On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library: A Status Report
Transcript of On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library: A Status Report
Sandra Lippert, Maren Schentuleit (Hg.)
Tebtynis und Soknopaiu Nesos
Leben im römer zeitlichen Fajum �
Harrassowitz Verlag
Tebtynis und Soknopaiu Nesos Leben im römerzeitlichen Fajum
Akten des Internationalen Symposions vom 11. bis 13. Dezember 2003
in Sommerhausen bei Würzburg
Herausgegeben von Sandra Lippert und Maren Schentuleit
2005
Harrassowitz Verlag· Wiesbaden
On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library A Status Reportl
KIMRYHOLT
The Tebtunis temple deposit is the largest, single assemblage of ancient Egyptian
literary texts ever found. The material was unearthed more than seventy years ago,
but most of it still remains unpublished owing - at least in part - to its extremely
fragmentary nature. Despite its profound importance, the material has therefore still
not attracted much attention outside a small group of specialists.
The bulk of the material is now in the Papyrus Carlsberg Collection, Copenha
gen, and Istituto Papirologico 'G. Vitell i ' , Florence? The original task of sorting the
enormous material was undertaken by Aksel Volten and Giuseppe Botti from the
early 1930's, when the material was acquired, and until around 1960. The two
scholars put a tremendous effort into this work, and published a number of texts in
its course. For the next thirty years, the material received limited attention, and the
systematic sorting of the material as a whole only recommenced in 1989 with the
creation of the ten-year project of The InternationaL Committee for the PubLication of the Carlsberg Papyri.3 Since then a considerable amount of work has been done
to sort the thousands of fragments, and as result more than 2 .500 fragments have
now been inventoried and, to some extent, identified.
The present paper will present a status report on the work on the temple deposit.
It seeks to address three main questions: the number of manuscripts and texts, the
contents of the texts, and the nature of the deposit.
2
I am very grateful to r. Andorlini and Aa. Westenholz for their comments on the present paper, and to 1. F. Quack for providing me wilh a copy of his survey of the hieratic papyri from the Tebtunis temple deposit, which will form the introduction to The Carlsberg Papyri 7.
Further collections known to house material from the Tebtunis temple deposit include the Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung Berlin, the Bancroft Library at the University of California, the Beinecke Library at Yale University, the British Museum, the Cairo Museum, the EES Papyrus CollecLion (Oxford), Istituto di Papirologia dell'Universita Statale degli Studi di Milano, the Lund University Library (Sweden), Museo Archeologico in Florence, the Institute of Papyrology and Egyptology at the University of Lilie, and the University of Michigan Papyrus Collection. For the discovery and history of the material from the temple deposit, see bibliography in Andorlini 2004.
For which, see Zauzich 1991, I-li, and Frandsen - Ryholt 2000, vii.
14 2 K. RYHOLT
The Number of Manuscripts and Texts
The fi rst attempt s to estimate ho w mu ch mat erial wa s co ntai ned i n the Tebtu ni s
t emple depo sit were publi shed i n the 1950' s. Volte n sugge sted i n 195 1 that it i n
cluded 'nearly a hu ndred hi erati c papyri ' , ' some hieroglyphi c papyri' a nd 'at lea st
200 literary a nd scie ntifi c [demoti c] papyri,.4 A fe w year s lat er, i n 1955, Botti esti
mat ed that the material comp ri sed about 300 demoti c, 1 00 hierati c, 50 hi eroglyphi c
a nd 50 Gr eek papyri.5 The e stimate s were ba sed o n the sorti ng of the mat erial i n
Cope nhage n a nd Flore nce whi ch wa s carried out i n a collaboratio n bet wee n the t wo
scholar s.
I n the la st fif tee n year s a re newed effort ha s put i nto th e sorti ng of thi s material.
The number of ide ntifi ed t ext s ha s i ncrea sed sig nifi ca ntly, a nd the ma jo rity of the
di screte ma nu script s hav e b ee n provided with i nve ntory number s. We are therefo re
i n a po sitio n to provide a n updated a nd mo re a ccu rate e stimate.
I n total about 285 i ndividual ma nu script s with literary text s have no w bee n
i nve ntoried or ide ntified. Although a great number of fragme nt s remai n to be sort ed
a nd i nve nto ri ed , I do not expe ct that the total number of ma nu script s will ex ce ed
mu ch beyo nd 400.6 Perhap s some where i n the order of a hu ndred text s hav e y et to
be ide ntifi ed a nd i nv entoried.
The ma nu script s co ntai n abo ut 3 1 5 text s. Not all of them repre se nt compl et ely
copied work s. Some are m erely ex cerpt s, a nd i n a fe w extreme ca ses nothi ng more
tha n the fir st li ne of a text ha s bee n copied out for o ne p urpo se or a nother.7 B ecau se
the material i s so fragm entary, I make no attempt to li st ex cerpt s separately at t hi s
tim e.
Ro ughly t wo -third s of t he litera ry text s are writte n i n demoti c a nd abo ut o ne
third i n hierati c. I n ab sol ute number s there are c. 200 demoti c a nd c. 100 hierati c
text s. I n additio n to t he se, there i s a small group of about 1 5 hieroglyp hi c a nd a fe w
Gr eek t ext s. The se fig ur es co rrespo nd to about 63 % demoti c, 3 2% hierati c, 4 %
hieroglyp hi c a nd 1 % Greek text s.
4
6
7
Volten 1951, 71, 72. It should be noted that Volten speaks in reference to the Papyrus Carls
berg Collection only, which explains why he does not mention the Greek documentary texts.
B otti 1955, 2.
Zauzich 199 I , 4-5, and v. Minnen 1998, 167, suggest that the literary material from the temple
deposit exceeds a thousand manuscripts. This figure is - unfortunately - much too optimistic.
Some of these excerpts were almost certainly scribal exercises, such as the thrcc demotic cop
ies of the sequel to Nectanebo's Dream (P. Carlsberg 424, 499, 559: Ryholt 2002a) and three
copies of hieroglyphic inscriptions (P. Carlsberg 426, 495, 623: Tait 1999).
On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 143
Hieratic 32%
Fig. 1 . The Iiterary material from the Tebtunis temple deposit according to script
It might be useful to make a brief comparison between these figures and the esti
mates by Botti and Volten. It should here be kept in mind that the two latter refer to
papyri whereas the figures Iisted in the figure above refer to texts, since sometimes
there is more than one text on the same papyrus. In general the earlier estimate is
more accurate. Both estimates come very c 10se to the present total as regards the
number of hieratic texts. Why Botti 's estimate of the demotic texts is so much
higher than Volten's is not clear. Possibly he incIuded a number of demotic docu
mentary texts in Copenhagen such as the numerous self-dedications. This material
is, however, very unlikely to have come from the temple deposit since it is much
earlier in date and since there is none of it in Florence. More difficult to explain is
his very large number of hieroglyphic papyri, which might indicate that the sorting
of this material had not progressed very far.
Greek Material
The Greek Iiterary material from the deposit is very limited. According to Medea
Norsa, the material excavated by the ltalian mission amounted to '15 baskets fuII of
papyri' which incIuded 'only 30 fragments of Greek papyri,.8 The latter inc1uded
fragments of three Iiterary texts: two medical treatises and an astrological calender.9
Further fragments of two of these texts have also been identified in the Papyrus
CarIsberg Collection and other collections.
8
9
Letter from Michael 1. Rostovtzeff to A. H. Hammond, 7 April 1931, quoted in Panissoglou
1973, 7-8 n. I .
One o f the medical treatises and the astrological calender had already been identified 1ess than
a month after the discovery of the papyri, cf. letter from Gilbert Bagnani to Stewart Bagnani, 4
April 1931, cited in Begg 1998a. Vitelli 1932, 52, mentions two medical treatises.
144 K. RYHOLT
As far as the nature of the temple deposit is co ncer ned , it is imperative to dis cer n
bet wee n texts that were kept i n their o wn right a nd those that were not. The deposit
i nc1udes a great number of Egyptia n texts writte n o n the reverse of papyri with
Greek do cume ntary texts o n the fro nt; i n some cases t wo or more Greek do cume n
tary papyri had eve n bee n cut a nd pasted together to form a lo nger roll for a n Egyp
tia n text. JO It is here ev ide nt that the Greek texts no lo nger served a ny purpose , a nd
that the papyri i n questio n had bee n reused. Their prese nce i n the deposit is therefore
i ncide ntal, a nd they have no dire ct beari ng o n the nature of the deposit. It should be
no ted that Norsa appare nt ly ex c1udes su ch material whe n she refers to a total of just
thirty Greek fragme nts , si nce the number of reused papyri with origi nal Greek texts
is mu ch larger.
Amo ng the three literary texts me ntio ned above , both the medi cal treatises have
bla nk reverses a nd sho w no sig n of reuse. These texts are therefore likely to have
bee n kept a nd used at the temple i n their o wn right.11 The a strolog ical cale nder,
ho wever, had bee n se co ndarily i ns cribed with Egyptia n texts, 12 wh i ch i ndi cates that
the Greek text had bee n dis carded. Whether it had origi nally bee n used i n the tem
ple , be fore it was dis carded, is a nother questio n whi ch is more diffi cult to a ns wer -
o ne that might perhaps be solved paleographi cally.
The remai ni ng of the Greek fragme nts me ntio ned b y Norsa are do cume ntary
texts , t we nty -three i n all. 13 The prese nce of these texts i n a temple deposit whi ch
predomi na ntly co nsisted of Eg yptia n literary material begs a n expla natio n. It is hard
to provide a defi nite a ns wer without a n a ccurate ar chaeologi cal co ntext , but I sus
pe ct that they were dis carded papyri whose bla nk reverses were i nte nded for reuse.14
10 Only a few of the Greek texts have so far been published. P. Carlsberg 53: Bülow-lacobsen
1989, 125--6, pI. 8a; P. Carlsberg 55: B ülow-lacobsen in Beinlich 1988, lOS, pI. 6; P. CarJsberg
57: Bülow-lacobsen 1989, 126-31; P. Carlsberg 42 1 : Salvaterra 2000. A good illustration of
the reuse is the color photographs of both sides of the largest fragment of P. Carlsberg 42 1 pub
lished in Willem - Clarysse 1999,69, fig. 20 (Greek and hieratic texts on recto), p. 297, no.
234 (demotic text on verso). 11
PSI X 1180 (= LOAB 4667): Vitelli 1932, 165-8; P. Tebt. II 677 + PSI inv. 3054 + P. Lund I 6
+ P. Mil. Vogl. I 16 (= LOAB 0244): AndorJini 1995. Fragments of the latter found in the Pa
pyrus Carlsberg Collection have been transferred to Florence. For PSI X 1 180, see now Andor
lini 2004a, 8 1- 118. 12
PSI inv. 750 + EES inv. 79/82- 1 (= LOAB 4299): Manfredi - Neugebauer 1973 (Greek text of
PSI), 10nes 1998 (Greek text of EES). Further parts of this manuscript are P. Carlsberg 673
(unpublished). The two Egyptian texts with which the papyrus was secondarily inscribed are
the Book of Thoth and the first line of the Book of the Temple, both of which are listed below.
13 Vitelli 1932, 51-8,60-2, 70-88, 165-8 (nos. 1 129-32, 1 134-5, 1 143-58, 1180). 14 As already suggested by Vitelli 1932, 52, and Osing 1998, 23.
O n the Co nte nts a nd Nature of the Tebtu nis Temple Library 145
This would also explai n the prese nce of several bla nk sheets of papyri fou nd with
the Greek do cume nts.15
The material i n the Carlsberg colle ctio n adds little to the s ca nt Greek l it erary
material. Apart from the fragme nts of o ne of the above-me ntio ned medi cal tr eatise
a nd the astrologi cal cale nder. the o nly ide ntified literary text is a further astrologi cal
cale nder ins cribed o n the ba ck of a demoti c astrologi cal ma nual.16 In this case we
may assu rne t hat the cale nder was i nte nded for use together with the ma nual.
The very limited Greek literary material from the temple deposit sta nds in co n
trast to the more tha n thr ee hu ndred Egyptia n literary texts.17 O wi ng to the !imita
tio ns of spa ce set by the editors . I will not go into more detail here but reserve a
possible expla natio n of this cir cumsta nce for a nother o ccasion . Yet we ca n already
here co nclude that at least some of those who used the material fou nd in t he temple
deposit were weil versed i n Greek ; they were not just able to read Greek . but could
eve n dra w up Greek literary texts s uch as the astrologi cal cale nder.18 This is hardly
s urprisi ng at a site whi ch has yielded numero us Greek literary texts. str et chi ng from
the 3rd ce nt ury B C to the 3rd ce ntury A D.19 He nce , as far as the passio nate debate
about whether the Egyptia ns i n Grae co -Roma n times k ne w a nd were i nflue nced by
Greek literat ure is co ncer ned. the material from the Tebt unis temple deposit favors a
posi tive a ns wer alo ngside, as Thisse n has sho wn, m uch o ther ma teria 1.20
15 VitelJi 1932.52.
16 Neither text is published.
17 Whether or not the Greek literary fragments in the EES colJection published in Tait 1977 came
from the temple deposit is a most vexing quesLion. The material was found in a box together
with a number of EgypLian literary fragments that undoubtedly came from the temple deposit
since there are further parts of the same manuscripts in Copenhagen and Florence. There are,
however, no joins between the Greek literary fragments from this box and the Tebtunis mate
rial in Copenhagen and Florence which is virtually devoid of Greek liLerary texts. It may aIso
be noted that the Greek material from the box in question is 'rather more numerous' than the
EgypLian material (Tait 1977, vii). This too marks a contrast to both Copenhagen and Florence,
and alJ in alJ it is perhaps more likely that the Greek literary material from Tebtunis in the EES
colJection came from another source. 18
10nes 1998 45, argues that also PSI inv. 75D (+ EES inv. 79/82-1 + P. Carlsberg 673) was
drawn up in the Tcbtunis temple. Another example of an Egyptian text where Greek had later
been added is much less significant, but rnight nonetheless be worth mentioning. This is a copy
of the Myth of the Sun's Eye with Greek pagination (P. Carlsberg 600. unpublished). 19
Cf. the list published by v. Minnen 1998, 155-165, and the horne page of the Leuven Database
of Ancient Books.
20 See Hoffmann 1995, 29, and 1996, 49-78, 113-20, and the rebuttal by Thissen 1999.
1 46 K. RVHOLT
The Date of the Material
Very few of the Egyptian texts contain or preserve a date, and the date range of the
deposit is primarily based on paleographical considerations and dates occasionally
preserved in the Greek documentary papyri. The Greek documentary papyri fall into
two groups; those whose backs had been reused for Egyptian texts and those that
had not. Both groups provide termini post quem inasmuch as they represent dis
carded documents.
Dated colophons have so far only been identified in two texts; the Story of
Nakhthorshen, 47/8 AD,21 and a copy of the Book of Fayum, 1 35 AD.22 A small
hieratic fragment preserves part of the Egyptian royal titulary of Trajan (98- 1 1 7
AD).23 The most numerous dates derive from the Greek papyri published i n PSI X
wh ich span from 27 Be to 2 1 0 AD?4 A few further Greek documentary papyri ,
which had been reused for Egyptian literary texts, include the dates spanning from
66/7 to 15 1 /2 AD?5 Finally, one of the astronomical texts can be dated by its con
tents to the time after 1 44 AD.26
A combination of these dates and the paleography of the texts indicate that the
bulk of the material dates to the 1 st and 2nd centuries AD, although there are also a
limited number of papyri from the 1 st century Be and early 3rd century AD.27 The
story known as Naneferkasokar and the Babylonians has been dated to the 3rd or
2nd century Be, but since no part of this text has been identified in Florence it re
mains uncertain whether it is actually from the temple deposit.28
21 P. Carlsberg 400: for references see below.
22 PSI inv. I 71: BOlti 1959. 23 PSI inv. 16: Ryholl 2001.
24 Vilelli 1932, no. 1129 (24 BC), 1130 (25 AD), 1131 (41/4 AD), 1132 (61 AD), 1134 (92 AD),
1135 (97 AD), 1143 (164 AD), 1144 (100 AD?), 1147 (202/3 AD), 1148 (210 AD), 1150 (27
BC), 1153 (112/3 AD), and 1156 (130 AD).
25 P. Carlsberg 159 (105/6 AD), P. Carlsberg 563 (101/2 AD), P. Carlsberg 706 (66/7 AD), P.
26
Carlsberg s.n. (151/2 AD), and P. Tebl. Tait 1 (102/3 AD). The five Carlsberg Papyri are un
published.
P. Carlsberg 9: Neugebauer - Volten 1938; Neugebauer - Parker 1969, 220-5, pI. 65; new
fragments in Zauzich 1974.
27 These include the legal manual (P. Carlsberg 301 + PSI inv. D I: Bresciani 1981; Chauveau
1991) and an onomasticon (P. Carlsberg 23: Tait 1984). Osing 1998, 21, mentions a series of
demotic documentary papyri from the Ptolemaic period, but there is nothing to suggest that
these formed part of the temple deposil.
28 P. Carlsberg 303 + P. Berlin P 13640: Spiegelberg 1932b (Ber1in fragment only).
O n the Co nte nt s a nd Nature of the Tebtu ni s Temple Library 147
The Contents of the Temple Deposie9
The follo wi ng survey of the co nte nt s of the temple depo sit i s ne ce ssarily prelim i
nary. Mu ch material still remai ns to be i nve ntoried, a nd the nature of ma ny of the
i nve ntoried texts still remai ns to be elu cidated. Limitatio ns o n spa ce al so do not
permit me to li st a nd de scribe all ide ntified text s, a nd the de scriptio ns of the text s
that are i ncluded belo w will be kept at a mi nimum. I n the ca se of publi shed text s, I
refer to the text editio ns for further detail s.
I have, for the pu rpo se of the pre se nt survey , divided the text s i nto three catego
rie s i n order to provide a n ea sy overvie w: cu lti c, no n- culti c a nd narrative. Thi s
rough cla ssifi catio n repre se nt s nothi ng more tha n a te ntative, a nalyti c tool , a nd I am
we ll a ware that other sy stem s cou ld ea sily be devi sed. A clo ser defi nitio n of narra
tive s i s hard ly ne ce ssary. By culti c I here u nder sta nd text s that relate to god s, prie st s
a nd temp le s, but I ex clude mythologi cal na rrative s i n purely narrative form. No n
culti c are tho se text s that are neither culti c nor na rrative ; thi s group mai nly co nsi st s
of scie ntifi c text s. Withi n ea ch of the t hree categorie s, I have subdivided the releva nt
text s i nto a number of sub categorie s, a nd tho se that are repre se nted by mo st ma nu
script s are li sted fir st.
A ccordi ng to thi s cla ssifi catio n scheme, there are about 1 10 ma nu script s with
culti c texts, 60 with no n- culti c texts a nd a nother 60 with na rrative s. Thi s corre
spo nd s to approximately 50 % cu lti c, 25 % no n-cu lti c a nd 25 % na rrative material.
Fig. 2. The literary materia l from the Tebtu ni s temple depo sit a ccordi ng to 'ge nre'
29 Two other recent surveys of the material are Osing 1998, 19-22, and v. Minnen 1998, cf. also
Zauzich 1991, 4-8, for the demotic material in Copenhagen. It may be noted that Osing also
includes a number of demotic documentary papyri from the Ptolemaic period which are
unlikely to come from the temple deposit, and that many of the fragments listed individually by
v. Minnen in fact belong together. A new survey of the hieratic and hieroglyphic material will
be presented by J. F. Quack in The Carlsberg Papyri 7.
148 K. RYHOLT
Cultic works (c. 110 manuscripts)
The cultic works here described are divided into five subcategories; manuals of
priestly knowledge, ritual manuals, religious poetry, magic, and priestly teaching
material.
The main group of cultic texts is the manuals of knowledge essential for the
priests. Six of these deserve spec ial mention. They are represented by approximately
fifty manuscripts and together make up nearly half of the works here defined as
cultic . Each of them is also attested outside Tebtunis, and it seems reasonable to
assurne that they formed an integral part of temple libraries (see further below).30
• The Book of the Temple (some twenty manuscripts, mostly in hieratic but a few
in demotic). To judge from the surviving number of copies from the Tebtunis
temple deposit and other sources, a total of more than forty copies, this was the
most important manual. Briefly stated, it consists of two halves; a treatise on the
ideal temple and another treatise on the temple personnel. A full edition of all
known manuscripts is presently in preparation.31
• The Book of Thoth (some ten manuscripts, all demotic) is a didactic work pre
sented in the form of a catechism, i.e., teaching through questions and answers.
lt is a dialogue between 'He who loves to leam' (mr-rlJ, var. mrJm) and the god
of wisdom, and it covers a wide range of topics ranging from mundane ques
tions about how to hold a pen to complex matters of cult and theology. A fuH
edition of all known manuscripts is presently in preparation.32
• The Book of Fayum (some eight to ten manuscripts, one or two hieroglyphic,
four or more hieratic, and two demotic translations with comrnentary) is a cult
topographical treatise pertaining to Sobk. lt accords the Fayum with a special
position in relation to the sun god and the creation, and some manuscripts in
clude a schematic map of the region personified as the mother-goddess of the
sun.33
30 The Book of Fayum may have been confined to temples somehow associated with the cult of
Sobk. 31
To be published by J. F. Quack. For a series of preliminary reports, see Quack 1997, 2000,
2002, 2003a,2003b. 32
To be published by R. Jasnow and K.- Th. Zauzich. For a preliminary report, see Jasnow -
Zauzich 1998. Examplcs of the nature of the work can be found in the fragments of two Vienna
manuscripts (P. Vienna 6336 and 6343) published by Reymond 1977, 117-42. They should be
consulted with due caution, however, since neither the translation nor the understanding of the
text presented there is very reliable. 33 Thc main hieratic manuscript (PSI inv. I 71 = 'Po Botti A') and a number of other hieratic
fragments ( 'P. Botti B-H') from the temple deposit: Botti 1959. Two further fragments, one
from a hieratic manuscript (P. Tebt. Tait 24) and the other from a hierog1yphic manuscript (P.
Tebt. Tait 35): Tait 1 997, 80, 91, pis. 6, 8. The composition as a whole is studied in Beinlich
O n the Co nte nt s a nd Nat ure of the Tebtu ni s Temple Library 149
• The Book of Nut (five hierati e ma nu seript s, t wo of whi ch have demoti e eom
me ntary) i s a treati se o n a stro nom ical phe nome na with mythologi eal expli ea
tio ns, the olde st ver s io ns of whi eh are fou nd i n the ee notaph of Seti I at Abydo s
a nd the tomb of Rame sse s IV. A full editio n of all k no wn ma nu seript s i s pre s
e ntly i n preparatio n.34
• The Mythologi eal Ma nual (f OUf ma nu seript s, all hierati e) .35 Thi s ma nual eo n
tai ns lo eal traditio ns about god s with variou s i nformatio n. It i s very similar to
the famou s no rne-li st i n the Edfu temple, but it doe s not i nclude the O siri s reli es.
• The Prie stly Ma nual (three ma nu seript s, o ne hieroglyphi e a nd t wo hierati e) ha s
lo ng bee n k no wn from the so -ealled 'Ta ni s Geographi eal Papyru s' . 36 It i s di
vided i nto te n se etio ns: Section I. On the earth and the sky and the division of time and space
Section 2. A list of all thirty-nine nomes [i.e., Roman division] with various information
Section 3-4. Addendum with additional information about materia sacra and priests
Section 5. The three older nomes, 18-20 LE
Section 6. Addendum with additional information about materia sacra
Section 7-8. Temple-calender
Section 9-10. Social hierarchy
1991, which - in addition to the material published by Botti and Tait - includes the hiero
glyphic P. Carlsberg 56 from the temple deposit as weil as texts from other sources. Further
fragments from the deposit are published in Beinlich 1997 (P. Carlsberg 309-11; P. Berlin P
14473b) and 1999 (P. Berlin P 14438k+14488a-b; P. Carlsberg 405). A further number of
fragments remain unpublished, including the two manuscripts with demotic commentary. It
should be noted that the task of sorting out which of the nurnerous hieratic fragments from
Tebtunis belong together is still outstanding. The estimated nurnber of manuscripts seems over
rated; thus, for instance, the fragments labeled 'Botti A-H' certainly do not represent 'acht
Handschriften' as suggested in Beinlich 1991, 25. My own exarnination of the material leaves
me with the impression that the purely hieratic fragments (Le., excluding the two manuscripts
with demotic commentary) probably derive from just four manuscripts, while Quack 2002c
suggests there were six or seven hieratic manuscripts and that P. Carlsberg 56 and P. Tebt. Tait
35 belongs to a single hieroglyphic manuscript. 34 To be published by A. v. Lieven in The Carlsberg Papyri 8. Two of the five manuscripts, P.
Carlsberg I and I a, were first published in Lange - Neugebauer 1940 and again in Neugebauer
- Parker 1960, 36-94, pis. 36-43. 35 PSI inv. 172: Osing - Rosati 1998, 129-88, pis. 17-21. The other three manuscripts are unpub
lished. The contents of the text are discussed in Osing 2000, 134-5. 36
Hieroglyphic P. Carlsberg 54 + PSI inv. 12 + P. Tebt. Tait add. 1 + P. Berlin P 14412i: Osing
Rosati 1998, 19-54, pis. 1-5; hieratic P. Berlin P 14447 + PSI inv. 178 and P. Carlsberg 182 +
PSI inv. 177: Osing 1998, 219-75, pis. 23-26. The contents of the text are discussed in Osing
2000,131-4.
150 K. RYHOLT
In addition to these six texts, also the Manual of the Priesthood of Sakhmet may be
mentioned.37 It describes some of the functions of the priest of Sakhmet (Gr. mo
schophragistes) who was, inter alia, in charge of selecting fit offering-animals be
cause of his medical skills and his ability to detect ills. A vignette depicts the priest
with a sacrificial calf.38
Among the ritual texts, wh ich all appear to be ' written in hieratic, three seem
particularly important since they are attested by multiple copies. Like the previous
group of texts, also this group is known from other sourees. Listed again according
to the number of identified copies, the three texts are the Opening of the Mouth
Ritual (si x copies),39 the Offering Ritual (five or six copies) and the Daily Ritual of
Soknebtunis (three copies).40 The manuscripts containing the Opening of the Mouth
Ritual are the first hieratic manuals for temple use rather than funerary use.4 1 The
Daily Ritual is well-known from the re liefs and accompanying inscriptions in the
temple of Seti I at Abydos, and a group of three Theban papyri from around the late
1 0th century.42 There are also at least two copies of a liturgy of Osiris with the title
'Glorification by the Two Sisters', one of which has musical notations.43
The library also contains a certain amount of religious poetry written in de
motic, virtually none of which has yet been published. The largest composition is a
poem on Bastet's feast of drunkenness which includes at least thirteen columns of
text.44 The text is clearly associated with the feast of Bastet in Bubastis described by
Herodotus (2.60). There may be another version of the text in Vienna. A composi
tion in multiple copies is the poem to 'Vine Horus' which is preserved in three un
published manuscripts. Every line ends with the refrain 'Vine Horus is great for me'
(Cll nI:=llfr-311I) wh ich has a certain assonance in Fayumic and might have sounded
37 P. Carlsberg 463 + PSI inv. I 73: published in Osing - Rosati 1998, 189-215, pis. 22-23. One
or two further manuscripts from the temple deposit also seem to concern the priesthood of Sak
hmet. 38 It is perhaps the same scene that is depicted on the reverse of P. Carlsberg 668, where a man
holds a bull by one horn and its tail. The front of the papyrus is inscribed with an Osirian ritual. 39
P. Carlsberg 395,406-8,586, and P. Tebt. Tait 33: to be pubIished by Quack in The Carlsberg Papyri 7. P. Tebt. Tait 33 is transcribed without commentary in Tait 1977, 89-90, pI. 8.
40 PSI inv. I 70 and P. Carlsberg 307 + PSI inv. 1 79 + P. Berlin P 14473a + P. Tebt. Tait 25:
Osing - Rosati 1998, 101-28. The trurd manuscript is unpublished, pis. 14-16. 4 1
This aspect of the opening of the mouth ritual has recently been discussed by Cruz-Uribe 1999. 42
Cf. references in Osing - Rosati 1998, 103 n. 8-9. 43 P. Carlsberg 589 + PSI inv. I 104 + P. Berlin P 29022, which contains the musical notations, is
discussed in v. Lieven 2002 and will be published by her in The Carlsberg Papyri 7. 44
P. Carlsberg 69: unpublished, mentioned in Zauzich 1991, 7, and briefly described in Ryholt
Quack 1996,21-3 (in Danish).
O n the Co nte nt s a nd Nature of the Tebtu ni s Temple Library 15 1
somethi ng like aiei nai har-alaali.45 The refrai n may hi nt that t he text refer s to
dru nke nne ss like the Ba stet poem. Al so pre served i n more tha n o ne copy i s a n i nvo
catio n of I si s whi ch i s atte sted by t wo ma nu script s.46 A not her ma nu script pre serve s
at t he begi nni ng of a ne w se etio n t he title 'The book of prai si ng the god s' (pJ gmC n
sm r nJ ntr. w).
The magi cal text s make up a relatively scar ce group , le ss tha n te n ma nu script s
so far havi ng bee n ide ntified.47 No ne of them have so far be en publi shed.48 They
mai nly co nsi st of speil s writte n i n hierati c for the prote etio n a nd puri fi catio n o f
pharaoh, a nd at lea st t wo o f them are al so atte sted by papyri from other sour ce s.49 A
si ngle ma nu script co ntai ns what appear s to be a magi cal text for a private per so n
writte n i n hieroglyphi cs with a hierati c text belo w. It might perhap s be a copy of a
mo nume nt or a dra ft for o ne. It i s hardly without sig nifi ca nce t hat there appare ntly
are no magi cal speil s to gai n i nflue nce over the feeli ng s a nd healt h of other s, a ki nd
of speil s whi ch are well-atte sted i n the slightly later Theba n magi cal papyri.
A nother group of text s i s aimed at edu cati ng t he prie st s i n t he pri nciple s a nd
nature of t he a ncie nt hieroglyphi c script a nd the cla ssi cal grammar a nd vo cabulary.
To thi s group belo ng s a hieroglyphi c di ctio nary wit h a comme ntary i n hierati c.50
There are al so a number of word -li st s. The mo st impre ssive i s the hierati c Tebtu ni s
O noma sti co n whi ch, i n it s origi nal state wa s more tha n 10 meter s lo ng, a nd whi ch
wa s clearly aimed at a prie stly audie nce.51 It i s divided i nto t wo halve s whi ch ea ch
co nsi st s of t wo part s; t he fir st half i s a 'di ctio nary' of Middle Egyptia n a nd i s broke n
do wn i nto verb s ( se etio n 1) a nd nou ns ( se etio n 2) arra nged themati cal ly, while the
se co nd i s a ma nual of prie stly k no wledge with a compe ndium of materia sa cra ( se c
tio n 3 ) a nd a cale nder ( se etio n 4). The text wa s very carefully dra wn up wit h the u se
of guide-li ne s, rubra a nd abbreviatio ns, a nd it ha s glo sse s i n both demoti c a nd Old
Copti c. Al so very impo si ng i s a pair of ex ceptio nally large papyri wit h copie s of
45 Alternatively the refrain may be translated as a subjunctive 'that Vine Horus may be great for
me'. 46
P. Tebt. Tait 14: Tait 1977, 48-53, pl. 4. The other manuscript is unpublished. 47 These texts are described by Quack in the introduction to The Carlsberg Papyri 7; see also
Quack 1998, 82-83. 48
With the exception of P. Tebt. Tait 28 which is transcribed without commentary in TaiL 1977,
84, pl. 6. 49
P. Carlsberg 475, which will be published by Quack in The Carlsberg Papyri 7, is a parallel to
the illustrated magical P. Brooklyn 47.218.156 published in Sauneron 1970. 50
P. Carlsberg 7: Iversen 1958. 51 P. Carlsberg 180 + P. Berlin P 10465+14475 + PSI inv. I 76: Osing 1998, 25-218, pis. 1-22.
Concise description in Osing 2000, 136-7.
152 K. RYHOLT
Middle Kingdom tomb-inscriptions from SiUt.52 These hieroglyphic i nscriptions
contain a range of standard literary formulae, and were undoubtedly copied and
transmitted as fine examples of Classical Egyptian.53 A nu mb er of royal decrees of
the Old Kingdom, preserved in three hieratic manuscripts, may be presumed to have
been kept for the same reason. However, in contrast to the Siut inscriptions, it is
possible that these inscriptions are fictitious. The training in the hieroglyphic script
is reflected in a few texts that are almost certainly scribal exercises.54
Non-cultie texts (c. 60 manuscripts)
Most of the texts that may be c1assified as non-cultic are scientific. They number
about sixty, and are all written in the demotic script with the exception of a few texts
in Greek.
• Divinatory texts: The dominant group is made up by divinatory texts of which
there are about forty-five, amounting to almost one-sixth of all inventoried texts.
The large amount, both percentage-wise and in absolute figures, demonstrates
with all clarity the importance of divination as one of the institutionalized ser
vices provided by the temple. The practice of divination was many centuries
old, and in the mid-5th century BC Herodotus (2 .82) was so impressed that he
c1aimed that the Egyptians 'have made themselves more omens than all other
nations together' .55 The vast majority of the divinatory texts, about thirty-five,
are astrological which underscores the dominant position of this particular type
of divination.56 A single astrological calender, already mentioned above, is writ
ten in Greek. Most of the remaining divinatory texts are dream-books.57
52 PSI inv. I 3 + P. Carlsberg 305 + P. Tebt. Tait add 2 and PSI inv. 1 4 + P. Carlsberg 306 + P.
Tebt. Tait add 3: Osing - Rosati 1998: 55-100, pIs. 6-13. The former measures an exeeptional
40Y2 em in height. 53
On the partieular tradition of Siut, see now Kahl 1999. The Tebtunis papyri are briefly men
tioned ibid. 268. 54
P. Carlsberg 426, 495, 623: Tait 1999. An unpublished hieroglyphie text on the reverse of the
astronomical P. Carlsberg 9, for which see below, may aiso represent an exereise. 55 On divination in Egypt, see the now the eomprehensive survey by v. Lieven 1999. 56
P. CtYBR 1132: Depuydt 1994; Bohleke 1996. P. Carlsberg 66 + P. Lilie s.n.: unpublished,
deseribed in Chauveau 1992. Perhaps also from Tebtunis to judge from the hand (as al ready
suggested by Quaek apud v. Lieven 1999, 103 n. 158) are the Sothis omina P. Cairo CO 31222:
Hughes 1951. Two unpublished astrologie al texts from Tebtunis in the British Museum - P.
BM 10660 and 1066 1, cf. Andrews 1992, 13-14 - are apparently of Ptolemaie date, and it is
therefore uneertain whether they were part of the temple deposit. 57
Larger fragments of two dream-books (P. Carlsberg 13 and 14) are published by Volten 1942.
A number of smaller fragments are also published, P. Tebt. Tait 16 and 17: Tait 1977,56-61,
On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 153
• Astronomical texts: In addition to the extensive astrologieal material, there are
also a limited number of texts that seem to be purely astronomie al . It ean, how
ever, be diffieult to distinguish the two types of texts, partly beeause of the
fragmentary nature of the material and partly beeause the Egyptians drew no
rigid distinetion between the two. Published demotie texts with a purely astro
nomieal eontent so far number only two, but there may be a few others.58 Be
sides these there is the important astronomieal-mythologieal Book of Nut whieh
is written in hieratic and Iisted above under eultie texts.
• Wisdom texts: The most important wisdom text in the temple deposit seems to
have been the Insinger Wisdom of whieh at least five eopies are preserved.59 In
addition to this eomposition, fragments of one or two other teaehings have been
identified.60 No part of the Teaehings of Oneh-Sheshonqy has turned up, but the
narrative introduction is attested (see beIow). Besides the teaehings, many other
texts are didaetie in one sense of the other. These include, for instanee, the Book
of Thoth and the Myth of the Sun's Eye.
pI. 4, and P. Cairo CG 50138-141: Spiegelberg 1932a, 97-103, pI. 59. Cf. also the following
note. 58 P. Carlsberg 9 (Neugebauer - Volten 1938; Neugebauer - Parker 1969,220--5; new fragments
in Zauzich 1974) and P. Carlsberg 31+32 (Parker 1962; Neugebauer - Parker 1969,240--3) ..
The latter manuscript was published as two papyri, but it seems rather more likely the frag
ments belong to different sections of a single papyrus. It remains unclear wh ether a few further
texts published in Neugebauer - Parker 1969 are from the Tebtunis temple deposit and whether
they are astronomical or astrological. The astrological Oslo fragment edited in Neugebauer -
Parker 1969,254-5, pI. 79c, is P. 0510 inv. 1336. It was purchased from M. Nahman in 1929 as
part of a large batch of papyri said to come from Tebtunis. This information seems reliable as
some of the papyri can be shown to come from Tebtunis by internal criteria. Whether the papy
rus was part of the temple library is a more difficult question; it was purchased at the time
when the first parts of the library were sold, but there seem to be no other fragments from the
library in 0510. I thank Gunn Mari Haaland, the keeper of the 0510 papyrus collection, for pro
viding me with access to the papyrus and the files.] 59
P. Carlsberg 2 + P. Berlin P 23824+23825 + P. Lilie s.n., P. Carlsberg 3 + P. Florence Mus.
Arch. s.n., P. Carlsberg 4, and P. Carlsberg 5 + P. Florence Mus. Arch. s.n.: Volten 1940
(Carlsberg fragments), Botto - Volten 1960 (Florence fragments), Zauzich 1975 (Berlin frag
ments), and Pezin 1986 (Lilie fragment). Unpublished fragments at Copenhagen seem to in
clude at least one further manuscript. A complicated fragment is P. Lilie 34: de Cenival 1990.
It may belong to a not otherwise preserved part of the Insinger Wisdom, but its provenance is
difficult. It is written in the same type of hand as Petechons and Sarpot (P. Vienna D 6165),
and this hand is associated with Soknopaiou Nesos. (t is, however, also attested within the Tcb
tunis temple deposit. 60 P. Tebt. Tait 15: Tait 1977, 53-56, pI. 6. Another, P. Carlsberg 31, is doubtful, cf. note in
Parker 1962,144.
1 54 K . RYHOLT
• Medical texts: The medical material includes tw o Greek texts, as already men
ti oned ab ove, and a large uns orted gr oup of dem otic fragments which have n ot
yet been studied.61 At least three distinct dem otic manuscripts can be discerned,
but there may be m ore . In additi on t o these texts , als o a dem otic herbai sh ould
be menti oned here since it primarily seems t o c oncern the medical applicati on of
the plants.62 Als o of medical nature, but in a cultic c ontext and hence written in
hieratic, is the Manual of the Priesth ood of Sakhmet.
• Mathematical manuals: Only a single mathematical manual has been identified
with certainty.63 An other small fragment with calculati ons m ight als o c ome
fr om a manual, but there are n o further fragments of substantial size.
• Legal manuals: One legal manual is certainly fr om the temple dep osit since
there are fragments b oth in Copenhagen and Fl orence.64 Dating t o the 1st cen
tury B C, it is one of the oldest items in the temp le dep osit. There are very scant
remains of tw o other legal manua ls in Copenhagen, but it seems d oubtful if they
t oo c ome fr om the dep osit.65 S o far only a single fragment of each has been
identified and they are much earIier than the rest of the material. It is c lear, h o
wever, that one originally was quite substantial since it preserves c olu rnn
number 44.
Narratives (c. 60 manuscripts)
Appr oximately sixty manuscripts c ontain narratives of vari ous kinds . Ab out half of
these bel ong t o the three cycles of st ories fr om Grec o-R oman Egypt that have s o far
been identi fied , viz. the Inar os st ories and the Khamwase st ories, which b oth center
ar ound a specific hist orical character, and the cycle of st ories ab out the Heli op oJitan
Priesth ood .
• Cycle o/lnaros stories: This cycle of st ories c oncerns the expl oits of Inar os and
his c lan. Acc ording t o the Inar os Epic, Inar os was the s on of B okennife and
grands on of Petese - tw o hist or ica l ru lers of Athribis during the late 8th and 7th
century B C - and he achieved fa rne f or his rebelli on against the Assyrian occu -
61 Two published fragments are P. Tebt. Tait 19 and 20: Tait 1977,65-67, pI. 5. The bulk of the
unpublished material is in the Papyrus Carlsberg Collection. 62 P. Carlsberg 230 + P. Tebt. Tait 20: published in Tait 1991 b. A further unpublished fragment
of this manuscript is P. Mich. 6398f , which I was able to identify last summer. It joins between
two Carlsberg fragments and preserves part of the herbs numbered 44-46 and 56-57. 63
P. Carlsberg 30: published in Parker 1972, 143, pI. 25. 64
P. Carlsberg 301 + PSI inv. D 1: Bresciani 1981 (PSI fragments); Chauveau 1991 (Carlsberg
fragments). 65
P. Carlsberg 236: Tait 1991c (who dates fragment to the 'third century or later fourth century
B .C.'). P. Carlsberg 628: Lippert 2004, 403-404.
On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 155
pation of Egypt under Esarhaddon. Some twenty manuscripts with stories
belonging to the cycle of Inaros stories have been inventoried, and the stories
thus make up about one third of the narrative material so far inventoried. There
may be smaller fragments of a few further manuscripts, but the number is hardly
likely to exceed 25 manuscripts in total.66 The inventoried manuscripts include
five of six copies of the Inaros Epic,67 three copies of the Struggle for the Bene
fice of Amun (known from P. Spiegelberg)68 and one or possibly two copies of
the Struggle far Inaros' Armor (known from P. Krall).69 In addition to these
there are a number of unique stories and fragments.70
• Cycle 0/ Khamwase stories: Just two stories about Khamwase. the legendary
son of Ramesses II , are attested. One is a new story which is partly set in Thebes
and Abydos,71 while the other unpublished text shows strong similarities with
the story of Khamwase and Neferkaptah.
• Cycle 0/ stories 0/ the Heliopolitan Priesthood: The cycle of stories of the
Heliopolitan priesthood is represented by five manuscripts. Three of these pre
serve parts of the Petese Stories with two of them forming the first and second
half of a pair.72 The Petese Stories contain seventy shorter stories on the virtues
and vices of women joined together by a frame story. The main character in the
frame story is a certain Petese who seems to have enjoyed the reputation of a
sage, and who may be a historical character.73 The other two texts both concern
66 Pace v. Minnen 1998. 168: 'the sorted and as yet unsorted demotic material from Tebtynis
probably contains more than a hundred Inaros texts'. Vollen 1956,150, mentioned that he and
Botti had identified 'zwischen 20 und 30 neuen Petubastis-Papyri', and in their latest draft they
had given numbers to a total of 28 papyri. Subsequent sorting of this material has shown that
the fragments in question in fact belong LO far fewer manuscripts. In the most extreme case,
fragments of a single manuscript had been assigned to eight or nine papyri. At the same time
several entirely new manuscripts have been identified, thus raising the number of identified
texts to about twenty manuscripts in all. 67
P. Carlsberg 68+123, 80, 164,458, and 591, with smaller fragments in several other collec
lions: unpublished, described in Ryholl 2004. 68
P. Carlsberg 433 + P. Tebl. Tait 2 and P. Carlsberg 434: Tait 2000a. The third manuscript is
unpublished. 69
P. Carlsberg 456 + P. CtYBR 4513: Ryholt 1998a. A possible second manuscript is unpub
lished. 70 These include the Story of Bes, P. Carlsberg 205, with smaller fragments in several other
colleclions: to be published by F. Hoffmann.
71 P. Carlsberg 207: Tait 1991 a; Quack - Ryholt 2000. 72
P. Carlsberg 165 + PSI inv. D 4 + P. CtYBR 4514 and P. Carlsberg 389 + PSI inv. D 3: Ryholt
1997. P. Carlsberg 324+394: to be published by Ryholt as The Carlsberg Papyri 6. 73
Quack 2002d.
1 56 K. RYHOLT
a man named Hareus. In the extant fragments of one of them Hareus has a
heated discussi on with his father ab out the w oman he wishes t o marry,74 while
the other is unpublished.
Apart fr om texts that can be ascribed t o these cycles, there are a number of narra
tives that are thematically related t o the Inar os st ories, i .e . , st ories of warri or her oes.
These include the Ses ostris St ory (tw o c opies),75 Dj oser and Imh otep, Nakhth or
shen/6 and Naneferkas okar and the Babyl onians.77 A further st ory, which is m ore
di fficult t o classify, is that of Onch-Shesh onqy which is an expanded versi on of the
intr oducti on of the Teachings of Onch-Shesh onqy .78
• Mythological narratives: Besides the myth ol ogical inf ormati on c ontained in the
hieratic manuals of priestly kn owledge, the dep osit includes a number of myth o
l ogical narratives written in dem otic . The m ost p opular seems t o have been the
Myth of the Sun's Eye, wh ich is one of the l ongest dem otic literary texts kn own.
It is preserved in n o less than six c opies, m ore than any other narrative except,
perhaps, the Inar os Epic.79 An other myth ol ogical narrative, of which substantial
fragments are preserved, c ontains an acc ount of the creati on with particular
stress on the r ole of the Primaeval Ocean.80 A smaller fragment gives an acc ount
of a rebelli on against the sun g od.81 The remaining is unpublished but currently
being studied.
• Prophecies: Apart fr om ficti onal literature, the narrative material als o includes a
limited number of pr ophecies . A few w ords fr om the beginning of Nectaneb o's
Dream (the Pr ophecy of Petese) are preserved in a small fragment.82 Three slips
of papyrus, which bear all indicati ons of being scribal exercises by a single in
dividual, c ontain an excerpt which seems t o c onsist of the first lines of a sequel
74 P. Carlsberg 422: unpublished, described in Ryholt 2002b.
75 P. Carlsberg 411 and 412: Widmer 2002, 387-397.
76 P. Carlsberg 85 [Djoser and Imhotep] and P. Carlsberg 400 [Nakhthorshen]: both unpublished,
but described in Ryholt 2004. 77
P. Carlsberg 303 + P. Berlin P 13640: Spiegelberg 1932b (Berlin fragment only), cf. also
Ryholt 2004. It is not entirely certain whether this manuscript is actually from the temple de
posit 78
P. Carlsberg 304 + PSI inv. D 5 + P. CtYBR 4512 + P. Berlin P 30489: published in Ryholt
2000. 79
Only two of these manuscripts have so far been published, P. Tebt. Tait 8: Tait 1977, 35-37, pI.
3, and P. Lilie 31: de Cenival 1985, 1987. Further fragments of the latter have been identified
in the Papyrus CarIsberg Collection. 80
P. Carlsberg 302 + PSI inv. D 7 + P. CtYBR 861+4387(10)+4403(2)+4921: Smith 2002. 81
P. Carlsberg 462: Smith 2000. 82 P. Carlsberg 562: Ryholt 1998b, 2002a.
On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 157
to Nectanebo's Dream, i.e., a prophecy produced in continuation of the original
prophecy. S3 Since the first-mentioned fragment also comes from the very begin
ning of the text and no further fragments have yet been identified, it is possible
that it too was a scribal exercise. At any rate both Nectanebo's Dream and its
apparent sequel must have been known at Tebtunis in order far the texts to be
copied out as exercises. Fragments from a fifth papyrus with the chaos and or
der-restored descriptions of a prophecy have also been identified.S4 These ele
ments are not preserved in any version of Nectanebo's Dream, but the mention
of Alexandria suggests that this is a different prophecy.
The Tebtunis temple deposit - A tempie library?
The nature of the Tebtunis temple deposit is naturally of crucial importance to a
proper understanding of the material inasmuch as it provides its archaeological con
text. Already in 1936 Botti considered the possibility that it might represent 'part of
the archives or Iibrary of the sanctuary' , and fifteen years later - after he and Volten
had sorted and identified much of the material - Volten had come to the conclusion
that the papyri 'without doubt are parts of a tempIe library of Tebtounis. , ss Since
then the nature of the deposit has received Iimited attention, and there has been no
attempt to present an overall analysis of the contents - undoubtedly because so
much of the material still remains unpublished.
In 1992 Tait challenged Volten's conclusion about the deposit: 'in the case of
[the material] from Tebtunis, it might be suggested that it is mistaken to describe it
as coming from a tempIe "Iibrary." ( . . . ) l t is certainly not intended to deny here that
any of the Tebtunis papyri could have come from a library, but in large part the
material found seems mare Iikely to have been the private property of the priests or
in some cases to be from genizah-Iike dumps of outdated material. , S6 This interpre
tation was, however, written under the impression that the papyri had been found 'in
a wide variety of locations'.
As already described in the earliest Italian accounts of the discovery, the mate
rial does in fact derive from a single deposit which was found in the two cellar
rooms of a house buiIt against the inside of the enclosure wall. This is weil docu
mented by Osing, who further points out that the texts from the deposit closely
match the types of texts associated with the institution known as the House of Life
S3 P. Carlsberg 424, 499 and 559: Ryholt 2002a.
S4 P. Carlsberg 399 + PSI inv. D 17 + P. Tebt. Tait 13: Quack 2002b.
ss Botti 1 936,223; Volten 1951,70.
S6 Tait 1992,306-7.
158 K. RYHOLT
(prJnb).87 On this basis, he argues that the deposit derives from a House of Life
attached to the Tebtunis temple. It is perhaps that without significance in this rela
tion that the Book of Thoth, one of the three most prominent texts in the deposit,
makes repeated reference to the House of Life. It is not entirely clear what, if any
thing, distinguished a large temple library or scriptorium from a House of Life, and
for the purposes of the present paper I prefer the more neutral term 'temple library' .
The very idea that there were temple libraries i n cities such as Soknopaiou Ne
sos and Tebtunis has recently been opposed.88 I think this view is mistaken. Besides
the obvious relation between the texts in the temple deposit and the known activities
of the House of Life, a further number of arguments may be presented in favor of
regarding the deposit not only as the remains of a tempie library but even one that
seems to be largely representative for its time. These arguments focus on three
points: ( 1 ) the internal consistency of the contents of the deposit, (2) the wide circu
lation of virtually all the texts that are attested in multiple copies, and (3) a compari
son with the essential priestly knowledge described by the Book of the Temple and
element of Alexandria. Again I shall strive to present the arguments in a condensed
form on this occasion.
( 1 ) The contents of the temple deposit display an internal consistency, and it may be
regarded as a logical, coherent whole. A number of texts (including the Book of
the Temple, the Priestly Manual, the Book of Fayum and the Book of Nut) de
scribe and treat in considerable detail the world in which the priest lived and
performed his duties. The description ranges from time, space and cosmos, over
Egypt and the Nile, to the forty-two individual nomes and their characteristics,
and ends with the temple and its personnel. Mythology is recorded in the
Mythological Manual as weil as in a number of mythological narratives and
other texts. The cultic affairs of the priests are described in a number of texts,
which include different rituals for Sobk and other gods, as weil as magical texts
and religious poetry. Various relevant calenders are preserved in the Mythologi
cal Manual and the Priestly Manual, and there is also an unpublished demotic
mythological calender. Other unpublished material lays down general regula
tions for the admission and conduct of the priests. Non-cultic aspects of priestly
87 Osing 1998, 19-23; see further Begg 1 998b, 189-191, who quotes a letter from Gilbert Bag
nani to Stewart B agnani, 1 1 March 1931, which provides what is perhaps the best description
of the archaeological context and excavation of the temple deposit. The letter was written the
day after the discovery and excavation had taken place.
88 v. Minnen 1998, 109. The presence of astrological and medical material in the temple deposit
is also used as an argument by v. Minnen (ibid. 168) against the interpretation as the remains of
a library. The relationship between these two sciences and the temple is in fact weil docu
mented. See also the discussion below on the Book of the Temple and element of Alexandria,
and, for astronomy and astrology, especially Iones 1994.
On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 159
expertise are, above a11 , represented by the numerous divinatory texts and the
more limited medical material.
(2) Virtua11y a11 of those texts that are attested in multiple copies in the temple de
posit are also attested by sources from a variety of other sites, some as manu
scripts, so me as monumental temple inscriptions, and a few as both.89 This indi
cates that the assemblage is no mere pot pourri of discarded texts but formed
part of an established tradition. To sum up, these texts include the Book of the
Temple (c. twenty copies), the Book of Thoth (c. ten copies), the Book of Fa
yum (betw. eight and ten copies), the Opening of the Mouth Ritual (six copies),
the Myth of the Sun's Eye (six copies), the Insinger Wisdom (five or six cop
ies), the Offering Ritual (five or six copies), the Inaros Epic (five or six copies),
the Book of Nut (five copies), the Mythological Manual (four copies), the Daily
Ritual (three copies), the Priestly Manual (three copies), the Inaros' story about
the Struggle for the Stipend of Amun (three copies), and the Vine Horus poem
(three copies). Among these texts only the Vine Horus poem and perhaps the
Inaros Epic does not seem to be otherwise attested.90
(3) A comparison between the texts from the temple deposit and the essential
priestly knowledge described by the Book of the Temple and Clement of Alex
andria is highly i11uminative. The account by Clement of Alexandria (Stromata 6.4.35 .3-37.3) has recently been discussed by Osing, who points out some of
the dose correspondence between his description and the contents of the de
pOSit.9 1 According to Clement, a total of forty-two books contained the essential
priestly knowledge.92 These are divided into a number of categories which he
associates with specific temple personnel. In the order he lists them, they are:
1 . The singer, who i s specifica11y associated with two books, one containing
'the hymns to the gods' and the other 'the regulations for the king's life' .
As far as religious poetry is concerned, the deposit contains a number of
89 Texts from the deposit that are also known from monumental inscriptions, in whole or in part,
include the Book of Fayurn, the Book of Nut, the Mythological Manual, the Priestly Manual,
the Opening of the Mouth Ritual, the Ritual of Bringing Sokar out the Shetit, and the Votive
Cubit. 90
The case of the Inaros Epic is uncertain since there are a few fragments of the text in the Vi
enna which may or may not come from Tebtunis. 91
Osing 2000. 92
It is hardly a coincidence that the nurnber corresponds to the canonical nurnber of nomes in
Egypt. Forty-two is, in this context, an expression of totality; cf. also the forty-two divine limbs
in the story of Djoser and Imhotep, and the forty-two bas, forty-two sacred places and forty
two vultures in the Book of Thoth. Because of the symbolic value of the figure, it is perhaps
questionable how literally we should understand the specific nurnber of books wh ich Clement
ascribes to one or the other area of knowledge.
160 K. RYHOLT
texts. It is not clear if the book of hymns mentioned by element should be
literally understood as one specific text, but it is intriguing that one of the
manuscripts from the deposit preserves the title 'The book of praising the
gods' . More difficult are 'the regulations for the king's life' . It has been
suggested that they may be 'prieres en l 'honneur du souverain' or 'eulogies
to the king,.93 However, no such texts seem to be attested in the temple de
posit, and I wonder if this is not rather a reference to the speils for the pro
tection and purification of pharaoh.94 During the procession the prophet
would assume the role of pharaoh, and the role of the singer, who headed
the procession, would therefore be twofold: he would praise the gods and
he would ensure the protection and purity of pharaoh's deputy who was in
charge of the cult.
2. The astrologer. Four books are specifically mentioned, 'one is about the or
der of the fixed stars that are visible, and another about the conjunctions
and luminous appearances of the sun and moon; and the rest respecting
their risings ' . This area of expertise is weil documented by the Book of Nut
as weil as the rich demotic astrological and astronomical material.
3 . The sacred scribe 'must b e acquainted with what are called hieroglyphics,
and know about cosmography and geography, the position of the sun and
moon, and about the five planets; also the description of Egypt, and the
chart of the Nile; and the description of the equipment of the priests and of
the places consecrated to them, and about the measures and the things in
use in the sacred rites . ' Most of this description corresponds to the contents
of the Priestly Manual, which was written in hieroglyphs, and the astral
bodies are treated in the Book of Nut.
4. The stolist 'is acquainted with all points paedeutica and moschosphragis
tica' , i.e., matters pertaining to teaching and sacrifice, and 'there are also
ten books which relate to the honor paid by them to their gods, and contain
ing the Egyptian worship; as that relating to sacrifices, first-fruits, hymns,
prayers, processions, festivals, and the like.' The paedeutica may weil refer
to such works as the Book of Thoth and the 1nsinger Wisdom, while mo
schosphragistica must surely include the Manual of the Priesthood of Sak
hmet. The group of texts mentioned secondarily includes various aspects of
the temple activities, many of which are covered by the ritual texts, hymns
and calenders already mentioned. 1t is, perhaps, noteworthy that hymns are
93 Derchain 195 1 , 270 n. 1; v. Lieven 2002, 503.
94 This was in fact already suggested by Mariette 187 1 , 1 0, with reference to the speils for the
protection of pharaoh preserved in P. Boulaq 7.
On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 1 6 1
specified once again; this might indicate that there were a number o f gen
eral hymns and some specifically used by the singer (see 1 ) .
5. The prophet 'being the governor of the temple, learns the ten books called
Hieratic, and they contain all about the laws, and the gods, and the whole of
the training of the priests' . Temple laws and regulations are covered by at
least two unpublished manuals, one hieratic and one demotic. Information
about the gods is found in a number of texts, including the Mythological
Manual and several mythological narratives. The training of the priests is
likely to refer such texts as the Book of Temple, the Book of Thoth, and
perhaps also the Insinger Wisdom.
6. The image-bearers (pastophoroi): They know 'the other six [books) which
are medical ( . . . ) , treating of the structure of the body, and of diseases, and
instruments, and medicines, and about the eyes, and the last about women. '
This area of knowledge obviously equates the medical texts which, curi
ously, includes both Greek and Demotic material.
The treatise on the temple person ne I in the Book of the Temple includes a descrip
tion of the duties of the head teacher (mr-sb3. w).95 This section describes the ideal
curriculum of the future temple personnel and thus provides a valuable insight into
what was regarded, at least ideally, as fundamental knowledge at the temple. The
specified subjects conform very weil with the essential priestly knowledge described
by Clement of Alexandria. The curriculum is divided into four phases which is each
devoted to one or more subjects:
1 a. The regulations of the nomes and their characteristics. This knowledge corre
sponds quite clearly to that contained in the Priestly Manual and to some ex te nt
also the Mythological Manual. Also the Book of Fayum may be seen under this
heading, although it focuses on one particular region which was of special inter
est in relation to the cult of Sobk. This subject corresponds more or less to the
knowledge ascribed to the prophet by Clement of Alexandria.
1 b. The regulations of the royal palace. This has been interpreted as training in court
etiquette in relation to visits to the royal palace, albeit with the concession that it
is somewhat curious to find this as a major component in the basic training of
the priests and especially at a time when there had been no king in Egypt for
more than a century.96 Moreover, no texts have so far been identified wh ich may
have provided the relevant information on court etiquette. I am therefore in
clined to think that 'the regulation of the royal palace' corresponds 'the regula
tions for the king' s life' mentioned by Clement.
95 This seetion of the Book of the Temple is described and discussed in detail by Quack 2002c.
96 Quack 2002c, 166.
1 62 K. RVHOLT
2. Learning by heart. If this phase was devoted to any particular text, the catechism
of the Book of the Thoth would seem an obvious possibility.
3 . Medicine. This subject is ascribed to the pastophoroi by Clement and is dis
cussed above.
4a. Omina. It would seem obvious to equate this subject with the numerous manuals
on divination. Curiously, however, the Book of the Temple seems to refer spe
cifically to eclipse-omina (sbn.w Iby).97 One wonders if the term is to be under
stood literally since eclipse-omina as such are relatively rare. So far it has only
been possible to identify fragments of a single, still unpublished text from the
temple deposit that might concern eclipses. This stands in contrast to the much
more numerous horoscopes and dream-books. Astrology is also mentioned by
Clement and discussed above.
4b. 'All writings in the embalming-place (pr-nfr). ' No text from the deposit seems
to be concerned with the process of embalmment. but this does not necessarily
present any difficulty since the wording which implies that the texts in question
were kept at the embalming-place i tself.
The Narrative Material
The temple deposit contains a nu mb er of compositions in addition to those men
tioned i n the cited sections of the Book of the Temple and Clement of Alexandria.
Since neither list is intended to represent a complete catalogue of temple writings.
this need not cause any surprise.
The most noteworthy category of material that is not covered by the Book of the
Temple and Clement of Alexandria is the narratives which make up about 25% of
the entire temple deposit. The purpose of this material may seem less than obvious
within a tempie context. One possibility that may be considered is wh ether it might
represent an attempt to preserve fragments of a cIassical literary tradition. Such iso
for instance. likely to be the case with the copies of the Siut tomb-inscriptions which
contains a range of standard l iterary formulae. However, two significant factors
speak against such an interpretation of the narrative material. One is the complete
absence of known cIassical works; indeed none of the Middle and Late Egyptian
narrative l iterature is known to have been 'translated' into demotic at al1.98 The other
97 Alternatively it may considered that the relationship between the two nouns is rather one of
coordination than qualification, i.e., that Sbfl. w iby( w), 'omina and eclipses', should be read.
Against this interpretation it might be argued that eclipses would fall under the category of
omina, but such logical reasoning may not be compelling. 98
Nor are any of the Middle and Late Egyptian teachings.
On the Contents and Nature of the Tebtunis Temple Library 163
is the fact that the individual texts were not treated as canonical works but show
c1ear signs of continuous re-editing and modification.99
In the ca se of the Inaros stories, i t has been suggested that they were kept as
mere entertainment. 100 That an element of entertainment might be present cannot
perhaps be entirely exc1uded, but the nature of the assemblage and the individual
texts may indicate that this was not their primary purpose. If we look at the assem
blage as a whole, it will be seen that more than half of the material is made up by
stories of might and valor. These stories have in common that they concern histori
cal figures whose prowess they proc1aim. It is stories of this kind that formed the
basis of the Egyptian histories by writers such as Herodotus, Diodorus and even
Manetho, and I consider it likely that they were kept and transmitted for precisely
this reason; as documentation of a glorious past. In view of the many preceding
centuries of foreign occupation, it is hardly a coincidence that most of the stories
concern historical heroes (such as Inaros, Nakhthorshen, Djoser and Sesostris) who
are placed in fictitious situations where they defeat and humiliate these very same
enemies. From a psychoanalytic perspective, another and smaller group of narratives
that may be seen in the same light are the prophecies which - it may be assumed -
predict a future where Egypt will prevail over its enemies and achieve its former
glory.
The remaining material consists mainly of mythological narratives and stories
about priests, both categories that find a natural setting in a temple environment.
Although this material remains to be studied in detail, it seems c1ear that the two
largest texts, both of which are attested in multiple copies, are didactic in nature.
One is the Myth of the Sun's Eye, parts of which can be described as philosophical.
The other is the Petese Stories, a collection of seventy shorter stories which are
explicitly categorized as stories about the virtues and the vices of women, and which
hence represent a moralistic work.
99 PubJished examples are afforded by the different versions of the story of Onch-Sheshonqy
(Ryholt 2000), the Petese Stories (Ryholt 1999) and the Inaros stories known as the Struggle
for the Stipend of Amun (Tait 2000a) and the Struggle for Inaros' Armor (Ryholt 1998).
100 Hoffmann 1995, 22.
1 64 K. RYHOLT
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