valuable set of legal standards for protection and have the advantage of
leaving governments wide room for manoeuvre when it comes to implementation, which
allows them to take into account various scenarios in a way that is flexible and adapted to
local circumstances.
Even if the list of persons covered by the principles is not exhaustive, it is not clear whether
those who migrate due to gradual processes of degradation can be included. However, as
‘guidelines’ they are ‘soft law’ lacking legal force and, thus, depend on the political will of
governments and other relevant actors to put them into practice.253
Despite their focus on internal displacement, it has also been suggested by the Council of
Europe that the principles could be taken as a model to develop a global guiding framework
for the protection of displaced persons crossing international borders as a result of climate
change (and natural disasters).254
The revised Framework on Durable Solutions for Internally Displaced Persons, endorsed by
the Inter-Agency Standing Committee in December 2009255, establishes that a durable
solution is achieved when migrants no longer need specific assistance and protection linked
to their displacement and can enjoy their human rights without discrimination resulting
from their displacement.256
6.2.2. The Kampala Convention
In addition to the Guiding Principles, the African Union adopted a new human right treaty
in 2009: the so-called ‘Kampala Convention’ (KC).257 This is the world’s first legally binding
252 In 2011, participants of the Nansen Conference devised 10 Principles on Climate Change and Cross-Border
Displacement. Building on the Nansen Conference, the Nansen Initiative has been launched in October 2012, a.o. with co-funding of the European Commission. It aims to build consensus on how to address potential legal and
protection gaps for people displaced across borders owing to environmental change and extreme weather events. See: C. GAHRE, “The Nansen Conference. Climate Change and Displacement in the 21st Century”, Norwegian refugee Council, Oslo, 2011, 20 p. 253 A. BETTS, “Soft Law and the Protection of Vulnerable Migrants”, Georgetown Immigration Law Journal, Vol.
24, 2010, 533-552; FATIMA, R. et al., “Human Rights, Climate change, Environmental degradation and Migration: A new Paradigm”, IOM and MPI, Issue N°8, March 2014, 4. 254 SWD (2013) final 138, 17; See also in that’s sense: UNHCR, “Global Trends: Refugees, Asylum-seekers,
Returnees, Internally Displaced and Stateless persons”, Geneva, UNHCR, 2009, 2. 255 IASC, “IASC Framework on durable solutions for internally displaced persons”, The Brookings Institution,
University of Bern, 2010, 3. 256 The EC gives surprisingly and particularly much attention to it, see: SWD (2013) 138 final, 30. 257 African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of IDPs in Africa [hereinafter Kampala Convention],
African Union, Addis Ababa, 22 October 2009, (which entered into force on 6 December 2012 following ratification by fifteen nations). It builds the so-called ‘Great Lakes IDP-Protocol’, which covers those displaced by disasters. Protocol on the Protection and Assistance to Internally Displaced Persons, International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, 30 November 2006. (The definitions of IDPs in the Guiding Principles, Great Lakes Pact of 2006 and Kampala Convention of 2009 to large extent converge.) See: B. TERMINSKI, ”Environmentally-Induced Displacement. Theoretical Frameworks and Current Challenges”, Geneva, 2012, 159 p.
42
regional instrument that imposes obligations on states to protect IDPs according to their
capacity, which indicates that regional agreements might be the way forward in providing
better protection to environmental IDPs.258
It is understood that persons who are being forced to migrate due to environmental reasons
are often discounted (as compared to persons displaced by conflict and other sudden-onset
disasters), except for some who are registered in the government resettlement
programme.259
Article 3 obliges States “to the extent possible, [to] mitigate the consequences of
displacement caused by natural disasters and natural causes” and to “establish and
designate organs of Government responsible for disaster emergency preparedness,
coordinating protection and assistance to internally displaced persons.”
States Parties are obliged to devise early warning systems in areas of potential
displacement as well as establish and implement disaster risk reduction strategies,
emergency and disaster preparedness and management measures (Article 4). Article 5,
paragraph 4 provides, inter alia, that “States Parties shall take measures to protect and
assist persons who have been internally displaced due to natural or human made disasters,
including climate change.“ Furthermore, according to Article 12, paragraph 3, a): “State
Party shall be liable to make reparation to internally displaced persons for damage when
such a State Party refrains from protecting and assisting internally displaced persons in
the event of natural disasters.”
In order to augment State response and to guard against situations when State parties are
unable or unwilling to fulfil their obligations, the KC names other actors include the African
Union (AU), civil society organisations, and international organisations, and requires them
to work within their power to redress internal displacement.260
While the convention has great potential261, it remains to be seen how it will be
implemented and whether it will get (sufficient) European financial and technical support.
As for now, a clear protection gap exists for IDPs due to poor implementation of legal
standards and the weak status of the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement.262
258 M.T. MARU, "The Kampala Convention and its contribution in filling the protection gap in international law",
Journal of Internal Displacement (1), 1, 2011, 40 p. 259 A.D. SIYOUM, o.c., 63. See also: S. OJEDA, "The Kampala Convention on internally displaced persons: some
humanitarian law aspects", Refugee Survey Quarterly, Vol. 29, No. 3, UNHCR, 58-66. 260 X., “Domesticating and Implementing the Kampala Convention: A Dialogue for Action”, 12-13 November 2013,
5. 261 For further analysis, see: W. SCHOLTZ, “The day after no tomorrow? Persons displaced environmentally
through climate change: AU law to the rescue?”, South African Yearbook of International Law, N° 35, 2010, 20 p. 262
See for example ZETTER, 2011, o.c.,19. And for the application of the Kampala Convention, see the Ethiopian
43
6.3. What is the EU’s answer to these legal gaps?
While the EC claims there is a rich diversity of international, regional and national, sub-
national and transnational (potential) legal responses to climate change263, many scholars,
activists, and some political groups in the European Parliament264 argue that it remains far
from sufficient to respond to the need of some categories, such as EDPs.265
In our view, for EDPs due to slow-onset climate change impacts the potential for legal
protections or new interpretations of existing law is only limited. Probably some exceptional
(legal) space could be provided for specific cases, such as Small Island Developing States
or for the use of temporary protection in response to a particular natural disaster. These
cases would involve relatively small populations that are clearly identified to be at risk,
and/or to events that force decision makers to react.266
6.3.1. No institutional and political support for a new legal framework
The absence of a clear international legal framework to respond to people displaced by
climate change has resulted in calls from a variety of sectors for a new institutional
instrument to protect so-called ‘climate refugees’.267 They argue that they are no classic
socio-economic migrants, neither classic refugees: they have specific vulnerabilities and
thus specific needs that should be met by specific measures.
The EC seems to acknowledge this latter argument by stating that “it is essential to provide
assistance to the displaced and safeguard their rights (…)”,268 but replies that “further
investigation is required to determine the nature of the specific measures to develop to
case-study by A. D. SIYOUM, o.c., 63-73. 263 SWD(2013) final 138, 4 264 Clearly more the left-wing political groups, like the European Greens. For an overview of their different
attempts-since 2001- in their fight for recognition of ‘climate refugees’, see: A. SGRO, "Towards recognition of environmental refugees by the European Union ", REVUE Asylon(s), N°6, novembre 2008, Exodes écologiques; The Greens, “Climate Change, Refugees and Migration”, position paper, May 2013, 4. 265 See, inter alia, M. LEIGHTON, o.c., 2010. CONTRA: Mc ADAM, Climate Change, Forced Migration and
International Law, 2012, 187. 266 In that sense, see: A. GEDDES and W. SOMERVILLE, O.c., 2013, 4. 267
At the global level, five main policy options have been proposed: (1) an extension of the scope of the Geneva
Convention, (2) promoting the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, (3) using temporary protection mechanisms for persons displaced by environmental events, (4) the creation of a new legal framework and (5) the addition of a protocol on climate-induced migration to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. FALSTRÖM believes there is “sufficient evidence of support within existing international treaty law and customary international law to provide the necessary sense of state obligation for a new treaty to succeed.” D. Z. FALSTRÖM, “Stemming the Flow of Environmental Displacement: Creating a Convention to Protect Persons and Preserve the Environment”, Colorado Journal of International Environmental Law, 2002, 9 and 11-14. 268 SWD (2013) final 138, 30.
44
address environmentally induced migration compared to other forms of forced
migration.”269
One might argue that changes to the legal framework for refugee recognition have become
urgent and unavoidable because of the growing significance of climate change-related
migration. In order to address these gaps advocacy groups270 are seeking expansion of the
term ‘refugee’. However, there is controversy whether this is the best way to offer
protection to those displaced by environmental degradation. Moreover, there remains little
agreement on who should qualify as an “environmental refugee”, for the problem remains
as to how environmental reasons can be theoretically or practically separated from other
motives for migration271. This is notably in the context of such a distinction leading to
significant claims by affected people to stay in, and receive protection from another
state.272
Yet the EC is very cautious in its arguments, questioning whether a new specific legal
framework is both necessary and feasible, since persons moving in the context of
environmental change can (potentially) be adequately assisted and protected under
existing frameworks. Furthermore, institutional and political barriers would militate against
such protections ever being adopted.
First, to consider institutional barriers there is scarce support among migration actors
embedded in the governance structure for a new legal status. The institutions responsible
for refugee protection have been opposed to any mention of ‘climate refugees’273 and has
not been seriously considered or proposed by international agencies working on
migration.274
Second, the wider political consensus which would be necessary to establish international
rules remains lacking, including at regional levels.275
Migration is indeed provoking passionate debates over national identity, state sovereignty
269 SWD (2013) final 138, 14. 270 This claim is supported, inter alia, by the United Nations University Institute for Environment and Human
Security, Christian Aid, the New Economics Foundation, the Dutch-based organization LiSER (Living Space for
Environmental Refugees) and Greenpeace. 271
S. LONERGAN and A. SWAIN, “The Role of Environmental Degradation in Population Displacement”,
Environmental Change and Security Project Report, Issue 4, 1998, 5-15; F. FLINTAN, “Environmental refugees – A misnomer or a reality?”, Report of the Wilton Park Conference on Environmental Security and Conflict Prevention, 1-3 March 2001. 272 D. KNIVETON et al., o.c., 2008, 30. 273 For example, the UNHCR, at an international level. 274 For instance, the IOM and the Global Migration Group, which includes 14 agencies, but none of these are
supportive of new protections and does not seriously discuss ‘environmental migration’. 275 J. McADAM, o.c., 2012, 200.
45
and territorial integrity.276 Also within the EU most political groups fear a lack of public
opinion support, as it is clear that negative media coverage of immigrants and immigration
policy is a powerful force in shaping the immigration debate. 277 Except for green (in favour)
and far-right (against) parties, the subject seems to be a non-issue among political
parties.278
The EC puts the explanation in a safer way by arguing that it is mainly due to the
complexities of the topic and its comparative novelty as a subject of international policy
dialogue between states.279
Another reason, arguably more realistic but not mentioned by the EU, is that there seems
to be little appetite for notions like an international convention to protect ‘climate refugees’,
as these require commitments and may imply liability.280 A Green MEP, Jean Lambert,
summarized in 2002 the reason for the absence of international protection by the fact and
fear that “by recognising the problem you start on the road to accepting responsibility and
implementing solutions”.281 Assumed that the adoption of such protections would have
consequent legal and financial ramifications for European governments, Member States
would most likely oppose them, preventing action.
If there would be political will to act on the issue of “climigration”, institutional responses–
including international as well as domestic law – and resources will eventually follow.282
6.3.2. “No reason for a lack of action”
Answering Parliamentary questions concerning how the EC would fill the legal gap
concerning the protection of ‘climate refugees’, the EC thus supports the position that
276 K.R. KHORY, “Introduction”, in K.R. KHORY (ed.), Global Migration: Challenges in the 21st Century,
Basingstoke: Palgrave McMillian, 2012, 1. 277
Notably how the public perceive immigrants from their effects on the job market, to their impact on culture
and society, to their prospects for integration. Also issues such as globalization, economic crisis and demographic change affect the immigration debate. See: Bertelsmann Stiftung and Migration Policy Institute (eds.), Migration, Public Opinion and Politics, The Transatlantic Council on Migration, 2009, 392 p. 278 A. GEDDES and W. SOMERVILLE, O.c., 2013, 4. 279 SWD (2013) 138 final, 20-21. 280 FORESIGHT, o.c., 28. 281 J. LAMBERT, “Refugees and the Environment: the forgotten element of sustainability”, The Greens/European
Free Aliance, 2002, 4. 282 S. BAUER, “Climate Refugees beyond Copenhagen. Legal concept, political implications, normative
considerations”, Brot für die Welt, Stuttgart, 2010, 18.
46
refugee law should not be interpreted in such way as to cover also EMs. Still, “the lack of
a ‘refugee’ qualification is by no means a reason for lack of action.”283
Furtermore, the EC stated in the same document that the fact that the environmentally
induced displacement (…) “will inevitably continue must be recognised. Measures will
therefore be required to assist the displaced, (…) and to find durable solutions”.284
The Mobility Partnerships (MPs) would be, in principle, a relevant instrument to bilaterally
cooperate on all sorts of measures regarding EDPs.285 Under the MP framework the EU can
provide assistance in strengthening the domestic capacities of the third countries in dealing
with the IDPs related to the climate change circumstances, while keeping the cooperation
in assuring stability, good governance and respect for human rights democracy and in the
concerned countries.286 Additionally, in relation to countries which are most likely to be
affected by environmental degradation and disasters, the EU might go further and include
EM from the partner countries to the EU in the discussion within the MP framework.287
The MPs will be further discussed in the realm of the question of migration as an adaptation
strategy, where the EU-Africa partnerships and strategies are addressed.
283 European Parliament, Parliamentary questions, Answer given by Mr Dimas on behalf of the Commission, 4
February 2009. 284 SWD (2013) final 138, 25. This is also confirmed in an interview with Jacob Werksman, Principal adviser of
DG-CLIMA and one of the four lead negotiators for the EU at the UN Climate negotiations, Brussels, 11 December 2013. 285 A. KRALER et al., “Climate Change & Migration: What is the Role for Migration Policies?”, ICMPD, Policy Brief,
2012, 7. 286 COM(2011) 248 final, o.c.,17. 287 International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD), “”Climate Refugees” Legal and policy
responses to environmentally induced migration”, Study commissioned by the European Parliament, Directorate General for internal policies, Policy Department C: Citizens' rights and constitutional affairs, civil liberties, justice and home affairs, Brussels, 2011, 68.
47
6.3.3. Primary Law: A promising basis of Objectives
A combined reading of the articles 2, 3(5) and 21(1) and (2)288 of the TEU289 reveals an
explicit evolution in common values and objectives, calling for a level of adaptability in the
scope of the EU’s legal and political actions, especially in areas of transversal interests such
as climate change and human rights. They serve as a legal basis for the Union’s external
action, as well as Articles 6 and 7 of the TEU, as a lex generalis for the Union’s competence
in matters of human rights. They mark the adaptability of legal sources to this new legal
and political environment, leaving an open window for perspectives of further
developments.290
Since a new legal status does not seem politically feasible (neither on international and
regional level)291–and even if there would be one it would only solve partially the problem,
because most people affected by climate change stay within their borders, it seems
necessary to recognise that migration could be a form of adaptation.
Academics, as discussed above, argue that States will ultimately need to develop
coordinated responses that acknowledge the need for cross-border movement in certain
circumstances. Protection gaps are especially apparent for persons displaced across
borders and in cases of slow-onset climate events.292 An additional major reason for
existing pressures on the EU asylum system that avenues for ‘regular’ economic or other
independent migration are very restricted for people from African countries (and
developing countries in general).293
As a matter of fact, illegal migration can only be stopped if a legal and safe alternative is
proposed. States will thus need to regularize the status of those who move, either through
humanitarian or migration schemes.294 Against this backdrop, next section assesses
whether the EU starts addressing measures to promote and facilitate migration as a
strategy to promote adaptation and disaster risk reduction (DRR).
288 Article 21(2) is explicit in this sense: “The Union shall define and pursue common policies and actions, and
shall work for a high degree of cooperation in all fields of international relations, in order to: (…) (d) foster the sustainable economic, social and environmental development of developing countries, with the primary aim of eradicating poverty; (…) (g) assist populations, countries and regions confronting natural or man-made disasters (…)”. 289 Consolidated Version of the Treaty on European Union, Mar. 30, 2010, 2010 O.J. (C 83) 13 [hereinafter TEU]. 290 European Union (ed.), Human Rights and Climate Change: EU Policy Options, Study of the European
Parliament, DG for External Policies, 2012, 40. 291 SWD (2013) 138 final, 20-21. 292 ICMPD, o.c.,2011, 10. 293 W. KÄLIN and N. SCHREPFER, o.c., 2012, 58. 294 J. McADAM, Climate Change, Forced Migration and International Law, 2012, 189.
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7. Migration as an adaptation strategy?
We’ve just discussed the responses to climate change-related movement as a protection
issue, which mostly focuses on the human right deprivations. The assumption is that
movement is forced and should be treated like as refugee-like in nature, with binding
protection obligations for States with respect to those displaced - hence calls for a new
treaty.
As a migration issue, movement is often categorized as voluntary, and therefore as not
compelling the ‘international community’ to respond. For example, the lack of employment
opportunities in the country of origin might be cast as the motivating factor of the
movement. The assumption here is that the (EU member) states can respond as and when
they see fit through domestic immigration policy.295
A recent EC Staff Working Document (SWD)296, as well as EC officials, underline that the
EU is gradually moving from providing support to research on conceptualizing the links
between environmental change and migration to identifying internal policies and strategies
for addressing the effects of environmental change on migration.297
A previous EU- supported study argues that planned resettlement as either a post- or pre-
displacement option, as well as strengthening the resilience capacities of affected
populations, should be considered as “additional options” (to the protection options).
Furthermore, the study proposes bilateral migration agreements, including possible
seasonal migration plans, which may be useful tools to promote migration as an adaption
strategy to longer term environmental change, particularly on a regional level.298
The bilateral agreement concluded between Colombia and Spain, which does not address
the cause of displacement, provides for quotas that can be particularly useful for circular
295 Interview with EC lead negotiator to COP 19; See also: J. Mc ADAM, o.c., 2012, 212. 296 SWD (2013) 138 final. This initiative builds upon the White Paper "Adapting to climate change: Towards a
European framework for action" (COM (2009) 147 final) adopted on 1st April 2009. The White Paper announced the development of a comprehensive EU adaptation strategy by 2013. The legal base of the Communication (non-legislative act), that the EC SWD is accompanying is the Treaty on Functioning of the EU: Article 192 (1) of the TFUE. The lead service is CLIMA (Climate Action), while migration is typically a policy area for the DG HOME. See: EC, “Actions adopted by the Commission”, (website), 2013, http://ec.europa.eu/atwork/pdf/execution_report_2013.pdf 297 Interview with EC lead negotiator to COP 19 and with an EC’s International Cooperation Officer, Directorate-
General for Development and Cooperation – EuropeAid Unit B3 – Migration and Asylum Sector, 2013; See: SWD (2013) 138 final. 298 A. KRALER et al., o.c., 2012, 2.
49
migration.299 This could also be a pragmatic and immediate solution when risks are
known.300
Responding to the challenges and opportunities posed by migration in the context of
environmental degradation and climate change, the EC (through a SWD) has continued
and confirmed this progressive stance by arguing that “migration has the potential to
contribute to adaptation in a number of ways. This potential should be fully exploited,
including through measures to promote well-managed legal mobility, and support migrants
in strengthening the resilience of their communities of origin.”301
This stands remarkably in sharp contrast with the European policy response to these
challenges a decade ago, if there was one at all. It was defensive and broadly aimed at
reinforcing efforts to reduce immigration to Europe and to strengthen security actors to
prevent conflict that could result from such movement.302 Thus, we would be tempted to
(too hastily) state that the new rhetoric – of DG CLIMA and DG-DEVCO - doesn’t coincide
any longer with the oft-heard idea that climate migration is intrinsically an undesirable
phenomenon and that public authorities should strive to avoid it through adaptation.303
This would be to forget the different ‘lenses’ and priorities of the different policy sectors
within the EU that are dealing with this cross-cutting issue.304
It should in this respect be remarked that, in addition to anti-immigration groups and
former High representative Solana stressing that climate change is a “threat multiplier”305,
it is now Mrs. Ashton and other security and foreign policy actors that deliberately conflate
climate-induced migration with security. They raise fears about “mass migration” fleeing
299 N. DE MOOR, “Temporary Labour Migration for Victims of Natural Disasters: The Colombia-Spain Model”, in M. LEIGHTON, S. XIAOMENG and K. WARNER (eds.), Climate Change and Migration: Rethinking Policies for Adaptation and Disaster Risk Reduction, UNU-EHS, 93. 300 Like the Pacific Access Category (PAC) between Tuvalu and New Zealand. 301 SWD (2013) final 138, 25. This promotion (funding and assisting) of regional migration programmes is what
several African interviewees at the COP 19 and authors propose to preserve the environmental migrant’s dignity, see: B. MAYER, o.c., 13. 302 Solana stated: “Europe must expect substantially increased migratory pressure” in the coming decades,
highlighting the need for European policies to address the issue. High Representative Javier Solana and European Commission, Climate Change and International Security, S 113/08, Brussels, European Commission, 2008, 8. For an analysis of EU’s external policy with Africa (through PMME within the JAES ) and how development cooperation was rather considered by the EU as a means to better control migration and to lessen migration pressure in host European countries migration, see: S. LAVENEX and R. KUNZ, “The Migraton-Development Nexus in EU-External relations”, European Integration, Vol. 30, N°3, 2008, 442-443 and 445. 303 It should be noted that adaptation is now considered as a means to reduce ‘displacement’ (not migration).
See: SWD (2013) 138 final, 21-23. 304 The issue of policy incoherence is discussed further in this paper. 305 High Representative Javier Solana and the European Commission, o.c. 8.
50
from impoverished, drought-ridden regions of North Africa into Europe,306 is considered as
“one of the new threats that have emerged”. 307
Yet, as we will note when addressing the joint EU-Africa strategies, treating climate change
as a security issue for advanced industrialized countries does not advance the effort to find
adaptive solutions. Instead, as WHITE concludes, it reinforces dynamics within the
international system that contribute to the system itself.308
In contrast with the previously discussed protection claim, international environmental law
- more specifically Climate Change Law - is a relatively significant ground to start discussing
the EU’s environmental migration policy considering migration as an adaptation strategy.
7.1. Climate Change Law as a catalyser
The introduction of climate change concerns into the external dimension of migration
policies appears to be closely linked to the way the international debate has evolved.
Overall, developing countries have contributed only 24 percent - Africa only 3 percent - to
historical emissions. Recognising the importance of historical GHGs, there is a global
commitment under the UNFCCC that developed countries should take the lead in combating
climate change and related crises.309 The EC stressed the fundamental CBDR-principle310
again, which is closely related to the concept of ‘ecological justice’ from a historical and
scientific perspective, and stressed that it will therefore “need to support adaptation actions
in developing countries.”311 Without such support, according to the Stern report, there is
“a serious risk that development progress will be undermined.”312
306 In fact, much of African international migration is intra-regional; See A. ADEPOJU, “Migration in sub-Saharan
Africa”, A background paper commissioned by the Nordic Africa Institute, 2007, 17. 307 European Union, “Opening address by High Representative Catherine Ashton at the symposium on the
Common Security and Defence Policy”, Washington DC, 8 May 2013, 2 and http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/EN/foraff/137065.pdf 308 G. WHITE, “The “Securization” of Climate-Induced Migration” in K. R., KHORY (ed.), Global Migration.in the
Twenty-first Century, 40. 309 Article 3.1 of the UNFCCC and paragraph 1(b)(i) of the Bali Action Plan. 310 Negotiation and implementation of such a principle of burden sharing will, however, become increasingly
complicated once projections of future emissions are included. 311 EC, “Adapting to Climate Change in Europe-Options for EU action”, Green Paper from the Commission to the
Council, the European Parliament, and the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions, Brussels , SEC (2007) 849, 22. 312 Indeed, as the Stern Report points out, “Climate change threatens the basic elements of life for people around
the world – access to water, food production, health, and use of land and the environment”. STERN, N., The economics of climate change: The Stern Review, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007, 6. And, according to the 2013 UN Human Development Report, climate change and other environmental disasters could put an additional 3.1 billion people into extreme poverty by 2050 if no significant steps are taken.
51
As a signatory to the UNFCCC, the EU currently recognises explicitly Africa’s ‘higher
impacts’ and ‘higher vulnerability’313 and contributes with various EU-level initiatives314,
mostly to firstly mitigate and secondly to adapt to climate change and thus prevent a “flow
of climate refugees”.315 If well done, ‘adaptation’ could help direct international money and
attention to reducing vulnerability not just to climate change but also to environmental
degradation, poverty and conflict.316 Promoting adaptation and disaster risk reduction
(DRR)317 to reduce the need for migration are, for the EC, some of the tools necessary to
meet the challenges.318
The issue of migration and displacement is one of many in discussions on adaptation, and
adaptation is only one of an array of complex issues dealt within the global climate
negotiations.319 Migration is, at some level, one of the potential policy approaches
emanating from Paragraph 14(f) of the Cancun Adaptation Framework under the UNFCCC
(2010), which was the first-time ever inclusion of human mobility on an internationally
agreed climate adaptation decision.320 This provision invites all Parties to “enhance action
on adaptation…taking into account their common but differentiated responsibilities and
respective capabilities, and specific national and regional development priorities, objectives
and circumstances, by undertaking, inter alia”: (…)
(f) Measures to enhance understanding, coordination and cooperation with regard to
climate change induced displacement, migration and planned relocation”.321
An implication of paragraph 14(f) is that it requires wider conversations about current in
situ resilience and how mobility fits into adaptive transformations and resilience.322
313 UNDP, “Chapter Four - Adapting to the Inevitable: National Action and International Cooperation” in Human
Development Report 2007/2008 – Fighting climate change: Human solidarity in a divided world, November 2007, 19. 314 EC, “Adapting to Climate Change in Europe-Options for EU action”, Green Paper from the Commission to the
Council, the European Parliament, and the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions, Brussels , SEC (2007) 849, 22. 315 B. HEINE and L. PETERSEN, “Adaptation et co-operation”, Les changements climatiques et les déplacements,
RFM31, 48. 316 O. BROWN, A. HAMMILL and R. MCLEMAN, “Climate change as the ‘new’ security threat: implications for
Africa”, International Affairs, Volume 83, Issue 6, November 2007, 1141–1154. 317 See European Commission, The EU approach to Resilience: learning from Food Security Crises, Communication
from the European Commission to the European Parliament, COM (2012) 586 final. (reaffirming the role of DRR as a driver of resilience and sustainable development.) 318 SWD (2013) final 138, 34. 319 See: J. VERSCHUUREN, “Legal aspects of Climate change adaptation” in HOLLO, E.J., KULOVESI, K. and
MEHLING, M. (eds.) Climate Change and the Law, Dordrecht, Springer, 2013, 257-285. 320 K. WARNER, “Environmental Change and Migration: Issues for European governance and migration
management », Network Migration in Europe E.V., 2011, 6. 321
The Cancun Agreements: Outcome of the work of the Ad Hoc Working Group on Long-term Cooperative Action
under the Convention, 1/CP.16, chapter on 'Enhanced action on adaptation', paragraph 14 (f). 322 K. WARNER , “Migration and Global Environmental Change.PD23: Migration and displacement in the context
of adaptation to climate change: developments in the UNFCCC climate negotiations and potential for future Action”, Foresight, London, UK Government for Science, 2011, 26 and see the figures p.23.
52
WARNER describes this as a process that framed migration as a technical (rather than
political) and legitimate part of a wider adaptation framework.323
Although the Cancun Adaptation Framework is not legally binding, it has operational
significance and the UNFCCC will have a catalytic role on these issues.324 Some
governments are, for example, responding favourably to the idea of funding further work
on ‘migration as adaptation’, as their contribution to this issue.325
By adapting to international evolutions, the JHA referred in 2011 to a similar statement as
one year earlier at COP 16 in Cancun, included in the Global Approach to Migration and
Mobility (“GAMM”): “The Stockholm Programme326 recognised Climate change as a global
challenge that is increasingly driving migration and displacement and invited the
Commission to present analysis of this phenomenon [...] Addressing environmentally
induced migration, also by means of adaptation to the adverse effects of climate change,
should be considered part of the Global Approach”. 327
Under the GAMM and the Agenda for Change328, the EC will “promote migration governance
and effective policy coherence at all levels, to harness the potential of migration and
mobility as development enablers”.329 Making migration part of an integrated,
development-orientated response is a valid and important element of policy solutions.330
This is in full accordance with the literature discussed above.
323 K. WARNER, “Migration and Global Environmental Change”, o.c., 8-13. 324 McADAM, o.c., 230. 325 Mc ADAM, o.c., 232. 326 European Council, Stockholm Programme, Council Document 17024/09, 1-2 December 2009; European Commission, Action Plan Implementing the Stockholm Programme, COM(2010) 171 final of 20 April 2010. 327 The EU Global Approach to Migration is the external dimension of the EU’s migration policy. Political impetus
is required to enhance GAMM effectiveness and impact and to ensure progress in dialogues on migration, mobility and security and negotiations of mobility partnerships; European Commission, The Global Approach to Migration and Mobility, COM (2011) 743 fnal, Brussels, 6-7. (DG HOME, as the ‘leader’ of EU’s external migration policy, is the main author of the GAMM document, which was created in close collabouration with the DG DEVCO.) 328 The Agenda for Change is the overall EU development policy framework, which includes some specific priorities
on migration, see: European Commission, Increasing the impact of EU Development Policy: an Agenda for Change, Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions, COM(2011) 637 final, 11 e.s. 329 COM(2013) 292 final, 6 and 13. The Commission explains briefly with three bullet points how it will proceed
in particular to achieve this. 330 Interviews with EC officials, Brussels, 2013; See also: A. GEDDES and W. SOMERVILLE, o.c., 2013.
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In addition, the decision on loss and damage to the adverse impacts of climate change at
COP 18 in Doha also acknowledges this issue331 and this working programme could include
forced migration as ‘non-economic losses’.332
In November 2013, the ‘Warsaw international mechanism’333 was agreed to build further
on these previous stepping-stones even though it did not mention explicitly ‘migration’ as
such in the text. However, the question of which countries will be responsible for the
financial support, and how payments will take place, has the potential to raise some thorny
questions in the years to come, but, even so, the mechanism is an important commitment
to dealing with the current consequences of climate change, on the ground.
According to one of the EU’s lead negotiators, the EU was “quite open to mention migration
specifically in the climate negations, but because the other developed countries were very
reluctant to undertake something it didn’t get so far.” Negotiators talked “more about
compensation than migration.”334
In sum, there seem to be two main gateways to bring migration as adaptation in the
climate change negotiations, namely the ‘loss and damage framework’ in cases of forced
migration and the ‘adaptation framework’ in cases of more voluntary forms of migration.
Although international considerations of the interconnections between climate change
adaptation and migration are “still in its infancy”335, the EU seems –at least rhetorically- to
track and to adapt to these evolutions in the international climate migration debate closely.
7.2. The African policy advocacy
Some of the most affected African governments are keen to secure international
agreements in which other (developed countries) recognise that climate change has
contributed to their predicament. For them, developed countries should acknowledge
331 UNFCCC, Approaches to address loss and damage associated with climate change impacts in developing
countries that are particularly vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change to enhance adaptive capacity, Draft decision, COP 18, Doha, 2012, 3. 332 At COP 19 in Warsaw in November 2013, human mobility as non-economic loss has been discussed in one of
the technical papers, but it was not been further crystalized in a concrete text. 333
UNFCCC, Warsaw international mechanism for loss and damage associated with climate change impacts,
Decision of COP 19, Warsaw, November 2013. 334 Interview with EC official, Principal advisor of DG-CLIMA, one of the four EU lead negotiators at COP 19,
Brussels, December 2013. 335
S.F. MARTIN, “Environmental Change and Migration: what we know”, Migration Policy Institute Policy Brief,
N°2, Washington D.C., 2.
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migration (in some cases) and relocation as part of their obligations to assist in a
compensatory way.336
Others fear that if they do so, the EU (and industrialised States in general) may simply
believe that they can ‘solve’ problems like desertification and rising sea-levels by relocating
affected populations, instead of investing in local (material) adaptation measures, or by
tackling the root cause, namely by reducing carbon emissions.337
While many African civil society organisations use the ‘blame game’ for their demands for
admissions of liability or compensation338, most African officials would like to see an
overarching framework. It would 1) acknowledge the reality of climate change-related
movement; 2) Commit to funding adaptation to enable in situ responses for as long as this
is feasible339; and 3) commit in principle to facilitating movement through migration
programmes, and responding to spontaneous movement where inevitable.340
To put in a general way, planned movement may be an adaptation strategy in some cases.
However, the affected governments and their people would be better off, if solutions with
the EU (and other developed countries) were found that involve a combination of in situ
adaptation and migration.
As we argued above, these policies should be considered within a human rights framework,
because adaptation cannot happen at all costs. It should “at least be adaptation with
dignity”.341
Taking a more open approach to vulnerability reduction –by including migration- is deemed
urgent in the South both to build development and to improve adaptive capacity before
the worst occur.342
336 Interviews with Samson Samuel Ogallah Representative of Pan-African Climate Justice Alliance Network
(PACJAN) (Civil Society) and Officials from Senegal, Mali, Chad in Warsaw, November 2013. 337 Interview with Official from Burkina Faso and Tunisia in Warsaw, November 2013. 338 For instance, PACJAN calls for social and ecological justice referring to the « ecological debt » of developed
countries. In the Cancun Adaptation Framework, more specifically in the « Loss and Damage » working programme, they insist that migration should be compensated and considered as a non-economic loss. They argue that planned migration now needs to be a part of this debate. In this sense, hospitality to affected countries from the industrial countries responsible for climate change must be seen as either a mode of adaptation or a form of compensation for profound losses and damages caused by climate change. 339 T. VAN CRIEKINGE, “The EU-Africa migration Partnership : the limits of the EU’s external dimension of
migration in Africa”, in M. CARBONE, O.c., 261-262. 340 Interviews with 6 delegations of African countries and Representatives of the African Group at the COP 19 in
Warsaw, November 2013. Also the PACJAN uses the ‘blame game’ to pressure the developed countries. 341 Interview with Mr. Ogallah, Representative of PACJAN, Warsaw, 12 November 2013. The notion of “human
dignity” has been interpreted and used in different ways. We consider it as the satisfaction of all the fundamental needs of human beings, like stressed in the African Charter (1981), the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development (1992), and the Draft Declaration on Principles for Human Rights and the Environment (1994). 342 J. AYERS et al., “Assessing EU assistance for Adaptation to Climate Change in Developing Countries: A
Southern Perspective”, in S. OBERTHÜR and M. PALLEMAERTS (eds.) The New Climate Policies of the EU, Brussels, VUB Press, 2010, 242.
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8. The EU’s ‘environmental migration policy’: an adequate response?
8.1. A ‘balanced and comprehensive approach’
Addressing the root causes to migration with a view to promoting co-development has
already since 1999 been recognised by the EC as the most relevant preventive approach
within the external dimension of EU’s migration and asylum policy,343 what is called the
‘balanced and comprehensive approach’ to migration344.
The comprehensive approach’s345 conceptual centre of gravity is not to retain the
movement of people (security or remote control approach), but to construct an alternative
through political innovation. Its rationale is that we must seek to influence - while also
reducing - the push factors motivating people to leave their home countries. It has a
preventive dimension since it is more centred on the causes than on the effects of migrant’s
exit option.346
While the underlying logics behind each approach seem rather different, they are both
perceived, at the EU level, as efficient means to fight against illegal immigration.347
However, these two sides of the same coin were not always given equivalent importance
in the EU migration policy. As BOSWELL argues it is until the late 1990s that “cooperation
with third countries on JHA issues largely took the form of providing support to future EU
members to reinforce border control, develop asylum systems and combat illegal
migration.”348
The EU’s position of privilege in Africa is probably due to the fact that the EU has cooperated
in a large number of fields – as a result of its ‘comprehensive approach’ -, thereby going
343 European Union (ed.), Human Rights and climate change: EU policy options, Brussels, 2012, 62. 344 This started with the 1999 Tampere European Council, which highlighted the need for the EU to develop a
comprehensive approach to migration addressing political, human rights and development issues in countries of origin and transit. This requires combatting poverty, improving living conditions and job opportunities, preventing conflicts and consolidating democratic states and ensuring respect for human rights (…), EU Presidency Conclusions, European Council, Tampere, October 15-16, 1999; Art. 13 of the 2000 Cotonou Agreement with ACP countries offers a good illustration of EU’s security agenda in dealing with migration flows from third countries. 345 The EU’s position of privilege in Africa is probably due to its ‘comprehensive approach’, which goes beyond the
pursuit of only material interests and engagement with a selected number of countries. See: F. SÖDERBAUM, “The European Union as an actor in Africa: internal coherence and external legitimacy”, O.c., 2013, 25-43. 346 G. AUBARELL, R. ZAPATA-BARRERO and X. ARAGALL, “New Directions of National Immigration Policies: The
Development of the External Dimension and its Relationship with the Euro-Mediterranean Process”, Euro Mesco Paper, N° 79, 2009, 14. 347 C. BOSWELL, “The 'External Dimension' of EU Immigration and Asylum Policy”, International Affairs, Vol. 79,
No. 3, 2003, 624. The 2006 Communication from the Commission underlines that cooperation with third countries (in order to address the push factors for illegal immigration and the securing of borders are both priority policies (together with other concerns such as the fight against human traficking, illegal employment and return policy.) Communication from the Commission on Policy priorities in the fight against illegal immigration of third-country nationals, COM(2006) 402 final. 348 C. BOSWELL, o.c., 627.
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beyond the pursuit of only material interests and engagement with a selected number of
countries.
For many observers, the current conceptual shift toward a more balanced approach to
migration and the multiplication of events and policy initiatives since 2006 are a direct
response to the tragic events of Ceuta and Melilla in 2005. This tragedy showed the
unsustainability of the security-only approach which had dominated until then, European
discourse and practice on migration. The obvious graphic violation of human rights violated
the Union’s very own values and did harm to its external image in the world.349
Consequently, it prompted the EU – at least at the discursive level - to rethink its
traditionally unilateral and narrow approach centred on the control and repression of
migratory flows, and seek greater cooperation with Africa, by emphasizing a root cause
approach through the migration-development nexus.350
The ‘root causes’ argument precisely links to the logic for support to further regional
economic integration, the creation of jobs and alternative opportunities for young Africans
at the regional level. This seems to serve both sides’ interests with a reduction of migration
pressures for the EU and support for the economic development agenda of African
countries.
Yet the evidence demonstrates it is development that drives migration – both within and
across continents. 351 As aid and trade diplomacy will not reduce the migration pressure
but will foster mobility352, some serious questions can be posed.
After the recognition of environmental degradation as a root cause to migration (only by
the EC) under the GAMM in 2011353, the European Commission draws further on this and
349 S. LAVENEX and R. KUNZ, “The Migraton-Development Nexus in EU-External relations”, European Integration,
Vol. 30, N°3, 2008, 446. 350 P. BOSCH and E. HADDAD, o.c., 2007, 6-7; This led to the adoption by the Commission of following
Communication: European Commission, Migration and Development: Some Concrete Orientations, Brussels, COM (2005) 390 final. On the African side, two documents were adopted: AU Executive Council, African Common Position on Migration and Development, Banjul, 2006, EX. CL/DEC.305 (IX), Preamble; AU Executive Council, The Migration Policy Framework for Africa, June 29, 2006, EX.CL/276 (IX). 351 H. DE HAAS, “Migration transitions: a theoretical and empirical inquiry into the developmental drivers of
international migration”, IMI Working Paper No 24, International Migration Institute, University of Oxford, 2010, 49 p. 352 M. CLEMENS, « Think Development in Poor Countries Will Reduce Migration? The Numbers Say Otherwise »,
Center for Global Development (website), 2014 and http://www.cgdev.org/blog/think-development-poor-countries-will-reduce-migration-numbers-say-otherwise 353 Preceding it, the European Commission undertook a broad consultation on migration and climate change with
the results fitting into the GAMM. See European Commission, Migration and Development, Commission Staff Working Paper, Accompanying the document Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions, The Global Approach to Migration and Mobility, {COM(2011) 743 final} Brussels, SEC(2011) 1353 final.
57
sees migration in the context of environmental change as “a complex issue that requires
comprehensive responses involving a broad range of issues and policies: climate change
mitigation, disaster risk reduction, urban planning, education, social policy, asylum and
migration policies, development policies and humanitarian and civil protection policies.”354
Although migration has often been portrayed as a failure to adapt, it is now increasingly
also recognised as a legitimate adaptation strategy in its own right.355
In practice however, links between environmental change and migration in the EU have
been subject to few and limited discussions and very little policy development.356
8.2. Migration as an adaptation strategy promoted and facilitated
In accordance with the EC’s new Communication on the Global Approach to Migration and
Mobility (GAMM)357, the EC’s SWD (2013) claims to want to promote and to facilitate migration
as an adaptation strategy.358 It acknowledges the increasing number of studies that specifically
document the potential of migration to contribute to the resilience of communities of origin and
the EU has explored possible concrete measures to exploit this potential.359
Adaptation to climate change seems to be the common ground for consensus among policy
actors associated with GAMM implementation. Adaptation is considered to respond
simultaneously to security risks, development objectives, climate-induced vulnerability and the
displacement of populations.360 Nevertheless, it states that “understanding of the relationship
between migration and adaptation in communities of origin remains limited, and should be
subject to further research.”361 In addition, the SWD assures that “measures are also under
development to mitigate the potential negative social consequences of migration”362.
Through the GAMM the EU already fully recognises that the human, social and financial capital
which migrants transfer to their countries of origin can exert a positive impact on development.
New objectives in the GAMM were drawn up, like the facilitation of the flows of remittances, the
354 SWD(2013) final 138, 15-16. 355 ICMPD et al., o.c.,2011, 10. 356 See for the same alarming review and observation, A. GEDDES and W. SOMERVILLE, o.c., 2013, 2. 357 COM(2011)743 final 358 See the subtitle “Promoting and facilitating migration as an adaptation strategy”. SWD (2013) 138 final, 26. 359 Including the role of remittances, the role of both temporary and permanent migration, 360 C. TACOLI, "Climate Change and Migration. Study of the climate adaptation-migration nexus and the role for
development cooperation", Eschborn: GIZ, 2011, 12 p. 361 SWD (2013) 138 final, 27. 362 SWD (2013) 138 final, 27.
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engagement of diasporas in home country development or the promotion of circular migration.363
This has recently been concretized in the EU-African Action Plan (2014-2017) on migration and
mobility.364
In this regard, one great challenge is how to ensure a regulatory framework that would both
ensure flexible movement of people365 and their return to their countries of origin. Indeed, for
movement of people to benefit the sending countries, the latter must make sure that emigration
will not amount to losing their human resources, and especially the most qualified one (“brain
drain”)366. Since 2009, the EU has maintained its efforts to ensure that migration genuinely
benefits countries both of origin and of destination, in order to maximize the developmental effects
of its migration policy while minimizing its negative side effects. Much remains to be done to make
sure that migration policy does not negatively affect development objectives and works better for
development, while responding to European needs.367
The EU proposes also that it could consider how to further integrate migration – as adaptation -
into broader efforts to promote climate change adaptation, by for example supporting partners in
introducing a migration dimension to their national adaptation planning.368
Though surprisingly contrasting with international migration, as for internal migration there
appears to be little recognition of the (migration) benefits 369 in National Adaptation Programmes
of Action (NAPAs)370 of developing countries. This is because migratory ‘coping strategies’ are
often seen as producing negative consequences371 and hence have not typically been seen as an
adaptation strategy in itself. As in 2011, of the 45 NAPAs submitted worldwide by the Least
Developed Countries (LDCs), only ten mentioned migration or resettlement in their priority
363 See also: Commission of the European Communities, Communication “On circular migration and mobility
partnerships between the European Union and third countries” COM(2007) 248 final. 364 Fourth EU-Africa Summit, EU-Africa Declaration on Migration and Mobility, Brussels 2-3 April 2014.
365 Opening up dialogue on migratory routes is on the MME Partnership agenda for the post-2014 period (see
further). 366 Brain drain is becoming a major problem for Arica, where the rate of university graduates who have migrated
to Europe is higher than in any part of the world. L. KATSELI et al., “Effects of Migration on Sending Countries : What do we know ?”, OECD Development Centre Working Paper N°250, Paris : OECD, 2006, 19; IOM, “Diasporas and Development: Bridging between Societies and States”, International Dialogue on Migration 2013, Diaspora Ministerial Conference, June 2013, 13 p. 367 European Commision, EU 2011 Report on Policy Coherence for Development, Staff working Paper, Brussels,
SEC(2011) 1627 final 76-77. 368 SWD (2013) 138 final, 28. Although some affected African countries already integrate migration within their
NAPAs. 369 As advocated by literature (see above when making “the case for migration”). C. TACOLI, “Not only climate
change: mobility, vulnerability and socio-economic transformations in environmentally fragile areas of Bolivia, Senegal and Tanzania”, IIED Human Settlements Working Paper Series, Rural Interactions and Livelihoods Strategies, London: International Institute for Environment and Development, 2011. 370 National Adaptation Programmes of Actions (NAPAs) are national adaptation plans developed by Least
Developed Countries (LDCs) intended to address immediate adaptation needs. 371 J. SWARD and S. CODJOE, “Human Mobility and Climate Change Adaptation Policy: A Review of Migration in
National Adaptation Programmes of Action (NAPAs)”, Migrating out of Poverty Research Programme Consortium, Working Paper 6 March 2012, 23.
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projects, from which eight African countries. They considered human mobility as a key variable in
the adaptation challenge. Six of the African countries372, were predominantly concerned with
internal migration as a coping strategy in relation to drought.373
Yet this potential of migration to serve as a coping strategy could also be highlighted to partner
countries through on-going political dialogue initiatives on both migration and climate change
adaptation. Under the GAMM, the EU is engaged in a number of bilateral and regional migration
dialogues with key partners throughout the developing world, and not the least from Africa, as
we’ll discuss.
8.2.1. The EU and Africa as key partners
As the EC states, African countries are key partners for the EU in its work to address the
(consequences of) climate change.374
Although since 2006 the question of migration has been at the forefront of the Africa-EU relations,
up till now there is no concrete specific and explicit position on environmental migration (as an
adaptation strategy) from Africa to the EU. 375. This is because the partnerships happened through
a number of important events and policy initiatives mostly devoted to the migration-development
nexus.376 The EU and Africa have also separately produced a number of important policy
documents outlining their respective positions in the area of migration.377
While Bilateral Dialogues between the EU and Sub-Saharan African States are still very rare378
and “should be intensified”,379 the African continent has witnessed an increasing willingness from
the EU to engage in regional and continental cooperation efforts geared at developing a joint-
strategy on migration. Cooperation at regional level comprises the so-called “Rabat Process”380
372 Namely Chad, Mauritania, Togo, Eritrea, Sudan and Burkina Faso. 373 J. SWARD and S. CODJOE, “Human Mobility and Climate Change Adaptation Policy: A Review of Migration in
National Adaptation Programmes of Action (NAPAs)”, Migrating out of Poverty Research Programme Consortium, Working Paper 6 March 2012, 23. 374European Union (ed.), Supporting a Climate for Change, Brussels, 2012, 4. The EU is, for example, occasionally
participating to the African Environment Ministries (AMCEN) process. 375 This has been confirmed in an interview per e-mail with an EC Official (DG CLIMA), November 2013. 376 It suffices to mention the Euro-African Ministerial Conference in Rabat in July 2006, the UN High Level Dialogue
in New York in September 2006, the Euro-African Conference in Madrid in June 2007, the First Global Forum in Brussels in July 2007… 377 J. MANGALA, “Africa-EU Partnership on Migration, Mobility and Employment”, in J. MANGALA (ed.), Africa and
the European : a strategic Partnership, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, 195. 378
The Mobility Partnership with Cape Verde, since May 2008, is the first cooperation of this kind between the
EU and an African state and, for the time being, the only Mobility Partnership concluded with a Sub-Saharan state. Five Member States participate. See: European Commission, “Africa”, DG Home Affairs (website), s.d. 379 Interview with several African delegates at COP19, Warsaw, November 2013. 380
The Rabat Process is a Euro-African Dialogue on Migration and Development with Western and Central African
countries launched in 2006 in Rabat. It is financially and politically supported by the EC and it brings together more than fifty countries of origin, transit and destination, which have a shared vision of “a rational, balanced and efficient management of migration flows from and via West and Central Africa.” The objective is to create a framework for dialogue and consultation within which concrete, practical initiatives are implemented.
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launched in 2006 (with the Dakar Strategy381 to guide it for the years 2012-2014) and the ACP-
EU Dialogue on Migration and Development382, based on article 13 of the Cotonou Agreement. The
insertion of this migration clause was amongst the most contentious issues during the Cotonou
negociations, stressing the weight and importance of the issue for both the ACP and the EU.383
The aim of EU’s engagement in support for mainstreaming of migration into development
strategies is to help its partners to design a pro-development migration framework at home. Some
progress has been made since 2009, with for example the launch of the ACP Observatory on
Migration, an initiative of the Secretariat of the ACP Group of States, empowered by the IOM and
funded by the EU with the financial support of Switzerland.384
After the refugee drama in Lampedusa, the EC recalled that actions in cooperation with third
countries are “one of the most effective ways to prevent persons from attempting to enter the EU
through irregular channels, and put their life at risk by undertaking dangerous journeys towards
Europe.”385 The Seahorse Atlantic Network is an example of a concrete cooperation at regional
level between some European and African countries.386 It enables the information exchange
between authorities along the Western African coast in order to prevent irregular migration and
cross-border crime.
At continental level there is the EU-Africa Partnership on Migration, Mobility and Employment
(MME), which resulted from the Tripoli Process and was agreed under the ‘Joint EU-Africa Strategy’
(JAES) in 2007387. The JAES defines long-term policy orientations between the two continents,
based on a shared vision and common principles.388 Within this framework which includes eight
areas for strategic partnership389, there was hardly any field or cross-cutting issue in which the EU
X, “Euro-African Dialogue on Migration and Development”, Rabat Process, s.d. 381 Third Euro-African Ministerial Conference on Migration and Development, 23 November 2011. 382
The EU and the ACP States run a Dialogue on Migration and Development covering several topics agreed
among the parties. See: European Commission, “The Cotonou Agreement”, the EU and the ACP, Ouagadougou,
June 2010. 383 T. VAN CRIEKINGE, “The EU-Africa migration Partnership : the limits of the EU’s external dimension of
migration in Africa”, in M. CARBONE, o.c., 259. 384
European Commision, Staff working Paper, EU 2011 Report on Policy Coherence for Development, Brussels,
SEC(2011) 1627 final, 78. 385 European Commission, Communication on the work of the Task Force Mediterranean, Communication from
the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament, Brussels, COM(2013) 869 final, 4. 386 Namely Spain, Portugal, Senegal, Mauritania, Cape Verde, Morocco, Gambia and Guinea Bissau. 387 Council of the European Union, The Africa-EU strategic Partnership: A Joint Africa-EU Strategy, 16344/07, 9
December, 2007. 388 For more information, see: http://www.africa-eu-partnership.org/ 389 These eight priority areas are: 1. Peace and Security 2. Democratic Governance and Human Rights 3. Regional
Economic Integration, Trade and Infrastructure 4. Millennium Development Goals 5. Climate Change 6. Energy 7. Migration, Mobility and Employment 8. Science, Information Society and Space.
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and Africa were not meant to cooperate390, as set out in the 2nd Action Plan 2011-2013.391
Initiatives under the 2nd Action Plan so far concentrated on remittances, diaspora, human
trafficking and research. Mobility, migrants rights, international protection and irregular migration
were part of the dialogue component of the partnership but received limited attention overall.392
Both the Rabat and the Tripoli Processes support, in practical ways, broader consultation and
cooperation, for example, the Joint Africa-EU Partnership on MME and, for the EU, the GAMM.
Both are to be situated within the context of a migration-and-development perspective.393
However, the PMME has not stopped the EU and its member states from pursuing unilateral actions
and traditional preoccupations around illegal migration that remain entrenched in the security
approach. Within the mobility partnerships, it has proved difficult for Member States, to offer real
legal migration opportunities, also because of the economic and financial crisis and its impact on
employment.394
In our opinion, the ‘economic crisis’ shouldn’t impede the EU–Africa cooperation to include genuine
plans for mobility. Hence it needs to overcome a focus on the ‘root’ cause argument to fight
irregular migration.
8.2.2. Focus on south-south migration
The EC acknowledges in its working document that fostering mobility and facilitating labour
migration can greatly contribute both to creating opportunities for individuals to take advantage
of the potential of migration to boost adaptation, and to reducing environmentally induced
displacement. This statement applies, however, practically only to south-south migration: by
promoting mobility both within states (e.g. rural-urban migration), and international migration, in
particular between developing countries in the same region.395
390 S. SCHMIDT, “Towards a new EU-African Relationship: A Grand Strategy for Africa?, Foreign Policy in Dialogue,
Vol. 8, N°24, 8-18. 391 It was adopted at the third Africa EU Summit (29-30 November 2010) in Tripoli, Libya. The so-called Tripoli
Declaration aims to shape the future relations between two continents, but it attracted limited interest by political leaders and the media recorded a number of disappointments. 392Africa-EU Partnership on MME, Priorities for future cooperation in the area of Migration and Mobility in the
framework of the Africa -EU Strategic Partnership, Senior Officials Meeting, Brussels, 27 and 28 November 2013. 393 The Tripoli Process encompasses the full African continent, whereas the Rabat Process covers mainly North,
West and Central Africa and is focused on West African migratory routes and issues. IOM, Regional Inter-State Consultation Mechanisms on Migration: Approaches, Recent Activities and Implications for Global Governance of Migration, IOM Migration research Series, N°45, 2013, 37-38. 394 Interview with EC official and African delegates to COP 19, Warsaw, November 2013; See also: J. MANGALA,
“Africa-EU Partnership on Migration, Mobility and Employment”, in J. MANGALA (ed.), Africa and the European : a strategic Partnership, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, 199. 395 SWD(2013) 138 final, 28.
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According to the EC, current experiences point out that there is no need to 'brand' measures to
promote mobility as specifically targeting a certain type of migrant for them to facilitate the use
of migration as adaptation. Its reasoning is based on the similarities between environmentally
induced migration and other types of migration flows and that some of the most successful
examples of schemes which have promoted migration as adaptation have been set up as 'ordinary'
labour migration schemes.396
Regarding internal mobility, measures to facilitate existing migration trends and promote their
development impact may prove beneficial. These may include supporting developing countries in
planning for increased mobility, strengthening infrastructure or transport links, and supporting
host communities.397
As regards the facilitation of international population movements, the EC has already implemented
numerous relevant measures as fostering well-managed international mobility. Better organizing
legal migration is also recognised as one of the four 'pillars' of the GAMM. Many of these have
focused on promoting circular migration schemes (in particular for students, and businessmen,
not typically EMs). In addition, both the GAMM and the 2011 Agenda for Change on Increasing the
Impact of EU Development Policy398 call on EU to promote inter- and intra-regional mobility in
developing regions. The EC therefore aims to “significantly step up its efforts to promote the
development impact of South-South migration in the coming years through EU development
cooperation”.399
The EC is ready to support capacity building in all relevant areas, including by sharing its expertise
on protecting migrants’ human rights, integration, labour migration systems, asylum and
international protection, tackling human smuggling and trafficking, Integrated Border
Management, etc.400
Whether better regional mobility, integration and employment opportunities will alleviate
migration pressures on Europe is unsure.
In light of these interactions, the EC “will explore how future initiatives on labour migration and
mobility could be more specifically targeted towards regions at risk of climate change or
environmental degradation”. 401 Such measures should build on the experience gained with a
396 SWD (2013) 138final, 28. 397 SWD (2013) 138final, 28. This fits fairly what most of the African delegation interviewees advocated at COP
19 in Warsaw, Poland, November 2013. 398 EC, Increasing the impact of EU Development Policy: an Agenda for Change, Communication from the
Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions, COM(2011) 637 final. 399 SWD(2013) 138 final, 28. 400 COM(2013) 292 final, 13. 401 SWD(2013) 138 final, 28.
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number of relevant labour migration schemes which have already been implemented both by the
EU and its Member States and by non-EU countries.402 They have been developed in different
contexts which demonstrate that greater mobility can promote the use of migration as adaptation
in a vast range of scenarios.403 The development of such migration schemes often requires the
adoption of 'flanking measures' to support mobility.404
8.2.3. Planned relocation as a last resort solution
As we’ve mentioned in the context of environmental displacement, the EC would also like to
provide durable solutions405 for persons affected by slow-onset environmental degradation,
including planning for relocation406 as a last resort solution for communities which are particularly
at risk.
Planned forced displacement of populations from areas impacted by climate change and the
resettlement of these people is one of the most discussed and controversially debated dimensions
of the migration and climate change relationship.407
In particular, resettlement as a strategy to mitigate harm related to floods or sea-level rise is
increasingly integrated in National Adaptation Programmes of Action (NAPAs) resulting in concrete
programmes to protect affected populations.
Planned resettlement has a long history in development field and prior experience shows that
relocation schemes frequently have a high human cost, and few successful examples exist. One
example is the initiative of the Ethiopian government in 1985 to resettle 1.5 million people as a
consequence of massive food shortages from drought affected areas to more fertile ones. The
programme has been widely criticized for the way the relocations were implemented.408
402 A best practice example for intra-regional cooperation mentioned by the EC, is the Security in Mobility Initiative
(SIM) launched in 2009 by a consortium of international organizations (OCHA, UNEP, IOM and ISS) in the context of the specific case of pastoralists in the Horn of Africa. See: OCHA et al., “Security In Mobility: Advocating for Safe Movement as a Climate Change Adaptation Strategy for Pastoralists in the Horn and East Africa”, June 2010. 403
The EU-funded Temporary and Circular Labour Migration (TCLM) agreement between Spain and Colombia
could serve as a model; see: S. LACY, “Climate Change and Migration: Possible Roles for German Development Cooperation”, Discussion paper, GIZ, Eschborn, 2012, 8. 404 Such as: involving civil society organisations and local governments in discussions on migration and climate
change or addressing migration governance issues (at local, national, regional and international levels). 405 Some factors which should be taken into account when finding durable and sustainable solutions are the
recovery or creation of livelihoods, compensation for lost or damaged property in case of prohibition of return and the provision of proper housing to services such as health or education. K. WARNER and C. EHRHART, “In Search of Shelter, Mapping the Effects of Climate Change on Human Migration and Displacement”, Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere, Inc (CARE), 2008, 36 p. 406 The terms ‘relocation’ and ‘resettlement’ should be distinguished, since the former only refers to displacement
due to environmental factors. See the lexicon for the definitions. 407
See G. HUGO, ”Lessons from past forced resettlement for climate change migration” in E. PIGUET, A. PECOUD,
P. DE GUCHTENEIRE (ed.) Migration and Climate change, UNESCO, 260-288. 408 See Martin 2010, o.c., p. 5 and McLeman 2011, o.c., p.21.
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Therefore they represent a “last resort solution”, and must be implemented on a voluntary basis
(i.e. persons in targeted communities must be free to refuse participation in the schemes), “based
on careful planning”.409 If not done so at the local, national and international levels, displacement
may in fact be exacerbated, according to studies. That is also why the governance structures the
States put in place will be crucial in “determining the degree to which migration is a form of
adaptation, or an indicator of a failure to adapt”.410
The EC recognises that planned relocation may nevertheless become a necessity in certain
scenarios. This could not only be necessary for 'trapped populations', as previously discussed in
this paper, but it can also be considered an option in itself for countries facing the risk of parts of
their territory being inundated by sea water or becoming environmentally unsustainable due to
desertification. The EU should therefore consider supporting countries severely exposed to
environmental stressors to assess the path of degradation and design specific preventive internal,
or where necessary, international relocation measures when adaptation strategies can no longer
be implemented. Consultations with authorities at not only national but also regional and
international levels are required in order to assess the most viable and sustainable solution for
relocation.411 This question concerns the decision making process: who should choose between
different adaptation options? Democratic decision-making is probably the only acceptable option,
at least at the local or national level, but what procedure should be followed?412
The experience amassed by the EU and its Member States in the process of supporting and
implementing their own resettlement programmes “could prove useful and enable the EU to play
a role in supporting non-EU countries’ efforts to use relocation in managing environmentally
induced migration”.413 Planned relocation of populations has been used in the past also to allow
implementation of development programmes, such as dams or urban reorganisation. But it might
take on larger proportions in the future. As designing an appropriate and durable relocation
strategy has to take into account a number of issues, the EC refers to case studies illustrating
some of the challenges.414
The resettlement of individuals from the countries that have experienced environmental disasters
is an important solution that should be considered by the EU. However, a coherent and pragmatic
coordination mechanism among MS is required.
409 SWD (2013) 138 final, 31. 410 K. WARNER, “Assessing Institutional and Governance Needs Related to Environmental Change and Human
Migration”, Study Team on Climate-Induced Migration, German Marshall Fund of the United States, June 2010, 8. 411 SWD(2013) 138 final, 31. 412 J. McADAM illustrates this with the story of an Alaskan village, which decided to choose by means of a
referendum. J. McADAM, Climate Change, Forced Migration and International Law, 146-147. 413 SWD(2013) 138 final, 31. 414 Especially, the case study carried out on Mozambique in the ‘EACH-FOR’ project, SWD(2013) 138 final, 32.
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9. The Challenges of Institutional Governance and Policy Coherence
Although it was made clear that the new policy consideration should be dealt with as part
of the “external dimension” of migration policies, the question of who must do what has
not been answered. It is argued that the way migration is framed as an external policy
issue, within the current institutional balance of power in the EU, is preventing the
emergence of a new climate change - migration nexus.415
Coordination between policy sectors dealing with the externalization of migration policy is
indeed far from being clear. Incoherencies are further exacerbated by the introduction of
the climate change dimension - perceived differently by each policy sector - and the
relevant policy sector into the institutional arena.
In effect, as previously remarked climate change-related movement can be categorized
and responded to in a variety of ways: as a protection issue, a migration issue, a disaster
issue, an environmental issue, a security issue, or a development issue. As McADAM puts
it, “each ‘lens’ contains an implicit set of assumptions that motivates different policy
outcomes.”416 The inadequacies and shortcomings of institutional responsibility in many
ways mirror the conceptual and legal challenges concerning environmental migration.
At the EU-level, the same complexity for this cross-cutting environmental migration issue
is true. It encompasses at least five different (external) policy areas (DGs): DG for Climate
Action (CLIMA), DG for EuropeAid Development and Cooperation (DEVCO)417, the DG for
Home Affairs (HOME), DG for Humanitarian Aid (ECHO), the DG for External Relations
(RELEX)418 and also the EU External Action Service (EEAS) is not to be neglected. A paradox
is thus created, because the ‘climate change’ element of movement increases the number
of relevant institutions, but at the same time it overshadows the capacity of existing
mechanisms and mandates to respond.419
415 European Union (ed.), “Human Rights and Climate Change”, 2012, 60. 416 J. Mc ADAM, o.c., 2012, 212. 417 Even DG DEVCO’s complex organization with different unities (Unit D3 works on migration issues) results in
inefficiency. A more holistic, transversal organization would be better equipped to deal with problems relating to the interaction between societies and their environment. See: European Union (ed.), Human Rights and Climate Change: EU policy options, Study of the European Parliament: Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union, 2012. 418 The Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union is responsible for organising the work of Parliament's
committees and interparliamentary delegations in the field of external policies. 419 McADAM, Climate Change, Forced Migration and International Law, 2012, 213.
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According to previous research in the field, internal fragmentation within the EC may
“negatively affect its effectiveness and assertiveness vis-à-vis member states”420, thus
confirming the importance of the ‘Commission Unity’, characterized by internal
coherence421, as a factor for an enhanced environmental migration policy with Africa.
Divergences among the member states about what exactly this policy should entail, may
not only impact negatively on the Council, but may also make the EC weak, by watering
down its proposals to the lowest common denominator.422 A possibly inspiring institutional
solution was found for its trade policy with Africa. It was built around exclusive competence
of the EU, strengthened the EC’s autonomy and resulted in fairly strong ‘EU actorness’.423
Definitely, with the coming into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the dominant position
of JHA and perhaps the security oriented approach has been (partially) challenged, as JHA
has officially ceased to exist as an EU pillar and was fully integrated into Community-
decision making mechanisms. It provided a window of opportunity for the EU to assume a
more coherent role as a global development partner both within the more traditional sphere
of development cooperation and beyond it, notably through the creation of the European
External Action Service (EEAS).
On the other hand, a stronger institutional link between migration, environment and
development is not very likely given that many provisions in the treaty actually strengthen
the security-oriented approach.424 While the Directorate-General Home Affairs (DG HOME)
sector continues to react to the requirements of interior ministers from Member States
(MS), internal considerations remain its dominant rationale. In this sense, DG HOME does
not appear as the most relevant institution for tackling this issue and an institutional
restructuration for addressing EM seems necessary.425 It is by definition an international
issue, and one that mainly involves third countries. Consequently, giving a clear mandate,
if not playing a lead role, to the development sector could strengthen policy-making in this
field.
420 M. CARBONE, The European Union and International Development : The Politics of Foreign Aid, London:
Routledge, 421 The principle of policy coherence has been the object of a contentious debate in the external relations of the
EU. Coherence is often used interchangeably with consistency. See: M. CARBONE (ed.), Policy Coherence and EU Development Policy, London: Routledge, 2013, 168 p. 422 See the findings of O. ELGSTRÖM, O. and M., FRENNHOFF LARSEN, “Free to Trade? Commission Autonomy in
the Economic Partnership Agreement Negotiations”, Journal of European Public Policy, 17 (2), 205-223. 423 F. SÖDERBAUM, “The EU as an actor in Africa”, O.c., 31. 424 Firstly, the Treaty of Lisbon reinforces the EC’s legal competence to negotiate readmission agreements.
Secondly, the dominance of justice and home affairs officials in formulating the orientation of the external dimension of migration policy will remain, in that institutional practices and decision-making in this realm persist unchanged. 425 European Union (ed.), o.c., 11. The study suggests giving a clear mandate, if not a lead role, to the
development sector to strengthen policy making in this field.
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As for now, better linking migration with other relevant policy areas, such as the
environment and development, will depend on the extent to which the EEAS will be willing
and capable in formulating a more coherent approach to migration dialogue with third
countries by collaborating with its counterpart in the EC.426
For joint migration management (through the JAES) to be effective, the EU considers
coherence amongst the relevant policies and policy-actors as essential,427 but therefore
the significant problematic gaps persisting within this “polyphonic institutional venue”428
should first be addressed.
426 DG EuropAid Development and Cooperation (DEVCO), DG Climate Action (CLIMA), DG Enviroment (DG ENV) ; T. VAN CRIEKINGE, O.c., 272. 427 European Commission, « A Global Approach to migration One Year On : Towards a Comprehensive European
Migration Policy », COM (2006) 735, 30 November 2006, 4; European Commission, « Strengthening the Global Approach to Migration : Increasing Coordination, Coherence and Synergies », COM (2008) 611, 8 October 2008, 12.See also: European Commission, EU 2011 Report on Policy Coherence for Development, Commission Staff Working Paper, SEC(2011) 1627 final. 428
European Union (ed.), Human Rights and Climate Change: EU policy options, Study of the European
Parliament: Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union, Brussels, 2012, 64; See: W. KÄLIN and N. SCHREPFER, “Protecting People Crossing Borders in the Context of Climate Change. Normative Gaps and Possible Approaches”, 2012, 82 p.; V. KOLMANNSKOG and L. TREBBI, “Climate Change, Natural Disasters and Displacement: a Multi-track Approach to Filling the Protection Gaps”, 92(870) INT’L REV. RED CROSS, 713.
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10. Issues and lessons of the Africa-EU Cooperation
Certainly, lessons for EM could be drawn from the failure of the PMME within the JAES.
After almost five years into the implementation of the PMME, the “bargain429 has not been
fulfilled and the partnership seems to have lost its core equilibrium by reverting back – for
the most part - to traditional preoccupations around illegal migration and security issues
and the pursuit of bilateral approaches”.430
Despite the increased engagement, the EU has proven limited in its ability to narrow the
gap between capabilities (lack of human and financial resources) and engagement,
between security interests (as a priority and condition) and development prospects431 and
in coordination at different levels of governance432 comprising the external dimension of
migration policy towards Europe (problem of policy coherence).433
While its added value lies in the importance it places on the centrality of the political
dialogue – posited as a cardinal principle and modus operandi in Africa-EU relations -, the
operationalization has seen a growing political dilution. This institutional dynamic stresses
the fact that the partnership has been mostly subjected to a technical and bureaucratic
management under the responsibility of various officials and groups of experts who have
tended to focus on projects rather than processes, and to highlight activities that indicate
some measure of “quick progress” while contentious and sensitive issues remain off the
table. The ‘technocratisation’ might, over time, empty the partnership of its political
relevance.434
The expectation that “cooperation between Africa and the EU on these subjects will
continue and, where possible, be reinforced”435 has more or less been met by changing the
emphasis at the Africa-EU summit in April 2014. Yet it doesn’t seem to resolve the
underlying challenges, such as: getting member states involved; improve the capacity and
coordination within and between the AUC and the EC; move beyond dialogue (for the few
429 The PMME was conceived of as a bargain whereas African countries will increase their efforts and work closely
with the EU countries on illegal migration while expecting, in return, more cooperation from the EU side on mobility and employment/development. J. MANGALA, “Africa-EU Partnership on Migration, Mobility and Employment”, 217. 430 J. MANGALA, “Africa-EU Partnership on Migration, Mobility and Employment”, 217. 431 The EU used and still uses the ‘stick and carrot approach’. 432 Coordination between the EC and the member states, between the EC departments internally, and between
the EC and other EU institutions. 433 T. VAN CRIEKINGE, “The EU-Africa migration Partnership : the limits of the EU’s external dimension of
migration in Africa”, in M. CARBONE, O.c., 278. 434 J. MANGALA, “Africa-EU Partnership on Migration, Mobility and Employment”, 217. Against this backdrop,
MANGALA outlines seven recommendations worth considering, also for a future development of an EU-African environmental migration policy. 435 X, Q&A with EC DG DEVCO Head of Unit B.3 Employment, Social Inclusion, Migration, Ms. Hélène Bourgade,
“Eyeing the Future of the MME Partnership”, 22 November, 2013.
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concrete results of the previous Action Plans emerged from initiatives outside the dialogue
component).436
Achievements of the Partnership on Climate change and the Environment include primarily
symbolic results437 and the implementation of the goals set by the first Action Plan is still
lagging behind.438 There are nevertheless some tangible steps in the implementation of the
Action Plans, involving financial commitments, such as financing of concrete disaster risk
reduction initiatives.439
Two major factors seem to constrain inter-regional cooperation in the field of climate
change and the environment, namely the mutual representation of African and EU
delegates as unreliable partners and the cumbersome institutional structure of the
partnership440. African leaders depicted the EU as a paternalistic actor, unable to consider
the AU and its members as equal partners, while EU actors stressed the lack of preparation
and political will of African governments and regional organisations as a crucial obstacle of
the implementation of the partnership.441
For the sake of a better common future – and for EMs particularly - , these issues should
be tackled and the lessons applied to the partnerships related to migration. It appears no
responsible option to choose waiting any longer to include EMs.
436 A. KNOLL and E.A. BEKELE, “Migration and Mobility in the Africa-EU Partnership: A Breakthrough or More of
the Same?”, ECDPM (website), http://ecdpm.org/talking-points/migration-mobility-africa-eu-partnership-breakthrough/ , 18/4/2014. 437 For example, the Joint Declaration on Climate Change (2008), which remains a programmatic document. The
plan of the implementation of the Monitoring of Environment and Security in Africa program for the beginning of 2012 is the most tangible achievement of the partnership. See D. SICURELLI, O.c., 159. 438 For a complete table of the Priorities and Initiatives of the First and Second Action Plans, see D.
SICURELLI, “Africa-EU Partnership on climate change and the environment”, in J. MANGALA (ed.), Africa and the European : a strategic Partnership, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, 153. 439 For a brief review on EU’s financial commitments, see D. SICURELLI, O.c., 160. 440 D. SICURELLI, « Africa-EU Partnership on climate change and the environment », in J. MANGALA (ed.), Africa
and the European : a strategic Partnership, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, 149. 441 D. SICURELLI, O.c., 149.
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11. Financial implications
It stands to reason that dealing with large-scale migration will have considerable financial
and economic implications. These will in various ways affect countries of origin and transit
countries as well as receiving countries.442 A detailed assessment of expected financial
implications is, however, beyond the scope of this paper.
The Stern report’s broad economic analysis of the macroeconomic costs incurred by
ongoing climate change arrives at a very clear and convincing conclusion: the costs of
inaction will be far higher than the costs of timely action for both mitigation and
adaptation.443 There is no logical reason, why this conclusion would not apply to the aspect
of climate-induced migration, too. And as the Chinese proverb says: To know and not to
act, is not to know.
Given the wide range of relevant financial instruments at EU level, the EC will explore how
relevant funds can be used to address the complex issues underlying migration and climate
change in a more coherent and coordinated manner, including under the future financial
perspectives for 2014-2020.444 The Global Climate Change Alliance (GCCA)445 is the main
financial mechanism serving mainstream climate adaptation (and mitigation) concerns in
the EU's development policy446 by engaging in dialogue between the EU and target
developing countries.447
Remarkably, none of the three adaptation funds at international level (the Adaptation Fund,
LDC Fund and the Special Climate Change (SCC) Fund) have projects directly related with
migration. The SCC Fund could nevertheless work on relocation.448
442 See: World Bank, “The Cost to Developing Countries of Adapting to Climate Change, New Methods and
Estimates - The Global Report of the Economics of Adaptation to Climate Change Study”, World Bank, Executive Summary, 2009, 109 p.; 443 N. STERN, The economics of climate change: The Stern Review, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007. 444 Interview with EC official, Warsaw, November 2013; In accordance with: SWD (2013) final 138, 34. 445 GCCA, adopted in 2007 by the Council, combines (i) A platform for dialogue to raise awareness of issues and
identify areas of cooperation at global, regional and national level and (ii) Technical and financial support. Particularly relevant areas of funding include Adaptation and DRR. European Council, Global Climate Change Alliance (GCCA) between the European Union and Poor Developing Countries Most Vulnerable to Climate Change, Council Conclusions, 15103/07, 2007. See: European Union (ed.), Supporting a Climate for Change, Brussels, 2012, 6-7. 446 The EU’s development policy is rooted in the colonial relations of its member states. For an overview of the
evolution from the mid-1960s to 2013, see: F. SÖDERBAUM, “The European Union as an actor in Africa: internal coherence and external legitimacy”, in M. CARBONE (ed.), The European Union in Africa: incoherent policies, asymmetrical partnership, declining relevance?, Manchester University Press, 2013, 31. 447 YAMINEVA, Y. and KULOVESI, K. “The new Framework for climate finance under the United Nations Framework
on Climate Change: a breakthrough or an empty promise?” in HOLLO, E.J., KULOVESI, K. and MEHLING, M. (eds.) Climate Change and the Law, Dordrecht, Springer, 191-223; X., “EU Climate Finance: Quo Vadis?”, CAN, WWF, CIDSE, Oxfam, 2013, 5 p. 448 Interview with an official of the SCC Fund, Warsaw, November 2013.
71
In terms of international negotiations the issue relates first and foremost to the costs of
adaptation and ensuing questions of burden sharing.449 The EU could take a proportion of
the EMs in proportion to their GHG emissions. Amongst others, the Norwegian Refugee
Council calls for a new international environmental migration fund which could provide the
financial basis for policy measures to deal with displacement due to environmental
factors.450 This ‘burden-sharing mechanisms’ could be based on principle 7 of the 1992 Rio
Declaration on Environment and Development which underlines the shared - but
differentiated - responsibilities of all states.
If the EU is still the world's leading provider of climate finance,451 this could change soon.
As CAN, a European environmental lobbyist platform warns, “The EU has a committed
Climate Action Commissioner, but it remains a question mark what will become after the
2014 European elections, when new Commissioners will have to be appointed.” 452
449
At the time of writing, the price tag the European Union is willing to accept 17, 7 billion Euros per year,
provided that other industrialized countries will make commensurate commitments, too. See: http://ec.europa.eu/clima/policies/finance/budget/index_en.htm 450 V. KOLMANNSKOG,o.c., 2008, 31. 451 Climate Action EU-Commissionner Connie Hedegaard, “Connie Hedegaard: Promoting a climate for change »,
The New Zealand Herald, 2 September 2013, http://www.nzherald.co.nz/environment/news/article.cfm?c_id=39&objectid=11117879&ref=rss 452Interview with Ulriikka Aarnio; She is 'senior policy officer UN climate negotiations' for CAN Europe.
72
12. Conclusion
Besides the conceptual gaps, hitherto legal and policy gaps clearly persist concerning (more
or less) forced movement due to the climate change impacts.
The aim of this paper was to address - partly and mainly - the EU’s legal and policy research
gap by exploring first whether the current overall EU framework for immigration and
asylum offers adequate responses to climate change-related movement due to slow-onset
climate events. Second, as this was not the case, it examined to what extent the EU
considers environmental migration (EM) as an adaptation strategy to remedy this problem.
In accordance with our hypothesis one can moderately settle that the EU does not have a
clear position on EM, let alone specific and explicit (legal) policy views on EM from and in
Africa. Our assumption that this would mainly be caused by its fear for this phenomenon
resulting in a rather security-driven approach, should nevertheless be nuanced.
First, as for the preliminary conceptual issue, the value and viability of institutionalizing
international cooperation on international migration questions generally, and EM
particularly, depend upon how that phenomenon can and should be formulated as a
discrete concept in law and policy. The EC recently chose for the less precise
‘environmental migrants’ (EMs) and ‘environmentally induced displaced persons’ (EDPs) as
concepts of reference. By choosing so, the EU left the more controversial terms – probably
because implying liability and responsibility - such as ‘climate refugees’. The former terms
remain confined in EC communications or EP commissioned study reports, and are as such
still missing in legally binding texts.
Yet the persistent distinction between ‘legal’ and ‘illegal’ forced migrants (like ‘EMs’) -
based on the 1951 Geneva Convention and some limited migration programs - does not
appear any longer to correspond to today's reality and new challenges of a globalized
world.
Second, after having put African (environmental) migration in perspective, we found many
research studies to support our case for migration as an adaptation strategy. The EC and
EP joined – rhetorically - the academic trend and also recognised the importance of
migration in the face of climate change.
Third, as for the legal protection mechanisms for EDPs, the EU’s legal framework still
relies on international and complementary forms of protection. Although scholars argued
that subsidiary and temporary protection as enshrined in the Qualification Directive (a.o.
non-refoulement principle) and in the Temporary Protection Directive (theoretically, the
most feasible collective protection) could be applicable to EDPs, the EU, including the ECJ,
does not seem to be willing to adapt the law, nor interpret it in a teleological way. A
73
protection mechanism for individual victims of environmental events is thus still missing at
EU-level.
The problem with the latter mechanism for collective protection on a case-by-case basis is
its temporary nature and would consequently prove insufficient for those that require long
term protection - which is typically the case with the victims of slow-onset climate change
impacts.
Fourth, some progressive national laws (e.g. Finnish and Swedish Aliens Acts) and the
cases of liberal use of the Return Directive, show more solidarity with the EDPs. Although
these actions were of humanitarian nature and suited for sudden-onset disasters, they
could serve as a new sub-paragraph recognizing explicitly EDPs or offer a model for
developing similar mechanisms - with a more permanent nature - at the EU level.
From this time, the directives must be applied and interpreted in today’s context of climate
change.
Fifth, more frequent use of bilateral agreements providing for quotas was also found to be
relevant by the EC as a practical and protective solution when the risks are known.
Sixth, while the African legal framework appears more ambitious by giving broader refugee
(or IDP) definitions in the texts than the EU’s equivalent, due to a lack of financial and
institutional means, as well as weak internal and external political support (also from the
EU), it seems rather unlikely that the African Parties will be able to protect and assist
adequately their internal and external EDPs.
Regarding their external (cross-border) EDPs the OAU Convention uses a broader refugee
definition than the 1951 Refugee Convention, but as most Parties reject practically a liberal
interpretation of the treaty, it is still of limited pre-emptive and protective use for EDPs.
Concerning its internal EDPs, the ‘Guiding Principles’, the ‘Nansen Principles’ and the
‘Revised Framework on Durable Solutions’ are promising and useful (because flexible)
guidelines for governments – though not legally binding. Moreover, it is arguable whether
African countries could include EDPs in these soft law frameworks. These depend indeed
again on the political will of governments and other relevant actors (like the EU) to interpret
them and put them into practice. The EU gave mostly some assistance to African countries
through the rights-based framework of the Guiding Principles.
Finally, as for new legal rights, the political and institutional barriers are huge and a
breakthrough in recognition of rights concerning slow-onset climate change impacts seems
74
highly unlikely.453 All the same, the EC responded that this could not be a reason for a lack
of action.
Since the legal protection and assistance framework for African EDPs (both willing and not
willing to move to the EU) is still deficient, we intended to investigate how (by which
actions) and to what extent the EU’s policy considers EM as an adaptation strategy.
Slowly454 but surely the EU shows a substantial potential to support a suite of policies that
focus on preventing displacement (among others through adaptation responses, including
south-south migration, support for livelihoods and education) - which is in line with our
hypothesis.
First, via climate law working as a catalyser the EU’s present policy response to migration
linked to environmental change has certainly evolved positively and tends to be situated
within a human rights-based framework.
The EC’s recent staff working document (SWD) plainly demonstrates that European
institutions have grasped the latest evidence-based insights and have progressed on the
issue. Yet this relatively progressive work, though, does not mean that European
institutions are fully mobilized and active for the purpose. On the contrary, looking at the
actual (very) weak proposed actions, institutional inertia and insufficient adequate
responses still seem of actuality, despite the recognition of the EM’s vulnerability.
The EU doesn’t seem to lead the international climate migration debate, but is rather an
adapting follower. This is related to the unwillingness of MS to implement immigration
policies - and their still persisting underlying fear expressed with the ‘logic’ of security -
within the comprehensive approach, by exerting pressure for the promotion of border
control measures.
Since many provisions in the Lisbon Treaty (potentially) strengthen the power of DG HOME,
deeper European integration of this policy field could reinforce the EU's position on the
opposition from MS to finally start with concrete and constructive action. Quite the reverse,
the security-approach could also be strengthened, - but would be, in our opinion, a less
judicious priority.
Second, for slow-onset climate change the basis is set for a more considered response,
aligning policy solutions within the development field to an understanding of the dynamics
of migration.
453 Yet in carefully circumscribed cases, such as for temporary status in the event of a natural disaster, some
possibilities seem to emerge. See: M.D. COOPER, “Migration and Disaster-Induced Displacement : European Policy, Practice and Perspective”, CGD Working Paper 308, Washington, D.C.: Center for Global Development, 2012, 83 p. 454 Arguably faster than the slow-onset climate change impacts.
75
The EU’s approach most likely to succeed in the longer term is one that works within the
existing policy trajectory of incremental, relatively minor, change. Projects and strategies
that support adaptation strategies therefore remain, according to the EC, the most viable
set of policy responses.
On the one hand, migration should indeed be incorporated within key development
strategies. This might comprehend European inputs into NAPAs, Poverty Reduction
Strategies, the migration and development pillar of the GAMM, the JAES with its MME - and
where appropriate, thinking on the 2015 MDGs and the new post-2015 SDGs. Building
resilience in affected communities using existing, well-informed development models,
should be the aim.
On the other hand, the EU should establish more genuine bilateral, regional and
intercontinental ‘economic’ migration opportunities for Africans. This should be done
without expending unnecessary energy pursuing a global ‘protection’-oriented treaty that
would be ill-suited to the complexity of the movements involved.
The EU, however, views and encourages mere south-south migration, that is to say internal
(e.g. rural-urban migration) or regional migration. These are considered an acceptable
form of adaptation that can help to sustain livelihoods in the places that people move to
and also the places that they leave behind, including through planned, rights-respecting
resettlement schemes involving the participation of affected countries.
Existing regional agreements on the free movement of people (e.g. ECOWAS) could,
according to the EC, serve as frameworks for EM. Likewise, the Mobility Partnerships (MPs)
would be, in principle, a relevant instrument to bilaterally cooperate on all sorts of
measures regarding EDPs and EMs.
For the Africa-EU policy initiatives were mostly devoted to the migration-development
nexus, there has never been a concrete specific and explicit position formulated on EM (as
an adaptation strategy) from Africa to the EU. This finding was unexpected considering
that since 2006 (Rabbat Process) the question of migration has been officially at the
forefront of the Africa-EU relations, including the ACP-EU Dialogue on Migration and
Development (2010); the regional cooperation: (e.g. Seahorse Atlantic Network ); the
continental cooperation with the EU-Africa Partnership on Migration, Mobility and
Employment (MME).
In reality however, until April 2014, mobility, migrant rights, international protection and
irregular migration were surely part of the strategic partnerships’ dialogue, but received
overall limited effective attention. Hence, it would have been surprising if EMs and EDPs
were taken more into consideration than ‘regular’ migrants.
76
Some interesting aspects of this new EU-African Action Plan (2014-2017) on MME include
the migration-development nexus (diaspora and remittances); advancing legal migration
and mobility by promoting circular migration schemes (in particular for students and
businessmen, - who are not typically EMs) and the strengthening of international
protection.
Positively, a more coherent strategy for European engagement with Africa in the future is
feasible thanks to the Lisbon Treaty.
Firstly, the EU therefore still has to tackle challenges of institutional governance and policy
coherence. The main issues are that EM is still a ‘polyphonic institutional venue’ and that
the clumsy coordination between the DGs is still preventing the emergence of a new climate
change-migration nexus. In order to strengthen its policy-making a lead role could be given
to the development sector (DEVCO), cooperating closely with a more coherent EEAS
regarding its migration dialogue with third countries by collaborating with its counterpart
(DG RELEX) of the EC.
Secondly, some mutual relationship improvements are needed in the EU-Africa
partnerships, as well as a ‘brighter’, more transparent institutional structure. This could be
realised, on the one hand, by getting more EU MS involved, and on the other hand, by
enhancing its capacity and coordination within and between the AUC and the EC.
The signals now timidly evoked by the EC should be sent louder by EU actors, not only in
rhetoric and as policy recommendations, but as effective policy actions. Such policies would
help to tackle the actual human rights and security issues arising from climate change-
related displacement in Africa, in particular social tensions over scarce resources, problems
of urbanization, and cross-border sensitivities about irregular migration.
While a timely and humane EM policy within the adaptation (and/or loss and damage-)
framework will certainly cost the EU some of its budget (20-40 billion Euros?), the price
tag will be almost insignificant compared to the far higher financial and moral costs of
inaction.
Political leadership will represent a decisive force in achieving the types of changes outlined
in this paper as steps toward a framework for action capable of responding to the
challenges of the future. To achieve more (environmental) justice the EU must address the
discussed shortfalls and make firm commitments on migration as adaptation with the full
engagement of African country partners, in order that the trust between both continents
and between the North and the South in general is ensured.
77
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107
Lexicon
The main concepts and terms used in this paper are defined below:
Adaptation to climate change: refers to “adjustments in natural and human systems in
response to actual or expected climate change impacts, which moderate harm or exploit
beneficial opportunities”.455
Climate change: is defined originally in the UNFCCC of 1992 (art. 1 (2)) and has been
expanded by the IPCC which refers to ”any change of climate over time as a result of
human activity or due to natural variability”.456
455
Guiding definition used by the European Commission Staff Working Document, “Guidelines on Developing
Adaptation Strategies”, Brussels, 16/4/2013, drawn from W.N. ADGER et al. , “Assessment of adaptation practices, options, constraints and capacity. Climate Change 2007: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability”, 2007, in M.L. PARRY et al. (eds.), Contribution of Working Group II to the Fourth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change , Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 717–743. 456 IPCC, “Climate Change 2007: Synthesis Report”, 2007, 30.
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Desertification: is defined as "land degradation in arid, semi-arid and dry sub-humid
areas resulting from various factors, including climatic variations and human
activities".457
Ecological debt: “is the debt accumulated by Northern, industrialized countries toward
Third World countries on account of resource plundering, unfair trade, environmental
damage, and the free occupation of environmental space to deposit waste. A particular
and interesting aspect of it is carbon debt, as a consequence of greenhouse gas
emissions”458
Environmental degradation: is the reduction of the capacity of the environment to
meet social and ecological objectives and needs.459
‘Environmental migrants’ (EMs) - Environmentally induced Migration (EM):
denotes the broader phenomenon encompassing all types of more or less forced migrants
moving internally and crossing international borders for reasons related to climate
change or (intent or accidental) environmental degradation, especially due to slow-onset
disasters.460
‘Environmentally displaced persons’ (EDPs)- ‘Environmentally induced
displacement’: refers specifically to migrants who move as a 'last resort response'
(forced form of mobility) to the effects of environmental change. In addition, one needs
to differentiate between internal and external displacement and between temporary
forms and permanent forms of environmentally induced displacement because they
require different responses.461
457 United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification in Countries Experiencing Serious Drought and/or
Desertification, Particularly in Africa, art. 1(a), 1994, U.N. Doc. A/AC.241/27. 458 J. MARTINEZ-ALIER, A. SIMMS and L. RIJNHOUT, “Poverty, development and ecological debt”, pamphlet,
2002, 1. 459 United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR), Terminology on Disaster Risk
Reduction, Geneva, 2009, 14. 460This working definition relies on the one provided by the International Organization for Migration (IOM):
“Environmental migrants are persons or groups of persons who, for compelling reasons of sudden or progressive changes in the environment that adversely affect their lives or living conditions, are obliged to leave their habitual homes, or choose to do so, either temporarily or permanently, and who move either within their country or abroad.” IOM, “Discussion note: migration and the environment”, IOM, “Migration and the Environment”, Discussion note, Geneva, 14 February 2008, 1. 461 For a detailed discussion on the proposed typology and methodology, see ICMPD, o.c., 2011, 29-36.
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Internally displaced persons (IDPs): are “persons or groups of persons who have
been forced or obliged to flee or to leave their homes or places of habitual residence, in
particular as a result of or to avoid the effects of armed conflict, situations of generalized
violence, violations of human rights or natural or human-made disasters, and who have
not crossed an internationally recognized State border.”462 This definition includes all
those forcibly displaced within their country due to the effects of climate change.
Relocation: is used when referring to people affected by environmental factors.463 The
European Commission’s SWD refers to the Foresight study which has defined relocation
as “the movement of people, typically in groups or whole communities, as part of a
process led by the state or other organisations, to a predefined location”.464
Resettlement: is defined in international refugee law and the UNHCR therefore
advocates limiting the application of the terminology to refugees as defined in the
Geneva Convention.
Sustainable development: is "development that meets the needs of the present
without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs."465
Although this concept receives increasingly international recognition as part of customary
international law, no unitary and detailed definition exists for this term. By contrast, the
tone is quite different in the 2002 Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable
Development, for example. 466
462This definition has been jointly drafted by IOM and UNHCR for the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) report, “The State of the World Population 2009”, 31. For further discussion and background on terminology, see LACZKO and AGHAZARM, o.c., 2009. 463
UNHCR, “UNHCR Resettlement Handbook”, Geneva, 2011, 416. 464 FORESIGHT, o.c., 2011, 176. 465 World Commission on Environment and Development, Our Common Future, Oxford paperbacks, 1989, [ The
Brundtland Report], 43. (This definition is also echoed in Principle 3 of the Rio Declaration, 1992.)
466 World Summit on Sustainable Development, Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development, U.N.
Doc. A/CONF.199/20, 4 September 2002 [hereinafter Johannesburg Declaration]:
5. Accordingly, we assume a collective responsibility to advance and strengthen the interdependent and mutually reinforcing pillars of sustainable development—economic development, social development, and environmental protection-at the local, national, regional, and global levels(...)
11. We recognize that poverty eradication, changing consumption and production patterns, and protecting and managing the natural resource base for economic and social development are overarching objectives of, and essential requirements for sustainable development.
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Vulnerability: defines “the extent to which climate change may damage or harm a
system. It depends not only on a system’s sensitivity but also on its ability to adapt to
new climatic conditions”. 467
The emphasis in this definition on systems implies that both socio-economic and natural
systems are important subjects of analysis.
Appendix: List of interviewees468
1. Migration experts interviewed for this study:
- Abigail Blue, Lead Policy Analyst, Seatrust Institute, interviewed at the Climate
Negotiations (COP 19) in Warsaw, November 2013.
- Koko WARNER: Academic Officer, Head of Section, Institute for Environment and
Human Securiy (United Nations University-EHS), interviewed at the Climate Negotiations
(COP 19) in Warsaw, November 2013.
-Dina Ionesco, International Organization for Migration (IOM), officer for climate
migration policies, interviewed at the Climate Negotiations (COP 19) in Warsaw,
November 2013.
467 R. T. WATSON et al.,“ Scientific and Technical Analysis of Impacts, Adaptations and Mitigation of Climate
Change: Summary for Policymakers”, IPCC and WMO: Geneva, 1996, 6.
468 The audio tapes of (most of) these interviews are available.
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-Samson Samuel Ogalah (Pan-African Climate Justice Alliance Network- PACJAN),
interviewed at the Climate Negotiations (COP 19) in Warsaw, November 2013.
-Soumya DUTTA (Energy and Climate Group, Beyond Copenhagen Collective),
interviewed at the Climate Negotiations (COP 19) in Warsaw, November 2013.
-Ulriikka Aarnio, Senior policy officer UN climate negotiations' for CAN Europe,
interviewed in Brussels, October 2013.
2. Officials interviewed for this study:
- John B. KADDU, Lead negotiator Climate Change Adaptation Negotiations for Uganda,
interviewed at the Climate Negotiations (COP 19) in Warsaw, November 2013.
-Mamadou GAKOU, Directeur-Général de l'Agence de l'Environnement et du Développment
Durable (AEDD), Mali, interviewed at the Climate Negotiations (COP 19) in Warsaw,
November 2013.
-Mamadou Saliou DIALLO, Magistrat, Conseiller juridique, cabinet du Ministre, Ministère de
l'Environnement, des Eaux et des Forêts, interviewed at the Climate Negotiations (COP 19)
in Warsaw, November 2013.
-Sunday Toka, Lagos State Government, Head of Public service Office, interviewed at the
Climate Negotiations (COP 19) in Warsaw, November 2013.
-Jacob Werksman: Lead Negotiator for the EU at the Climate Negotiations (COP 19) in
Warsaw, Poland, Delegation of the European Commission to the UNFCCC, interviewed in
Brussels, Belgium, December 2013.
-Alfredo Guillet, Ministery of Foreign Affairs, Responsible for Environmental policy with
Developing countries, interviewed at the Climate Negotiations (COP 19) in Warsaw,
November 2013.
- X., Negotiator for Poland at the Climate Negotiations (COP 19) in Warsaw, Poland,
December 2013.
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2.1. Interviews with officials per e-mail:
-Sami Zeidan, Official of the European Commission, (DG-Climate Action), November 2013.
-Markus Sperl, International Cooperation Officer, Directorate-General for Development and
Cooperation – EuropeAid Unit B3 – Migration and Asylum Sector, December 2013.
3. Institutional Affiliations of Interviewees whose anonymity is preserved:
-Delegate of the African Group to the UNFCCC, Warsaw, Poland, November 2013.
- Official of the SCC Fund, Warsaw, Poland, November 2013.