Preaching the Crusade and the Liturgical Year: The Palm Sunday Sermons

Chapter 2 Preaching the Crusades and the Liturgical Year: The Palm Sunday Sermons

Jessalynn Bird

Essays in Medieval Studies, Volume 30, 2014, pp. 11-36 (Article)

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https://doi.org/10.1353/ems.2014.0006

https://muse.jhu.edu/article/587610

https://doi.org/10.1353/ems.2014.0006

https://muse.jhu.edu/article/587610

Chapter 2 Preaching the Crusades and the Liturgical Year: The Palm Sunday Sermons

Jessalynn BirdDominican University

Essays in Medieval Studies 30 (2015), 11–36. © Illinois Medieval Association. Published electronically by Project MUSE at http://muse.jhu.edu.

It is a truism in both general and specialist studies of the crusades that recruiters focused on certain dates in the liturgical year, including the Invention and Exalta-tion of the Cross and Holy Week.1 However, few studies have been done on how preachers used the readings and liturgies of specific feast days to construct crusade appeals. As part of a larger project investigating the sources used by crusade preach-ers, this article will focus on the Palm Sunday sermons of Paris-trained individuals who preached the crusade in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, including Stephen Langton, James of Vitry, Oliver of Paderborn, Odo of Cheriton, Alan of Lille, and John the Teuton, abbot of Saint-Victor. Paris masters and their Victorine collaborators were at the forefront of liturgical reform in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and I will also be examining the liturgical context in which sermons were delivered by referencing the treatises of John Beleth, Sicard of Cremona, and Peter of Roissy, chancellor of Chartres (the latter two were involved in crusading) and liturgical manuscripts from northern France and England, including Saint-Victor.2

For many years, I have been investigating unpublished reform and crusade appeals preserved in several Victorine manuscripts, which I intend to edit and pub-lish. The sermons described below largely originate from manuscripts owned by or produced for the canonry of Saint-Victor in Paris that contain homilies delivered by Paris masters or the canons and abbots of Saint-Victor. These and other surviv-ing collections of sermons and other pastoral material may have been intended for use by masters and students active in Paris, who viewed Saint-Victor as a spiritual haven. Alternatively, these compilations could have been created for use by Saint-Victor’s canons, who studied and taught theology, were valued as confessors and judges delegate, and were involved in crusading and pastoral work.3

No matter their provenance, the manuscripts represent a coherent and shared body of liturgy and doctrine that canons and masters alike tapped to produce crusade

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appeals in response to Innocent III’s call for monthly processions (accompanied by sermons) and the insertion of daily prayers in the Mass in support of the crusade effort. Many Paris masters were specifically commissioned to preach the crusade (or undertook this activity on their own), but its promotion was also undertaken by the Victorines and diocesan clergy in Paris, who together with all those with the care of souls, were required to preach the crusade to their own parishioners. In response to their own pastoral needs and those of other preachers, masters including Odo of Cheriton and James of Vitry also produced and revised sermon collections, drawing on what they had heard and learned in Paris. A comparison between the Palm Sunday sermons preached during the liturgical year and surviving crusade appeals shows that both the canons of Saint-Victor and the masters of Paris consciously drew on themes present in the liturgy and readings for Palm Sunday when constructing crusade sermons, particularly to explain the penitential stance required of crusaders and those participating in the fasting, almsgiving, prayer, and processions of the crusade’s home front. Their explanations would become critically important for justifying the extension of involvement in the crusade to virtually every member of western Christendom in one form or another: participat-ing in the prayers and processions instituted for the crusade, earning divine favor through repentance and penitential observances, contributing money and supplies, or joining a crusading expedition. The sermons also cast light on the ways in which the memory of the crusades became entwined with the memory of the Holy Land and Christ’s redemptive work there, reenacted daily in the Mass and yearly in the liturgical calendar of feast days associated with Christ’s life.

The Liturgy

Important to any preaching occasion were the readings and liturgical ceremony associated with a particular feast day. Palm Sunday was rich in these resonances. Its ritual joyously commemorated Christ’s triumphal yet humble entry into Jerusalem riding a donkey. Yet the biblical account of Christ’s Passion was also read, fore-shadowing the suffering of the new Passover lamb on Good Friday, which would ultimately result in triumph over sin and the devil and salvation for all humankind. In England and Normandy, litters with relics of the saints and the Eucharist (sym-bolizing Christ’s redemptive sacrifice) were carried in the Palm Sunday procession, as were processional or reliquary crosses in other regions.4 This almost certainly included Notre-Dame in Paris, which possessed a fragment of the True Cross sent to the church in 1120 from Jerusalem. Commemorated with its own annual feast, the fragment was displayed on Good Friday. Saint-Victor also possessed several fragments of the True Cross and an altar dedicated to the True Cross.5

Many Palm Sunday processions used the local topography of a city or church to reenact, in procession, the apostles’ journey to fetch the donkey and Christ’s triumphal entry into Jerusalem. The lay congregation brandished boxwood, flowers, and evergreens as substitutes for the palm and olive branches carried by the Hebrew

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children (pueri) who greeted Christ with cries of “Hosanna,” and the procession often concluded with a ritual reverencing of the liturgical cross, foreshadowing Christ’s sacrifice on Good Friday.6 In Paris the clergy of Notre-Dame processed up the “mountain” of the Left Bank to the abbey of Sainte-Geneviève. As the clerics returned to the Ȋle-de-la-Cité, which functioned as a substitute Jerusalem, they stopped before the gate of the Petit-Pont while a boy choir chanted the “pu-eri hebreorum.” Similar processions took place in Soissons, Chartres, and other regions and were enshrined in one of the most widespread liturgical traditions in England, the Sarum rite.7

Preachers and liturgists paralleled the heavenly and earthly Jerusalem,8 focusing on Christ’s Passion, embodied in the relic of the True Cross regained by Heraclius from the Persians and borne triumphantly into Jerusalem. It had become the symbol and war banner of the crusader kingdom until its loss to Saladin in 1187. Fragments of the True Cross were disseminated throughout the West, creating a living link with the East, particularly when Heraclius’s triumph and Christ’s entry were commemorated yearly through liturgical processions that passed through the Golden Gate in Jerusalem (sealed the rest of the year) and in the feast days of the Exaltation and Invention of the Cross and Palm Sunday in the West.9

Hymns for Palm and Passion Sunday often deliberately invoked the humil-ity, suffering, and triumph of Christ on Good Friday (including the Vexilla, Pange lingua, and De ore leonis) and celebrated the role of Hebrew pueri.10 Paris masters and Victorines knew and used liturgical treatises from Peter of Roissy (who had preached the crusade with Fulk of Neuilly and became chancellor of Chartres) and John Beleth, copying them into the manuscripts containing the sermons discussed below.11 The works of their contemporary, Sicard of Cremona (who participated in the Fourth Crusade), and a thirteenth-century gradual from Saint-Victor also contain a host of crusade-friendly themes. Passion Sunday used psalms that called on God to free the just from iniquitous peoples; Palm Sunday’s elaborate liturgy invoked Psalm 21, which called on God to free the humble from the lion’s mouth and from the horns of the unicorn and reaffirmed that those who trusted in God would be saved, presenting Christ as a new Paschal lamb entering Jerusalem and anticipating the chalice of suffering and bitter vinegar in the Passion.12 The readings for the days immediately after Palm Sunday and preceding and sometimes including Maundy Thursday included a verse beloved of crusade recruiters that called its audience to imitate Christ: “Far be it from me to glory save in the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ” (Galatians 6.14). Liturgists stressed Christ’s obedience even unto death on the cross and called their audiences to adopt hair shirts, fasting, prayer, and other signs of conversion so that God would aid them spiritually and militarily.13

Faced with preaching the crusade on a regular basis and extending the crusad-ers’ cross to any who desired to take it, preachers turned to familiar images, including the artistic iconography of Christ’s entry into Jerusalem (Christ riding the donkey, the Pharisees rejecting him while the crowd laid down garments before him and

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waved palm branches and Zacchaeus hovered in a tree) and stock theological images familiar from Palm Sunday sermons to explain the new inclusion of all of western Christendom in the crusading movement. A surviving Palm Sunday sermon by Honorius III, Innocent III’s successor, responsible for promoting the Fifth Crusade and the projected crusade of Frederick II, indicates the main themes exploited by preachers: the paralleling of the heavenly and earthly Jerusalem, Christ’s redemp-tive victory over spiritual and worldly foes, the congregation’s responsibility to emulate the Hebrew children in offering the olive branches of almsgiving and true repentance or the palm branches of martyrdom, and the promised conversion of the Jews and gentiles (symbolized by the donkey and the foal).14

The Victorine Tradition and Paris Masters

One Palm Sunday sermon from a collection compiled by the canons of Saint-Victor similarly focused on the meaning of Christ’s procession from the Mount of Olives to Jerusalem on Palm Sunday, which signified reconciliation to God through remission of original and actual sin via Christ’s Passion and penance’s three steps: contrition, confession, and satisfaction. The Victorines often assumed confessorial duties for the students and citizens of Paris, and the preacher stresses that contrition must include sorrow for past sins and the firm intention to avoid them. Oral confession must be voluntary, without excuses, done from the love of God and from shame. All sins ought to be confessed to one priest; the satisfaction enjoined ought to be fulfilled and venial sins avoided as much as mortal ones.15 Following Victorine exegesis, which paralleled Old Testament to New Testament events, the preacher then introduced the theme of spiritual pilgrimage: Abraham celebrated the Palm Sunday procession by going out from his homeland, house, and relations, separating himself from earthly things, vices, and evil thoughts, as did Moses, who crucified his flesh with its vices and desires and chose God before worldly treasure. When the Israelites fled Egypt, their procession deviated neither to the right nor to the left for fear of Pharaoh and the Red Sea, and so too his audi-ence ought not to deviate through pride or impatience in tribulation, fortified by fear of penalty and hope of pardon. He concluded by recalling his audience to the procession reenacted on Palm Sunday.16 This sermon is typical of contemporary crusade appeals in its stress on penance (necessary for the reception of the spiritual benefits promised by varying crusade indulgences) and its invocation of imitatio Christi, the new Israel, and Abraham’s renunciation. James of Vitry would use a nearly identical combination of themes in his sermons to pilgrim-crusaders and in the exhortations he delivered to the army of the Fifth Crusade, which found itself duplicating the Israelites’ travails in the desert. James of Vitry’s Passion Sunday sermon likewise used this image of the Israelites to recommend using the clothing of virtues, examples of saints, and scriptures to traverse the dangers and vices of this world.17 Scriptural exegesis and liturgical resonance enabled the alliance of crusading and reform projects, home and military fronts, through the paralleling


of spiritual, penitential, and physical pilgrimage. Penitential renunciation and personal expiation were presented as crucial to the crusades’ success.

Another manuscript with the sermons of Stephen Langton and of John the Teuton and Absalon, abbots of Saint-Victor in Paris (a house involved in the promotion of the Fourth and ensuing crusades), includes a Palm Sunday homily that opens with a verse well beloved by crusade recruiters and those composing sermons for Palm Sunday, the rest of Holy Week (particularly Maundy Thurs-day and Good Friday), and the Exaltation and Invention of the Cross, as well as sermons on martyrs including Andrew, Laurence, and Peter: Galatians 6.14.18 The author of this sermon was most likely Absalon, and he references Christ’s entry into Jerusalem on Palm Sunday, to be greeted by Hebrew children crying “Hosanna” and others who had cut branches from trees and carpeted the streets with their clothing. He urges his audience to rejoice in the festive procession while mourning in remembrance of the Lord’s Passion that redeemed them from their sins, foreshadowed in the Old Testament figures of the Passover lamb, the red calf, and Elijah raising the Shunamite’s son and in the fatted calf slaughtered for the prodigal son.19

Christ’s Passion is medicine, which raises the sinner from his tomb through contrition and the remission of actual and original sin. All those who venerate it can say, “Far be it from me to glory.”20 The miles Christi is safest under the emperor’s banner; the heavenly militia includes not only contemplatives, innocents, patriarchs, and martyrs but pardoned sinners. No sin is too great for Christ’s expiation. Using a strategy common to crusade sermons and treatises of his generation, the preacher uses the tableau of the crucifixion scene to categorize various responses to the invitation to embrace Christ’s cross.21 Some flee it, refusing to share the chalice of Christ’s Passion and devoting themselves to worldly vanities while wanting to share in its benefits, including worldly clerics. Other regular religious take up the cross of monastic discipline but do not wish to persevere unto death with Christ and so abandon it like Simon Cyrene. Those furthest from Christ’s cross refuse to imitate his Passion and indulge in criminal sins, cupidity, and uncleanness. Others stand near him by desiring to share in his Passion. Although too weak to do so in action, they at least contemplate their sins, which makes them humble and willing to obey God’s commands. Contemplation on the pilgrimage of this life recalls them from the desire for earthly things, and hope for eternal reward leads to love of the heavenly good. Others bury their own members or help to bury Christ’s members through humble acceptance of the miseries inflicted on them by this world or by demonstrating compassion for the afflicted through aiding the poor and oppressed. Others actively take up Christ’s cross. All of these options corresponded to new opportunities for participation in the crusade through self-reform, emulating Christ’s suffering, paying crusade taxes or donations, or embarking on liturgical warfare. Philip the Chancellor and Odo of Châteauroux would similarly use the crucifixion scene to promote various forms of participation in the antiheretical crusade during

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the reign of Louis VIII and to depict those who opposed it as the villains of the crucifixion drama read out publicly each Palm Sunday.22

Contrasting the cross of the bad thief (penalties for sin) with that of the good thief (that of penance) and that of Christ (innocent suffering), the Victorine preacher notes that those who live in holiness and subject themselves to tribulations for God’s sake (including detraction and shedding of blood) are crucified with Christ and so will share in his reward.23 Crusade recruiters often presented the crusader’s cross as a means of penance with an immediate reward equivalent to that which Christ granted to the good thief (the plenary indulgence), or urged their audiences to share in Christ’s redemptive sufferings spiritually and physically in order to earn salvation.24 These themes were particularly common to Good Friday and the feasts of the Exaltation and Invention of the Cross, but the reading of the Passion on Palm Sunday also provided another context for its introduction to audiences, as did scriptural readings for the days immediately following Palm Sunday. The ac-ceptance of crusade recruiters’ appeals to take the cross depended on the combined familiarity and novelty of their calls to imitate Christ and do penance in return for spiritual reward, a familiarity instilled by the round of the liturgical year.

Another Palm Sunday sermon by John the Teuton opens with a verse com-monly invoked by crusade preachers to encourage their audiences to meditate on and emulate Christ’s crucifixion: “A bundle of myrrh is my beloved to me” (Song of Songs 1.12, 14). Palm Sunday unites rejoicing and sadness because today, the preacher states, his audience honors Christ as king by singing “Glory, laud and honor” and “Hosannah, blessed is the son of David” in procession while remember-ing Christ’s paying the penalty of a thief on the cross. He urges his listeners to greet their savior with flowers, palms, branches, and strewn clothing, which symbolize prayers, works of mercy and piety, the victory of martyrdom through the memory and imitation of Christ’s Passion, continence, chastity, and the mortification and humbling of the flesh through abstinence.25 The bundle of myrrh is interpreted as the bitter memory of Christ’s Passion, which his listeners ought to contemplate in order to crucify their flesh with its vices and desires. Through Christ’s cross they are freed from Adam’s captivity to sin and the devil and bear the sign of Christ. The charter of damnation and captivity with which the devil sold them as slaves Christ blotted out with his blood, writing on his own body the privilege of their absolution and freedom. When the devil stands as an advocate against them in the court of Christ this legal instrument will exempt them from his power and cannot be canceled or suppunctatum (deleted by placing a dot under the letter) or erased. The wound in Christ’s side is a seal confirming their liberty, which he displays to God the Father while interceding for them. Christ’s death destroyed death, and his cross is the prophylactic sign and seal of the heavenly emperor; those who reject it incur the vile name of deserter from the heavenly militia.26

As Michael Clanchy has convincingly illustrated, this period witnessed the interplay between the written word, embodied in the increasingly popular charter, as


a supplement or rival to the ritual and power of the spoken word in legal contexts. John and many other crusade preachers were experienced judges delegate, and they and the writers of crusade treatises and sermons used the image of a court battle to summarize the redemptive power of Christ’s cross while calling their audiences to repay Christ’s sacrifice by participating in the crusade. John graphically depicts Christ’s body as a charter (most were written on animal skin), which symbolizes the surety of the spiritual benefits acquired by imitation of his Passion. This im-age would have been particularly gripping to audiences addressed by preachers brandishing papal crusade bulls adorned with seals as testimony to their authority and the validity of the spiritual benefits they promised to those participating in the crusade, presented as the ultimate imitation of Christ’s suffering.27

James of Vitry’s Passion and Palm Sunday sermons also use the image of the bundle of myrrh to urge the audience to meditate on Christ’s Passion and to place the cross like a sign (signaculum) of Christ’s militia on their heart (Song of Songs 8.6) and be ready to imitate the tribulations Christ endured in order to share his eternal blessedness.28 James maintains that there are various ways of fulfilling the apostolic injunction to impress on themselves the stigmata of Christ’s suffering and imitate Christ by taking up their crosses and crucifying themselves to the world and sin: shedding one’s own blood, disciplining the flesh, having compassion for one’s neighbor. Imitators of Christ ought to persevere on the cross of penance until death, keep vigil in prayers, and even embrace martyrdom. The preacher lambasts the rich and powerful who refuse to imitate Christ’s suffering and humility and through their vices and abuse of others recrucify Christ in his members. James insists that his audience ought instead to respond with love, compassion, and desire to repay Christ’s sufferings, the equivalent of a king imprisoning his own son to free a ser-vant. Like the waters at Marath, their suffering will turn sweet through meditation on the bundle of myrrh of Christ’s crucifixion.29 Virtually identical themes occur in James’s own crusading sermons and an anonymous crusade appeal delivered in Paris, which uses “Place me like a sign” (Song of Songs 8.6) to urge its audience of regular religious to meditate on the steps of the Passion and crucify themselves to the world, taking up the cross of cloistered life willingly and persevering in it until death (like the good thief) and fighting vice through imitation of the crucified Christ.30 The manifold means of imitating the crucified Christ presented in liturgical sermons were thus adapted by preachers to present the various means of participa-tion in the crusade, including the role of liturgical warfare through processions, almsgiving, and recitation of prayers and Masses, believed to earn divine favor and underwrite the crusades’ varied indulgences.

Similar to the authors of the Brevis ordinacio and other crusade appeals,31 John the Teuton’s Palm Sunday sermons also addressed the question of Christ’s incarnation, essential to the redemptive quality of his sacrifice on the cross. He averred that God did not spare his own son to redeem his audience, which ought to move them to imitate his sacrifice. Pictures, he argues, are the scriptures of the

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laity, and his listeners ought to conjure up a mental portrait of Christ’s Passion to embrace obedience, patience, humility, martyrdom, and contempt for worldly fame. Since his audience of regular canons has left the world, they ought to be crucified to it in Christ so that they can truly say, “Far be it from me to glory.” Unlike Eli, who perished because he refused to rebuke his sons, they ought to rebuke the lovers of the world and take up Christ’s cross of bodily mortification, not like hypocrites seeking worldly favor but like Saint Andrew (whose relics were at Notre-Dame and Saint-Victor), who refused to leave his cross until dead. John concludes with a reminder of Palm Sunday’s procession and reading of the Passion and urges his audience to participate in Christ’s cross in order to share in his eternal reward.32

After the loss of the relic of the True Cross and Jerusalem in 1187, the invo-cation of Eli’s fatal response to the loss of the ark was a commonplace in crusade and reform preaching, as were appeals to imitate Christ in order to regain the city of Jerusalem (commemorated in Palm Sunday processions) and the relic of Christ’s Passion in the True Cross. These themes appear in crusading sermons, letters, and treatises composed from roughly 1187 onward, including crusade appeals from the campaigns of the Fifth and Albigensian crusades preserved in two manuscripts now in the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris: MS n.a.l. 999 and MS lat. 14470.33 Directed to Victorines responsible for promoting the crusade, John’s Palm Sunday appeal demonstrates the juncture of crusade and reform projects; the crusade was intertwined with domestic reform campaigns, including the reform of the clergy (symbolized by Eli and his reprobate sons). Simultaneously, crusader occupation of the Holy Land ensured that crusading became associated with the liturgical commemoration, in the East and West, of Christ’s life and the redemptive work he accomplished in Jerusalem.

A final example of the close relationship between Palm Sunday sermons and crusade sermons comes from Thomas of Chobham. His Palm Sunday sermon reminds us that the date marked the culmination of the Lenten season, an oppor-tunity audiences were expected to use to make satisfaction to God, as one would in customary law, through offering something of their possessions through fast-ing, almsgiving, and prayer. Warning his audience against laziness and hypocrisy, Thomas savages those who seek human favor and promotion, the powerful of the world who lay waste God’s vineyard, and sinners hardened in the vices of lust and avarice. They ought to reject the flowers of worldly prosperity and embrace the lilies of virgins, the violets of penitents, and the roses of martyrs. Christ embodies all of these in his patient endurance of tribulations, his submission to human suf-fering and mortality and God’s will, and his Passion. Citing the verse, “Climb the palm and grasp its fruit” (Song of Songs 7.8), Thomas reminds his audience that Christ’s Passion on the cross conquered the devil and that they will eat the palm’s fruit on Easter day when they partake of the Eucharist. He urges his audience to imitate the Israelites in eating the Paschal lamb, crossing the Red Sea, and leaving Egypt for the desert by abandoning sin through discipline and emendation. They


ought to carry the palm and the olive by protecting others and by sustaining them with alms. Those who carry flowers and branches make a good procession today, but they must not turn back but rather follow Christ until they see God in Sion.34

Similar themes appear in a sermon to penitents probably delivered on Passion Sunday, recorded just before a crusade appeal in BN, MS n.a.l. 999. The audience is urged to crucify the flesh with its vices and desires and prepare themselves, as did the Israelites going out of Egypt, to receive the Paschal lamb of the Eucharist through continence, the example of the saints, good works, and penance and thus conquer the devil, portrayed as a roaring lion.35 There are significant thematic similarities between this and a crusade sermon from the same manuscript addressed to priests, which savages their failings while urging them to imitate the Israelites, who sang songs of praise when rescued from the Red Sea, embracing penance to proceed not to the earthly but to the heavenly Jerusalem, and to preach Christ crucified to the people.36 Other crusade sermons also used the imagery of climbing the sycamore or palm to grasp its fruit or of Christ accepting the chalice of the Passion to urge their audience to follow the example of Saint Andrew, Peter, Laurence, and other martyrs and the good thief in imitating Christ’s sufferings by taking the crusader’s cross and/or the cross of penance to receive the reward of paradise.37

The Hebrew Pueri

Another important image in the Palm Sunday tradition, central to the liturgical reenactment of Christ’s triumphal entry and to artistic representations of it, was that of the Hebrew children (pueri) who greeted Christ as king upon his entry into Jerusalem. Ritual and artistic images and the theological treatment of the pueri in Palm Sunday sermons undoubtedly impacted the self-perception of participants in the crusade of the pueri (1212) and the way in which they were represented by contemporary chroniclers. One Palm Sunday sermon delivered by Stephen Langton interprets the Hebrew pueri as the saints. Similar to children, the saints do not seek revenge on their oppressors and treasure an apple more than a thousand marks, that is, eternal life more than the world. The worldly wicked are like the malicious children who mocked Elijah; the prophet stands for the regular reli-gious who have renounced all temporal possessions and ascend to the heavenly Jerusalem. Those who envy and mock them will be devoured by the two bears of desire (voluptas) and vanity (vanitas). In contrast, the saints cross from death to life. Some of them enter regular religion and progress to contemplation, for the entire life of the saints is nothing but a pilgrimage and they are all holy pilgrims in Jerusalem. Jesus was a pilgrim clothed in a pilgrim’s cloak and on Passover day was signed with the cross. Pilgrims who die through the mortification of the flesh are buried with him because they are not like hypocrites, who display their deeds for worldly praise. The Hebrew children stand for those who cross from the old life to the new through penance.38 We have here a complicated interweaving of the concepts of spiritual and physical pilgrimage; the triumphant yet humble

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Christ entering Jerusalem becomes a type for the crusader-pilgrim entering the gate of the heavenly/earthly Jerusalem.

The image of a child features in another anonymous sermon preserved in Paris, BN, MS lat. 14470. The preacher depicts the church militant arranged in various battle lines with the humble and weak guarded in its midst. He paints the scenario of a mother instructing her sons (filioli) to take up the seal (sigillum) their father left them, saying, “If anyone would follow after me let him take up his cross” (Matthew 16.24). Those who follow Christ are kept safe by the seal of his cross, which is a consolation among dangers, as Gregory the Great’s story of the Jew protected from demons illustrates. The mother warns her sons that if they cannot follow their father through the red path, that is, through imitating the sufferings of Christ’s Passion, they can imitate him through the white way of Christ’s humility in his incarnation and life. The audience ought to humble themselves like a small child and minister to their subjects, using their teaching to instruct others. Those who labor ought to render tithes; those in quiet and solitude ought to pray for oth-ers.39 Crusade preachers including James of Vitry and Oliver of Paderborn also used examples of contemporary crucesignati and Gregory’s exemplum to graphically demonstrate the salvific power of the crusader’s cross to protect from physical and spiritual harm, a potency manifested also in the visions of heavenly crosses that ac-companied crusade recruiting.40 They similarly invoked “My beloved is white and ruddy” (Song of Songs 5.10), pairing it with the image of Edom or Bosra (drawn from the Palm Sunday liturgy) in crusade appeals and other sermons to call audi-ences to serve Christ, if not through martyrdom or a confessor’s suffering, then through imitation of Christ or through other means of devotion, including preaching (for the clergy) and almsgiving and prayer (for the laity and contemplatives).41

The traditional focus of Palm Sunday sermons and liturgy on the Hebrew pueri’s recognition and ushering in of Christ the Savior into Jerusalem in contrast to the corrupt Pharisees may also have played an important role in shaping the self-identity of participants of the crusade of the pueri. James of Vitry presented the Hebrew pueri and the simple folk as meeting Christ with praises, unlike the greater and the wicked, who were filled with envy and avarice because Christ re-buked them in his preaching.42 Other contemporary crusade sermons rebuked the powerful and mighty for failing to support the crusade and lauded the pueri as the first fruits of a new crusade that implied personal and social reform at all levels: the poor and powerless had taken the cross and set an example of self-renunciation that the powerful should follow. The crusade of the pueri took a processional form in which hymns were sung and Thau crosses and banners were carried, borrow-ing not only from local Pentecostal processions and the rogational processions instituted against the Muslims in Spain but also from the liturgy of Palm Sunday and Passion week and contemporary concern for the deliverance of Jerusalem and the relic of the True Cross from enemy hands. Readings for Passion week also evoked linkages between the imagery of Christ’s humble entry into Jerusalem as


the Paschal lamb, the Thau as the sign of the elect, and the conversion of peoples through Christ’s sacrifice on the cross, along with the children of Israel’s going into the desert and crossing the Red Sea or crossing the Jordan into the promised land on dry feet—all themes invoked by chroniclers describing the crusade of the pueri and perhaps by the participants themselves.43

The Donkey and the Penitent Crusader

Those responsible for preaching the crusade also used the theme of repentance, sym-bolized by the donkey, to call their audiences to participation in the crusade campaign. Moreover, they reworked images of crusaders back into the Palm Sunday tradition as examples of the ideal penitent. Several unedited sermons of Stephen Langton for Palm Sunday and one of James of Vitry’s sermons for the same occasion use Christ’s entry into Jerusalem in humility and poverty to symbolize his redemptive sacrifice and the way penitents should behave. Langton likened the donkey to a hardened sin-ner burdened by vice, who can be unbound and led to Christ through preaching and a true confession. The garments laid on the donkey’s back are good works, which provide an example to others. Christ leads penitents into the heavenly Jerusalem when, walking smoothly on the four feet of contrition, confession, satisfaction, and perseverance in their resolution (propositum) and following the examples of the saints, penitents attain the vision of the kingdom of peace through abstinence and focus on the sacrament that they will receive on Easter day. Langton maintains that relapsed sinners ought to immediately confess and persevere in satisfaction, and that the children who venerated Christ embody the obligation to moderate fasting and humble the flesh without indulging in carnal delights or excessive self-discipline. He interprets the palm branches as standing for prayers, which fly directly to God if accompanied by contrition and penance, and the olive as standing for almsgiving. Mary Magdalene symbolizes the ideal almsgiver, who offers necessary things and compassionate and correcting words. Preachers urged their audiences to persevere in good works through tribulation, prayer, chastisement of the flesh, and almsgiving to follow Christ into the Jerusalem of eternal blessedness.44 Langton and many contem-porary reformers stressed that it was perseverance and voluntary poverty that would bring spiritual victory, not power or military might. This message was reinterpreted by many participants of the crusade of the pueri to mean that the powerless would triumph where military and clerical elites had failed.45 The reformers appointed by Innocent III to preach the Fourth and Fifth Crusades were noted for presenting taking the cross as a demonstration of personal repentance and involvement in the reforms associated with the crusade. They were accused of giving the crusader’s cross to any who desired it, including women and children, and the tableau of Christ’s entry into Jerusalem would prove useful to justify the manifold forms of participation in the new crusade project they offered.

In another sermon Langton urged his audience to imitate either the just dis-ciples, the repentant donkey, or the crowd embarked on penitential discipline to

22 Jessalynn Bird

obtain the heavenly Jerusalem.46 James of Vitry exhorted his listeners, particularly the wealthy, to do the same through mortifying their flesh and aiding the poor with their possessions. He explained that just as today his audience customarily lays green branches at the foot of the cross, so their virtues and works are worthless unless laid at the foot of Christ’s Passion. His audience ought to climb the harsh-ness of the palm (which stands for Christ’s cross or penance) and grasp its fruit, a theme visited in many crusading sermons.47 The Palm Sunday procession was useless unless accompanied by inner change, James declared, so listeners ought to participate with humility in sackcloth and hair shirts, in poverty, not superfluity of riches, and in clean flesh, not lustfulness. The married ought to aid the poor with their possessions, prelates to preach the word of God, and contemplatives to cry “Hosanna” by praising and giving thanks. The simple, he maintained, can carry Christ on their backs by serving others. James’s gloss of the procession to include all estates in the project of personal reform is very similar to the explications of the rogational processions that served as a model for the monthly processions instituted for the crusade. These were designed to incorporate all estates of Christendom into the crusade project through almsgiving, prayer, and penitential practices.48

Another anonymous crusade appeal from Paris, BN, MS lat. 14470 used the image of the donkey to urge its audience to not act like senseless beasts mired in sin and ridden by the devil to hell. Instead, they ought to master their flesh through humility, charity, sobriety, and penitential discipline or, better yet, emulate the local Parisian saints Denis, Cerbonius (“Colibertus”), and Martin in fasting, prayers, and long journeys. The preacher claims that no one who dies on the road to Compostela or the Virgin Mary is damned. So too the remission of sins can be obtained today, and the power of the cross will prevail in the Holy Land, as it has already in the Midi and Spain. If his audience sings “Dulce lignum, dulces clavos,” a hymn traditionally sung on Good Friday and the feasts of the cross, the walls will fall before them, a reference to the First Crusaders’ emulation of the Israelites before Jericho and the hoped-for reconquest of Jerusalem.49 Unlike reprobates who shun the power of the cross, the preacher says, the perfect foster the memory of Christ’s Passion, preaching its power and rejecting the world’s delights. Playing on the meaning of “sycamore” (“fool’s fig”), the preacher uses Zacchaeus to rebuke the fainthearted who are put off by the hardships represented by the crusader’s cross. In so doing, he evokes standard artistic iconography of Palm Sunday (which included Zacchaeus in the tree) and almost certainly drew on a collection of distinctions. Condemned as foolishness by the world, these sufferings are the means of earning the roses, lilies, and violets of martyrs’, innocents’, or confessors’ crowns, an image used by Oliver of Paderborn to describe the crusaders before Damietta. Those signed with the cross can confidently respond to Christ displaying the wounds of his Passion at the Last Judgment that they have taken the crusader’s cross and suffered much to repay his sacrifice, and they will be rewarded with eternal life, a common theme in crusade appeals.50


Educated in Paris and an acquaintance of Oliver of Paderborn, Odo of Cheriton presents a nearly identical treatment of the donkey in his Palm Sunday sermon. He also targeted usurers and robbers, whom he compares to manure-laden asses being ridden by the devil toward hell’s dung heap. He closes by comparing the three major processions of the liturgical year: the Purification of the Virgin Mary, Palm Sunday, and Ascension Day. He relates how a certain soldier (miles) fulfilled all these processions when he devoutly visited the places of Christ’s birth and ministry. Arriving in Jerusalem at the Mount of Olives, where Christ ascended into heaven, the soldier asked Christ if he might follow him and so great was his desire that he was rapt into heaven. Odo urges his audience to do the same: kindled with the light of charity like the candles of the Purification procession, they ought to proceed to the good works of Palm Sunday’s branches and flowers and victori-ously attain heaven on Ascension Day.51

Langton also used the donkey to signify the sinner held captive to the devil and carnal delights. The disciples stand for preachers who untie the donkey by leading him to confession, freeing him from the world, the flesh and the devil, ava-rice, lust, and pride. Similar to the eagle and hen, who sacrifice all for their chicks, Christ wants the audience to confess and abandon earthly things for heavenly love, which he accomplishes through mercy, discipline, and the memory of his Passion. Through recalling the examples of Christ, and of the saints, including Peter and Paul, who embraced physical death and others who suffered spiritually, the sinner can “naked, follow the naked Christ” and attain the heavenly Jerusalem. Langton explains that a great price was paid to redeem his audience, who ought to glorify God by carrying him on their bodies. Just as a donkey has a cross on its withers and carried Christ into Jerusalem, so the Templars carry the sign of the Lord’s banner on their habits and never murmur under the heavy burden of their religio or because of the meagerness of their food. Those who strew their clothing under the donkey’s feet are those who take up the Lord’s cross temporarily (ad tempus) so that they can strive to free Jerusalem from the pagans’ power. These carry the Lord for a time, but not to Jerusalem, as do others who, when their pilgrimage is complete, return to their own homes.52 Pilgrims, crusaders, and members of the military orders have become the embodiment of the new imitatio Christi in a Palm Sunday sermon intended for a general audience.

Langton further asserts that youth brings bodily power and riches, but in old age everyone is denuded and suffers moral infirmity. Just as noblemen give clothing to the poor, while his audience’s bodies are young they ought to render service to their Lord, who comes as a humble pauper on a donkey. The tree branches strewn on the way represent those blessed with earthly power and riches, who ought to defend the poor, widows, and orphans and give alms and do other good works for Christ. Alms must be given from their own justly procured possessions; otherwise, they harm rather than aid the giver. The recipients will intercede to God for them. Those who follow Christ but have nothing to give are the poor who patiently endure the

24 Jessalynn Bird

burden of poverty and naked follow the naked Christ, obtaining with him the glory of the resurrection. Christ purging the temple represents the Last Judgment, where those who violate their soul’s temple through usury or lust will be condemned. If Christ chastened simple moneychangers, how much more will he judge those who break God’s law that one should lend freely expecting nothing in return and for the sake of usury pollute the temple of their own spirits?53 Those who wish to share in the glory of the resurrection and the hospice of the eternal Jerusalem must choose to emulate either the donkey, those strewing the road, or Christ’s poor followers.

Langton’s focus on just almsgiving and attacks on usury mirror the antiusury campaign of his fellow recruiters, as does his emphasis on the various ways one can minister to Christ: through voluntary poverty, almsgiving, or personal service on crusade. He follows contemporary reformers in promoting almsgiving as a form of participation in the crusade (hollow trunks for this purpose were placed in every church hosting crusade processions, and crusade preachers also collected donations), while maintaining serious reservations about the potential tainting of such alms by usurious practices, particularly when crusade preachers targeted towns and urban areas.54 It is perhaps no accident that Langton’s sermon, heavy with imagery similar or identical to that in many crusade sermons, is immediately followed by a crusade appeal that the copyist claimed was delivered by an abbot at Montpellier (perhaps Arnaud Amaury, legate for the antiheretical crusade in the Midi) and translated into Latin by Alan of Lille.55

“Ite ad Castellum”

In fact, one Palm Sunday sermon attributed to Alan of Lille uses the story of the disciples being commanded to “go into the fortress (castellum) which is against you” (Matthew 21.2) to fetch the donkey to urge its audience to recall the meaning of Christ’s Passion, which his entry into Jerusalem foreshadowed. The ass stands for the sinner who has fallen from the image of God into something worse than a beast. His bonds can be loosened only through teaching and exhortation, continence, love of neighbor and God, and contempt of the world. The clothing placed on the donkey’s back is the example Christ provides for all. The audience is urged to fol-low the apostles in imitating Christ and thus be led to the heavenly Jerusalem.56 Alan used the same verse for another Palm Sunday sermon, which presented the world as a castle under siege by the camp of the demons, who have recruited humankind to their ranks through Adam’s fall. The castle may be recaptured not through instruments of war but only by the poor in spirit who enter it humbly, as did Christ. Through his incarnation, preaching, and miracles Christ converted those who were in the camp of the demons to the unity of the church, and he conquered the demons’ camp and the devil by dying in battle against them on the cross. Alan calls his audience to repay Christ’s sacrifice by freeing their flesh (the donkey) from concupiscence through subjugating their thoughts to Christ, meeting him with the branches of good works, and castigating their bodies through abstinence.57


The same verse (“Ite ad castellum”) was used by Oliver of Paderborn to de-scribe an episode from the early campaign of the Fifth Crusade: the assault of Mount Tabor with the patriarch, bishops, and clergy reenacting a procession with the relic of the True Cross, prayers, and psalms reminiscent of Palm Sunday and Ascension Day ritual. Oliver stresses that Christ reserved the victory there for himself alone but that the Christians carried off captives whom James of Vitry had baptized and instructed in the Christian religion.58 The themes that may well have been running through the crusaders’ and Oliver’s mind on this date can be suggested by the verse’s doubling as a reading for the first Sunday in Advent. Peter Lombard’s and Odo of Cheriton’s sermons for both feasts interpret the disciples going up against the castellum as Christ besieging the city of this world filled with sinners and heretics. Peter and Odo follow contemporary liturgical treatises in identifying the ass and its foal, which the disciples were commanded to untie and lead to Christ, as standing for the Jews and Gentiles converted by the apostle’s preaching,59 as did James of Vitry himself in a later Palm Sunday sermon.60 Oliver also referred to themes from Palm Sunday in his description of the siege of Damietta by the crusaders (themselves besieged by al-Malik’s army), portraying all ranks of the army as participating in the conflict through works of mercy (women carrying water and supplies), prayer (the clerics), and fighting with weapons rather than participating in the traditional Palm Sunday processions. His depiction in the Historia Damiatina probably reflects the exhortations delivered by the clergy and the liturgical prayers they invoked against their enemies during the attack.61 Just as preachers used the participation of various groups in Palm Sunday processions and the biblical story of Christ’s entry into Jerusalem to stress the manifold means of contributing to the crusade’s home front, so they also employed them to describe the sacrifices of combatants and noncombatants during the crusade’s military expedition.

A sermon by Peter Lombard for Palm Sunday also opened with a verse used by James of Vitry for his second sermon to crusaders: “Lift up your sign in Sion” (Jeremiah 4.6ff.). Peter glossed the lion of the verses as the devil, contrasting the earthly and heavenly Jerusalem with the diabolical city of Babylon, a theme typically used for Laetare Jerusalem and other feast days associated with crusade recruiting.62 The savage lion also described in Peter’s epistles, the devil is bloated with his triumph over Adam and now seeks the blood of the rest of humankind, which can escape his clutches only by going out from Egypt/Babylon through pen-ance to reach the heavenly Jerusalem. Those greeting Christ by strewing clothing are those who mortify their body’s vices and desires, the branches they wave are the examples of the holy fathers that his audience ought to follow. The pueri’s cry of “Hosanna” signals the redemption of the human race through Christ’s humble sacrifice on the cross, by which he triumphed over the devil and death. The pueri are the nursing, infants, the simple, and the innocent who greet Christ coming to the place of his Passion with imperial lauds, which the church today recalls through the triumphal banner of the cross borne in solemn procession with green branches,

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flowers, and palms. So in simplicity like innocent children, Peter urges, his listeners ought to lift a sign in Sion by cultivating the memory of Christ’s triumphal Passion and imitating it. This is the sign of the Thau on the foreheads of those weeping over sin. The Thau represents the sign of the cross, which ought to be imprinted not simply outwardly on the forehead but inwardly through faith and imitation of Christ’s Passion so that the preacher’s audience might attain glory with him. In a sermon for Palm Sunday, James of Vitry likewise focused on the power of prayer, vigil and fasting, and Christ’s Passion to free the sinner from the devil, depicted as a roaring lion or dragon, the king of sinners; no one ought to despair of pardon. Using imagery he and other sermon writers used also in appeals to crusaders, James compares the power of Christ’s blood to the red rope of Rahab. By the hammer of Christ’s cross the Lord opened the doors to paradise. The wood of the cross made a bridge between the head and its members, and like a true Joshua, Christ hung the king of Ai (the devil) on the gallows of the cross.63

Conclusion

Sermons for Palm Sunday and the week leading up to Easter illustrate the manifold resonances called on by the liturgically driven home front of the crusades, as well as the interlacing ties of devotion created by liturgical observances in the West and in Jerusalem and relics imported from the Holy Land to the West. Preachers invoked the Passion imagery foreshadowed in Palm Sunday sermons to call their audiences to the imitation of Christ, the good thief, and other participants in the Passion drama, thereby explaining the various forms of participation in the crusade: prayer, penance, personal reform, almsgiving, martyrdom. The tableau of Christ’s triumphal entry into Jerusalem with the figures of the Hebrew pueri, the disciples, the Pharisees, the welcoming crowd, and the donkey served as another useful explicatory model for the various levels of participation in the crusade project.

That audiences were sensitive to these resonances is illustrated by the appro-priation of themes paralleling the attainment of the earthly and heavenly Jerusalem and the triumph of humility and poverty by the crusade of the pueri. Paris-trained and Victorine preachers and the popes who appointed them to promote the cru-sade would deliberately evoke Good Friday bidding prayers and the Eucharist in the monthly processions instituted for the crusade, processions intended, like the tableaux of the recruiters, to involve every tier of society in crusade preparations through penance, castigation of the flesh, almsgiving, and prayer. The borrowing would come full circle with the implantation of the crusader as a prime example of one of the manifold forms of penance and imitation of Christ symbolized, in Palm Sunday sermons and liturgies, in the tableau of Christ’s entry into Jerusalem reenacted yearly by audiences in the West.


Notes

1 For example, Penny J. Cole, The Preaching of the Crusades to the Holy Land, 1095–1270 (Cambridge, MA, 1991), pp. 41, 227–31; Christoph T. Maier, Preaching the Crusades: Mendicant Friars and the Cross in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge, UK, 1994), pp. 108–9; Christopher Tyerman, England and the Crusades, 1095–1588 (Chicago, 1988), pp. 159, 168, etc.; Christopher Tyerman, God’s War: A New History of the Crusades (Cambridge, MA, 2006), pp. 377–78, 502–4, 618–20, etc.; Jean Flori, Prêcher la croisade (XIe–XIIIe siècle): communication et propagande (Paris, 2012), passim; Nicole Bériou, “La prédication de croisade de Philippe le Chancelier et d’Eudes de Châte-auroux en 1226,” in La prédication en Pays d’Oc (XIIe–début XVe siècle), Cahiers de Fanjeaux 32 (1997), 85–109; Christoph T. Maier, “Crisis, Liturgy and the Crusade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,” Journal of Ecclesi-astical History 48 (1997), 628–57; and Jessalynn Bird, “Heresy, Crusade and Reform in the Circle of Peter the Chanter, c.1187–c.1240” (PhD diss., Oxford University, 2001), pp. 120–83.

2 Margot E. Fassler, Gothic Song: Victorine Sequences and Augustinian Reform in Twelfth-Century Paris, 2nd ed. (Notre Dame, IN, 2011); and Craig Wright, Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame in Paris, 500–1550 (Cambridge, UK, 2008). I have consulted the processional and ordinary attributed to Nivelon, bishop of Soissons (Bibliothèque nationale [hereafter abbreviated BN], MS lat. 8898), who participated in the Fourth Crusade, and an early gradual (ca. 1200) and sequentiary (ca. 1220–1235) from Saint-Victor in Paris (BN, MS lat. 14452). Sicard of Cremona’s treatise was composed circa 1200. See Sicard of Cremona, Mitrale seu de officiis ecclesiasticis summa, Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series Latina (hereafter PL) 213:13–436. A modern edition is Si-cardi Cremonensis episcopi Mitralis de officiis, ed. Gábor Sarbak and Lorenz Weinrich, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter CCCM) 228 (Turnhout, 2008). John Beleth’s liturgical work was composed in Paris in the early 1160s and was widely cited by Paris masters of the later twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. For John Beleth, see Johannis Beleth Summa de ecclesiasticis officiis, ed. Herbert Douteil, CCCM 41–41a (Turnhout, 1976). Peter of Roissy preached the crusade with Fulk of Neuilly before becoming chancellor at Chartres cathedral. His treatise was composed in the first decade of the thirteenth century. See V. L. Kennedy, “The Handbook of Master Peter Chancellor of Chartres,” Medieval Studies 5 (1943), 1–38; Stephan Kuttner, “Pierre de Roissy and Robert Flamborough,” Traditio 2 (1944), 492–98; and Marie-Thérèse d’Alverny, “Les mystères de l’église d’après Pierre de Roissy,” in Pensée médiévale en occident: théologie, magie et autres textes des XIIe–XIIIe siècles, ed. Charles Burnett (Aldershot, 1995), pp. 105–28.

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3 The literature on the Victorines is vast. For their activities as crusade preachers, see Jessalynn Bird, “The Victorines, Peter the Chanter’s Circle, and the Cru-sade: Two Unpublished Crusading Appeals in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS Latin 14470,” Medieval Sermon Studies 48 (2004), 5–28.

4 Godefridus J. C. Snoek, Medieval Piety from Relics to the Eucharist: A Process of Mutual Interaction (Leiden, 1995), pp. 46–47, 267, 276; Terence Baily, The Processions of Sarum and the Western Church (Toronto, 1971), pp. 16–18, 116–17, 166–71; and Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Me-dieval Culture (Cambridge, UK, 1992), pp. 227, 244–45, 252.

5 The cantor of the church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, Ansellus or An-selmus, previously a member of the church of Notre-Dame in Paris, sent a letter with a relic of the True Cross to the church of Notre-Dame in Paris in 1120. Its reception was considered significant enough for the foundation of a feast in its honor, titled “susceptio s[anctae] crucis” [the susception of the Holy Cross]. On the first Sunday in August, the cathedral clergy went out in procession to receive the relic of the cross, and Adam of Saint-Victor’s Laudes crucis was perhaps written for this feast or adapted to it. See Craig Wright, Music and Ceremony, pp. 70, 120, 275–77; Paul Perdrizet, Le calendrier parisien à la fin du moyen âge, d’après le bréviaire et les livres d’heures (Paris, 1933), p. 199, n. 12, and p. 222, n. 14; Gallia Christiana (1744) 7:44–45, no. 53; and Geneviève Bau-tier, “L’envoi de la relique de la vraie croix à Notre-Dame de Paris en 1120,” Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes 129 (1971), 387–97. For Saint-Victor, see BN, MS lat. 14673, fol. 67ra (list of relics); and Fassler, Gothic Song, p. 254. My thanks to Cecilia Gaposchkin for obtaining a copy of Bautier’s article for me and generously sharing her research on the liturgy of the cross.

6 See note 4 above; John Beleth, Summa, 94, pp. 165–67; Sicard of Cremona, Mitrale, PL 213:292–93; Peter Comestor, Historia scholastica, 117–18, PL 198:1049–1172, here cols. 1598–1601; Eyal Poleg, Approaching the Bible in Medieval England (Manchester, 2013), pp. 14–58; Craig Wright, “The Palm Sunday Procession in Medieval Chartres,” in The Divine Office in the Latin Middle Ages: Methodology and Source Studies, Regional Developments, Hagiography, ed. Margot E. Fassler and Rebecca A. Baltzer (Oxford, 2000), pp. 344–71; BN, MS lat. 8898, fols. 45r–52r (Soissons); and John Wickham Legg, ed., The Sarum Missal (Oxford, 1916), pp. 92–98.

7 Perdrizet, Calendrier parisien, pp. 241–42, n. 15; Wright, Music and Ceremony, p. 189; Lynette R. Muir, The Biblical Drama of Medieval Europe (Cambridge, UK, 1995), pp. 126–27; and Simone Roux, Paris in the Middle Ages, trans. Jo Ann McNamara (Philadelphia, 2009), p. 42.

8 For the heavenly and earthly Jerusalem and the link between individual con-version, reform, and crusade, see John of Abbeville, Sermo ad crucesignatos, edited in Cole, Preaching, pp. 222–26, here pp. 222–23; James of Vitry, Sermo


ad crucesignatos vel -signandos, in Crusade Propaganda and Ideology: Model Sermons for the Preaching of the Cross, ed. Christoph T. Maier (Cambridge, UK, 2000), 1.1–23, pp. 82–99; Brenda Bolton, “‘Serpent in the Dust, Sparrow on the Housetop’”: Attitudes to Jerusalem and the Holy Land in the Circle of Pope Innocent III,” in The Holy Land, Holy Lands and Christian History, ed. R. N. Swanson, Studies in Church History 36 (Woodbridge, UK, 2000), pp. 154–80; and Jessalynn Bird, “Crusade and Reform: The Sermons of Biblio-thèque Nationale, nouv. acq. lat. 999,” in Contextualizing the Fifth Crusade, ed. E. J. Mylod, Guy Perry, Thomas W. Smith, and Jan Vandeburie (Ashgate, forthcoming 2015).

9 Barbara Baert, A Heritage of Holy Wood: The Legend of the True Cross in Text and Image (Brill, 2004), pp. 175–76, 368; Denys Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: A Corpus, vol. 3, The City of Jerusalem (Cambridge, UK, 2007), pp. 104–6, 368; Sylvia Schein, Gateway to the Heav-enly City: Crusade Jerusalem and the Catholic West (1099–1187) (Ashgate, 2005), pp. 102–4; Molly McGlannan Lindner, “Topography and Iconography in Twelfth-Century Jerusalem,” in The Horns of Hattin: Proceedings of the Second Conference of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East, Jerusalem and Haifa 2–6 July, 1987, ed. Benjamin Z. Kedar (Jerusalem, 1992), pp. 81–98; Alan V. Murray, “Mighty against the Enemies of Christ: The Relic of the True Cross in the Armies of the Kingdom of Jerusalem,” in The Crusades and Their Sources: Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, ed. John France and William G. Zajac (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 217–29; A. Frolow, Les reliquaires de la Vraie Croix (Paris, 1965); and A. Frolow, La relique de la Vraie Croix (Paris, 1961). James of Vitry’s sermons to crusaders called for aid for the Holy Sepulcher where Christ was buried, and urged crusaders to assist Jerusalem where Christ redeemed them (Ad crucesignatos vel -signandos, ed. Maier, 1.7–8, 15–19, pp. 89, 93–97). Similar themes were invoked in sermons by Innocent III and John of Abbeville (see Bird, “Crusade and Reform”).

10 For example, a late thirteenth-century breviary in BN, MS lat. 1023, Sabbato lc ia (fols. 148rb–152rb) lists the Vexilla (fol. 148vb), Pange lingua (fol. 149rb), and De ore leonis (fol. 150ra). In the same manuscript, the rite for Palm Sunday (fols. 155ra–157vb) includes the gospel account of the Passion (fol. 156rb), De ore leonis (fol. 157rb), and pueri hebreorum (fol. 157vb). The Vexilla and Pange lingua also formed part of the liturgy for the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross. See Louis van Tongeren, Exaltation of the Cross: Towards the Origins of the Feast of the Cross and the Meaning of the Cross in Early Medieval Liturgy (Leuven, 2000), pp. 236–45; Fassler, Gothic Song, pp. 22–28, 32–37, 47–48, 64–72, 77–82, 294–311; and note 6 above.

11 Excerpts from Peter of Roissy were copied into BN, MS lat. 14859, fols. 288ra–301va, here 199ra–rb (Palm Sunday), 299va (Maundy Thursday), and

30 Jessalynn Bird

299va–vb (Good Friday). Extracts from John Beleth were copied into at least two collections of sermons by Paris masters, which contain crusading mate-rial: BN, MS lat. 14593, fols. 28ra–34va, which includes material for Palm Sunday (fol. 29ra–rb), Maundy Thursday (fols. 29rb–30ra), Good Friday (fol. 20ra–rb), and the Invention and Exaltation of the Cross (fols. 31ra–34va); and BN, MS lat. 14470, with extracts including Palm Sunday (fol. 171va–vb), Maundy Thursday (fols. 171vb–172rb), and Good Friday (fol. 172rb–va).

12 BN, MS lat. 14452: Dominica in Passione (fol. 34r–v), Dominica in ramis palmarum (fols. 37v–39v), feria iii (fols. 40r–41r), feria v (Maundy Thurs-day, fol. 42r–v), in parasceve (fols. 43r–46v); Sicard of Cremona, Mitrale, PL 213:292–94. James of Vitry’s sermons for Passion Sunday utilized Old Testament prefigurations of Christ’s sacrifice, including the Passover lamb (Eadem dominica [in Passione] thema sumptum de epistola ad Hebraeos 9, in Sermones in epistolas et evangelia dominicalia totius anni, ed. Damianus a Ligno [Antwerp, 1575], pp. 303–6), and his sermon for Palm Sunday used liturgical verses for its theme (Dominica in ramis palmarum, thema sumptum de introitu missae ex psalmo [21], ed. Ligno, pp. 311–16).

13 See note 12 above; Peter of Roissy, BN, MS lat. 14859, fol. 299va–vb; and the discussion below at notes 18 and 19.

14 Honorius III, Dominica in ramis palmarum, in Opera Omnia, ed. C. A. Horoy (Paris, 1879), 1:828–34. The iconography of Christ’s entry was fixed at an early point. See, for example, the Queen Melisende psalter (ca. 1135), London, British Library, MS Egerton 1139, fol. 5v; and Poleg, Approaching the Bible, pp. 22–23.

15 Anonymous, “Benedictus qui venit in nomine domini,” BN, MS lat. 14589, fols. 13rb–15rb. For the paralleling of Palm Sunday and Ascension Sunday processions, see John Beleth, Summa, 7, pp. 19–20, and the discussion of Odo of Cheriton’s sermons below.

16 He urges his audience to sing suitable songs in procession as did the Israelites, and he lists various traditional chants for Palm Sunday including “Ut illud tenuisti manum dexteram meam et in voluntate tua deduxisti me, et cum gloria suscepisti me” and “Benedictus qui venit in nomine domini” (fol. 15ra). For the procession signifying the sons of Israel entering the Promised Land and crossing the Jordan with dry feet, see John Beleth, Summa, 94, pp. 165–67. For the Israelites and Egypt, James of Vitry, Eadem dominica (in ramis pal-marum) thema sumptum de evangelio secundum Matthaeum, quod legitur ad processionem (“Ite ad castellum”), ed. Ligno, pp. 321–28, here p. 322.

17 James of Vitry, Dominica in Passione, ed. Ligno, pp. 307–11; and Jessalynn Bird, “James of Vitry’s Sermons to Pilgrims (Sermones ad peregrinos): A Re-contextualization,” in Essays in Medieval Studies: Proceedings of the Illinois Medieval Association 25 (2008), 81–113.


18 In die palmarum, BN, MS lat. 14525, fols. 169vb–172ra (incipit: “Mihi autem absit gloriari”). The sermon was attributed to Absalon of Saint-Victor by Fourier Bonnard, Histoire de l’Abbaye royale et de l’ordre des chanoines réguliers de Saint-Victor de Paris, 2 vols. (Paris, 1097), 1:181, pp. 269–70, and misattributed to Absalon, abbot of Springersbach, in PL 211:143–48. See also notes 12–13 above; Bird, “Victorines,” esp. p. 24; and James of Vitry, Sermo ad crucesignatos vel -signandos, ed. Maier, 2.17, p. 113.

19 In die palmarum, BN, MS lat. 14525, fols. 169vb–172ra, here 170rb. For the verse’s use in the liturgical year, see notes 12–13 above; Sicard of Cremona, Mitrale, PL 213:293 (Palm Sunday), 295 (feria iii), and 311–12 (Good Friday); and Peter Comestor, Historia scholastica, 117–18, PL 198:1598–1601. For the Passover lamb and the red calf, see James of Vitry, Eadem dominica (in ramis palmarum) thema sumptum de evangelio secundum Matthaeum, ed. Ligno, pp. 322, 325; and Anonymous, Sermo ad crucesignatos, in BN, MS nouv. acq. lat. (hereafter abbreviated n.a.l.) 999, fols. 240ra–vb, here 240vb.

20 In die palmarum, BN, MS lat. 14525, fol. 170rb–vb.21 Compare the contemporary Brevis ordinacio de predicacione crucis, in Quinti

belli sacri scriptores minores, ed. Reinhold Röhricht (Geneva, 1879), pp. 3–26, here pp. 12–13, 19–23.

22 Maier, “Crisis, Liturgy and the Crusade”; and Bériou, “La prédication de crois-ade.” I would like to thank Christoph Maier and Nicole Bériou for generously sharing with me transcriptions of Phillip’s and Odo’s crusade sermons, which they are intending to publish in the Études Augustiniennes series.

23 In die palmarum, BN, MS lat. 14525, fols. 171va–172ra. For the chalice of suffering and the call to embrace it in order to share in Christ’s eternal reward, following the examples of martyrs Andrew, Peter, Stephen, and Laurence, see Bird, “Victorines,” p. 24.

24 Bird, “Victorines,” p. 23; and Matthew Phillips, “The Thief’s Cross: Crusade and Penance in Alan of Lille’s Sermo de cruce Domini,” Crusades 5 (2006), 143–56.

25 Sermo in ramis palmarum, BN, MS lat. 14525, fols. 105ra–107rb. For similar sentiments, see James of Vitry, Eadem dominica (in ramis palmarum) thema sumptum de evangelio secundum Matthaeum, ed. Ligno, p. 324; James of Vitry, Eodem die (feria sexta parasceves) thema sumptum ex evangelio secundum Ioannem, ed Ligno, p. 359; Brevis ordinacio, pp. 10–12, 15; and note 7 above.

26 Sermo in ramis palmarum, BN, MS lat. 14525, fols. 105vb–106rb; Brevis ordi-nacio, pp. 22–23; and James of Vitry, Sermo ad crucesignatos vel -signandos, ed. Maier, 1.6–8, 13, pp. 87, 89, 93, and 2.16, pp. 111–13.

27 M. T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England, 1066–1307, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 2012).

32 Jessalynn Bird

28 James of Vitry, Eadem dominica (in Passione) thema sumptum de evangelio secundum ioannem, ed. Ligno, pp. 307–11; James of Vitry, Eadem dominica (in ramis palmarum) thema sumptum de epistola Philip, 2, ed. Ligno, pp. 316–21. For the cross as seal, see Brevis ordinacio, pp. 22–23; and James of Vitry, Sermo ad crucesignatos vel -signandos, ed. Maier, 2.12–13, pp. 107, 109, and also 1.6–8, 13, pp. 87–89, 93.

29 James of Vitry, Eadem dominica (in ramis palmarum) thema sumptum de epistola Philip, 2, ed. Ligno, pp. 316–19. For detractors recrucifying Christ by deriding the faithful, the humble, and penitents, including crusaders, see an anonymous sermon delivered at the nunnery of Saint Anthony outside Paris (ca. 1210), preserved in BN, MS n.a.l. 999, fols. 187ra–188ra; for Marath, Anonymous, Sermo ad crucesignatos, BN, MS n.a.l. 999, fol. 240ra–vb, here 240vb. Other themes also overlap between James of Vitry’s Palm Sunday ser-mons and sermons to crusaders. For example, he uses the fact that the eagle’s chicks sup on blood when with desire and love they meditate on the Passion of Christ and makes reference to the mulberry tree as a figure for Christ. For the eagle, see James of Vitry, Eadem dominica (in ramis palmarum) thema sumptum de evangelio secudum Matthaeum, ed. Ligno, p. 320; James of Vitry, Sermo ad crucesignatos vel -signandos, ed. Maier, 2.16, p. 116; for the mulberry, see James of Vitry, Feria quinta in coena Domini thema sumptum de introitu missae (Nos autem gloriari), ed. Ligno, pp. 328–34, here p. 331; and an anonymous crusading appeal with the incipit, Tria genera hominum, BN, MS lat. 14470, fols. 335vb–338rb. Christ is also presented as a doctor offering medicine and purging the audience with the bellows of his own flesh on the cross in James of Vitry, Eadem dominica (in ramis palmarum) thema sumptum de evangelio secundum Matthaeum, ed. Ligno, p. 322; and Brevis ordinacio, p. 15.

30 Item ad crucesignatos, BN, MS n.a.l. 999, fols. 240vb–241va. Compare Brevis ordinacio, pp. 22–23; Gilbert of Tournai, Ad crucesignatos et crucesignandos sermo primus, ed. Maier, 2.15, p. 185; and notes 25 and 28 above.

31 Brevis ordinacio, pp. 4–10; and Peter of Capua, Sermo ad crucesignatos, BN, MS n.a.l. 999, fols. 199ra–200rb.

32 John the Teuton, Sermo in ramis palmarum, BN, MS lat. 14525, fols. 105ra–107rb, here 106va–vb, final reference to liturgy, fol. 107ra–rb. For the focus on incarnation, see Peter of Capua, Sermo ad crucesignatos, BN, MS n.a.l. 999, fols. 199va–200rb; Bird, “Victorines,” pp. 22–25; Brevis ordinacio, pp. 4–15, 19, 24; and James of Vitry, Sermo ad crucesignatos vel -signandos, ed. Maier, 1.14–16, pp. 109–13.

33 Bird, Heresy, Crusade and Reform, pp. 36–37, 152; Phillips, “The Thief’s Cross,” p. 144, n. 3; Odo of Cheriton, Dominica prima in adventu, BN, MS lat. 16506, fol. 115rb–va; James of Vitry, Sermo ad crucesignatos vel -signandos,


ed. Maier, 1.14, p. 93; Stephen Langton, Glossa in Biblia, BN, MS lat. 384, fol. 100va–vb; and Bird, “Crusade and Reform.”

34 Thomas of Chobham, Sermones, ed. Franco Morenzoni, CCCM 82A (Turnhout, 1993), pp. 233–44.

35 Sermo ad penitentes, BN, MS n.a.l. 999, fols. 239vb–240ra; Sermo ad cru-cesignatos, BN, MS n.a.l. 999, fol. 240ra–vb; compare James of Vitry, Feria quinta in coena Domini, ed. Ligno, p. 331; and Brevis ordinacio, p. 8.

36 Item in sinodo, BN, MS n.a.l. 999, fols. 193ra–195vb.37 Peter of Capua, Sermo ad crucesignatos, BN, MS n.a.l. 999, fols. 199ra–200rb;

Anonymous, Tria genera hominum, BN, MS lat. 14470, fols. 335vb–338rb; and Bird, “Victorines,” p. 24.

38 Stephen Langton, In ramis palmarum, BN, MS lat. 14470, fols. 215va–216rb (incipit: “Pueri hebreorum tollentes ramos olivarum”). The marginalist cor-rects the copy seemingly from BN, MS lat. 14593, fol. 89ra–vb, or another common source. For the attribution to Langton, see Phyllis Barzillay Roberts, Stephanus de Lingua-Tonante: Studies in the Sermons of Stephen Langton (Toronto, 1968), p. 210. Compare James of Vitry, Feria sexta parasceves, ed. Ligno, pp. 358–68 (Good Friday), here p. 365.

39 Anonymous, De beato Nicholas (incipit: “Qui non humiliunt se sicut parvuulus iste non intrabit in regnum celorum”), BN, MS lat. 14470, fols. 218vb–220rb.

40 Anonymous, Tria generum hominum sunt, BN, MS lat. 14470, fols. 335va–338ra, here 335vb–336rb; James of Vitry, Sermon to Pilgrims, in Crusade and Christendom: Annotated Documents in Translation from Innocent III to the Fall of Acre, 1187–1291, ed. Jessalynn Bird, Edward Peters, and James M. Powell (Philadelphia, 2013), pp. 143–54, here p. 153; Bird, “James of Vitry’s Sermons to Pilgrims”; and Bird, “Victorines.”

41 John the Teuton, Sermo in ascensione Domini, BN, MS lat. 14525, fols. 112ra–114vb; Brevis ordinacio, p. 24; Peter of Capua, Sermo ad crucesignatos, BN, MS n.a.l. 999, fols. 199ra–200rb, here 200rb; and James of Vitry, Feria quinta in coena domini, ed. Ligno, p. 331.

42 James of Vitry, Dominica in ramis palmarum, thema sumptum de introit missae ex psalmo [21], ed. Ligno, p. 311. For example, the liturgy in Chartres, one of the origins of the crusade of the pueri, featured boys’ choirs singing the pueri hebreorum as malefactors were ritually excised from the community through excommunication. See note 6 above.

43 The best treatment of the crusade of the pueri is Gary Dickson, The Children’s Crusade: Medieval History, Modern Mythistory (New York, 2008). For the specific themes mentioned, see John Beleth, Summa, BN, MS lat. 14470, fol. 172ra–va, and Beleth, Summa, 96, pp. 170–82; and Sicard of Cremona, Mitrale, PL 213:292–96, 311–21. Sicard of Cremona witnessed the pueri coming into

34 Jessalynn Bird

Italy in 1213, and his treatment of Palm Sunday noted that if his audience cultivated innocence through works of mercy, and won victory over the devil through their virtues, mortification of the flesh, and imitation of saints, they could imitate the Hebrew pueri greeting Christ on his triumphal entry into Jerusalem (PL 213:293). For the Thau and Paris preachers’ opinion of the pu-eri, see Bird, “Crusade and Reform”; James of Vitry, Sermo ad crucesignatos vel -signandos, ed. Maier, 1.1, 5–7, 9, 13, pp. 82–83, 86–87, 88–93; James of Vitry, Feria quinta in coena domini, ed. Ligno, p. 333; and Innocent III, In concilio generali, PL 217:674–75, 677.

44 “Retrahamus cum sole claritatem gaudii pristini,” BN, MS lat. 14470, fols. 259vb–261vb (anonymous but attributed to Stephen Langton by Roberts, Stephanus de Lingua-Tonante, p. 210). A nearly identical sermon “in ramis palmarum” in BN, MS lat. 14589, fols. 255rb–257rb, is also attributed to Langton. One of James of Vitry’s sermons for Palm Sunday echoes much of the imagery of Langton’s sermons for this feast day. See James of Vitry, Eadem dominica (in ramis palmarum) thema sumptum de evangelio secundum Mat-thaeum, ed. Ligno, pp. 321–28, here pp. 322, 324–28.

45 In contemporary collections of distinctions, pueri stand for the poor, the innocent, and Christ, in contrast to the wealthy and powerful. See J.-B. Pitra, Spicilegium Solesmense, complectens Sanctorum Patrum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum anecdota hactenus opera selecta e Graecis Orientalibusque et Latinis codici-bus, 4 vols. (Graz, 1962–1963), here 3:112–13, 247–48. For the sermons and the pueri, see Bird, “Victorines,” pp. 22–25; Bird, “Crusade and Reform”; Anonymous, Sermo ad crucesignatos, BN, MS n.a.l. 999, fol. 240ra–vb; James of Vitry, Sermo ad crucesignatos vel -signandos, ed. Maier, 2.1–12, pp. 101–9; Bird, Peters, and Powell, Crusade and Christendom, pp. 95–105; and Dickson, Children’s Crusade, pp. 53–114. For poverty, see John W. Baldwin, Masters, Princes and Merchants: The Social Views of Peter the Chanter and His Circle, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1970), 1:107–16, 261–311; Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Ha-ven, 1986); and Sharon Farmer, Surviving Poverty in Medieval Paris: Gender, Ideology and the Daily Lives of the Poor (Ithaca, 2002).

46 In ramis palmarum, BN, MS lat. 14859, fols. 255rb–257rb, here 257ra–rb.47 James of Vitry, Eadem dominica (ramis palmarum), ed. Ligno, p. 327; and

note 37 above.48 Jessalynn Bird, “Rogations, Litanies and Crusade Preaching: The Liturgical

Front in the Early Thirteenth Century,” in The Papacy, Peace and the Crusade, and the Religious Life: Essays in Memory of James M. Powell, ed. Jessalynn Bird (Ashgate, forthcoming 2016); and James of Vitry, Eadem dominica (in ramis palmarum) thema sumptum de evangelio secundum Matthaeum, ed. Ligno, pp. 327–28.


49 De commendatione crucis, BN, MS lat. 14470, fols. 319ra–321rb.50 BN, MS lat. 14470, fols. 319ra–321rb; Alan of Lille, Distinctiones dictionum

theologicalium, PL 210:687–1012, here 888–89, 964; Oliver of Paderborn, Historia Damiatina, 34, in Bird, Peters, and Powell, Crusade and Christendom, p. 188; compare Brevis ordinacio, pp. 19–22.

51 Odo of Cheriton, Dominica i. in adventu domini mathew xxi et in ramis pal-marum, in BN, MS lat. 16506, fols. 123ra–125ra, here 123va–125ra; compare James of Vitry, Eadem dominica (in ramis palmarum) thema sumptum de evangelio secundum Matthaeum, ed. Ligno, p. 328. The best survey of Odo of Cheriton’s life and works remains A. C. Friend, “Master Odo of Cheriton,” Speculum 23 (1948), 641–58.

52 Plurima turba straverunt vestimenta sua in via, BN, MS lat. 14859, fols. 231ra–232vb; and Roberts, Stephanus de Lingua-Tonante, p. 182.

53 James of Vitry similarly used the cleansing of the temple to attack the simo-niacal sale of sacraments and prayer, and also those who preached for profit (Eadem dominica [in ramis palmarum] thema sumptum de evangelio secun-dum Matthaeum, ed. Ligno, p. 325). A standard textbook in the Paris schools identified the moneychangers in the temple with simoniacs and usurers (Peter Comestor, Historia scholastica, 119, PL 198:1601).

54 For the issue of usury and the crusade, see Jessalynn Bird, “Reform or Crusade? Anti-usury and Crusade Preaching during the Pontificate of Innocent III,” in Pope Innocent III and His World, ed. J. C. Moore (Ashgate, 1999), pp. 165–87; and Bird, Heresy, Crusade and Reform, pp. 236–82.

55 BN, MS lat. 14859, fols. 233ra–234rb; Beverly Maine Kienzle, “Inimici crucis: la théologie de la croix et la persécution du catharisme,” in Autour de Montaillou, un village occitan—Histoire et religiosité d’une communauté villageoise au Moyen Age, Actes du colloque de Montaillou, 25–27 août 2000, ed. Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie (Castelnaud-la-Chapelle, 2001), pp. 283–99.

56 Sermo m[agistri] a[lani] in ramis palmarum, BN, MS lat. 14589, fols. 57va–59ra, incipit: “Venit ihesus ad montem oliveti et dix[it] discipulos suis, ‘Ite in castellum quod contra vos est.’”

57 Alan of Lille, In dominica palmarum, in Alain de Lille, Textes inédits, ed. Marie-Thérèse d’Alverny (Paris, 1965), pp. 246–49.

58 Oliver of Paderborn, Historia Damiatina, ch. 3, ed. Bird, Peters, and Powell, pp. 162–63; Oliver of Paderborn, ep. 3, in Die Schriften des Kölner domscholasters späteren bishofs von Paderborn und Kardinal-bishofs von s. Sabina Oliverus, ed. Hermann Hoogeweg (Tübingen, 1894), pp. 289–90; compare Oliver of Paderborn, Descriptio Terrae Sanctae, in Hoogeweg, Schriften, p. 19.

59 Peter Lombard, In Sion levate signum (Palm Sunday), BN, MS lat. 16506, fols. 99va–101rb, here 100vb–101ra; Odo of Cheriton, Dominica i. in adventu, BN,

36 Jessalynn Bird

MS lat. 16506, fols. 123ra–125ra, here 123ra–vb; compare Röhricht, Quinti Belli, pp. 35, 48, 70, 89–90, 127, 151–53, 176.

60 James of Vitry, Eadem dominica (ramis palmarum) thema sumptum de evan-gelio secundum Matthaeum, ed. Ligno, pp. 321–28, here p. 323.

61 Oliver of Paderborn, Historia Damiatina, 25, ed. Bird, Peters, and Powell, pp. 179–80.

62 Peter Lombard, In Sion levate signum, BN, MS lat. 16506, fols. 99va–101rb; compare James of Vitry, Sermo ad crucesignatos vel -signandos, ed. Maier, 2.1, 6, pp. 82–83, 86–87; and James of Vitry, Sermon to Pilgrims, ed. Bird, Peters, and Powell, p. 145.

63 James of Vitry, Dominica in ramis palmarum, thema sumptum de introit mis-sae ex psalmo [21], ed. Ligno, pp. 311, 314–15; James of Vitry, Sermo ad crucesignatos vel -signandos, 2.5, 11–12, ed. Maier, pp. 102–3, 106–9; In die sancti antonii apud sanctum antonium, BN, MS n.a.l. 999, fols. 187ra–188ra, here 188ra; and Sermo ad crucesignatos, BN, MS n.a.l. 999, fol. 240ra–vb, here 240vb; for the Thau, see note 43 above.

Preaching the Crusade and the Liturgical Year: The Palm Sunday Sermons

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