On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library: A Status Report

32
Sandra Lippert, Maren Schentuleit (Hg.) Tebtynis und Sokno p aiu Nesos Leben im römerzeitlichen Fajum Harrassowitz Verlag

Transcript of On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library: A Status Report

Sandra Lippert, Maren Schentuleit (Hg.)

Tebtynis und Soknopaiu Nesos

Leben im römer zeitlichen Fajum �

Harrassowitz Verlag

Tebtynis und Soknopaiu Nesos Leben im römerzeitlichen Fajum

Akten des Internationalen Symposions vom 11. bis 13. Dezember 2003

in Sommerhausen bei Würzburg

Herausgegeben von Sandra Lippert und Maren Schentuleit

2005

Harrassowitz Verlag· Wiesbaden

On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library A Status Reportl

KIMRYHOLT

The Tebtunis temple deposit is the largest, single assemblage of ancient Egyptian

literary texts ever found. The material was unearthed more than seventy years ago,

but most of it still remains unpublished owing - at least in part - to its extremely

fragmentary nature. Despite its profound importance, the material has therefore still

not attracted much attention outside a small group of specialists.

The bulk of the material is now in the Papyrus Carlsberg Collection, Copenha­

gen, and Istituto Papirologico 'G. Vitell i ' , Florence? The original task of sorting the

enormous material was undertaken by Aksel Volten and Giuseppe Botti from the

early 1930's, when the material was acquired, and until around 1960. The two

scholars put a tremendous effort into this work, and published a number of texts in

its course. For the next thirty years, the material received limited attention, and the

systematic sorting of the material as a whole only recommenced in 1989 with the

creation of the ten-year project of The InternationaL Committee for the PubLication of the Carlsberg Papyri.3 Since then a considerable amount of work has been done

to sort the thousands of fragments, and as result more than 2 .500 fragments have

now been inventoried and, to some extent, identified.

The present paper will present a status report on the work on the temple deposit.

It seeks to address three main questions: the number of manuscripts and texts, the

contents of the texts, and the nature of the deposit.

2

I am very grateful to r. Andorlini and Aa. Westenholz for their comments on the present paper, and to 1. F. Quack for providing me wilh a copy of his survey of the hieratic papyri from the Tebtunis temple deposit, which will form the introduction to The Carlsberg Papyri 7.

Further collections known to house material from the Tebtunis temple deposit include the Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung Berlin, the Bancroft Library at the University of California, the Beinecke Library at Yale University, the British Museum, the Cairo Museum, the EES Papyrus CollecLion (Oxford), Istituto di Papirologia dell'Universita Statale degli Studi di Milano, the Lund University Library (Sweden), Museo Archeologico in Florence, the Insti­tute of Papyrology and Egyptology at the University of Lilie, and the University of Michigan Papyrus Collection. For the discovery and history of the material from the temple deposit, see bibliography in Andorlini 2004.

For which, see Zauzich 1991, I-li, and Frandsen - Ryholt 2000, vii.

14 2 K. RYHOLT

The Number of Manuscripts and Texts

The fi rst attempt s to estimate ho w mu ch mat erial wa s co ntai ned i n the Tebtu ni s

t emple depo sit were publi shed i n the 1950' s. Volte n sugge sted i n 195 1 that it i n­

cluded 'nearly a hu ndred hi erati c papyri ' , ' some hieroglyphi c papyri' a nd 'at lea st

200 literary a nd scie ntifi c [demoti c] papyri,.4 A fe w year s lat er, i n 1955, Botti esti­

mat ed that the material comp ri sed about 300 demoti c, 1 00 hierati c, 50 hi eroglyphi c

a nd 50 Gr eek papyri.5 The e stimate s were ba sed o n the sorti ng of the mat erial i n

Cope nhage n a nd Flore nce whi ch wa s carried out i n a collaboratio n bet wee n the t wo

scholar s.

I n the la st fif tee n year s a re newed effort ha s put i nto th e sorti ng of thi s material.

The number of ide ntifi ed t ext s ha s i ncrea sed sig nifi ca ntly, a nd the ma jo rity of the

di screte ma nu script s hav e b ee n provided with i nve ntory number s. We are therefo re

i n a po sitio n to provide a n updated a nd mo re a ccu rate e stimate.

I n total about 285 i ndividual ma nu script s with literary text s have no w bee n

i nve ntoried or ide ntified. Although a great number of fragme nt s remai n to be sort ed

a nd i nve nto ri ed , I do not expe ct that the total number of ma nu script s will ex ce ed

mu ch beyo nd 400.6 Perhap s some where i n the order of a hu ndred text s hav e y et to

be ide ntifi ed a nd i nv entoried.

The ma nu script s co ntai n abo ut 3 1 5 text s. Not all of them repre se nt compl et ely

copied work s. Some are m erely ex cerpt s, a nd i n a fe w extreme ca ses nothi ng more

tha n the fir st li ne of a text ha s bee n copied out for o ne p urpo se or a nother.7 B ecau se

the material i s so fragm entary, I make no attempt to li st ex cerpt s separately at t hi s

tim e.

Ro ughly t wo -third s of t he litera ry text s are writte n i n demoti c a nd abo ut o ne ­

third i n hierati c. I n ab sol ute number s there are c. 200 demoti c a nd c. 100 hierati c

text s. I n additio n to t he se, there i s a small group of about 1 5 hieroglyp hi c a nd a fe w

Gr eek t ext s. The se fig ur es co rrespo nd to about 63 % demoti c, 3 2% hierati c, 4 %

hieroglyp hi c a nd 1 % Greek text s.

4

6

7

Volten 1951, 71, 72. It should be noted that Volten speaks in reference to the Papyrus Carls­

berg Collection only, which explains why he does not mention the Greek documentary texts.

B otti 1955, 2.

Zauzich 199 I , 4-5, and v. Minnen 1998, 167, suggest that the literary material from the temple

deposit exceeds a thousand manuscripts. This figure is - unfortunately - much too optimistic.

Some of these excerpts were almost certainly scribal exercises, such as the thrcc demotic cop­

ies of the sequel to Nectanebo's Dream (P. Carlsberg 424, 499, 559: Ryholt 2002a) and three

copies of hieroglyphic inscriptions (P. Carlsberg 426, 495, 623: Tait 1999).

On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 143

Hieratic 32%

Fig. 1 . The Iiterary material from the Tebtunis temple deposit according to script

It might be useful to make a brief comparison between these figures and the esti­

mates by Botti and Volten. It should here be kept in mind that the two latter refer to

papyri whereas the figures Iisted in the figure above refer to texts, since sometimes

there is more than one text on the same papyrus. In general the earlier estimate is

more accurate. Both estimates come very c 10se to the present total as regards the

number of hieratic texts. Why Botti 's estimate of the demotic texts is so much

higher than Volten's is not clear. Possibly he incIuded a number of demotic docu­

mentary texts in Copenhagen such as the numerous self-dedications. This material

is, however, very unlikely to have come from the temple deposit since it is much

earlier in date and since there is none of it in Florence. More difficult to explain is

his very large number of hieroglyphic papyri, which might indicate that the sorting

of this material had not progressed very far.

Greek Material

The Greek Iiterary material from the deposit is very limited. According to Medea

Norsa, the material excavated by the ltalian mission amounted to '15 baskets fuII of

papyri' which incIuded 'only 30 fragments of Greek papyri,.8 The latter inc1uded

fragments of three Iiterary texts: two medical treatises and an astrological calender.9

Further fragments of two of these texts have also been identified in the Papyrus

CarIsberg Collection and other collections.

8

9

Letter from Michael 1. Rostovtzeff to A. H. Hammond, 7 April 1931, quoted in Panissoglou

1973, 7-8 n. I .

One o f the medical treatises and the astrological calender had already been identified 1ess than

a month after the discovery of the papyri, cf. letter from Gilbert Bagnani to Stewart Bagnani, 4

April 1931, cited in Begg 1998a. Vitelli 1932, 52, mentions two medical treatises.

144 K. RYHOLT

As far as the nature of the temple deposit is co ncer ned , it is imperative to dis cer n

bet wee n texts that were kept i n their o wn right a nd those that were not. The deposit

i nc1udes a great number of Egyptia n texts writte n o n the reverse of papyri with

Greek do cume ntary texts o n the fro nt; i n some cases t wo or more Greek do cume n­

tary papyri had eve n bee n cut a nd pasted together to form a lo nger roll for a n Egyp­

tia n text. JO It is here ev ide nt that the Greek texts no lo nger served a ny purpose , a nd

that the papyri i n questio n had bee n reused. Their prese nce i n the deposit is therefore

i ncide ntal, a nd they have no dire ct beari ng o n the nature of the deposit. It should be

no ted that Norsa appare nt ly ex c1udes su ch material whe n she refers to a total of just

thirty Greek fragme nts , si nce the number of reused papyri with origi nal Greek texts

is mu ch larger.

Amo ng the three literary texts me ntio ned above , both the medi cal treatises have

bla nk reverses a nd sho w no sig n of reuse. These texts are therefore likely to have

bee n kept a nd used at the temple i n their o wn right.11 The a strolog ical cale nder,

ho wever, had bee n se co ndarily i ns cribed with Egyptia n texts, 12 wh i ch i ndi cates that

the Greek text had bee n dis carded. Whether it had origi nally bee n used i n the tem­

ple , be fore it was dis carded, is a nother questio n whi ch is more diffi cult to a ns wer -

o ne that might perhaps be solved paleographi cally.

The remai ni ng of the Greek fragme nts me ntio ned b y Norsa are do cume ntary

texts , t we nty -three i n all. 13 The prese nce of these texts i n a temple deposit whi ch

predomi na ntly co nsisted of Eg yptia n literary material begs a n expla natio n. It is hard

to provide a defi nite a ns wer without a n a ccurate ar chaeologi cal co ntext , but I sus ­

pe ct that they were dis carded papyri whose bla nk reverses were i nte nded for reuse.14

10 Only a few of the Greek texts have so far been published. P. Carlsberg 53: Bülow-lacobsen

1989, 125--6, pI. 8a; P. Carlsberg 55: B ülow-lacobsen in Beinlich 1988, lOS, pI. 6; P. CarJsberg

57: Bülow-lacobsen 1989, 126-31; P. Carlsberg 42 1 : Salvaterra 2000. A good illustration of

the reuse is the color photographs of both sides of the largest fragment of P. Carlsberg 42 1 pub­

lished in Willem - Clarysse 1999,69, fig. 20 (Greek and hieratic texts on recto), p. 297, no.

234 (demotic text on verso). 11

PSI X 1180 (= LOAB 4667): Vitelli 1932, 165-8; P. Tebt. II 677 + PSI inv. 3054 + P. Lund I 6

+ P. Mil. Vogl. I 16 (= LOAB 0244): AndorJini 1995. Fragments of the latter found in the Pa­

pyrus Carlsberg Collection have been transferred to Florence. For PSI X 1 180, see now Andor­

lini 2004a, 8 1- 118. 12

PSI inv. 750 + EES inv. 79/82- 1 (= LOAB 4299): Manfredi - Neugebauer 1973 (Greek text of

PSI), 10nes 1998 (Greek text of EES). Further parts of this manuscript are P. Carlsberg 673

(unpublished). The two Egyptian texts with which the papyrus was secondarily inscribed are

the Book of Thoth and the first line of the Book of the Temple, both of which are listed below.

13 Vitelli 1932, 51-8,60-2, 70-88, 165-8 (nos. 1 129-32, 1 134-5, 1 143-58, 1180). 14 As already suggested by Vitelli 1932, 52, and Osing 1998, 23.

O n the Co nte nts a nd Nature of the Tebtu nis Temple Library 145

This would also explai n the prese nce of several bla nk sheets of papyri fou nd with

the Greek do cume nts.15

The material i n the Carlsberg colle ctio n adds little to the s ca nt Greek l it erary

material. Apart from the fragme nts of o ne of the above-me ntio ned medi cal tr eatise

a nd the astrologi cal cale nder. the o nly ide ntified literary text is a further astrologi cal

cale nder ins cribed o n the ba ck of a demoti c astrologi cal ma nual.16 In this case we

may assu rne t hat the cale nder was i nte nded for use together with the ma nual.

The very limited Greek literary material from the temple deposit sta nds in co n­

trast to the more tha n thr ee hu ndred Egyptia n literary texts.17 O wi ng to the !imita ­

tio ns of spa ce set by the editors . I will not go into more detail here but reserve a

possible expla natio n of this cir cumsta nce for a nother o ccasion . Yet we ca n already

here co nclude that at least some of those who used the material fou nd in t he temple

deposit were weil versed i n Greek ; they were not just able to read Greek . but could

eve n dra w up Greek literary texts s uch as the astrologi cal cale nder.18 This is hardly

s urprisi ng at a site whi ch has yielded numero us Greek literary texts. str et chi ng from

the 3rd ce nt ury B C to the 3rd ce ntury A D.19 He nce , as far as the passio nate debate

about whether the Egyptia ns i n Grae co -Roma n times k ne w a nd were i nflue nced by

Greek literat ure is co ncer ned. the material from the Tebt unis temple deposit favors a

posi tive a ns wer alo ngside, as Thisse n has sho wn, m uch o ther ma teria 1.20

15 VitelJi 1932.52.

16 Neither text is published.

17 Whether or not the Greek literary fragments in the EES colJection published in Tait 1977 came

from the temple deposit is a most vexing quesLion. The material was found in a box together

with a number of EgypLian literary fragments that undoubtedly came from the temple deposit

since there are further parts of the same manuscripts in Copenhagen and Florence. There are,

however, no joins between the Greek literary fragments from this box and the Tebtunis mate­

rial in Copenhagen and Florence which is virtually devoid of Greek liLerary texts. It may aIso

be noted that the Greek material from the box in question is 'rather more numerous' than the

EgypLian material (Tait 1977, vii). This too marks a contrast to both Copenhagen and Florence,

and alJ in alJ it is perhaps more likely that the Greek literary material from Tebtunis in the EES

colJection came from another source. 18

10nes 1998 45, argues that also PSI inv. 75D (+ EES inv. 79/82-1 + P. Carlsberg 673) was

drawn up in the Tcbtunis temple. Another example of an Egyptian text where Greek had later

been added is much less significant, but rnight nonetheless be worth mentioning. This is a copy

of the Myth of the Sun's Eye with Greek pagination (P. Carlsberg 600. unpublished). 19

Cf. the list published by v. Minnen 1998, 155-165, and the horne page of the Leuven Database

of Ancient Books.

20 See Hoffmann 1995, 29, and 1996, 49-78, 113-20, and the rebuttal by Thissen 1999.

1 46 K. RVHOLT

The Date of the Material

Very few of the Egyptian texts contain or preserve a date, and the date range of the

deposit is primarily based on paleographical considerations and dates occasionally

preserved in the Greek documentary papyri. The Greek documentary papyri fall into

two groups; those whose backs had been reused for Egyptian texts and those that

had not. Both groups provide termini post quem inasmuch as they represent dis­

carded documents.

Dated colophons have so far only been identified in two texts; the Story of

Nakhthorshen, 47/8 AD,21 and a copy of the Book of Fayum, 1 35 AD.22 A small

hieratic fragment preserves part of the Egyptian royal titulary of Trajan (98- 1 1 7

AD).23 The most numerous dates derive from the Greek papyri published i n PSI X

wh ich span from 27 Be to 2 1 0 AD?4 A few further Greek documentary papyri ,

which had been reused for Egyptian literary texts, include the dates spanning from

66/7 to 15 1 /2 AD?5 Finally, one of the astronomical texts can be dated by its con­

tents to the time after 1 44 AD.26

A combination of these dates and the paleography of the texts indicate that the

bulk of the material dates to the 1 st and 2nd centuries AD, although there are also a

limited number of papyri from the 1 st century Be and early 3rd century AD.27 The

story known as Naneferkasokar and the Babylonians has been dated to the 3rd or

2nd century Be, but since no part of this text has been identified in Florence it re­

mains uncertain whether it is actually from the temple deposit.28

21 P. Carlsberg 400: for references see below.

22 PSI inv. I 71: BOlti 1959. 23 PSI inv. 16: Ryholl 2001.

24 Vilelli 1932, no. 1129 (24 BC), 1130 (25 AD), 1131 (41/4 AD), 1132 (61 AD), 1134 (92 AD),

1135 (97 AD), 1143 (164 AD), 1144 (100 AD?), 1147 (202/3 AD), 1148 (210 AD), 1150 (27

BC), 1153 (112/3 AD), and 1156 (130 AD).

25 P. Carlsberg 159 (105/6 AD), P. Carlsberg 563 (101/2 AD), P. Carlsberg 706 (66/7 AD), P.

26

Carlsberg s.n. (151/2 AD), and P. Tebl. Tait 1 (102/3 AD). The five Carlsberg Papyri are un­

published.

P. Carlsberg 9: Neugebauer - Volten 1938; Neugebauer - Parker 1969, 220-5, pI. 65; new

fragments in Zauzich 1974.

27 These include the legal manual (P. Carlsberg 301 + PSI inv. D I: Bresciani 1981; Chauveau

1991) and an onomasticon (P. Carlsberg 23: Tait 1984). Osing 1998, 21, mentions a series of

demotic documentary papyri from the Ptolemaic period, but there is nothing to suggest that

these formed part of the temple deposil.

28 P. Carlsberg 303 + P. Berlin P 13640: Spiegelberg 1932b (Ber1in fragment only).

O n the Co nte nt s a nd Nature of the Tebtu ni s Temple Library 147

The Contents of the Temple Deposie9

The follo wi ng survey of the co nte nt s of the temple depo sit i s ne ce ssarily prelim i­

nary. Mu ch material still remai ns to be i nve ntoried, a nd the nature of ma ny of the

i nve ntoried texts still remai ns to be elu cidated. Limitatio ns o n spa ce al so do not

permit me to li st a nd de scribe all ide ntified text s, a nd the de scriptio ns of the text s

that are i ncluded belo w will be kept at a mi nimum. I n the ca se of publi shed text s, I

refer to the text editio ns for further detail s.

I have, for the pu rpo se of the pre se nt survey , divided the text s i nto three catego ­

rie s i n order to provide a n ea sy overvie w: cu lti c, no n- culti c a nd narrative. Thi s

rough cla ssifi catio n repre se nt s nothi ng more tha n a te ntative, a nalyti c tool , a nd I am

we ll a ware that other sy stem s cou ld ea sily be devi sed. A clo ser defi nitio n of narra­

tive s i s hard ly ne ce ssary. By culti c I here u nder sta nd text s that relate to god s, prie st s

a nd temp le s, but I ex clude mythologi cal na rrative s i n purely narrative form. No n­

culti c are tho se text s that are neither culti c nor na rrative ; thi s group mai nly co nsi st s

of scie ntifi c text s. Withi n ea ch of the t hree categorie s, I have subdivided the releva nt

text s i nto a number of sub categorie s, a nd tho se that are repre se nted by mo st ma nu ­

script s are li sted fir st.

A ccordi ng to thi s cla ssifi catio n scheme, there are about 1 10 ma nu script s with

culti c texts, 60 with no n- culti c texts a nd a nother 60 with na rrative s. Thi s corre ­

spo nd s to approximately 50 % cu lti c, 25 % no n-cu lti c a nd 25 % na rrative material.

Fig. 2. The literary materia l from the Tebtu ni s temple depo sit a ccordi ng to 'ge nre'

29 Two other recent surveys of the material are Osing 1998, 19-22, and v. Minnen 1998, cf. also

Zauzich 1991, 4-8, for the demotic material in Copenhagen. It may be noted that Osing also

includes a number of demotic documentary papyri from the Ptolemaic period which are

unlikely to come from the temple deposit, and that many of the fragments listed individually by

v. Minnen in fact belong together. A new survey of the hieratic and hieroglyphic material will

be presented by J. F. Quack in The Carlsberg Papyri 7.

148 K. RYHOLT

Cultic works (c. 110 manuscripts)

The cultic works here described are divided into five subcategories; manuals of

priestly knowledge, ritual manuals, religious poetry, magic, and priestly teaching­

material.

The main group of cultic texts is the manuals of knowledge essential for the

priests. Six of these deserve spec ial mention. They are represented by approximately

fifty manuscripts and together make up nearly half of the works here defined as

cultic . Each of them is also attested outside Tebtunis, and it seems reasonable to

assurne that they formed an integral part of temple libraries (see further below).30

• The Book of the Temple (some twenty manuscripts, mostly in hieratic but a few

in demotic). To judge from the surviving number of copies from the Tebtunis

temple deposit and other sources, a total of more than forty copies, this was the

most important manual. Briefly stated, it consists of two halves; a treatise on the

ideal temple and another treatise on the temple personnel. A full edition of all

known manuscripts is presently in preparation.31

• The Book of Thoth (some ten manuscripts, all demotic) is a didactic work pre­

sented in the form of a catechism, i.e., teaching through questions and answers.

lt is a dialogue between 'He who loves to leam' (mr-rlJ, var. mrJm) and the god

of wisdom, and it covers a wide range of topics ranging from mundane ques­

tions about how to hold a pen to complex matters of cult and theology. A fuH

edition of all known manuscripts is presently in preparation.32

• The Book of Fayum (some eight to ten manuscripts, one or two hieroglyphic,

four or more hieratic, and two demotic translations with comrnentary) is a cult­

topographical treatise pertaining to Sobk. lt accords the Fayum with a special

position in relation to the sun god and the creation, and some manuscripts in­

clude a schematic map of the region personified as the mother-goddess of the

sun.33

30 The Book of Fayum may have been confined to temples somehow associated with the cult of

Sobk. 31

To be published by J. F. Quack. For a series of preliminary reports, see Quack 1997, 2000,

2002, 2003a,2003b. 32

To be published by R. Jasnow and K.- Th. Zauzich. For a preliminary report, see Jasnow -

Zauzich 1998. Examplcs of the nature of the work can be found in the fragments of two Vienna

manuscripts (P. Vienna 6336 and 6343) published by Reymond 1977, 117-42. They should be

consulted with due caution, however, since neither the translation nor the understanding of the

text presented there is very reliable. 33 Thc main hieratic manuscript (PSI inv. I 71 = 'Po Botti A') and a number of other hieratic

fragments ( 'P. Botti B-H') from the temple deposit: Botti 1959. Two further fragments, one

from a hieratic manuscript (P. Tebt. Tait 24) and the other from a hierog1yphic manuscript (P.

Tebt. Tait 35): Tait 1 997, 80, 91, pis. 6, 8. The composition as a whole is studied in Beinlich

O n the Co nte nt s a nd Nat ure of the Tebtu ni s Temple Library 149

• The Book of Nut (five hierati e ma nu seript s, t wo of whi ch have demoti e eom­

me ntary) i s a treati se o n a stro nom ical phe nome na with mythologi eal expli ea­

tio ns, the olde st ver s io ns of whi eh are fou nd i n the ee notaph of Seti I at Abydo s

a nd the tomb of Rame sse s IV. A full editio n of all k no wn ma nu seript s i s pre s­

e ntly i n preparatio n.34

• The Mythologi eal Ma nual (f OUf ma nu seript s, all hierati e) .35 Thi s ma nual eo n­

tai ns lo eal traditio ns about god s with variou s i nformatio n. It i s very similar to

the famou s no rne-li st i n the Edfu temple, but it doe s not i nclude the O siri s reli es.

• The Prie stly Ma nual (three ma nu seript s, o ne hieroglyphi e a nd t wo hierati e) ha s

lo ng bee n k no wn from the so -ealled 'Ta ni s Geographi eal Papyru s' . 36 It i s di ­

vided i nto te n se etio ns: Section I. On the earth and the sky and the division of time and space

Section 2. A list of all thirty-nine nomes [i.e., Roman division] with various information

Section 3-4. Addendum with additional information about materia sacra and priests

Section 5. The three older nomes, 18-20 LE

Section 6. Addendum with additional information about materia sacra

Section 7-8. Temple-calender

Section 9-10. Social hierarchy

1991, which - in addition to the material published by Botti and Tait - includes the hiero­

glyphic P. Carlsberg 56 from the temple deposit as weil as texts from other sources. Further

fragments from the deposit are published in Beinlich 1997 (P. Carlsberg 309-11; P. Berlin P

14473b) and 1999 (P. Berlin P 14438k+14488a-b; P. Carlsberg 405). A further number of

fragments remain unpublished, including the two manuscripts with demotic commentary. It

should be noted that the task of sorting out which of the nurnerous hieratic fragments from

Tebtunis belong together is still outstanding. The estimated nurnber of manuscripts seems over­

rated; thus, for instance, the fragments labeled 'Botti A-H' certainly do not represent 'acht

Handschriften' as suggested in Beinlich 1991, 25. My own exarnination of the material leaves

me with the impression that the purely hieratic fragments (Le., excluding the two manuscripts

with demotic commentary) probably derive from just four manuscripts, while Quack 2002c

suggests there were six or seven hieratic manuscripts and that P. Carlsberg 56 and P. Tebt. Tait

35 belongs to a single hieroglyphic manuscript. 34 To be published by A. v. Lieven in The Carlsberg Papyri 8. Two of the five manuscripts, P.

Carlsberg I and I a, were first published in Lange - Neugebauer 1940 and again in Neugebauer

- Parker 1960, 36-94, pis. 36-43. 35 PSI inv. 172: Osing - Rosati 1998, 129-88, pis. 17-21. The other three manuscripts are unpub­

lished. The contents of the text are discussed in Osing 2000, 134-5. 36

Hieroglyphic P. Carlsberg 54 + PSI inv. 12 + P. Tebt. Tait add. 1 + P. Berlin P 14412i: Osing­

Rosati 1998, 19-54, pis. 1-5; hieratic P. Berlin P 14447 + PSI inv. 178 and P. Carlsberg 182 +

PSI inv. 177: Osing 1998, 219-75, pis. 23-26. The contents of the text are discussed in Osing

2000,131-4.

150 K. RYHOLT

In addition to these six texts, also the Manual of the Priesthood of Sakhmet may be

mentioned.37 It describes some of the functions of the priest of Sakhmet (Gr. mo­

schophragistes) who was, inter alia, in charge of selecting fit offering-animals be­

cause of his medical skills and his ability to detect ills. A vignette depicts the priest

with a sacrificial calf.38

Among the ritual texts, wh ich all appear to be ' written in hieratic, three seem

particularly important since they are attested by multiple copies. Like the previous

group of texts, also this group is known from other sourees. Listed again according

to the number of identified copies, the three texts are the Opening of the Mouth

Ritual (si x copies),39 the Offering Ritual (five or six copies) and the Daily Ritual of

Soknebtunis (three copies).40 The manuscripts containing the Opening of the Mouth

Ritual are the first hieratic manuals for temple use rather than funerary use.4 1 The

Daily Ritual is well-known from the re liefs and accompanying inscriptions in the

temple of Seti I at Abydos, and a group of three Theban papyri from around the late

1 0th century.42 There are also at least two copies of a liturgy of Osiris with the title

'Glorification by the Two Sisters', one of which has musical notations.43

The library also contains a certain amount of religious poetry written in de­

motic, virtually none of which has yet been published. The largest composition is a

poem on Bastet's feast of drunkenness which includes at least thirteen columns of

text.44 The text is clearly associated with the feast of Bastet in Bubastis described by

Herodotus (2.60). There may be another version of the text in Vienna. A composi­

tion in multiple copies is the poem to 'Vine Horus' which is preserved in three un­

published manuscripts. Every line ends with the refrain 'Vine Horus is great for me'

(Cll nI:=llfr-311I) wh ich has a certain assonance in Fayumic and might have sounded

37 P. Carlsberg 463 + PSI inv. I 73: published in Osing - Rosati 1998, 189-215, pis. 22-23. One

or two further manuscripts from the temple deposit also seem to concern the priesthood of Sak­

hmet. 38 It is perhaps the same scene that is depicted on the reverse of P. Carlsberg 668, where a man

holds a bull by one horn and its tail. The front of the papyrus is inscribed with an Osirian ritual. 39

P. Carlsberg 395,406-8,586, and P. Tebt. Tait 33: to be pubIished by Quack in The Carlsberg Papyri 7. P. Tebt. Tait 33 is transcribed without commentary in Tait 1977, 89-90, pI. 8.

40 PSI inv. I 70 and P. Carlsberg 307 + PSI inv. 1 79 + P. Berlin P 14473a + P. Tebt. Tait 25:

Osing - Rosati 1998, 101-28. The trurd manuscript is unpublished, pis. 14-16. 4 1

This aspect of the opening of the mouth ritual has recently been discussed by Cruz-Uribe 1999. 42

Cf. references in Osing - Rosati 1998, 103 n. 8-9. 43 P. Carlsberg 589 + PSI inv. I 104 + P. Berlin P 29022, which contains the musical notations, is

discussed in v. Lieven 2002 and will be published by her in The Carlsberg Papyri 7. 44

P. Carlsberg 69: unpublished, mentioned in Zauzich 1991, 7, and briefly described in Ryholt­

Quack 1996,21-3 (in Danish).

O n the Co nte nt s a nd Nature of the Tebtu ni s Temple Library 15 1

somethi ng like aiei nai har-alaali.45 The refrai n may hi nt that t he text refer s to

dru nke nne ss like the Ba stet poem. Al so pre served i n more tha n o ne copy i s a n i nvo­

catio n of I si s whi ch i s atte sted by t wo ma nu script s.46 A not her ma nu script pre serve s

at t he begi nni ng of a ne w se etio n t he title 'The book of prai si ng the god s' (pJ gmC n

sm r nJ ntr. w).

The magi cal text s make up a relatively scar ce group , le ss tha n te n ma nu script s

so far havi ng bee n ide ntified.47 No ne of them have so far be en publi shed.48 They

mai nly co nsi st of speil s writte n i n hierati c for the prote etio n a nd puri fi catio n o f

pharaoh, a nd at lea st t wo o f them are al so atte sted by papyri from other sour ce s.49 A

si ngle ma nu script co ntai ns what appear s to be a magi cal text for a private per so n

writte n i n hieroglyphi cs with a hierati c text belo w. It might perhap s be a copy of a

mo nume nt or a dra ft for o ne. It i s hardly without sig nifi ca nce t hat there appare ntly

are no magi cal speil s to gai n i nflue nce over the feeli ng s a nd healt h of other s, a ki nd

of speil s whi ch are well-atte sted i n the slightly later Theba n magi cal papyri.

A nother group of text s i s aimed at edu cati ng t he prie st s i n t he pri nciple s a nd

nature of t he a ncie nt hieroglyphi c script a nd the cla ssi cal grammar a nd vo cabulary.

To thi s group belo ng s a hieroglyphi c di ctio nary wit h a comme ntary i n hierati c.50

There are al so a number of word -li st s. The mo st impre ssive i s the hierati c Tebtu ni s

O noma sti co n whi ch, i n it s origi nal state wa s more tha n 10 meter s lo ng, a nd whi ch

wa s clearly aimed at a prie stly audie nce.51 It i s divided i nto t wo halve s whi ch ea ch

co nsi st s of t wo part s; t he fir st half i s a 'di ctio nary' of Middle Egyptia n a nd i s broke n

do wn i nto verb s ( se etio n 1) a nd nou ns ( se etio n 2) arra nged themati cal ly, while the

se co nd i s a ma nual of prie stly k no wledge with a compe ndium of materia sa cra ( se c­

tio n 3 ) a nd a cale nder ( se etio n 4). The text wa s very carefully dra wn up wit h the u se

of guide-li ne s, rubra a nd abbreviatio ns, a nd it ha s glo sse s i n both demoti c a nd Old

Copti c. Al so very impo si ng i s a pair of ex ceptio nally large papyri wit h copie s of

45 Alternatively the refrain may be translated as a subjunctive 'that Vine Horus may be great for

me'. 46

P. Tebt. Tait 14: Tait 1977, 48-53, pl. 4. The other manuscript is unpublished. 47 These texts are described by Quack in the introduction to The Carlsberg Papyri 7; see also

Quack 1998, 82-83. 48

With the exception of P. Tebt. Tait 28 which is transcribed without commentary in TaiL 1977,

84, pl. 6. 49

P. Carlsberg 475, which will be published by Quack in The Carlsberg Papyri 7, is a parallel to

the illustrated magical P. Brooklyn 47.218.156 published in Sauneron 1970. 50

P. Carlsberg 7: Iversen 1958. 51 P. Carlsberg 180 + P. Berlin P 10465+14475 + PSI inv. I 76: Osing 1998, 25-218, pis. 1-22.

Concise description in Osing 2000, 136-7.

152 K. RYHOLT

Middle Kingdom tomb-inscriptions from SiUt.52 These hieroglyphic i nscriptions

contain a range of standard literary formulae, and were undoubtedly copied and

transmitted as fine examples of Classical Egyptian.53 A nu mb er of royal decrees of

the Old Kingdom, preserved in three hieratic manuscripts, may be presumed to have

been kept for the same reason. However, in contrast to the Siut inscriptions, it is

possible that these inscriptions are fictitious. The training in the hieroglyphic script

is reflected in a few texts that are almost certainly scribal exercises.54

Non-cultie texts (c. 60 manuscripts)

Most of the texts that may be c1assified as non-cultic are scientific. They number

about sixty, and are all written in the demotic script with the exception of a few texts

in Greek.

• Divinatory texts: The dominant group is made up by divinatory texts of which

there are about forty-five, amounting to almost one-sixth of all inventoried texts.

The large amount, both percentage-wise and in absolute figures, demonstrates

with all clarity the importance of divination as one of the institutionalized ser­

vices provided by the temple. The practice of divination was many centuries

old, and in the mid-5th century BC Herodotus (2 .82) was so impressed that he

c1aimed that the Egyptians 'have made themselves more omens than all other

nations together' .55 The vast majority of the divinatory texts, about thirty-five,

are astrological which underscores the dominant position of this particular type

of divination.56 A single astrological calender, already mentioned above, is writ­

ten in Greek. Most of the remaining divinatory texts are dream-books.57

52 PSI inv. I 3 + P. Carlsberg 305 + P. Tebt. Tait add 2 and PSI inv. 1 4 + P. Carlsberg 306 + P.

Tebt. Tait add 3: Osing - Rosati 1998: 55-100, pIs. 6-13. The former measures an exeeptional

40Y2 em in height. 53

On the partieular tradition of Siut, see now Kahl 1999. The Tebtunis papyri are briefly men­

tioned ibid. 268. 54

P. Carlsberg 426, 495, 623: Tait 1999. An unpublished hieroglyphie text on the reverse of the

astronomical P. Carlsberg 9, for which see below, may aiso represent an exereise. 55 On divination in Egypt, see the now the eomprehensive survey by v. Lieven 1999. 56

P. CtYBR 1132: Depuydt 1994; Bohleke 1996. P. Carlsberg 66 + P. Lilie s.n.: unpublished,

deseribed in Chauveau 1992. Perhaps also from Tebtunis to judge from the hand (as al ready

suggested by Quaek apud v. Lieven 1999, 103 n. 158) are the Sothis omina P. Cairo CO 31222:

Hughes 1951. Two unpublished astrologie al texts from Tebtunis in the British Museum - P.

BM 10660 and 1066 1, cf. Andrews 1992, 13-14 - are apparently of Ptolemaie date, and it is

therefore uneertain whether they were part of the temple deposit. 57

Larger fragments of two dream-books (P. Carlsberg 13 and 14) are published by Volten 1942.

A number of smaller fragments are also published, P. Tebt. Tait 16 and 17: Tait 1977,56-61,

On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 153

• Astronomical texts: In addition to the extensive astrologieal material, there are

also a limited number of texts that seem to be purely astronomie al . It ean, how­

ever, be diffieult to distinguish the two types of texts, partly beeause of the

fragmentary nature of the material and partly beeause the Egyptians drew no

rigid distinetion between the two. Published demotie texts with a purely astro­

nomieal eontent so far number only two, but there may be a few others.58 Be­

sides these there is the important astronomieal-mythologieal Book of Nut whieh

is written in hieratic and Iisted above under eultie texts.

• Wisdom texts: The most important wisdom text in the temple deposit seems to

have been the Insinger Wisdom of whieh at least five eopies are preserved.59 In

addition to this eomposition, fragments of one or two other teaehings have been

identified.60 No part of the Teaehings of Oneh-Sheshonqy has turned up, but the

narrative introduction is attested (see beIow). Besides the teaehings, many other

texts are didaetie in one sense of the other. These include, for instanee, the Book

of Thoth and the Myth of the Sun's Eye.

pI. 4, and P. Cairo CG 50138-141: Spiegelberg 1932a, 97-103, pI. 59. Cf. also the following

note. 58 P. Carlsberg 9 (Neugebauer - Volten 1938; Neugebauer - Parker 1969,220--5; new fragments

in Zauzich 1974) and P. Carlsberg 31+32 (Parker 1962; Neugebauer - Parker 1969,240--3) ..

The latter manuscript was published as two papyri, but it seems rather more likely the frag­

ments belong to different sections of a single papyrus. It remains unclear wh ether a few further

texts published in Neugebauer - Parker 1969 are from the Tebtunis temple deposit and whether

they are astronomical or astrological. The astrological Oslo fragment edited in Neugebauer -

Parker 1969,254-5, pI. 79c, is P. 0510 inv. 1336. It was purchased from M. Nahman in 1929 as

part of a large batch of papyri said to come from Tebtunis. This information seems reliable as

some of the papyri can be shown to come from Tebtunis by internal criteria. Whether the papy­

rus was part of the temple library is a more difficult question; it was purchased at the time

when the first parts of the library were sold, but there seem to be no other fragments from the

library in 0510. I thank Gunn Mari Haaland, the keeper of the 0510 papyrus collection, for pro­

viding me with access to the papyrus and the files.] 59

P. Carlsberg 2 + P. Berlin P 23824+23825 + P. Lilie s.n., P. Carlsberg 3 + P. Florence Mus.

Arch. s.n., P. Carlsberg 4, and P. Carlsberg 5 + P. Florence Mus. Arch. s.n.: Volten 1940

(Carlsberg fragments), Botto - Volten 1960 (Florence fragments), Zauzich 1975 (Berlin frag­

ments), and Pezin 1986 (Lilie fragment). Unpublished fragments at Copenhagen seem to in­

clude at least one further manuscript. A complicated fragment is P. Lilie 34: de Cenival 1990.

It may belong to a not otherwise preserved part of the Insinger Wisdom, but its provenance is

difficult. It is written in the same type of hand as Petechons and Sarpot (P. Vienna D 6165),

and this hand is associated with Soknopaiou Nesos. (t is, however, also attested within the Tcb­

tunis temple deposit. 60 P. Tebt. Tait 15: Tait 1977, 53-56, pI. 6. Another, P. Carlsberg 31, is doubtful, cf. note in

Parker 1962,144.

1 54 K . RYHOLT

• Medical texts: The medical material includes tw o Greek texts, as already men ­

ti oned ab ove, and a large uns orted gr oup of dem otic fragments which have n ot

yet been studied.61 At least three distinct dem otic manuscripts can be discerned,

but there may be m ore . In additi on t o these texts , als o a dem otic herbai sh ould

be menti oned here since it primarily seems t o c oncern the medical applicati on of

the plants.62 Als o of medical nature, but in a cultic c ontext and hence written in

hieratic, is the Manual of the Priesth ood of Sakhmet.

• Mathematical manuals: Only a single mathematical manual has been identified

with certainty.63 An other small fragment with calculati ons m ight als o c ome

fr om a manual, but there are n o further fragments of substantial size.

• Legal manuals: One legal manual is certainly fr om the temple dep osit since

there are fragments b oth in Copenhagen and Fl orence.64 Dating t o the 1st cen ­

tury B C, it is one of the oldest items in the temp le dep osit. There are very scant

remains of tw o other legal manua ls in Copenhagen, but it seems d oubtful if they

t oo c ome fr om the dep osit.65 S o far only a single fragment of each has been

identified and they are much earIier than the rest of the material. It is c lear, h o­

wever, that one originally was quite substantial since it preserves c olu rnn­

number 44.

Narratives (c. 60 manuscripts)

Appr oximately sixty manuscripts c ontain narratives of vari ous kinds . Ab out half of

these bel ong t o the three cycles of st ories fr om Grec o-R oman Egypt that have s o far

been identi fied , viz. the Inar os st ories and the Khamwase st ories, which b oth center

ar ound a specific hist orical character, and the cycle of st ories ab out the Heli op oJitan

Priesth ood .

• Cycle o/lnaros stories: This cycle of st ories c oncerns the expl oits of Inar os and

his c lan. Acc ording t o the Inar os Epic, Inar os was the s on of B okennife and

grands on of Petese - tw o hist or ica l ru lers of Athribis during the late 8th and 7th

century B C - and he achieved fa rne f or his rebelli on against the Assyrian occu -

61 Two published fragments are P. Tebt. Tait 19 and 20: Tait 1977,65-67, pI. 5. The bulk of the

unpublished material is in the Papyrus Carlsberg Collection. 62 P. Carlsberg 230 + P. Tebt. Tait 20: published in Tait 1991 b. A further unpublished fragment

of this manuscript is P. Mich. 6398f , which I was able to identify last summer. It joins between

two Carlsberg fragments and preserves part of the herbs numbered 44-46 and 56-57. 63

P. Carlsberg 30: published in Parker 1972, 143, pI. 25. 64

P. Carlsberg 301 + PSI inv. D 1: Bresciani 1981 (PSI fragments); Chauveau 1991 (Carlsberg

fragments). 65

P. Carlsberg 236: Tait 1991c (who dates fragment to the 'third century or later fourth century

B .C.'). P. Carlsberg 628: Lippert 2004, 403-404.

On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 155

pation of Egypt under Esarhaddon. Some twenty manuscripts with stories

belonging to the cycle of Inaros stories have been inventoried, and the stories

thus make up about one third of the narrative material so far inventoried. There

may be smaller fragments of a few further manuscripts, but the number is hardly

likely to exceed 25 manuscripts in total.66 The inventoried manuscripts include

five of six copies of the Inaros Epic,67 three copies of the Struggle for the Bene­

fice of Amun (known from P. Spiegelberg)68 and one or possibly two copies of

the Struggle far Inaros' Armor (known from P. Krall).69 In addition to these

there are a number of unique stories and fragments.70

• Cycle 0/ Khamwase stories: Just two stories about Khamwase. the legendary

son of Ramesses II , are attested. One is a new story which is partly set in Thebes

and Abydos,71 while the other unpublished text shows strong similarities with

the story of Khamwase and Neferkaptah.

• Cycle 0/ stories 0/ the Heliopolitan Priesthood: The cycle of stories of the

Heliopolitan priesthood is represented by five manuscripts. Three of these pre­

serve parts of the Petese Stories with two of them forming the first and second

half of a pair.72 The Petese Stories contain seventy shorter stories on the virtues

and vices of women joined together by a frame story. The main character in the

frame story is a certain Petese who seems to have enjoyed the reputation of a

sage, and who may be a historical character.73 The other two texts both concern

66 Pace v. Minnen 1998. 168: 'the sorted and as yet unsorted demotic material from Tebtynis

probably contains more than a hundred Inaros texts'. Vollen 1956,150, mentioned that he and

Botti had identified 'zwischen 20 und 30 neuen Petubastis-Papyri', and in their latest draft they

had given numbers to a total of 28 papyri. Subsequent sorting of this material has shown that

the fragments in question in fact belong LO far fewer manuscripts. In the most extreme case,

fragments of a single manuscript had been assigned to eight or nine papyri. At the same time

several entirely new manuscripts have been identified, thus raising the number of identified

texts to about twenty manuscripts in all. 67

P. Carlsberg 68+123, 80, 164,458, and 591, with smaller fragments in several other collec­

lions: unpublished, described in Ryholl 2004. 68

P. Carlsberg 433 + P. Tebl. Tait 2 and P. Carlsberg 434: Tait 2000a. The third manuscript is

unpublished. 69

P. Carlsberg 456 + P. CtYBR 4513: Ryholt 1998a. A possible second manuscript is unpub­

lished. 70 These include the Story of Bes, P. Carlsberg 205, with smaller fragments in several other

colleclions: to be published by F. Hoffmann.

71 P. Carlsberg 207: Tait 1991 a; Quack - Ryholt 2000. 72

P. Carlsberg 165 + PSI inv. D 4 + P. CtYBR 4514 and P. Carlsberg 389 + PSI inv. D 3: Ryholt

1997. P. Carlsberg 324+394: to be published by Ryholt as The Carlsberg Papyri 6. 73

Quack 2002d.

1 56 K. RYHOLT

a man named Hareus. In the extant fragments of one of them Hareus has a

heated discussi on with his father ab out the w oman he wishes t o marry,74 while

the other is unpublished.

Apart fr om texts that can be ascribed t o these cycles, there are a number of narra­

tives that are thematically related t o the Inar os st ories, i .e . , st ories of warri or her oes.

These include the Ses ostris St ory (tw o c opies),75 Dj oser and Imh otep, Nakhth or­

shen/6 and Naneferkas okar and the Babyl onians.77 A further st ory, which is m ore

di fficult t o classify, is that of Onch-Shesh onqy which is an expanded versi on of the

intr oducti on of the Teachings of Onch-Shesh onqy .78

• Mythological narratives: Besides the myth ol ogical inf ormati on c ontained in the

hieratic manuals of priestly kn owledge, the dep osit includes a number of myth o­

l ogical narratives written in dem otic . The m ost p opular seems t o have been the

Myth of the Sun's Eye, wh ich is one of the l ongest dem otic literary texts kn own.

It is preserved in n o less than six c opies, m ore than any other narrative except,

perhaps, the Inar os Epic.79 An other myth ol ogical narrative, of which substantial

fragments are preserved, c ontains an acc ount of the creati on with particular

stress on the r ole of the Primaeval Ocean.80 A smaller fragment gives an acc ount

of a rebelli on against the sun g od.81 The remaining is unpublished but currently

being studied.

• Prophecies: Apart fr om ficti onal literature, the narrative material als o includes a

limited number of pr ophecies . A few w ords fr om the beginning of Nectaneb o's

Dream (the Pr ophecy of Petese) are preserved in a small fragment.82 Three slips

of papyrus, which bear all indicati ons of being scribal exercises by a single in­

dividual, c ontain an excerpt which seems t o c onsist of the first lines of a sequel

74 P. Carlsberg 422: unpublished, described in Ryholt 2002b.

75 P. Carlsberg 411 and 412: Widmer 2002, 387-397.

76 P. Carlsberg 85 [Djoser and Imhotep] and P. Carlsberg 400 [Nakhthorshen]: both unpublished,

but described in Ryholt 2004. 77

P. Carlsberg 303 + P. Berlin P 13640: Spiegelberg 1932b (Berlin fragment only), cf. also

Ryholt 2004. It is not entirely certain whether this manuscript is actually from the temple de­

posit 78

P. Carlsberg 304 + PSI inv. D 5 + P. CtYBR 4512 + P. Berlin P 30489: published in Ryholt

2000. 79

Only two of these manuscripts have so far been published, P. Tebt. Tait 8: Tait 1977, 35-37, pI.

3, and P. Lilie 31: de Cenival 1985, 1987. Further fragments of the latter have been identified

in the Papyrus CarIsberg Collection. 80

P. Carlsberg 302 + PSI inv. D 7 + P. CtYBR 861+4387(10)+4403(2)+4921: Smith 2002. 81

P. Carlsberg 462: Smith 2000. 82 P. Carlsberg 562: Ryholt 1998b, 2002a.

On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 157

to Nectanebo's Dream, i.e., a prophecy produced in continuation of the original

prophecy. S3 Since the first-mentioned fragment also comes from the very begin­

ning of the text and no further fragments have yet been identified, it is possible

that it too was a scribal exercise. At any rate both Nectanebo's Dream and its

apparent sequel must have been known at Tebtunis in order far the texts to be

copied out as exercises. Fragments from a fifth papyrus with the chaos and or­

der-restored descriptions of a prophecy have also been identified.S4 These ele­

ments are not preserved in any version of Nectanebo's Dream, but the mention

of Alexandria suggests that this is a different prophecy.

The Tebtunis temple deposit - A tempie library?

The nature of the Tebtunis temple deposit is naturally of crucial importance to a

proper understanding of the material inasmuch as it provides its archaeological con­

text. Already in 1936 Botti considered the possibility that it might represent 'part of

the archives or Iibrary of the sanctuary' , and fifteen years later - after he and Volten

had sorted and identified much of the material - Volten had come to the conclusion

that the papyri 'without doubt are parts of a tempIe library of Tebtounis. , ss Since

then the nature of the deposit has received Iimited attention, and there has been no

attempt to present an overall analysis of the contents - undoubtedly because so

much of the material still remains unpublished.

In 1992 Tait challenged Volten's conclusion about the deposit: 'in the case of

[the material] from Tebtunis, it might be suggested that it is mistaken to describe it

as coming from a tempIe "Iibrary." ( . . . ) l t is certainly not intended to deny here that

any of the Tebtunis papyri could have come from a library, but in large part the

material found seems mare Iikely to have been the private property of the priests or

in some cases to be from genizah-Iike dumps of outdated material. , S6 This interpre­

tation was, however, written under the impression that the papyri had been found 'in

a wide variety of locations'.

As already described in the earliest Italian accounts of the discovery, the mate­

rial does in fact derive from a single deposit which was found in the two cellar

rooms of a house buiIt against the inside of the enclosure wall. This is weil docu­

mented by Osing, who further points out that the texts from the deposit closely

match the types of texts associated with the institution known as the House of Life

S3 P. Carlsberg 424, 499 and 559: Ryholt 2002a.

S4 P. Carlsberg 399 + PSI inv. D 17 + P. Tebt. Tait 13: Quack 2002b.

ss Botti 1 936,223; Volten 1951,70.

S6 Tait 1992,306-7.

158 K. RYHOLT

(prJnb).87 On this basis, he argues that the deposit derives from a House of Life

attached to the Tebtunis temple. It is perhaps that without significance in this rela­

tion that the Book of Thoth, one of the three most prominent texts in the deposit,

makes repeated reference to the House of Life. It is not entirely clear what, if any­

thing, distinguished a large temple library or scriptorium from a House of Life, and

for the purposes of the present paper I prefer the more neutral term 'temple library' .

The very idea that there were temple libraries i n cities such as Soknopaiou Ne­

sos and Tebtunis has recently been opposed.88 I think this view is mistaken. Besides

the obvious relation between the texts in the temple deposit and the known activities

of the House of Life, a further number of arguments may be presented in favor of

regarding the deposit not only as the remains of a tempie library but even one that

seems to be largely representative for its time. These arguments focus on three

points: ( 1 ) the internal consistency of the contents of the deposit, (2) the wide circu­

lation of virtually all the texts that are attested in multiple copies, and (3) a compari­

son with the essential priestly knowledge described by the Book of the Temple and

element of Alexandria. Again I shall strive to present the arguments in a condensed

form on this occasion.

( 1 ) The contents of the temple deposit display an internal consistency, and it may be

regarded as a logical, coherent whole. A number of texts (including the Book of

the Temple, the Priestly Manual, the Book of Fayum and the Book of Nut) de­

scribe and treat in considerable detail the world in which the priest lived and

performed his duties. The description ranges from time, space and cosmos, over

Egypt and the Nile, to the forty-two individual nomes and their characteristics,

and ends with the temple and its personnel. Mythology is recorded in the

Mythological Manual as weil as in a number of mythological narratives and

other texts. The cultic affairs of the priests are described in a number of texts,

which include different rituals for Sobk and other gods, as weil as magical texts

and religious poetry. Various relevant calenders are preserved in the Mythologi­

cal Manual and the Priestly Manual, and there is also an unpublished demotic

mythological calender. Other unpublished material lays down general regula­

tions for the admission and conduct of the priests. Non-cultic aspects of priestly

87 Osing 1998, 19-23; see further Begg 1 998b, 189-191, who quotes a letter from Gilbert Bag­

nani to Stewart B agnani, 1 1 March 1931, which provides what is perhaps the best description

of the archaeological context and excavation of the temple deposit. The letter was written the

day after the discovery and excavation had taken place.

88 v. Minnen 1998, 109. The presence of astrological and medical material in the temple deposit

is also used as an argument by v. Minnen (ibid. 168) against the interpretation as the remains of

a library. The relationship between these two sciences and the temple is in fact weil docu­

mented. See also the discussion below on the Book of the Temple and element of Alexandria,

and, for astronomy and astrology, especially Iones 1994.

On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 159

expertise are, above a11 , represented by the numerous divinatory texts and the

more limited medical material.

(2) Virtua11y a11 of those texts that are attested in multiple copies in the temple de­

posit are also attested by sources from a variety of other sites, some as manu­

scripts, so me as monumental temple inscriptions, and a few as both.89 This indi­

cates that the assemblage is no mere pot pourri of discarded texts but formed

part of an established tradition. To sum up, these texts include the Book of the

Temple (c. twenty copies), the Book of Thoth (c. ten copies), the Book of Fa­

yum (betw. eight and ten copies), the Opening of the Mouth Ritual (six copies),

the Myth of the Sun's Eye (six copies), the Insinger Wisdom (five or six cop­

ies), the Offering Ritual (five or six copies), the Inaros Epic (five or six copies),

the Book of Nut (five copies), the Mythological Manual (four copies), the Daily

Ritual (three copies), the Priestly Manual (three copies), the Inaros' story about

the Struggle for the Stipend of Amun (three copies), and the Vine Horus poem

(three copies). Among these texts only the Vine Horus poem and perhaps the

Inaros Epic does not seem to be otherwise attested.90

(3) A comparison between the texts from the temple deposit and the essential

priestly knowledge described by the Book of the Temple and Clement of Alex­

andria is highly i11uminative. The account by Clement of Alexandria (Stromata 6.4.35 .3-37.3) has recently been discussed by Osing, who points out some of

the dose correspondence between his description and the contents of the de­

pOSit.9 1 According to Clement, a total of forty-two books contained the essential

priestly knowledge.92 These are divided into a number of categories which he

associates with specific temple personnel. In the order he lists them, they are:

1 . The singer, who i s specifica11y associated with two books, one containing

'the hymns to the gods' and the other 'the regulations for the king's life' .

As far as religious poetry is concerned, the deposit contains a number of

89 Texts from the deposit that are also known from monumental inscriptions, in whole or in part,

include the Book of Fayurn, the Book of Nut, the Mythological Manual, the Priestly Manual,

the Opening of the Mouth Ritual, the Ritual of Bringing Sokar out the Shetit, and the Votive

Cubit. 90

The case of the Inaros Epic is uncertain since there are a few fragments of the text in the Vi­

enna which may or may not come from Tebtunis. 91

Osing 2000. 92

It is hardly a coincidence that the nurnber corresponds to the canonical nurnber of nomes in

Egypt. Forty-two is, in this context, an expression of totality; cf. also the forty-two divine limbs

in the story of Djoser and Imhotep, and the forty-two bas, forty-two sacred places and forty­

two vultures in the Book of Thoth. Because of the symbolic value of the figure, it is perhaps

questionable how literally we should understand the specific nurnber of books wh ich Clement

ascribes to one or the other area of knowledge.

160 K. RYHOLT

texts. It is not clear if the book of hymns mentioned by element should be

literally understood as one specific text, but it is intriguing that one of the

manuscripts from the deposit preserves the title 'The book of praising the

gods' . More difficult are 'the regulations for the king's life' . It has been

suggested that they may be 'prieres en l 'honneur du souverain' or 'eulogies

to the king,.93 However, no such texts seem to be attested in the temple de­

posit, and I wonder if this is not rather a reference to the speils for the pro­

tection and purification of pharaoh.94 During the procession the prophet

would assume the role of pharaoh, and the role of the singer, who headed

the procession, would therefore be twofold: he would praise the gods and

he would ensure the protection and purity of pharaoh's deputy who was in

charge of the cult.

2. The astrologer. Four books are specifically mentioned, 'one is about the or­

der of the fixed stars that are visible, and another about the conjunctions

and luminous appearances of the sun and moon; and the rest respecting

their risings ' . This area of expertise is weil documented by the Book of Nut

as weil as the rich demotic astrological and astronomical material.

3 . The sacred scribe 'must b e acquainted with what are called hieroglyphics,

and know about cosmography and geography, the position of the sun and

moon, and about the five planets; also the description of Egypt, and the

chart of the Nile; and the description of the equipment of the priests and of

the places consecrated to them, and about the measures and the things in

use in the sacred rites . ' Most of this description corresponds to the contents

of the Priestly Manual, which was written in hieroglyphs, and the astral

bodies are treated in the Book of Nut.

4. The stolist 'is acquainted with all points paedeutica and moschosphragis­

tica' , i.e., matters pertaining to teaching and sacrifice, and 'there are also

ten books which relate to the honor paid by them to their gods, and contain­

ing the Egyptian worship; as that relating to sacrifices, first-fruits, hymns,

prayers, processions, festivals, and the like.' The paedeutica may weil refer

to such works as the Book of Thoth and the 1nsinger Wisdom, while mo­

schosphragistica must surely include the Manual of the Priesthood of Sak­

hmet. The group of texts mentioned secondarily includes various aspects of

the temple activities, many of which are covered by the ritual texts, hymns

and calenders already mentioned. 1t is, perhaps, noteworthy that hymns are

93 Derchain 195 1 , 270 n. 1; v. Lieven 2002, 503.

94 This was in fact already suggested by Mariette 187 1 , 1 0, with reference to the speils for the

protection of pharaoh preserved in P. Boulaq 7.

On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 1 6 1

specified once again; this might indicate that there were a number o f gen­

eral hymns and some specifically used by the singer (see 1 ) .

5. The prophet 'being the governor of the temple, learns the ten books called

Hieratic, and they contain all about the laws, and the gods, and the whole of

the training of the priests' . Temple laws and regulations are covered by at

least two unpublished manuals, one hieratic and one demotic. Information

about the gods is found in a number of texts, including the Mythological

Manual and several mythological narratives. The training of the priests is

likely to refer such texts as the Book of Temple, the Book of Thoth, and

perhaps also the Insinger Wisdom.

6. The image-bearers (pastophoroi): They know 'the other six [books) which

are medical ( . . . ) , treating of the structure of the body, and of diseases, and

instruments, and medicines, and about the eyes, and the last about women. '

This area of knowledge obviously equates the medical texts which, curi­

ously, includes both Greek and Demotic material.

The treatise on the temple person ne I in the Book of the Temple includes a descrip­

tion of the duties of the head teacher (mr-sb3. w).95 This section describes the ideal

curriculum of the future temple personnel and thus provides a valuable insight into

what was regarded, at least ideally, as fundamental knowledge at the temple. The

specified subjects conform very weil with the essential priestly knowledge described

by Clement of Alexandria. The curriculum is divided into four phases which is each

devoted to one or more subjects:

1 a. The regulations of the nomes and their characteristics. This knowledge corre­

sponds quite clearly to that contained in the Priestly Manual and to some ex te nt

also the Mythological Manual. Also the Book of Fayum may be seen under this

heading, although it focuses on one particular region which was of special inter­

est in relation to the cult of Sobk. This subject corresponds more or less to the

knowledge ascribed to the prophet by Clement of Alexandria.

1 b. The regulations of the royal palace. This has been interpreted as training in court

etiquette in relation to visits to the royal palace, albeit with the concession that it

is somewhat curious to find this as a major component in the basic training of

the priests and especially at a time when there had been no king in Egypt for

more than a century.96 Moreover, no texts have so far been identified wh ich may

have provided the relevant information on court etiquette. I am therefore in­

clined to think that 'the regulation of the royal palace' corresponds 'the regula­

tions for the king' s life' mentioned by Clement.

95 This seetion of the Book of the Temple is described and discussed in detail by Quack 2002c.

96 Quack 2002c, 166.

1 62 K. RVHOLT

2. Learning by heart. If this phase was devoted to any particular text, the catechism

of the Book of the Thoth would seem an obvious possibility.

3 . Medicine. This subject is ascribed to the pastophoroi by Clement and is dis­

cussed above.

4a. Omina. It would seem obvious to equate this subject with the numerous manuals

on divination. Curiously, however, the Book of the Temple seems to refer spe­

cifically to eclipse-omina (sbn.w Iby).97 One wonders if the term is to be under­

stood literally since eclipse-omina as such are relatively rare. So far it has only

been possible to identify fragments of a single, still unpublished text from the

temple deposit that might concern eclipses. This stands in contrast to the much

more numerous horoscopes and dream-books. Astrology is also mentioned by

Clement and discussed above.

4b. 'All writings in the embalming-place (pr-nfr). ' No text from the deposit seems

to be concerned with the process of embalmment. but this does not necessarily

present any difficulty since the wording which implies that the texts in question

were kept at the embalming-place i tself.

The Narrative Material

The temple deposit contains a nu mb er of compositions in addition to those men­

tioned i n the cited sections of the Book of the Temple and Clement of Alexandria.

Since neither list is intended to represent a complete catalogue of temple writings.

this need not cause any surprise.

The most noteworthy category of material that is not covered by the Book of the

Temple and Clement of Alexandria is the narratives which make up about 25% of

the entire temple deposit. The purpose of this material may seem less than obvious

within a tempie context. One possibility that may be considered is wh ether it might

represent an attempt to preserve fragments of a cIassical literary tradition. Such iso

for instance. likely to be the case with the copies of the Siut tomb-inscriptions which

contains a range of standard l iterary formulae. However, two significant factors

speak against such an interpretation of the narrative material. One is the complete

absence of known cIassical works; indeed none of the Middle and Late Egyptian

narrative l iterature is known to have been 'translated' into demotic at al1.98 The other

97 Alternatively it may considered that the relationship between the two nouns is rather one of

coordination than qualification, i.e., that Sbfl. w iby( w), 'omina and eclipses', should be read.

Against this interpretation it might be argued that eclipses would fall under the category of

omina, but such logical reasoning may not be compelling. 98

Nor are any of the Middle and Late Egyptian teachings.

On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 163

is the fact that the individual texts were not treated as canonical works but show

c1ear signs of continuous re-editing and modification.99

In the ca se of the Inaros stories, i t has been suggested that they were kept as

mere entertainment. 100 That an element of entertainment might be present cannot

perhaps be entirely exc1uded, but the nature of the assemblage and the individual

texts may indicate that this was not their primary purpose. If we look at the assem­

blage as a whole, it will be seen that more than half of the material is made up by

stories of might and valor. These stories have in common that they concern histori­

cal figures whose prowess they proc1aim. It is stories of this kind that formed the

basis of the Egyptian histories by writers such as Herodotus, Diodorus and even

Manetho, and I consider it likely that they were kept and transmitted for precisely

this reason; as documentation of a glorious past. In view of the many preceding

centuries of foreign occupation, it is hardly a coincidence that most of the stories

concern historical heroes (such as Inaros, Nakhthorshen, Djoser and Sesostris) who

are placed in fictitious situations where they defeat and humiliate these very same

enemies. From a psychoanalytic perspective, another and smaller group of narratives

that may be seen in the same light are the prophecies which - it may be assumed -

predict a future where Egypt will prevail over its enemies and achieve its former

glory.

The remaining material consists mainly of mythological narratives and stories

about priests, both categories that find a natural setting in a temple environment.

Although this material remains to be studied in detail, it seems c1ear that the two

largest texts, both of which are attested in multiple copies, are didactic in nature.

One is the Myth of the Sun's Eye, parts of which can be described as philosophical.

The other is the Petese Stories, a collection of seventy shorter stories which are

explicitly categorized as stories about the virtues and the vices of women, and which

hence represent a moralistic work.

99 PubJished examples are afforded by the different versions of the story of Onch-Sheshonqy

(Ryholt 2000), the Petese Stories (Ryholt 1999) and the Inaros stories known as the Struggle

for the Stipend of Amun (Tait 2000a) and the Struggle for Inaros' Armor (Ryholt 1998).

100 Hoffmann 1995, 22.

1 64 K. RYHOLT

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