S H OR T H I STOR Y

OF TH E

BOMBAY P R E S I D E N CY.

E D M U N D p . co x

(T R I S . com

B O M B A Y D I S TR I C T P O L l C E .

B umbag

TH A C KE R 86 C O .,LL) .

C a lczztfa —THA C K E R , S P I N K 85 C O .

L ondon —\V . T R A C KE R 8c C o . , 87, Newgate Street.

BOM BAYP R I N TE D AT TH E E D UCATI ON S OC I E TY

’S P R E SS , B Y C UL LA .

3 5 4 85

B cé C é s’

TO M Y FATHE R ,

T h e R ev . S i r G E O R G E W . C OX ,B a rt“ , M . A . ,

R E C TO R OF S C R A Y IN GH A M . Y OR K.

\V I~IOS E E A R L I E S T \VO E KS W E R E W R I TT E N FO R H I S C H IL D R E N ,

I DED ICATE THIS HISTORY

OF TH E P R E S I D E N C Y

IN WH I C H I HA VE TH E HON OU R TO S E R V E .

PR EFAC E .

A brief introductory sketch has been given of thetim e beforethe roll of E uropean conquesttothe E ast,and a

'

more detailed des cr iption ofthe cour s e of eventsbe tweenthe com ing ofthe Portugues e and our s elves .

I have wr itten a tolerab ly full accountof the p roces sby which the W estof Ind ia cam e under the B r itis hflag, br ing ing in whathappened in other par t s of

the Penins u la s o far only as to elucidate the eventsthattook place in B ombay . W ithth i s obj ect, andto give a greater degree

’

of continu itytothe nar rative,

there runs through the book a shortaccountof thes uprem e power w hether atD elhi or C alcutta

E . C . C OX.

A L I BKG , KOLABA , A ugust2 9th, 1886 .

P osts cript—M y bestthanks are duetoK . M . C hatfield,E sq , M .A . ,

D irector of Public I nstruction, for hisk ind aid inthe publicat ion of this book .

E . C . C .

N OTE ON TH E AS'

P E LL I N G OF I N D I A N N A M E S .

A S a general rule, the authoris ed Government Spell inghas been followed , and the subjoined table explains thesystem

A unaccented as in fun.

A accented as in father .

j

An exception has been made inthe whichare speltinthe older Engl is h way

Jumna .

Indus .Delhi .Comorin .

Deccan .

Oudh .

Ganges .

Bengal .Calcutta .

Madras .

B ombav.

Sal s ette .

Colaba (Bombay) .

i n fete.

in fi ll .

in feel .in full .i n stool .i n get.in jail .

following names,

C ON TE N TS .

C H A PTE R I .

—P A GE 1 .

D es cr iption ofthe B ombay Pres idency.

I ndia a continentratherthan a country .—Theterm Indi an People

a m i s leading one—India as a whole—C om ponentparts of theB om bay Presidency.

—The clim ate s —The food of the pe0p1e .

The s cenery and appearance of the country .—The vernacular

languages .

C HAPTE R II . -P A Gn

D es cr iption ofthe P eop le.

Detai ls ofthe population .—~The m ajority de s cended from the A ryan

tr ibes who dw eltin C entra l A s ia—The abor iginal tr ibe s —Theear ly A ryans —TheWed s (Vedas ) .—The four or iginal castes —TheInstitutes of Maxim—C aste s in their later form .

—The ir religiousnatm '

e .— S uper stition.

—B nddha and hi s creed—Predom inance of

B uddhism as a state religiom—Its downfall . —Food , dres s , and

m arriage custom s of H indus and Muhamm adans .

C HAPTE R l I I .—P A G B 26 .

E a rly H iadv. C ivil is ation.

Invas ions of Darius and A lex ander .—~ State of the country

dur ingthe latter .—M egasthene s atPatna—V illage communities

Tenure ofthe land—The village offi cer s .

C HAPTE R V .—PA GE 35 .

E stabli s hm entof M uhamm adan R ule.

M is s ion of Muhamm ad .— Muhamm adan e x pedition into S ind i x .

7 00.— Its fai lure — Invas ion s f rom the Afghan m ountains .

-M ah

m oud of Ghaz ni .

—Muham m ad Ghor i .—C onque stof N orthern Indiaby the Muham m adan s .

—The S lave and Khiljy dynastie s —E xtens ion of Muhamm adan conquestto the Deccan by A lla-ud-din in

1 295 .—Tho Toghlak dynasty —R ebel lion of Zéfi ar Khan inthe

Deccan and f oundation of the B ahm ani Muham m adan dy nastyof the Deccan .

—Muham m adan kingdom s of Gujarat, Khande s hand S ind .

—Invas ion of Taim ur the Tartan— E nd of the Togh lak

dynasty.— B abar the des cendantof Taim ur invades Ind ia and

founds the Moghal E m pire in 1 526 .-C haracter of Muhamm adan

r ule priortothe e stablishm entofthe Moghal em pire .

C HAPTE R V .-Pae s 51 .

C oaquests ofthe P o:tugues e .

Vas co da Gam a reache s Kalikatin 1 4 98.—The state of We stern India.

atthetim e—The B ahm ani dynasty ofthe D eccan breaking up intofive independentkingdom s

, chief ofw hich are Ahm adnagar , B ijapu rand Golkonda .

-De struction ofthe Hindu kingdom of B ijanagar .

The Marathas em ployed large ly inthe arm ies ofthe Muhamm adanstates of the Deccan

, and the B rahm an s a s m en of bus ine s s .

R elations of D a Gam a and his succe s s or s w ith the Zam or in of

Kal ikatand the ruler s of Kachi n and Kfmnanur u—Facw r ie s

founded and a large trade created —A lbuquer que m akes Goa

the capita l of Portugues e India —C haracter of the Portugue s er ule .

—Vicis s itude s in the ir fortune s —Their war s w ith Gujaratand B ijapur .

—A cqu is itions of B om bay , S als ette and D iu .

C H A P TF R VI . -Pa e s 67 .

Foundation ofthe El ogha l E mp i re .

Babar invade s India — H is succes s atP énipatin 152 6 .—H is s on

H um éyun s ucceed s him in 1 530 .

—Hum ayun dr iven into e x ile forfifteen year s by the S nr dynasty —H is r eturn in trium ph .

—S uc

ceeded by A kbar in 1 556 -C ontinued s ucce s s ofthe Portugue s eatthe tim e of his acce s s ion.

—Increas e of A kbar’

s power .-H i s

policy of conciliation .-H e ca ll s uponthe Muham m adan k ingdom s

ofthe Deccanto acknow ledge his s uprem acy-The ir refu s al .

A kbar’

s force s invade the Deccan—C hand B ibi repels the invader s —A kbar him s e lf take s the field — H is death in 1 605.

—H is

policy and character .

C H A P r E n VI[. -PAG E 83 .

C om ing ofthe E ugliw’i .

T he E m peror J a lningir .—The E a stIndia C om pany .

-C aptainHawkins atdgra .

—S ir H enrv M iddleton and the “Trade s ’

Increas e .“ Defeatof the Portugue s e fleetbythe E ngli s h atS urat

in 1 6 1 2 .—J ahangir invade s the Deccan accom pa nied by S ir Thom as

R oethe E ngl ish am bas s ador .

—~ M:ilik Am bar and S hahj i B hons l i .

C HA PTE R VIII .

- P A G B 9 1 .

R is e of flie Ill a i'dtha s .

S hah Jahan s uppre s s e sthe rebel lion of Khan Jahan Lod i inthe Deccan-E nd ofthe kingdom of Ahm adnagar in State of Maha im

m adan pow er inthe Deccan atthetim e —« Progr e s s ofthe E nglish .

- The r ival C om pany.

—S hiw fij i s on of S hahj i B hons le —H is planto dr ivethe Muhammadans from the country .

—E ncouragem ento fhis m other .

- S hiwaj i s eiz es the fortof Tom a —He builds a fortatBajgahr .

- H e obtain s a s er ie s of forts onthe We stern Ghats .

H e s e iz e s trea s ure of the B ijapur Governm ent. -A urangaib

v iceroy of the Deccan .-H e goe s to Delhi on the il lne s s of h is

father S hah Jahan and u surp s the throne .

-S hiw .

’

i j i denn s

the Moghal Governm ent, butA urangz ib grants him forg ivene s s .

A urangz ib encourages him a s the m eans of putting pres sure on h isM uhammadan vas s als .

C ONTENTS .

C HAPTE R IX .~—PA GE 104 .

E x p ans ion of M arcitha Power .

A urangz ib E m peror .—H i s greatobj ect.—H is character and policy.

A f z ul Khan s entagainstS hiwaj i f rom B ijapur .

—H is death and

the destruction of his arm y atP ratapgahr .—~ Failure of the

B ijapur avenging army .-S hiwaj i m ake s his head-quarter s at

R aygahr .—Strength of his arm y .

—The E nglish obtain B om bay.

Their liberal policy .—S hiwuj i attack s S urat, buti s firm ly res isted

by the E ngl ish under Ox enden.-H e s eiz e s the Moghal pilgr im

ve s s els —E xtraordinary s ucce s s e s —R aja J ay S ingh s entagainsthim by A urangz ib.

-H is s ubm is s ion and journeyto Delhi . —H isdis gustathi streatm entthere—H e i s im pr i s onned bute s cape sH e obtains tr ibute from B ijapur and Golkonda .

—H e works up his

arm y and civil governm ent. - H e defeats an army s entagainsthim by A urangz ib.

-The E ngl is h strengthen B om bay—GeraldA ungier .

—A h attack ofthe Dutch repul s ed —Officer s ofthe C ompany form ed into four grade s —S plendid coronation of S hiwéj i .

Treaty betw een him andthe E nglish—H is death.

C H APT E R X.—P .\G s 1 19 .

D ecline ofthe .M ogha l E mp ir e.

S am bhéj i s ucceed s S hiwaj i .—H e attacks Goa.

—R opris al s of thePortugue s e .

—A urangz ib atthe aged of 63 m arches againstB ijapur-Golkonda andthe Marathas .

—R ebe llion of C aptain Keigw in in

B om bay—S pir ited fore ign policy of the C hilds .—Its failure .

The E nglish s eiz ethe Moghal pilgr im ve s s e ls —They s ue for peace.

—The S cotch E astIndian C om pany .—Its union w iththe E nglis h

one—C alcutta founded in 167O.

—A urangz ib de stroys B ijapur andGolkonda.

—~H e captures and kills S am bhaj i .—R ajaram , s on of

S hiwéj i, rule s on behalf of S ahu (S hiwaj i) , son of S ambhéj 1 .-R is e

ofthe Angria fam ily.-Death of R ajaram .

—H is w ife Tarabai becom es r egenton behalf of his s on S hiwéj i.—Struggle between theE mperor andthe Marathas —Death of A urangz ib.

C ON TE N TS . XV II

C HA PTE R XI. -PA GE 1 28.

R is e ofthe Pes hwas andthe greatM ardtha Hous es .

B ahadur S hah becom es E m peror .

—H e r e lea s e s S éhu,andthen ar is e

thetwo greatMaratha factions of S éhu of s uture and S ambhaj i , s on

of R ajaram ,atKolhapu r .

—~ U ltim ate s ucce s s of S éhu .—C om para

tive tranquillity in the Deccan .—Death of B ahadur S hah—The

em peror s J abandar and Farokhs ir .

—Intr igue s ofthe S yads .

—~ R is e

of N iz ém -nl -Mulk founder ofthe Niz am s of Hydarabad .—B alaj i

Wishwanéth founder ofthe B rahm an dynasty of the Pe shwas .

The Pes hwa , in alliance w ith Hus s ein A li, Viceroy ofthe Deccan,leads an army againstDe lhi . -The em peror killed. —S ucce ededby Muhamm ad Shah—Maratha revenue system .

—Kanhoj i Angria ’

s

p iracie s on the E nglish ships—Nizam -ul -Mulk as s erts hi s independence , s o there is nothing leftto the Delhi em pire of itspos s es s ions in the Deccan—B ap R ae , s on of Balaj i Wishwanéth

,

becom es Pe shwa.-Origin of S india, H olkar , the Gaikwar of

B aroda and the R ajas of B arar .—M arétha cam paigns against

Delhi —The Marathas capture Théna and S als ette from thePortugue s e—Decline ofthe Portugues e power .

—E nglis h em bas s ie sto the Marathas .

—Nadir S hah mas sacre s m en atDe lhi .Steady increas e of Maratha power .

-B alaj i B éj i R ao s ucceedsas Pes hwa .

—H is brother R aghonath R ae or B aghcha .—Deaths o f

Niz am -ul-Mulk, S éhu , and the emperor .—S aha ’

s rendition '

of

Maratha powertothe Peshwa.

C H A P rE R XII .

—PAGE 1 45.

Struggle betweenthe E nglis h andthe French.

The idea of jan E uropean em pire in India originated by Dupleix and

w orked outby C live —Struggle s forthethrones ofthe Deccan and

C arnatic .

— Increas ing m ilitary reputation of the E nglish—Thes eatoftheMaratha pow ertrans ferredto Puna .

-M arétha power atits zenith—S truggle between the Marathas and the Afghan

B

x v i i i C ONTENTS .

Ahm ad A bdali in Hindu stan .- Terr ible def eatof the Marathas at

Panipat. —The hope of Hindu s uprem acy over India atan end .

C omm odore Jam es s entagainstthe Angr ias .—H is s ucce s s at

S awarndrug .—C live and Wats ontake Gher ia.

— A ffair s in B engal .The battle of Plas s ey .

- E nglis h conquestof B engal . —Death of

Balaj i B aj i R ae —Political condition of India—D is like of theC ourtof D irector stoterr itor ial acquis ition .

C HAPTE R XIII .—PAGE 162 .

FirstM ardtha Wa/r .

M ahdu R ao s on of B alaj i R ao becom es Pe s hwa, butB aghcha isregent—Nana Farnawis is m ade m inister .

—R aghoba’

s di s pute sw iththe Pes hwa .

- H e s eeks aid fromthe E ngl is h andthe N iz am .

The res ult. -R is e of B ydar A li of M ys ur .—The strange s er ies of

alliance s between the E nglis h , the Marathas , the Niz am ,and

B ydar A li—The E nglish dragged intothe fir stM y sur w an—Itsdis astrous re sult. —E m bas s ies to Puna.

-Death of M ahdu R ao

Pe shwa —H is brother Narayan R ao s ucceeds , buti s m urderedB aghcha as sum es the Pes hwaship , buta posthum ous s on is bornto Narayan Rao and two greatpartie s are form ed , thatof

B aghcha, andthe m inisterialists on behalf ofthe infantPe s hwa.

The E nglis h take S uratand B reach—The Governor of B engalm ade Governor-General of India w ith authority over B om bay .

,

The E nglis h conquer Thana, and join in a cam paign w ith R aghoba .

-Treaty of S uratm ade w ith R aghoba who m ake s im portantce s s ions of terr itory .

—B attle of A ras .—Nava1 battle w ith the

M arathaS n—The C alcutta C ouncil orderthe B om bay author itie sto stopthe war , and s end C olone l U ptonto m ake term s w ith theMarathas .

—Uns atis factory treaty of Purandhar , which annulledthatof S uratand broke offthe alliance w ith B aghcha .

—M r . Horn

by’

s m inutethatthe E nglish mustinterfere in Maratha affair s .

St. Lubin ,theiFrench envoy, atPuma—Nana Farnéw is ’ negociationsw ith him—Has tings resolvesto strikethe fir stblow and s ends an

C ON TE NT S . XIX

army acros s India under C olonel Le s lie—C olone l E gerton advancestow ard s Puna from Panw e l .—Mis erable failure ofthe e x pedition .

Disgraceful convention ofWargaum .—Gallantry of C aptain Hartley

—Hasting s end s C olone l Goddard to relieve Le s li e —E x ploits of

thi s otficen—H e take s A hm adabad .— C onfederacy aga in stthe

E nglish —C aptain Popham ’

s br illiantcam paign inMalwa .—B ydar

A li comm ence s the s econd M ysur war .

—Hastings thereforeendeavour s to m ake peace w iththe M arathas as s oon as itcan be

honourably s ecur ed—Goddardtake s B as s eid .-H is ras h advance

toward s Puna and retreatto Panw el .—Peace concluded w ith theMaratha s atS i lbai . —Its favour able natur e to the E ngli s h .

A lliance of the Marathas and the E nglish againstM ys u r .—N ew

phas e of the Maratha pow er which now cons ists of a lax

confederacy .

C HAPTE R XIV .—PAGE 187 .

Theory of the Balance of Power .

The s econd M ys ur wan—Death of B ydar .- S ucces s ion of his son

Tipu .—The Fr ench under B us sy aid Tipu, butare defeated —When

s ucce s s i s as s uredthe Madras C ouncil make a d isgraceful s urrenden—Gallantaction betw eenthe “R anger” andthe Maratha fleet.—S india ’

s°

s chem e s in Hindustan .

—Warren Hastings returns toE ngland .

—S india dem ands chauth from his s ucce s s or , M r . M ac

pher s on—H e is forced to w ithdraw his dem and s —M r . Malets entas envoy to Puna .

—A r rival of Lord C ornw allis .—State of

India atthetim e — Thethird M ysur Wan—Its succes s fu l res ult.A nnex ation of Kanara .

—Theory of the balance of pow er by

which the E nglis h s hould hold the s cale s betw een the variou spow er s of India—R etir em entof Lord C ornw allis .

- S india atPuna—H e becom e s a r ival to Nana Farnéwi s —H is death .

H is character and policy . DaolatR ae S indi a .—The pirate s on

the We stern C oast. - Janj i ra never conquered — S ir John Shor e ,Governor-General . -H is returnto the non-inte rvention policy .

XX C ONTENTS .

The Ni zam defeated bythe Marathas atKhardla.-The young

Pes hwa in disgustatNana’s s ever ity kills him s elf —Intrigue sforthe Pe s hwas hip , which i s atlastgivento B aj i R ao II . , a s on

of B aghcha.—S india plunder s Puna—A narchy and confus ion

inthe Deccan .

C HAPTE R XV .—PAGE 205 .

S econd M arcitha War .

Lord Mornington, s ub s equently Mar qu i s of We lles ley, GovernorGeneral .—H is favour abletreaty w iththe Ni z am .

—Tipu still benton driving the E nglish outof India , buthe i s defeated and

killed in the fourth M ys ur Wan—Lord Wel le s ley s ees thattheE ngli sh m ustbe s uprem e in India .

—D eath of Nana E arned/vie.

Increas ed dis or der inthe Deccan .—D hondiaWag

’

s disturbances .

General A rthur We lles ley puts them down—War between S indiaand Y eshwantR ao B olkar .

-Murder of Wituj i B olkar .

—Y e shwantR ao takes Puna and B aj i R ao flies to Bom bay .

—Treaty of

B as s ein, by which the E nglis h protectthe Pe s hw a and stationtr0 0p s atPuna, andthe Pe s hwa acknow ledges B r itish s uprem acy

over Gujarat.—The Pe shw a,S india and B arar cons pire againstthe

E nglish —General Welles ley’

s forced m arch upon Puna.—The

Peshwa r e s eated on hi s throne bythe E ngli s h .—Fruitle s s negocia

tions w ith S india and B arar .-Lord We lle s ley com pel led to

a s s um e the ofi en s ive .—H is plans —General Welles ley takes

Ahm adnagar and w ins the battle of A s s aye .—Mountstuart

E lphinstone .—~Victor ie s of Woodington in Gujaratand Lake in

Hindustan .—General Welles ley

’

s victory atA rgaum .—S abm i s

s ion of S india and B arar .—E lphinstone r es identatPuna and

M alcolm atthe C ourtof India—GeneralWelle s ley’strium phant

entry into B om bay .-H is opinions ofthe Pe shwa’

s governm ent.Further treaty with the Gaikwar .

—E nglis h pos s es s ions intheWe stof India afterthe war still very sm all .

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XXI I C ONTE N T S .

actions —Large ces s ions of terr itorytothe E ngl ish—Lord Hasting

’

s preparation sto subduethe P indharis andtheir supporter s .

H is s ucce s s ful dealings w ith S india—B aj i R ao’

s planto m urder E l

phin stone .

— C r i s is atPuna .—The battle of Khirki and end ofthe

Maratha E m pire —B attle of Korygaum .

—A bolition ofthe Pe s hw a

s hip .

— A nne x ation ofthe P e s hw a’

s terr itor ies —Partial r e storationofthe Raja of S atara .

—M r . E lphinstone , C om m is s ioner ofthe D eccan—C onclu s ion ofthe C am paign .

—B attle of A shta — Defence of

S itabaldi .— B attle of Mehidpur and de struction of H olkar’

s arm y.

S uppr es s ion ofthe P indhar is .

—The Pe s hw a surrender s to S ir JohnMalcolm and i s s entto C awnpore .

- C ivil adm inistration ofthe newacqui s itions .

—E lphin stone becom es Governor of B om bay — R etirem entof Lord Hastings .

C HAPTE R XVIII .

—PAGE 269 .

M ountstaartE lp hinstone.

State of the country .

—E lphinstone ’ s w is e and liberal view sMaratha j ustice .

- E lphinstone ’

stour s —The regeneration of Khande s h .

-Form ation ofthe B hil C orp s —Lord Am her st, GovernorGeneral . —B ad fe eling in the B om bay Pr e s idency ow ingto theB urm e s e Wan— R am oshi ins urr ection—Dealings w ith S ind and

Pe r s ia .

—E lphinstone ’

s policy and view s —H i s r etir em ent.

C H A PTE R XIX—PAGE 281 .

P olicy of S elf -E’

fiacem ent.S ir John Malcolm , Governor of B om bay .

—Lord William B entinck ,Governor -General . -H is r eputation over -e stim ated—Financial r etr enchm ent.—A bolition of S ati . -S uppres s ion of Thaggi .

—Steamnavigation — Lord William B entinck ’s reform s —The m is erabledeficiency of hi s policy toward s Native State s —Di sturbance satH ydarabéd .

—~ Gwalior and Jaypur unchecked —Natives of Indiaunfitfor E uropean m ethod s .

C ONTE NTS . x x i i i

C HAPTE R XX .—PA GE 2 91 .

The Am ir s of S ind .

Meeting betw een Lord William B entinck and R anj itS ing —Lor dA uckland, Governor -General .—The R éja of Batara e x iled to B a

néras .—S héh '

S uj a and D OStMuham m ad—A R u s s ian E nvoy atKébul . - E ldred Pottinger atHerat. —E x peditiontotheP er s ian Gulf .

—Lord A uckland determ inesto r e stor e S hah S uja and depos e D ostMuhamm ad —The arm y advance s through S ind—The history of

the A m ir s of S ind —E nglis h attem pts to geta footing in thatprovince —Tripartitetreaty betweenthe E nglis h , R anj itS ing, andS hah S uia .

-D is honourable treatm entof the A m ir s .-S ir James

Outram , Political A gentin S ind—C onqestof A den .

C HAPTE R XXL—PA GE 304 .

C onquestof S ind .

D estruction ofthe B r itis h A rmy inthe Khyber Pas s .—Lord E llen

borough , Governor -GeneraL—The A m ir s breakthroughthetreaty .

-A newtreaty cons equently ins isted upon — A li Mur ad of Kyrpur

joinsthe E nglish — S ir C har le s Napier s uper s edes Outram , butrecalls the latter a s C omm is s ioner .

-Napier ’ s march againstI m amgahr .

—B attle of M ihni . -Ou1:ram’

s futile negociationsB attle of Hyderabad—Annex ation of S ind .

—~War w ith Holkar’

s

Force s and battle of Maharaj pur .-A nnex ation of Kolaba .

-War

with Kolhapur .

C HAPTE R XXII . - PAGE 322 .

The Law of L ap s e .

Lord Harding as Governor -General . S ucceeded by Lord Dalhous ie .

Annex ation of S at.'i ra .—Death of Baj i R ad —H i s adopted s on

D hondu Pant, Nana S ahib .- Lord D alhous ie ’

s policy and the an

nex ation of various s tates

C ONT E NTS .

C HAPTE R XXIII .—PAGE 328.

The S ew ing of the Wind .

Lord C anning , Governor-General . —The s epoys and the i r relationsw iththe Governm ent—Profes s or S eely’ s incorrecttheory .

—TheDuke of Wellington’

s opinion of B r itis h s oldier s —C om ple x caus e s

ofthe Mutiny —The Mutiny atVellore .

-Var ious other m utinie s .

S ir C harle s Napier ’s view s - C haracter of Lord C anning.

Grievance s ofthe s epoys .—The prophecy .

—The Delhi Pr inces .

The S hah of Per s ia— N ana S ahib—The C hapatie s .

C HAPTE R XXIV.—PAGE 349 .

The R eap ing ofthe Whir lw ind.

Outbreak ofthe Mutiny.—WilloughbyatDelhi—Tragedy atJhfms i .

Incons istentaim s of the m utineer s .—Nana S ahib proclaim s

him s elf Pes hwa —The w e ll of C awnpore .—The two re lief s of

Lucknow andthe reconquestof Oudh .—The s iege of D elhi—E x ile

ofthe lastMoghal E m peror B ahadur S hah—C am paign of TantiaTopi . —H is succe s s over General W indham and captur e of (lawn

pore—H is defeatby S ir C olin C am pbell.

C HAPTE R XXV.—PA GE 359 .

The M utinies in B ombay.

Lord E lphinstone , Governor of B om bay .-H isuns elfish policy .

—PlotatS atara .

—D is affection inthe S outhern Maratha C ountry —Ontbreak at Kolhapur .

- C olonel Jacob atKolhapur .—Plot

at B elgaum .—C ons p iracie s in B ombay .

—B ombay s avedby Forj ett. -Plots atAhm adfib z

’

id,

and in S ind—S econdoutbreak atKolhapur .

- B rave defence of Talliwara by thePolice—R ebellion ofthe C hief of Nargund .

—Murder of Manson.

—S ir Frank S outer .

C ONTENTS . XXV

C HAPTE R XXVI .-PA GE 376 .

E x p loits of the B ombay A rm y .

S ir Hugh R os e’

s tr ium phantC am paign in C entral India—De featsof the R ani of J héns i and Tantia Topi - E nd ofthe Mutiny .

Peace Proclam ation .

.

A bolition ofthe C om pany .—The C om pany

’

s

E uropean Troop s .—Dis cordantaim s ofthe Mutineer s .

C H APTE R XXVII .—P A G R 392 .

I nternal A dm ini stration .

Steam ers and R ailways —C ity of B om bay.—The Per s ia—The Depart

m ents , and D istr ictOffi cer s —Land Tenure —The S urvey S ettlem ent. —Forest Policy .

—Local Fund s - « E uropean Officer s .

C ond ition ofthe people - Facts aboutB r itish rule .

S H O R T H I S TO R Y

THE BOMBAY PR E S IDENCY.

l .- D E S ( )R I PTION be TH E BOM BAY PRESIDENCY .

NDIA is a name that has been given by European s tothevas t Penins ula which l ies between the H imalayas and

the ocean . Neither to their countrv nortothem s elves havethe inhabitants of India ever given any one comprehens iveiname . Hence, i t

'

we wishto s peak of them collectively,we are

forced to cal l them natives of India, or s imply Natives .

The term Indian cannot be applied to them , as its us e

i s popularly res tricted to denote the aboriginal tribes of

A meri can H indu s tan mean s only the Gangetic plain and

C entral India north ofthe Narbada and is in no way synony

mou s with India . B utthere is in truth nothingto wonder ati n the ab s ence of a name for the land andthe people thatdwell in it. The only bond that form s India i n any s ens e intoa country or a nation is B riti s h rule . Apar t from this i t i s

a continent rather than a country . I t compri s es an area

1 *

2 H IS TOR Y or THE BO M BAY P R E S I D E XC Y .

equal to all Europe without Rus s ia and the S candinavianaPenin s ula. Itcontains a population greater than that of all"the countries of Europe except Rus s ia put together

,a popu

lation compos ed of peoples that differ one from the otheri n race and in language, in rel igion and i n cus tom , no les sthanthe Spaniard fromthe Ru s s ian , or the G reek from theTurk . Living as they do in countries s eparated from each .

other by broad r ivers,lofty mountain s and dens e fores t s ,

there is indeed but l ittle reas on whythe i s olated un it s thatform the population of India s hould have ever been weldedinto one symmetr ical whole . S Oto s peak ofthe inhabitantsof India as the Indian People is no m ore accurate thanitwoul d be to s peak of Engl is hmen, Germans , and Ital ians

as the European people ; andtheterm would be ab s olutelydevoid Of s ignificance to the great m aj ority of tho s e whom

i t is intendedto i nclude .

Fromthe H imalayas i nthe nor thto Cape Comor in in thes outh

,the length ofthe Penins ula is nineteen hundred miles

while fromthe mouth of the Indu s i nthe wes ttothe mouthofthe I rawadi inthe eas t , its breadth is fifteen hundred . H in

dustan proper m ay be s aidto con s is t Of the huge r iver bas in

ofthe Ganges . S pringing’

fromthe s now -clad H imalayas , twohundred m iles north of Delhi

,thi s m ighty r iver receives into

its yellow waters atA l lahabadthe dark s tream ofthe Jumna,and flows through land s of wonderful r ichnes s to the B ayof Bengal . To the north-wes t of Hindu stan is the P unjabor land ofthe five r i vers (panch-ah) , the Indu s and its tr ibutaries , the J helam , the Chenab , the Raw i and the S atlej .

Thi s land , wh ich temptedthe Aryan im aders to leavetheirrugged homes in Central As ia and make their dwelling-place

in India,form s with S indthe r iver-bas in ofthe Indus , whos e

waters rise inthe mountains that enclos ethe beautiful region

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a H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY P R ES ID ENC Y .

in s ome places fertile, in others barren,ata general elevation

of two thous and feet abovethe s ea . The mos t northern part ofthe Deccan is called Khandesh , the greater par t of wh ichcons is ts ofthe low-lying val lev of the Tapti butKhandesh ,

though strictly s peaking inthe Deccan , is generally regarded ass eparate from i t .

The S ahyadris , or Wes tern Ghats , m ay be des c ribed as

buttres s es , which ,r is ing from the coastland s of Gu z arat, the

Konkan and Kanara , s uppor t the elevated table-land Of

the Deccan . S pr inging fromthe s lopes of the Narbada and

Taipti valley s they trend s outhward s almost withouta breakto the highlands of M ys ur, ata height generally of s ome

feetabovethe s ea . But they attain nearly feetamong the peaks of M ahableshwzir where, within s ight ofthe Arab ian S ea

,r is es themighty Kr i s hna which flows acros s

the continent into the B ay of Bengal . The pleas ant and

heal thy cl imate of M ahableshwar could hardly be neglected

by Europeans ; and in the hots ummer m onth s i t form s a

del ightful playground and health-res or t for thos e who can

getaway from the s corching winds of the Deccan orthes teamy atmos phere Ofthe coas t .The great divers ity in natural features b rings w ith ita

corres ponding variety in the cl imates of Wes tern India . I n

the open plains that form the val ley of the Indu s there are

intens e extremes of heatand col d, the w inter b eing s evere

even forthos e who have come from a northern cl ime, wh ile

the heat in the hots eas on nearly approaches the l imi t atwh ich l ife becomes intolerable tothe E uropean . N or is therea rainy s eas on, s uch as is vouch s afed to m os t of India , tocool the heated atmo s phere . The rainfal l is l im ited to a

very few inches a y ear , and cultivat ion depends upon i rriga

t ion by canal s fed from the great r i ver, and tanks in

DE S C R I PTION OP TH E BO M BAY P R E S ID ENC Y ,5

which every drop of the s canty rainfal l is carefully col

lected . Pas s ing tothe s outh , the land between the Ghats

and the s ea has a cl imate of which w inter form s no part.

The air is mois t and s teamy ; and though from December toFebruarythe nights are in p laces cold, the s un is always hot,while abovethe Ghats atthe s ame s eas on the air is compa

ratively col d and.

bracing . A s the s p ring month s come onthe heat rap idly increas es ; in the Deccan hot s corching

w inds blow all day and often all n ight , filling the air with a

k ind of mirage which makes every outl ine heavy and indistinct.I nthe coastdis trictsthe hotw ind is modified by mois ture from

the ocean ; butthe enervat ing languor of the damp cl imate

is a hardly p referable equivalent to the dry heat. By theend of M ay the heat reaches its inten s ity ; vegetation isparched up andthe country look s l ike a des ert . But early

in June there comes a wel come change ; piles of clouds ris e

inthe sky, and with li ttle warning the phenomenon knownasthe bursting O fthe monsoon takes place, abundant rain fromthe s outh -westbringing fres h lifetotheth irs ty s oi l . Vegetation Sp rings up everywhere with wonderful rapid ity ; and

pleas ant s howery weather w ith cheerful s unshine las ts on

untilthe latter part of September. I nthe D eccan this is farthe pleas antes ttime ofthe year , and is notunl ike a fine Engl is h s ummer . Onthe coast, thoughthe atmos phere is fai rlycool, the rain is too heavy for enjoyment; but eventhere , asel s ewhere

,i t is fel t as a great relief afterthe heat . Throughou t

the s even dry month s European civ il offi cers are engaged intravell ing all over their dis tricts , pitching their tents clos etothev illages , l iving amongs tthe people, and meeting one another

only from time to time . But inthe rains thev come into thehead-quarter s tation of the district

, and have comparativeleisure for social enjoyment and relaxation . IVhenthe rains

6 H I S TOR Y or THE BOMBAY PR E S IDENC Y .

cease i t is u s ual ly hotagain for a month or s ix weeks beforethe col d weather can be s ai dto commence. The cl imate of

the Deccan is onthe wholethe healthies t in India .

Inthe Konkan and other coas t dis trict s rice is the pr in cipal food ofthe people, there being abundance of water for itscul t ivation . B utabovethe Ghats r ice is rather looked uponas a luxury, many kinds

'

of millet and pul s e, with s om e barley

and wheat , forming a more s ub s tantial food for the hardierpop ulation ofthe D eccan . Some ofthes e cereal s are grown

m the mon s oon and are known as the rabi or early crop ,while wheat and barley , formingthe khari f or late crop , are

s own in the r i ch black s oil after the rainy s eas on is over.Cotton and oil s eeds are sown atthis later per iod , while ricer ipen s atthe clos e of the m on soon . Exaggerated as thehardship s of the Deccan peas antry have been , their landundoubtedly cannot compete inthe r ichnes s of its s oi l andproducts w iththe more fertile parts of Ind ia ,

Onthe whole,there is much beauty in the B ombav Pres i

deney . Upper S ind afford s magnificent views ofthe mountain sof B eluchistan. Lying between the s ea and the Sahyadri

mountains , from which innumerable s purs run downand cros s i t i n all direction s , the Konkan unites wou

derful grandeur with beautv of a s ofter kind . Monotonous as much of the Deccan mu s t he con fes s ed to be, few

portions of itcan be cal led uninteres ting . Sometimesthe traveller m ay go for miles and miles through an undulating country with poor features and l i ttle vegetation ; butel s ewhere bold ranges of hills , s teep ravines and richfores ts form a beautiful and attractive lands cape . Butthes cenery ofthe Ghats thems el ves

,with their rugged peak s of

bas al t often s carped downto makethe well-nigh impregnables trongholds of Maratha free-hooters , their rocks and fores ts,

DE S C R IPTION or THE BO M BAY p ans rnax cr . 7

and afterthe rain s their s tream s and waterfall s , leaves nothingto be des ired bythe lover of nature, except a cl imate that wil la llow him to enj oythe beauty that meets his eye .

Generally speaking,the r ivers ofthe Deccan are ragingtortrent s for a few month s ofthe y ear , and notmuch more than-dry beds forthe res t . But nearthe coas t the r ivers are for

the mos t part tidal s tream s , and are much u s ed for navigartion ; while they afford fertil ity to the pictures que countrythrough whichthey take thei r cour s e. Next to the Indus ,the mos t important r ivers that fall in to the Oceanarethe Narbada and Tripti, that flow half acros s Ind ia fromthe Central Prov inces and empty themselves into the s ea atB roach and Suratin Guzarat. Of thos e that take the con

trarv cours e from the Ghats tothe B ay of Bengal the chiefare the Godawari and the Kri shna, with its tributary theBhima. Towns and v illages are metw ith every few miles ,tho s e in the Deccan having s trong walls that were onceneeded for their protection . The people have ever soughtthes ecuri ty that a community afford s , andthe tradit ional cu s tomhas s urvived afte r its neces s ity has di s appeared . Farmhousesand cottages s cattered about l ike tho s e in England are neverto be s een i nIndia .

Four languages bes ides H industr’

tni are s poken inthe Pres ideney . In S ind the language is Sindi , i n which the Pers ianand H indus tani elements predominate in Guz aratGuzarati,the language S poken by the Pars i s , i n which a Pers ian colouring is laid upon a S ainskritfoundat ion ; i n the Konkan and

the Deccan, except inthe extreme south and eas t, Marathi ,which , ofall Indian languages , bears the clo s es t res emblancetothe S inskritfrom which i t has s prung, the characters inwhich cing almos t unal tered . The country invwhich Oken is commonly known as Maharashtra,

8 H I S TO R Y or THE BO M BAY ransmnx cr .

a name which covers a large area in the Central Provinces ,Central India, Barar and Hydarabad , bes ides the Marathis peaking dis tricts of B ombay . All thes e tongues are Aryan.

and have a certain family likenes s ; but inthe s outh and eastofthe Pres idency i s s poken Kanares e, a language which has

noth ing in common with any Aryan tongue . Itbelongs to»the group , largely u s ed in Southern India

,ich is known ;

as Drav idian , and includes Taim il and Telagu . H indus tani isnowhere in Bombay the vernacular language of the people,buti t is s poken generally by Muhammadans

,is a kind of

l ingua franca which the traveller m ay find erstood totSome extent wherever he goes . And by a ki of traditiow(dating from the era of M us s alm z

’

m conqu that i t isneces s ar ilythe language of the rul ing race, arz

’tthas con

stantly reply to a European in a patois whi they bel ieve

to be H indu s tanito a ques tion which may be ed in the '

pures t Marathi . H indus tani is a language of mparativelymodern growth thats p rang up in the armies f the earlv

Moghal invaders , and is properly known as du, or thelanguage of the camp . S rinskritis s poken ly in thehous eholds of educated Brahmans , and Pers ian has a l ike us e

among Muhammadans while now all nat ives with any pre

tence to education have a fair knowledge of glish . I n

Bombay i ts elfthe languages s poken m avbe co bv thes core .

I I .

—DES CRIPTION OF THE PEOPLE .

HE Bri tis h Em pire in India contains a population of mo rethan 2 53 mill ion s , exclu s i ve ofthe new acqui s ition of

Upper Burma (Burmah) . Ofthetwenty-th ree mill ions and a

quarter thatinhabi t the Bombay Pres idency , are in

Perim and Aden, and nearly s even m il l ions in the Nat iveStates of the Pres idency . The population of the B rit i s hdis tri cts includes H indus

,M uham

m adans,

J ains , Chri stian s , S ikh s, .

Pars is,hal f a million fores t or aboriginal tribes , and

of other rel igions , chiefly Jew s . Fou r-fifths Of thepopulat ion Of I ndia are directly under B ritis h rule , andthe rcm aining one-fifth is comp ris ed in the p rotected NativeS tates . The admin is tration of thes e states is c los ely

s upervis ed by B ri tis h pol itical officers , and tends moreand more nearly to res emble that of B ritis h India. Of

this immen s e mas s of people the great majority , includingallthe H indus and mos t ofthe Muhammadan s , are des cendedfrom thos e Aryan tribes who, before the dawn of h is tory , .

dwel t in the highlands of Central A s ia withthe forefathers .

of Latins,Teutons , and Scandinavians . Schoolboys are

now taught notthat Latin words are derived from Greek or

Greek from S zinskrit, butthat all al ike have Sprung from thatcommon parent language wh ich was s poken bythe ances tors

10 H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY PR ES IDENC Y .

both of I l indus and Englishmen in their original home,before s ucces s ive wave s broke Off from the population tofound colonies in India, G reece, and I taly . Ithas been shownbythe s cience of philology how farthe language had grownrup before there was any s eparation of the family atall, andatwhats tage of their wanderings each different wave of

colonis ts s plit up into group s which s ettled down and grew upinto nations . Thos e who turned s outhward s to India hadthe leas t dis tance to go from their common home . Theirlanguage has undergonethe leas t modification , andthe s peechofthe Maratha peas an t comes neares ttothe originaltongue ofh is and our Aryan foref athers ,Some twelve mill ions Of the total population Of India

con s is t of people commonly known as aboriginal tribes .

Their forefather s were already in India beforethe Aryan invas ion

,and of any earl ier inhab itant s of the country we have

no knowledge atall. Thes e are w ild and savage tribes ,barely reclaimed from barbar ism . They are s cat tered widely

«Over the country,but all have s om e res emblance to each

other i n phys i cal features , language , and hab its . Though allof them are of a very low type of humani ty, s ome fromc ontact with H induism have advanced to a smal l degree of

c iv il is ation,pos s es s habitations , and cultivate land . Others

,

eof whom in a long s er ies of generation s the Hindus could makeab s olutely nothing, the B ritis h Government has enrolled as

s oldiers and pol ice ; and w ith j udiciou s gifts Of s eed and cattlehas induced them to s ettle down on land that has al s o been a

gift . O thers again are still virtually in their original s tate' Of s avagedom ,

and l ive in the depth s of fores ts whos e

mox ious vapour s bring death to other races . They wanderf rom place to place, s upporting them s el ves as bes t they can

by the chas e, or bythe wild roots and berries of the j ungle.

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1 2 H I S TO R Y or THE BO M BAY PR ES IDENC Y .

while, as with modern nat ives Of India,the various degrees of

relation ship were marked outwith wonderful elaboration .

Far from leading a nom adic l ifethey dwelttogether in townsand v illages and w i th the increas e of populationthe familiesgrew into clan s and tribes which formed atleas tthe bas is of

the pres ent sys tem of cas te . The whole were s ubj ectsto a kingwho had pries ts and s oldiers as his counci llors , Buttheirk ings were no ab s olute and irres pon s ib le monarch s

,for there

were codes of laws carefully d rawn up . The people were notdependent onthe chas e for food . They had reachedthat stagein civil i s ation in which m en plough the field s and s owthes eeds thatthey m ay reapthe crop , and s pin wool and flax tomakethem s el ves clothes . Deeply impres s ed with the m ystery Of creationthey wor shipped in many form s the MakerOf the Univers e, and reverencedthe pries ts that directedthewors hip .

H ow manvyear s have pas s ed s ince thes e people left theirold hom es to sweep downthrough the narrow and dangerousmountain pas s es upon the land of the five r ivers itis impos s ibleto s ay. I t is p robable that the work Of conques t

took a longtim e and was advanced by many expeditions , whilethe firs t arr ivals w ould come as s ettlers ratherthan as con

querors . A t the t ime of the conques t i t is uncertain howfar the divi s ion into cas te had been developed but i t is clear

that from the earl ies t times the Aryans had in their deepveneration forthe s anctity ofthe family a s trong predis pos it ion to a sys tem of that nature . Their contact with theoriginal tribes of India could notbut have the effectof

enorm ou s ly strengthening and developing s uch a sy s tem , bothfor purpos es of defence and offence ; and more es peciallytopreventthe contaminationthat would come to their race byunion with thos e beyond their caste . Their close organisa

0D E S C R I PTION OF TH E PEOPLE . l o

tion m ay have enabledthem to c rus h with comparat ive eas e

all res istance onthe part ofthe inhabitants and by a more

o r les s g radual p roces s , of wh ich no detail s whatever havec ome downto u s , they extended their conques t th roughoutthe country, driv ing backthe aboriginal peopletothe depth so fthe j ungles andthei r fas tnes s es on hill s and m ountains .

For the fi rs t in formation thatex is ts aboutthe H indus i nIndia we mu stlooktothe religiou s poem s ofthe Wed s (Vedas )«compos ed from tim etotim e

,and compiled into four book s at

perhap s 2 000 B . C . Thes e are not, and were probably neverintendedto be, hi s toric record s ; butwhile all thei r des cription s of king s and queen s and their m agnificent palaces are

purely imaginary and fanciful,the Wed s yetgive a general

idea Ofthe state to which the people had advanced . \Vhenthe comp ilation was made, the Aryan s had form ed them s el vesinto variou s k ingdom s , and were divided into the two chief

s ections ofthe s olar and lunar races , the great war betweenwhich form s the epic of the M ahzibli zirat. Of the variou sdynasties the more importantwere atOudh and M egadha in

B engal . The union of castes , which had s ufficed to crus hthe res is tance ofthe aboriginaltribes , had w ith the neces s itycau s ed by that res istance ceas ed to hol d together its com

ponentunits . Itis evidentthatone of the mos t markedfeatu res ofthe H indu character was then, as ithas ever been,the inabilitvto form anvpol itical comb ination otherwis ethan

~ for mere temporary purpos es . From the hvm ns of the B igVVed itappears thatthe or iginal four cas tes , which form thefoundation of the p res entcompl icated structu re

,whenever

they m ay have fi rstbegun, were then exi sting in a c learlydefined form . All al ike were born from B rahmathe C reator,the h ighestcas te or B rahm ans s pringing from his mouth , the‘

Kshatry a (here cal led R ajanya) from his arm s,the Waishya

1 4 H IS TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S ID ENC Y .

from his th igh , the Sudra from his feet . But the Rig-Vl ' edfgives no hint ofthe immeas urable s upremacy ofthe B rahman.

andthe corres ponding degradat ion ofthe Sudra, which s prang

up later on, and i n s pite Of a long period of organis ed res istance has continued until now . Notw ith s tandingthe claim s OfRajputs and s ome few others to belongtothe Kshatrya cas te,and Of s ome merchants who repres entthem s elves as Waishyas ,

both thes e cas tes have practicallv ceas edto be. The s t ringentordinances ofthe B rahmans have enabled them to pres ervetheir l ineage in its purity ,

whilethe Sudras have s pli t up intoa multitude of cas tes , s om e Of which are p ractical ly guilds orcrafts

,all al ike maintaining a s tric t rel igiou s exclu s ivenes s .

To Europeans the system m ay appear an intolerable oppre s

s ion ; but itdoes nots eem to be felts o even by the lowestcas tes Of r eal H indu s , who, while looking up tothe B rahman.

as the repre s entati ve of God on ear th ,feel elevated rather

bythe s ancti ty of their own cas te, than humil iated by theexi s tence of other cas tes higher i n the rel igiou s scale .

Natives of India, i t has been s tated , have no national i ty and

no name for them s el ves as a peOple : the fact is that thefunction s of nationality have been u s urped by cas te . A chil d .

is b rought up w ith the idea s trongly developed i n everv

pos s ible waythat he is a membe r of his particular cas te, theidea of any higher uni t in the s cale Of humanity neverenter ing his head . A parallel would em s t if i n Englanda boy were to grow up by caste a mas on or a carpenter ,feel ingthat all his world was l imitedto his fellow cas te-people,and having no not ion Of his national ity as an Engl ishman .

TOthe H indu all beyondthe l imits of his cas te are beyondthe reach of his sympathy . H e m ay, of cours e, have deal ingsw i th them inthe way of buying and s ell ing andthe ordinarybusiness of l ife ; but to eatwith an outs ider involves defile

D E S C R I PTI OX OE TH E PEOPL E . 1 5

m ent from which he can only be clean s ed bv heavv fines and

hars h penance. Marriage w ith s uch an one, even if pos s ible ,i nvol ves expul s ion from the cas te, together w ith all that forthe H indu m akes l ife worth l iv ing . Excommun ication totheRoman Cathol ic is a bitterthing ; bitterer farto the H indu ,

for whom every incident of his daily l ife is a rel igiou s ord inance . Accustomed as he is from his youth upto thes e ex

aggerated notions ofthe paramount importance of cas te, i t isl ittle wonder that in a land Of s uch vas t s ize cas te has leftno room for any developement of nat ionality . The bonds of

cas te,ins tead of binding together the H indu s into a nat ion,

have made s uch a union impos s ible, and rendered them an.

easy p reyto every invader.

At an interval which has been cal culated ats ix hundred.

years afterthe compilation ofthe“fed s , there was written a

very curious book cal led the ins titutes of M ann . I t contained an elaborate sy s tem of s ocial and rel igious pol ity withlaws for m en of each profes s ion or occupat ion, fromthe princetothe peasant . There had been a con s iderable advance i nc ivil is ation s ince the time Of the Weds , and the picture otH indu s ociety , as i t exis ted three thou s and years ago, s carcelvdiffers from that which Engli shmen found in India when thehou s e Of S tuart reigned in England . Itis hardto s ay whetheritis a more wonderful th ing thatwhile Europe was s teeped inbarbarism the H indu had already arr ived ats uch an advanceds tage of civil is ation, orthatm en

,who had already done s o

m uch , s hould s eemingly have los t the power Of doing more .

The laws of M ann show that the H indus had acquired a

thorough knowledge Of the s cience Of trading . Bankingin nearly all its modern branches , book -keep ing by doubleand s ingle entry, s imple and compound interes t , bills of e x

change and insurances , were intimatelv known , though neither

716 H I S TOR Y OF TH E B O M BAY P R E S IDENC Y.

then nor now had they arrived atthatimmen s e convenience of modern banking , the u s e of a cheque-book . The

bond s of caste had been, drawn much clos er bythe time whenM ann d rew up his codes . The B rahmans formedthe higherorders of hereditary pr ies thood ,

though then as now i t was

pos s ible for m en of other castesto give up the cares of thi s

w orld and enter infer ior orders , or become as ceti cs and devotees .

The B rahmans expounded the s acred books and performeda llthe ch ief rel igiou s offi ces , naming the people, marryingithem , and perform ing their funeral rites ; and throughouttheir l ife they acted as thei r Spir i tual guides . A s trology wasrpartof their functions , and no orthodox H indu could s etouton a journey ,

or undertake any Inportantbu s ines s withoutcons ulting a B rahman as to a favou rable conj unction of theplanets . Under the law s f

‘

of M ann there were the mostodiou s dis tinctions between B rahmans and Sudras . I f a

Sudra s aton the s am e s eatas a B rahman he was ex iledtor was b randed upon his body ; if he ins ulted one of themh is tongue was s l it if he moles ted one he was putto deathif he learntthe s acred book s he s u fferedthe s ame fate, but ifhe was murdered bv a B rahman the penal ty was the s ame

a s that for killing a

'

dog, a cat, or a crow . A labourer was bvlaw forbidden to accumulate wealth , nor could even hismas ter give him freedom , for of a s tate which is natural tohim

,by whom can he be dives ted

The Kshatryas werethe s oldiers buttheir caste has ceasedto exi st, and s old iers are enlis ted from any cas te

,including

B rahmans , whether inthe B ri t ish s ervice or inthe armies of

native p rinces . B utthe hereditary p rinciple in mil itaryemployments urvivedthe extinction ofthe cas te, and amongthe Marathas and others the Commander- in-Chief of thea rmy was s ucceeded by his son as much by amattcr of cours e

D E S C R I PT ION OP TH E PEOPLE . 7

as the pol iti cal p riv ileges of an English peer descend to hisheir. Tothe Waishya cas te belonged the profes s ional and

higher degrees of trade, and lawyers , bankers , clerk s , agents ,and such l ike were members of the order . But while thehumbler cas tes or guilds have remained intact, there hasbeen much change inthe higher ones and as any one can be

come a s oldier, s o there is nothingto preventhis becoming a

phy s ician,lawyer, or s cribe .

The fourth,or Sudra caste, emb racedthe lower class es of

trader s , farmers , culti vators , and art is an s . B utthough theword Sudra is u s ed now as a col lective term for thes e clas ses

,

itcan hardly be s aidto be a cas te, and no native would replywhen asked abouthis cas te that he was a Sudra. Goldsmith s , black smith s , carpenters , weavers , and multitudes of

o thers , who are undoubted Sudras , form ab solutely independ ent and exclu s ive castes ; as do others als o

,the Wainis , for

in s tance, or Banyas (grain merchants and money- lenders ) whol ike to rep resent them s el ve s as members ofthe Waishya cas tebut are nothing more than Sudras . A l l these and manyo thers are good H indu s . After them come outcas tes , who

however by no mean s con s entto an equal i ty between thems elves

,but strictly pres erve their own individual distinctions .

Chief among thes e are tanner s , leather-dres s ers , and shoem akers

,any pers on s working in leather being particularly

repuls ive to the H indu . Englishmen commonly speak of

outcasteS ’

as Pariahs , butthe word is notu s ed by natives inthat s ens e. Pahar ias are wild hill people, from Pahar,

”

a hill , and itis only by Europeans thatthe us e Of the wordhas been extended to others . The native word for cas te isJat” which the Portugues e from its s imilar i ty to the Latin

cas tu s converted into caste.

-The affairs of each caste are administered by its elders in

I 8 H I STOR Y O F THE BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y.

conj unction on s olemn occas ion s with Brahman s , the SpecialObject being to prevent immoral ity andto res is t any breach

or neglect of caste rules . Punishments u s ually takethe formof fine and penance. Any harshnes s or c ruel ty is of cours epunishable by Bri tish law ; but appeal s are s eldom made

against cas te dec is ions, and on the whole the sys tem workswel l . I f a H indu is outcasted no lower cas te will receivehim ; thus the overwhelming impor tance of pres erving iatactthe neces s a1 y conditions of his l ife can hardly be appre

c is ted by thos e who have had no pers onal experience of

what this tremendous sy s tem involves . This control by cas te

forthe purpos es of check ing immoral ity and s ocial offences

has extended not only to M uhammadans , but also i n thesouth of India to Native Chris tians .

Though cas te and rel ig ion are notone andthe same, yetthe one more or less includes the other , and they are indissolubly bound up together . The H indu ’ s every actof dailyl ife is a rel igiou s Ob s ervance, depending upon what has beenwri tten in his s acred book s . H is ablution s and sanitaryOb servances are made not so much with any i dea of theirintrins ic‘

value as becau s e they have been ordained intheancient wr i tings of his religion . Rich H indu s s upport familyp riests ; but all , down to almostthe poores t, pos s es s familygods , by worsh ipping whom they con s tantly purify themselves for tak ing their meal s or going forth to their labour .

O s ten s ibly res ting thei r fai th on the trin ity Of Brahma,

W ishnu, and Shiwa —the creating , pres erving and destroyingdei ties—the H indus have set up a whole pantheon Of subordinate or local gods , each man or family putting an

unreserved and childlike trust in some particular tutelarydei ty . Faith so implicit and credulity so absolute couldhardly fail to degenerate into superstition ; and the H indu,

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2 0 H I S TO R Y OF THE BO M BAY P R E S I D I I N C Y .

its adherents m ore than any other faith before or s ince.

Prince Gautam a was b rought up inthe height of luxury he

receivedthe bes t education thatwas then poss ible ; and he

excel led in every manly Sport . Butthe mystery of l ife underwhichthe few had l ives of ease and pleas ure , whilethe mas s eshad no prospect butthat of ceas eles s toil throughout theirday s , deeply affected him . H e loathedthe fr ivol ity and vicewh ich he s aw on all s ides

,and he became convinced that in

the hollow precepts and vain ceremonies of the B rahmansthere was no help for m ankind . Overwhelmed w i th imm ea

s urable p ity and sorrow forthe toil ing m ill ions , he determinedto devote his l ifeto' the tas k of finding outs ome means by

which he m igh t heal their mis ery and dis eas e . Atthe age Of

twenty-eight the pr ince left his father ’

s palace and dweltalone inthe w i l dernes s , attaining s anctity as Sakya Muni

, or

the monk ,and pondering how he mightallev iatethe mas s of

human mis ery . G radually he worked outhis faith , and

emerging from the des ert as Buddha , orthe w i s e, he preachedthe gospel of divine grace for all al ike . The Brahman s thems elves could notanswer his arguments when he told themthat no m an

,whether p r ies t or layman

,m ight come between

his fellow-m an and his Maker ; he cru shed their preten s ionsto infall ibil ity andm ade w ar ontheir Opp res s ion and exclu s i venes s . H is doctrine, he s ai d

,was l ikethe sky, and had room

for all al ike , m en and women,boys and girl s , r ich and poor .

H e told them that as the r ivers that fall intothe Ganges lo s etheir own names and become one

, s o all that bel ieved in himceasedto be B rahman s , Kshatryas , VV

aiShyas , and Sudras . A she himsel f had renouncedthe r iches andthe pleasu res of th isworld , s o every one, he s aid

,mu s t s ubdue his pas s ions and re

nounce everything,even his own s elf. Each m an could make

his own del iverance, and by s ubduing all evil desires , and prae

DE S C R I PTION O F THE PEOPLE . 2 1

t is ing chari ty, Overcome earthly s in and sorrow, and atlastafterdeath obtain everlas ting rest by I

’

irwana or ab sorption into

the divine es s ence . A S each d rop inthe ocean form s par t of

i t , so each m an atlas t would form par t ofthe Creator him s elf.There was endles s hope for all . N o one could do more thandefer Nirwana for him s elf, though itmight be ages and agesbefore he eventually attained it. Ful l of l ove and sympathyfor all

,he called down no imprecations and threatened no

future punishment for those who di sbel ieved in him ; s in, he

s aid , was i ts own punishment , v irtue i t s own reward . H e

laid infinite s tres s on each man ’

s capability for good or evi l ;prayer was of no more avai l than p ries tly mediat ion , each

m an was to work outhis own s al vation by his l ife and deeds .

The attrac tion s of N irw z’

ina might s eem s canty as comparedwiththe promises madeto their dis ciples by founders of otherreligions . N i rwana was neither l ife nor death itwasto be onew ith life yetnotto l i ve , to be bles t by ceas ingto be . Buddhismwas , in fact , a melancholy negative bas ed upon an exaggeratedview Ofthe m i s eries of mank ind , and an inabil ityto look uponthe brighter S i de of human affairs . I t had no conception ofthequiet happines s that may be attained in a Chri stian hous ehold ; i t s aw nothing but gros s pleas ures onthe one s ide and

helpless mis ery onthe other . I t as s umed thatthe world waswholly evil , and aimed ata total emancipation from itsbondage . For three centur ies this theory made its way withwonderful s uccess the as cendancy of the B rahman pries thood seemed overthrown for ever ; and though it did not interfere with the res trictions of cas te , so long as they wereharmless and inoffens ive, yetBuddhi sm undoubtedly madethepeople freer and les s exclus i ve . For three centuries i t grewin India and Spreadto China and Ceylon , and atlength Asoka,the powerful king of M egadha, who had made enormous sacri

2 2 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

fices tothe B rahmanical gods, made i t the s tate rel igion , andB rahmanism s eemed atan end. But its union withthe statewas no s ource of s trength tothe Buddhis t Church . In s teadofres ting upon an independent foundat ion , i t allowed i ts elf to besupported by the civi l power and when the kingdom Of

M egadha, under s uccess ive dynas ties, crumbled away and

could no longer maintainthe s tate church,the end of Bud

dhism as a predominant religion was assured . Inthe fourthcentury of our era Brahmani sm was again rais ing its head ,and two centuries later i t reattained i ts s upremacy, which i thas never again los t . The gentle and lov ing though sombrecreed of Buddha pas sed away, andthe grotes que pantheonwith gods

,demi-gods, miracles , heaven s and hells , splendid

festival s ; and l itu rgies —whichthe Brahman s had p inned ontothe s imple fai th oftheWeds became againthe rel igion oftheland. Some princes indeed were s trong enough to pres erveBuddhism for s everal centuries , and a s ect called the Jain s,who are numerous in Wes tern India, are in some res pects sue .

ces s ors ofthe Buddhis ts to this day. Many ofthe Buddhi s ttenets are incorporated intothe teachin g s of th is sect, whichdenies the exclusive supremacy ofthe B rahmans

,but which ,

though formed as a protes t agains t exclu siveness, i s i ts elf as

exclu s i ve as any. Another offshoot from or thodox H induism

arethe Lingayats , who aros e inthe Deccan inthe 1 1th cen

tury A .D . They al s o rej ect the mini s tration of the Brahmans and wor shipthe phal l i c emblem (the l inga) and thebull . Inthe cas e of thes e revol ts again s t cas te and exclusive

nes s, as in thos e made by the Sikhs of the Panjab in theseventeenth century and s imilar religiou s movements inother parts of the world , the new sect has but imposed

upon its elf the very same fetters as thos e agains t which it

rebelled .

DE S C R I PTION OE THE PE OPL E . 23

I t has been statedthat withthe H indu everything that hedoes is connected w ith his relig ion . This , of cours e, includeswhat he eat s and drink s , and the manner in which hetakes his meal s . B rahman s eatno meat, but l ive on grain ,vegetables , milk , and sweetmeats , their food being alwayscooked and thei r water brought by some one of thei rown cas te . While tak ing their food they may only wear

a dhotar or piece of cloth folded round the loin s, a

rule which they find extremely inconvenient when bu s inesstakes them to the hills inthe cold weather . Marathas ando ther clas ses of Hindu s eatmeat, but rather as a luxury thana s an ordinary rule, never eat ingthe cow becaus e i t i s sacred ,orthe pig becau s e itis unclean . A t their meal s the H indu sare unsociable inthe highes t degree . Women never e atwithm en, noteven the wife with her husband . The wel l-to-doH indu general ly s it s downto his meal in a smal l and dingyroom

,with his leg s fol ded under him , on a s quare board

rais ed three or four inches fromthe cow-dunged floor, whilea tray on which are variou s brass or s ilver pots contaihingthe s everal portions of his meal is placed before him on hiss eat

,The u s e of a knife, fork and s poon is unknown, the

hands only being employed .

The proper co s tume of the H indu con s is ts of two broadp ieces of cotton cloth one of which , cal ledthe dhotar, i s foldedroundthe wai s t , reaching wel l belowthe knee , andthe end ofi t pas s ed betweenthe legs and secured to the wais t behindthe other is thrown over the soulders

,a paggri or turban

completingthe co s tume . But H indus now generally wearoverthe dhotar a tunic model led on that which Muhammadanswear over their loos e drawers or trows ers . Shoes or s andal sare properly never worn i n the houSe ; but there i s s omelatitude i n the ob s ervance of this cus tom . Mo s t natives

2 4: H I S TO R Y OP TH E BO M BAY PR ES IDENC Y .

s have par ts of their heads i n s tyles vary ing w iththe difi’erentcastes . B rahmans shave all but a pig-tail which is allowedto grow to its natural length from the (upper part of theback of the head . To uncover the head in the presenceof a superior, whether i n or outof the hou s e, is a mark of

disres pect , unles s it is meant as a S ign of the m os t intens ehumility, i n order to Obtai n a reques t . The hous es of

ordinary H indus or Muhammadans are furni shed in themos t simple style, if indeed they can be sai dto be furnishedatall . There are no chairs or tables ; a carpet w ith a m attress Or some p illows covered with white cloth form s suffi cientaccommodation for the household to S itupon by day and

s leep upon by night , a rough charpoy or bedstead being

somet imes u s ed . Even for wri ting chairs and tables are un

know n , H indus s i t ting down on the ground withtheir legsfolded under them in a way that would be impos s ible forEuropeans, their w riting m ater ial s being placed on theground in front of them . In mos t of thes e cus toms theMuhammadan s res emblethe H indus , ex cept thatthere is no

l imitationtothe clothes that they m ay wear when takingtheir meal s . Inthe t imes OftheWedsthe seclu s ion of women

does not s eem to have been known, but mos t of the upperclas ses of H indus , influenced in great meas ure by M uhamm a

dan fashions, generally follow this custom . But i t is notunivers ally or uniformly adhered to

, and inthe Deccan amongthe B rahmans and Marathas, i t i s often only nominallyObserved . I t has not prevented ladies of rank emerging from

time to t ime from their seclus ion,and taking prominent

places in Indian his tory . But i t mu s t be confes s ed that

onthe wholethe H indu ’

s not ions onthe s ubjectof marriageare diametrically oppos ed to thos e of the Englishman .

Marriages amongs t H indus, and Muhammadan s also, are

DE S C R I PTION OF THE PEOPL E . 2 5

arranged bythe parents of the bride and bridegroom whilethose chiefly concerned are mere children , without theiri nclinations being consulted inthe leas t . I f a H indu womanlos es her husband , which m ay happen before ei ther he or she

is grown up , She has to pas s the res t of her l ife,atall events

inthe higher cas tes , in enforced widow-hood , and i s obliged todo allthe drudgery ofthe hou s ehold and undergo every kind

of degradation . Often a young girl of twel ve becomes thebride of a widower four or five times her age withthe cer tainprospect in the ordinary cours e of nature of occupying thi sdespised position forthe greater part of her l ife . In truth ,

the fate of a H indu widow of the higher cas tes s eem s hardlyhapp ier now than inthe Old days when she was forced onthedeath of her hu sband to cas t her s elf upon his burn ing pyre

,

beforethe B ri tish Government put an endto the infamousr ite of sat i . Polygamy is not in the wes t of India followedto any great extent , but there is nothingto h inderthe tak ingof a second or even a third wife by a man who is able tos uppor t her .

III .—EARLY HINDU CIVILI SATION .

OR a series of generations the H indus were suffered toSpread themselves all over India and develope their

civilis ation pret ty much into its pres ent shape, without letorhindrance from any but the aboriginal dwel lers of the land .

The time however was to come when other nations shouldattempt, one afterthe other with varying success, to wrestfrom them the sovereignty over their r ich and fertilelands . The firs t recorded invas ion was that of thegreat Pers ian king Dar iu s , about half a century after Buddhap reached and taught his law . H is army is said to havereached the Indus and s ailed down to the s ea, and thencemade i ts way back to Persia. About two centuries laterAlexander the Great led his s oldiers acros s the ruggedm ountains of the H indu Kush and through the gloomy

pas ses of Afghanis tan intothe Panjab and cro s sedthe IndusatAtak . A fter being hospitably entertained by the rulerof the country he advanced acros s the Jhelam , and defeatedk ing Porus who was ruler ofthe land as far as Delhi . Goingon as far as the S atlej the conquerer hoped within a few daysto s ee the Ganges ; but his army, which is sai d to have

numbered more than a hundred thou sand men, refus ed to

march further on his errand of exploration and conques t .

S o Alexander was forced to return home by the routechos en bythe s oldiers of Dariu s , though he left behind inthePanjabthe s o-called Greek kingdom of Bactria, which lasted

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28 H I S TOR Y OP THE BO M BAY P R E S IDE N C Y .

the exclus ivenes s of the H indus . Traffi c grew up betweenhis great city of Alexandria and Indian ports ; Greek and

Pers ian merchants vis i ted and s oj ourned in var iou s partsof India. An attempt was made by S eleukos

,the general of

Alexander, to complete his leader’ s s cheme of conques t ; buti t was un s ucces s ful , and onthe ens uance of peace he s entthephilosopher M egasthenes tothe city of P alibothra or Patna

,

the capital ofthe great B engal k ingdom of M egadha. The

ruler of M egadha was then Chandra Gupta, who had been a

s oldier i n the army of Porus . The Greek philo sopher, inthos e of his memoirs which have s urvived, gives a most interesting account of the rule of this monarch of whom he

s peak s in term s of high prais e. Under his sway H indus tan,

and other par ts of India were cons ol idated into one kingdom ,

commerce was increas ed by land and s ea , and Java and S iamw ere coloni s ed by H indus . Of .the road s and r es t -hou s es, andOf the police M egasthenes could notSpeaktoo highly .

Buddhism was atthis t ime gainn s trength, andthe greatand wise A s oka, the grands on of Chandra Gupta, became forBuddhism what Con s tant ine was afterwards for Chris tianity .

This enl ightened m onarch, as is known fromthe Bali ins cript ions on rocks and p illars from Or is s a to Kabul , ins t itutedpopular cour ts of j us tice, extended roads and traffic

,and,

probably from G reek ideas , introduced architecture and

s culpture for religiou s and publ ic buildings . B efore his t imethe most populous cities had nothing more perm anent than :clay or wooden dwell ings , no traces of which s urvive.

A tthe death of A s oka the k ingdom of M egadha fel l to

pieces , and from that period up tothe commencement of theM ubammadan invas ions of Indiathe only event that can be

said to be of interes t to any butprofes sed his torical s tudentsisthe gradual decl ine of Buddhism . Roughly speaking, it may

EAR LY H I N D U 29

be s tated thatthroughout Northern India there exis ted a

number of dynas ties , the strongestof whom for the t imebeing ass umedthe t itle of Maharaj A dl ra3, or Emperor of

India ; that s ome of thes e lasted for a longer, others for a

s horter peri od ; that they rested upon force or cunning, thes ucces s or failure ofthe r ival claimantsto power being achieved

onthe s imple pr inciple by which the people that followedOmri prevailed agains tthemthat followed Tibni, s o Tibni d iedand Omr i reigned .

” “Thathas been said of Nor thern Indiam ay be applied al s oto Southern Ind ia . Variou s s tates ex i stedw h ich pos s es s ed no confederation

,no sympathy, and no com

mon bond of union, butwh ich , onthe contrary , waged a per

petual war for s upremacy . B utthe country was populou s andwel l t illed, village communities flourished , and the s ea was

freely u s ed for commerce . Forthe fi rs t s i x centuries of theChri s tian era the Jain faith was the p redominant one , and itsvotar ies built temples of much arch itectural sk ill and beauty .

School s were founded and education encouraged and c ivil is ation in general appears to have kep t pace with that of thenorth . Butthe s chool s and educat ion were for the B rahm an s , andthe Sudras merely exi sted fortheir benefi t .

Throughoutthe long s eries of war s and conquests andthe r iseand fall of s ucces s ive dy nasties one rem arkable in s t itution continned to flouri s h , unaffected by any change of rulers . This wasthe sys tem of s elf-governing village communit ies , which appearsto have been a recogni s ed feature in Aryan political ex istencefromthe earl ies t times . Each village m ay be regarded as a

m iniature s tate ,the whole land of the country being attachedto s ome one v illage or another . The boundaries of all theland s , except inacces s ibletracts , were carefully m arked outandthe plots or field s into whichthe country was divided knowneach by its own name . The owner of each particular

'

field was

30 H I STORY or THE BO M BAY PR E S ID ENC Y .

i ntens ely j ealou s of encroachment on hisj

dand, and there were,of cours e

,con stant disputes as to right of pos s es s ion . This

divis ion of the land has been carefully pres erved by theB riti sh Government ,the whole country hav ing been elaboratelysurveyed, map s of each village prepared, and boundary mark serected for each field . Butthe ownership of land has neverbeen regarded as ab s olute, in the s ame s en s e that i t hasb een in England , I t has always been conjointly held by

the landlord and the tenant, the landlord in nearly thewhole of the Bombay Pres idency being the Government,andthetenure s tyled ryotwar, the tenant or cultivator beingknown as the ryot . The ryot is not a tenant atw i ll, he isthehereditary occupant ofthe land andthe Government cannoteject him a s long as he pays the rent or tax for his fiel d whichis as ses s ed for a per iod ofthirty years . This was notinvariablythe cas e, there having been a clas s of tenant s called Upris ,who under native rule held their lands on s uch term s as Government might impos e from v ear to year, as dis tinguished

fromthe M iras dars or part propr ietors above des cr ibed . B utthroughout Maharashtra the par t p rop rietors were alwaysm uch more numerou s thanthe tenant s -at-will

,and i t seem s

probable that original ly allthe land was hel d by them, thei nferior tenure only coming in as the old propr ietors weredi s turbed bythe Muhammadans . The mat ter is atpres entofno practical importance, for by the term s of the SurveyS ettlement the Bri tish Government has s ecured the higherr igh t to all al ike. Each ryot has a s eparate s ettlem ent withGovernment, terminable bythe cultivator atthe exp irationof each year

,but by Government only on his failureto paythe

asses sment which is fixed ata uniform amount for thirtyyears . The cultivator may sell, let, or mortgage his rightof occupancy, and atthe end ofthe thirty years he has an

EAR LY H INDU crvrm sar iox . 31

ab s olute right tothe renewal of the leas e atrevi sed rates,fixed notwith reference to any improvement s that he hasmade, but by general con s iderations ofthe i ncreas ed value of

land inthe dis tr ict, owing to the ris e of pr ices or facilities

of communication . S o the old distinction between M irasdars and Upris i s a thing ofthe pas t, andthe original sys temof the H indu Government of givingthe whole land in mirasi s again in force . Under this sys temthe obs olute ownership

of the land can be said to rest nei ther withthe Governmentnor with the ryot ; itis shared between the two, an ideas trange as i t m ay appear to European s , familiarto allH indus .An ignorance of this fact caused the fatal mis take of LordCornwall is i n Bengal , who in his permanent s ettlementconferredthe owner sh ip of the land permanently and ab s olutelyon the Zemindars

,i n im i tation of the landlord sys tem of

Great B ri tain ; thus robbing the cultivators of their r ights ,and dis counting the future claims of the state upon therevenues of the land . Such errors have fortunately beenavoided in Bombay, where the prin ciple atthe root of thematter has been thoroughly gras ped and its work ing sys

tematis ed. A certain amount of land, especially in theDeccan , has been what is cal led al ienated , that is for servicesdone tothe s tatethe Mu s s alman or Maratha rulers gave upthe whole or a portion of their claim s to a v illage or villagesas a reward in perpetuity to a s ucces s ful soldier or s tatesman .

But in thi s case no change takes place inthe pos i t ion of theryot, aad under the Survey Settlement ,the whole of theassessment is collected by Government and handed over inwhole or part as the case may be tothe I neimdar, or des cendant ofthe person to whomthe land was originally granted .

Under this tenure of land, in conj unction withthe systemof caste, the independent and self-containing nature of the

32 H I S TO R Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

village community can wel l be imagined . The v illage was

ruled by its headman or Patil , an offi cer elected bythe landholders ofthe v illage for a term of year s or for l ife, and whohad a subordinate es tablishment to aid him in managing thevillage affai rs . The Patil i s a man of action rather thanlearning and in order to keepthe v illage accounts and carry

on such corres pondence as may be necess ary, the v illage

posses s es an hereditary accountant calledthe Kulkarni , who isgenerally a B rahman . The Patil had an immediate as s i s tantcalled a C hawgla, but this offi cer i s no longer so general ly found .

B es ides thes ethe complete establ ishment for avillage original lycon s is ted of twenty-four persons of whom twelve were of

m aj or and twel ve of minor importance ; but in very few v il

lages was the es tablishment complete , All were hereditary

as far as their family was concerned , but subject to electionwithin its l imits . The mos t important of thes e were thecarpenter ,the black smith ,

the shoemaker, andthe M hzir, thelatter, though an outcas t

,hol ding a responsible pos i tion in the

vi llage. I t was his dutyto watch overthe boundaries of thevil lage lands and indiv idual fields and the growing crops,to look after travellers ’ hor s es and baggage, and bethe publ icm ess enger and guide . When the ryot has pai d his rent to

the Patil , andthe Kulkarni has regis tered i t in his account

books,i t i s the Mhar who has to carry i t to the nearest

Government treas ury . Next tothe M har was the Mang, oneofthe lowest outcas t races , who eatcarcas es of cattle thathave died of dis eas e. In old days he was the publ ic ex ecu

tioner, and he made the leather whip s and thongs used by

the cul tivators , Next came the potter and barber, thewasherman andthe trumpeter, the as trologer and the hard.

Evidently by a late addition the superior es tablis hment was

completed by aM uhammadanpriest, a very strange excrescence

EAR LY H INDU C IVI L I S AT ION . 33

onthe ancient Hindu village . Amongthe twel ve who werecons idered of les s importance were the butcher, the watercarrier, andthe oil-s el ler .

The Patil was as s isted by the res t of the es tablis hment indis chargingthe duties attachedto his office , and payment wasmade to each bythe community for his s ervices to it in land

,

m oney, or more commonly grain, each individual ’ s sharebeing fixed by the rules and regulat ion s ofthe village , The

twel vem en of m ajor impor tance were known as balutidars fromhalut, a handful of grain , in allus ion to the remuneration

due to them by the v il lagers . I n cas es of s erious dis putes

the Patil could s ummon a council of five or more, cal led a

panchayat, who form ed a k ind of j urv. I n s ome v illages theP .iti l had by grant or by u sagethe power of fine or impri

s onmentin criminal cas es , butas a general rule he had toreport such matters to a s uperior officer of Government . A s

intermediate agents betweenthe Pati l andthe E rija there werehereditary dis tric t officers , each in charge of a large numberof villages . They were general ly known as D eshmukhs and

D eshpands , latterly as s uming the title of Zem indzir ; and

they performed for their dis tri ct s duties correS poncling to

thos e of P zitils and Kulkarnis forthe v illages . \Vhile underB ritis h rule the v illage sy stem has

'

been retained , the dutiesof hereditary dis trict offi cers became more and more nominal

and they were finally relieved of all liability for future s erv iceon condition of paying a quit-rent on their hold ings , theremainder being granted to them as private property . But

the immens e value of the village sy s tem with es pecial reference

tothe P a’rtil, Kulkarni and Mhar was s o obvious , andthe harmthatwould accrue if the influence of Government over theP irtils or th eirs overthe people were once los t would be s o great,that the integri ty of the sy s tem has been jealou s ly guarded .

3

34 H I S TOR Y OF THE B O M BAY P R E S I D B N C Y .

The statu s ofthe Patil as revenue officer andthe res ponsiblehead of what is now known as the vil lage police is clearlydefined, and everything is done to support his dignity . H e

is no les s the agent of the Governmentthan the repres entat ive of the ryot . The v illage sy s tem exi s t s m os t v igorou s lyinthe Deccan , butin all part s ofthe Pres idency there is foreach v i llage a Patil , an accountant , and a m enial s ervant

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36 H I S TO R Y or TH E BO M BAY P R ES IDEN C Y .

Bas sora on the south -wes t of Pers ia, from which place in700 was des patched into Sindthe firstMuhammadan expedition again stIndia. Its s ucces s was only partial ; but it wasfol lowed up a few years later by a larger expedition which

,

under Kas im , nephew ofthe governor of Bas s ora . conq uered

Sind, and advancedtoMultan . Vl’

ithin fifty y ears of Kris im’

s

death the M uhammadans were expelled bythe Raj pu t s , and

the fame ofthe Arab invas ion s oon dw indled into a meretradit ion . This was notthe only uns ucces s ful enterpr i s e made bvthe M uhammadan s beforethe t ide turned which was to carrythe s upremacy of I s lam overthe length and breadth of India .

The as cendancy was of a religion rather than that of a

nat ional ity if, indeed , i t m ay notbe bette r des cribed as thatof a rel igiou s nationality which received into its elf everyone i rres pective of r ace or birth, who would as s enttothe form ula that there is but one God andMuhammad is his prophet .Noth ing cou ld be more radi cally Oppo s ed to H indu notion s

ofthe neces sary connection between religion and birth thana creed whi ch placedthe convert onterm s of ab solute rel igiousand s ocial equality w i ththos e born inthe faith . Cut off irre

vocably from his own cas te, the enthu s iasm for his new rel igion ofthe forcibly converted H indu often exceeded that of

its or iginal propagators . Christianity has s ignal ly failedtohave a l ike effect, for a H indu

,though he m ay become a

Christian, can no more becom e an E ngl ishm an than an

Engli shm an can become a H indu ; andthe convert to Christianity finds him s elf buttoo often an Obj ect of contempt aliketo his former caste-people, and to the cold un sympathi s ingEngli s hman .

The next s erious invas ion Ofthe Muhammadans was notfromthe s ea, but from their k ingdom of Ghazni in the Afghanm ountains , of which S abuktagin succeededtothe s overeignty

B s I‘

A B L I S HH B N'

I or M UHA M M ADAN R ULE . 37

i n A .D . 9 76 . This brave and skilful sold ier conquered firs tKandahar

,andthen Kashmir andthe Panjab, both of which

were underthe rule ofthe Hindu k ing J ay pal . S abuktagin,however, withdrewto Ghazni, and J ayp iil, aided bythe king sb f Delhi , Ajmir, and Kanauj , led agains t him a vas t army toavengethe invas ion oftheir territories . The MuhammadanC hieftain advanced to meet them , and crushed their unitedforces . H e took pos s es s ion of Peshawar

,and levied heavy

«contributions onthe country west ofthe Indus . H is son and

s ucces s or, the famou s i conoclast, Mahmoud of Ghazn i , inc itedbythe s tory of his father’ s v ictories , moved upon India i n

and,with a force num erical ly far infer iorto that Oppos ed

“to him ,infli cted another cru sh ing defeat on King J aypal

:andthe H indu Raja soughtdeath inthe flames ofthe funeralpyre which he had cau s ed to be prepared for him se lf.Mahmoud is said to have made no les s than th irteen invas ion s of India from Ghazni , his zeal for the destruction of

' i dols being atleastequalled by his thirs t for booty . H is

cruelty establ ished in the heart s of the H indu races a hatredof Muhammadan s wh ich has never been '

eradicated . Y etthey fai led to s ee that union was s trength and theirmutual r i valries and jealou s ies effectually p revented a coal i"tion which , with their vas t numbers , mighthave made themab s olutely i nvincible to any in vaders , whos oever they mightthe . The Ghaz nevide dynas ty of S abuktagin and Mahmoudl as ted for a century and a hal f

,during which time a more or

les s permanent garris on was leftinthe P anj zib butthe peoplew ere notyetconquered , andthe Muhamm adan s looked upon

India notas their home, bu t as an appanage of the ir Afghankingdom . In 1 186the r ival Muhammadan dynas ty of Ghor,a fter » a s truggle that had las ted for years

,swept awaythe

~G hazn i family, and M uhammad Ghori,the brother ofthe Sul

38 H I S T O R Y or TH"; BO M BAY P R I S I D r x eY .

tin of Ghor, overran the P anj zib, and after finally defeatingthe las t S ul tan of Ghazn i atLa’hur

,established his brother ’

s

government . In an age when each s ucces s ive rulerthoughthim s elf compelledto putto death all his relat ion s who m ightbe pos s ible p retenders to the throne, the fidel ity shown bvMuhammad to his brother , and his brother ’ s unbroken and

des erved confidence in him until Muhammad him s elf succeededtothe throne in 1 1 95 , are notunworthy of record . MuhammadGhor i laid the foundation of Muhamm adan rule in India .

H ither tothe Muhamm adans m erely form eel an army of occu

pation in a hostile country , but now the whole of H indus tanwas permanently s ubjugated and col oni s ed . Before his work ofconques t was completed Muhammad Ghor i m ade no les s thans ix campaigns from Ghazni . ; and in his third he was utterlydefeated by a combination of H indu R ajas , awake for am om entto their common danger . The danger pas s edthe com binat ion m el ted away andtwo years laterthe s am e battle field s awthe reputation of M uhamm ad Ghor i re-es tablished, and theKing of Delhi s lain . The conqueror retu rnedto Ghazni, leaving as V iceroy of D elh i, Kutab -ud-din,

who had been a s lave,and who afterwards became the fi rs t of the Slave k ing s ofDelhi . D uring his v i ceroyal ty Kutab advanced to A nhul

wara in Gujarat and defeated its king Bhim -D ew butbefore he coul d annex the k ingdom he was recalled by ordersfrom Ghazni . Muhamm ad Ghori occupied each dis trictthathe overran, and arranged for its admini s tration ; and his

earlv death alone p revented him from s eeing with his own

eyesthe firm es tabl ishm ent Ofthe Muhammadan empire whichhe had hadthe greates t share in founding .

Atthe time of his death three v iceroy s ruled in variou spart s of his po s s es s ion s . Kutab , the viceroy of Delhi , wasi nves ted as king bv Mahmoudthe nephew and succes sor of

E S TABL ISH M ENT or M UHA M M ADAN R ULE . 9

Muhammad Ghori . B y his abil ity and s trength of will Kutabmanaged to retain his hold upon allthe terr itories to which hes ucceeded . But in his s on ’

s reignthe viceroys of S ind and

Benga l ass um ed independence, and other chiefs fol lowed the irexample . I n this way dur ing the Slave and s ucceedingdynas ties India became parcel led outinto a number of M uham

madan and H indu States wh ich enjoyed a les s or greater degreeof independence , according as the nominally s uprem e powerwas wielded by a s trong or weak ruler . Some of thes e k ingdom s were s etup by rebell iou s viceroys , others were createdby the gi ft from the s overeign of port ion s ofthe empiretofavour i te minis ters . Wh ile s ome of thes e pas s ed away atonce and leftnoth ing to mark their ex i s tence, others becames trong and powerful, and even ri valled Delhi its elf. The

s er ies of Slave k ings ended in 1 288, and under thes e rulersIndia es caped a great danger, which threatened it on morethan one occas ion, of being altogether swamped by savagehordes ofmerciless marauders , who poured down fromthe was tesof Central Asia. C ommonlv known as Mongol s or M oghals ,

they were under the command of Jangiz Khan , a conquerorwhos e power was acknowledged fromthe c ity of Pekin to thebanks ofthe Volga. Thes e s avage tribes wer e pagans whohad not yetcome under the civilis ing influence of I slam ,

and who s e one objec t was to murder, des troy, and pl under .

They was ted India as far as Lahur and then withdrew toGhazni .The next dynasty after the Slave, known as the Khiljy

las ted only from 1 288to but it po s s ess es special im

por tance as under its rule Muhammadan conques t Spread - for

the firs t time in tothe Deccan . In order t o quel l a rebellion

in M ailw a, a province of Central India, which had been alreadybrought under Muhammadan sway, the k ing Jalal-ud-din

40 H I S TOR Y or TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

made an expedit ion against it,and reduced i tto obedience in

12 93 . For his exertion s in thi s campaign Alla-ud-din, thenephew of the king

, was rewarded by permis s ionto marchuponthe Deccan . H e conquered Ellichpur in Barar

,and

D ewgahr, now called Daolatabad , a place notfar fromAurangabad inthe N i zam ’s dominions . Sub s equently hy

’

themurder of his uncle A lla-ud-din became king of Delhi . In1 29 7 he s ent an exped ition into Guz arat, which , after agai ntaking A nhulwara, and plunderingthe rich city of Cambay

,

returned to Delh i . The beautiful wife of the H indu Ra’j a of

A nhnlwara becamethe br ide of A lla-ud-din . Inthe cours e ofhis reign he had to s end several expeditionsto D ewgahr tosupp res s rebell ion s and enforce payment of tribute , and one

of them pas s ing overthe Deccan and down intothe Konkan,

r eached the s ea-coast . Several Mongol invas ions wererepressed by Alla-ud-din . H e developed into a monsterof cruel ty, and was atlas t murdered in 132 1 .

The next dynasty '

atDelh i was that of Toghlak. Its secondk ing , Muhammad Toghlak, who united ex traordinary learningwith the dispos i t ion of the tiger, reigned from 1325 to 1 351 .

H e subj ugated mo s t of the Deccan, and brought Guz aratunder h i s dominion . H e preferred the Deccanto NorthernIndia

,and moved his capital from Delh i to D ewgahr . The

latter partof his reign was taken Up in cru sh ing or attempting to cru sh a series of rebel l ions provoked by his atrociou s

cruelty . But under hi s rule the Muhammadan empire i nIndia reached a l imit which was notexceeded til l the em

peror Aurangzeb b rought almo s t the whole of India beneathhis i ron rule . I n Wes tern India I s lam was now s upremethrough Guzarat, and D ewgahr with its dependencies extended wes t to the s ea-coas t . Barar and mos t of the EasternDeccan, that is now Hvdarabad, withthe cities of Rai chur

,

E S TABLI S H M ENT Or M UHA M M ADAN R UL E . 4 1

Mudgal, Kulbarga, and Bidar were conquered, as wel l as

Bijapur,the frontier distr ic t of Bombay . But the M uham

madan pos s es s ion of Puna, Satal a, and Kolhapur is doubtful ,the sway of the H indu Rajas probably continuing to exis t .

Lower Sind was s till held by Raj putchiefs .

But though the area of Muhammadan conques ts had attained s uch vas t dimen s ion s the conqueror s had but l ittles tronger bonds of union than the H indu kings and chiefswhom they had s upplanted . Even the enthu s iasm for the irm i l itant rel igion could only hind them together for the purpos e of aggres s ion again s t a common foe . E re the ir victorious career was completed their empire, as we have s een ,began to s pli t up . The provinces could notbe governede xcept by deputies of the supreme ruler atDelhi

,and each

deputy or V iceroy as soon as his mas ter was ata safe di s tances etup an independent rule of his own. The twenty -seven year sOf Muhammad Toghlak

’

s reign formed a s ucces s ion of rebell ion s and bloody repris al s

,executions

,and mas s acres , to which

the world has s eldom s een a parallel . The criminal law was

brutal ly harsh ,the ordinary puni shments beingthe cutting off

of hand s and feet , of no s es and ears , the putting outof ey es ,

burning, crucifixion , ham -s tringing, and cut ting to pieces .

There were vexatious impos ts upon trade and cul t ivat ion and

the canal s , res ervoirs , b ridges , publ ic bath s , and hOSpitalS forwhich later Muhammadan rulers achieved fame had notbeencommenced . I n fact , Muhammadan rule , s o far atall event s ,was a curs e

,and nota bles s ing . Itdid nothingto al leviatethe

condit ion ofthe great mass ofthe people, and by its intolerancecons ol idatedthe bonds of Brahmanical s acerdotal ism .

Muhammad Toghlak died in S ind in 1351 . Four yearsbefore . that event Zaffar Khan , one ofthe mo s t remarkablem en of his t imes , accomplished a rebell ion

,which brought

4 2 H I S TO R Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S I DEN C Y .

into independent exis tence a wealthy and powerful M uhamma

dan State inthe Deccan . Zaffar Khan was once a menials ervant of a B rahman atD elh i nam ed Gangu, and by hiss ignal hones ty gained his mas ter ’ s favour and received greatk indnes s athis hands . The B rahman is s aidto have prOphes ied that his s ervant should attain roya l honours . H e was

recommendedtothe s ervice ofthe king of Delhi , and ros e to ahigh mil itary command in the Deccan . The exactions of

Muhammad Toghlak had in 1 341 caus ed a wides pread revol tin that province. I t was put down w i th m erciless crueltyand the Delhi officers plundered andwas tedthe land . Has s anGangu, as Zaffar Khan was al s o cal led , availed him self of thedis content thus cau s ed again s tthe hou s e of Delhi to gathertogether i n his own interes ts , both many Muss alman nobles

and H indu chiefs . Feel ing secure of his s trength he

at tacked and de feated the royal troop s atBidar, and made

himself ruler of all the Deccan pos s es s ion s of Delhi . H e

was crowned k ing , and outof gratitude to his former mas tertook the strange t itle for one of his fai th of Al la-ud-dinH as s an Gangu Bahman i (B rahmani) . Not only didhe thus adopt his mas ter’ s nam e but he made him his treas urer

,the earl iest instance of high offi ce being conferred by

Muhammadan s upon aHindu . The two incidents arethe more

remarkable when it is rememb ered that atth att ime Moslemnobles v ied with each other in the fierces t fanaticism and

hatred of H indu idolators .The Bahm ani Muhammadan dynas ty ofthe Deccan lasted

from 1 34 7 to 1 52 6, or 19 year s , for the mo s t part in greatglory and power . It s kings showed terrible and relentless

cruel tyto those who oppos ed them ,butto thos e who s ubmitted

to their rule they were onthe whole con s iderate and moderatein their treatment . Cultivation and trade increased, s hip s

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4 4 H I S TOR Y or TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

obtain i t el s ewhere. The ground was welltilled and travell ing fairly s ecure . Architecture , except ia the constructionof fortres s es

,did notattai n any particular excellency, though

there was s ome imp rovement when the cap ital moved fromits original s eatof Kulbarga to Bidar . But the Bahmanifortres s es ranging from the mountain s trongholds of feudalch ieftains to imper ial forts of enormou s strength exceededthos ethat ex is ted in Europe . Mos t of thes e were i n what isnow H vdar zibtid territory, but Bombay pos s es s es a s pecimenof them in S holapu r. Under the Bahmani Mu s salman rulethere is s aidto have been a cons iderable amel ioration of man

ners ; and in s pite ofthe loath s om e and abominable crueltyof i ts rule rs to all who daredto res is t them , its exis tence may

nothave been devoid of s om e‘beneficial effects .

D uring the independent exis tence of the Muhammadan

k ingdom of the Deccan , Guz artit, which Al la-ud-din Khilj ihad added to his dom in ion s in 1 29 7, but i n which theH indus were by no m ean s permanently s ubj ugated , became a

s eparate Muhammadan k ingdom i n 1 39 1 . It was s evered

fromthe Delhi em pire by the rebel l ious v iceroy Mozaffar

Khan,whos e grand s on Ahmad , on his s ucces s ion in 1 4 1 1 ,

commenced building a new cap ital atAhmaddbi d whos e

remarkable ruin s bespeak its original g randeur . The architectural s tyle was a trans itional one fromthe H indu or Jai ntothe Indo-S aras enic

,and itfollows that as yetthe M uham

m adans had no arch itecture oftheir own . Guz araitnominallyincludedthe R zij putcountry of Kathiawar, and the founder

of Ahmadabad carried his arm s into the penins ula and re

ducedthe H indu fortres s of J unagahr . Like his grandfather

in an age of intolerance thi s k ing dis t ingui shed him s elf by

outrageous fanat icism agains t H indus and thei r temples and

rel igion . H is dominions were invaded by one of the B ah

wE S TABL I SH M EN T OF M UHA M M ADAN R UL E . 4 2)

mani k ings Ahmad Shah as an allv ofthe king of Khz’

mdesh,

and after a fiercely contes ted s truggle inthe i s land of Sals etteadjoining Bombay, the Deccan troop s were forcedto retreat.The kingdom of G uz aratwas consol idated by its king M ah

moud, who cameto the throne in 14 59 . H e led s ucces s fulcampaigns into Kachh (Cutch ) andthe borders of S ind ; redueingthe fort of Cham paner and extended his dom inion s tothe Indus and the des ert . H e was a powerful and efficientruler . In 1509 he received an embas sy from Delh i

, acknowledging his independence , an official recognition from theemperor always highly valued by Muhammadan k ings . For

though readyto s upporttheir independence bythe sword , thes erulers generally acknowledgedthe theoretical s upremacy oftheem peror . Mahmoud sub s equently distinguished him s elf as

a s oldier agains t the Portugues e . Guz aratwas stil l in enj oym ent ofthe high pos itionto which he had rais ed i t when theem pire ofthe grand Moghal came i nto being in 1 526 .

Khandesh ,it has been s tated, is a district or province which

though according to the s trict geographical definition includedin the Deccan , practicallv does notform par t of it . I t is a

low-lying country between the elevated plateau of Cent ralIndia on the north and that ofthe Deccan onthe s outh . I t

is bounded on the north by the S zitpura mountains ; itiswatered by the r iver Tapti which flow s through itfrom eas tto wes t and by numerou s sm all tributaries that fal l into it .

N aturally'

fertile itwas wel l cultivated underthe M uhamma

dans , bu t in after years famine andthe raid s ofthe Marathasreduced i tto a s tate of desolation from which it has needed all

the efforts ofthe B ritish Governmentto reclaim i tto a s tate

of pros perity . Its original cap ital was atTalner .

The firs t M u s s alman governor of Khandes h was appointedby the Toghlak rulers of Delhi in 1 370. Like neighbouring

4 6 H I S TO R Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S I DENC Y .

v iceroys he proclaimed his independence . In 1 400 his success or, Mal ik Nas ir, s ei zedthe powerful fortres s of A s irgahr onthe eas tern borders of Khandes h , now included inthe CentralProv inces . H e founded near i t onthe bank s ofthe Taptithec ity of Burhanpur , which for many y ears formedthe capitalof Khéndesh . Thi s city became one of the m o s t Splendidand luxur iou s in India, and grew famou s forthe manufactureof gol d and s il ver cloth s , S ilk s , and mus lins . Khandesh , l ikeother parts of India had no immunity from wars , both withini ts borders and with external enem ies and on a disputeds ucces s ion Mahmoud , the great k ing of Guz arat

,marched into

the country and placed uponthethrone one of the claimantsnamed Adil Khan . H is s on , M iran Muhamm ad , who s ucceededin 1 52 0 was the reigning prince when in 1526 the Moghalempire commenced .

In S indthe Muhammadans formedthe s upreme pow er fromthe early part of the 1 3th century , when an invader fromGhazni s ubduedthe Raj put tr ibe of S um eras and called him

s elf king of S ind . But the H indu dynasty of the SumanaRaj puts , entitled Jain s , s ucceeded, and pai dtribute to Belh iup to 1 360. On their refus alto do s o any longerthe Toghlakemperor invaded S ind from Guzarzit

,and a few years later

the Jain s emb racedthe faith of I s lam . W ars and invas ion sand changes of dynas ty make up the h is tory of Sind untilshortly before the foundation of the Moghal empire and atthe beginning of that epoch S ind was underthe rule of ShahB eg A rghun , who had sprung from Khoras san and had madehim s elf ruler of Multan inthe Panjab .

While what is now Bombay was Split up intothe Bahmani

k ingdom Of theDeccan andthe k ingdom s oq z arat,Kheindesh ,

and S ind, all of which were Muhammadan , andthe kingdomof B ij anagar , that was H indu, things had not been going wel l

E S TABL I SH M EN T or M UHA M M ADAN R ULE . 7

with the nominally supreme Government atDelh i . Factions ,c iv il wars , and rebellion s purs uedtheir cours e , broken only fora while bvthe benevolentreign of Feroz , a monarch who

bes ides executing many us eful public work s mitigated for a

timethe intolerant cruelty of Muhamm adan law . Butthe em

p ire s uch as itwas could barely maintain a nominal supremacyover its rebel liou s vas s al s , and i t was al together impotent toward off invas ion from withou t . Attracted bythe rumours of itsgrowing confu s ionTaimu rthe Tartar orTamerlane, as he is al s ocalled , marched into India from his home atSamarkand withhordes no les s terr ible than thos e of his ances tor J angiz

Khan , H e advancedto Delh i in 1 398 and there p roclaimed

him s elf emperor of India ; and after ruthles s ly mas s acringthe inhab itant s right and left returnedtothe w ild s of CentralA s ia leaving as his deputy in India Khizr Khan

,v iceroy

of L r’

rhur . For a few years the dynas ty of Toghlak continuedto rnle in name ; butthere soon ceas ed to be a king or emperorof Delhi atall, and Khiz r K ln'

rn and his succes s ors held theland in the nam e of Tamerlane . One more attempt wasmade atindependent rule , andthe A fghan Lodi adminis tration developed into a dynas ty which w ith more or les ss ucces s over recal ci trant viceroy s lasted from 14 78to 1526 .

But itcollap s ed amid s t general rebel l ion,the deputies as u sualdeclaring their independence . One of thes e however thoughtthat he migh t more effectually gain his end s in another way ;and DaulatKhan Lodi ofthe Panjab journeyedto Kabul, and

thence b roughtback its ruler Babar , the des cendant of

Tamerlane, to claim the empire of Delh i in v irtue of his

ance s tor ’ s conques t . I n no way loath to putforward his

claim B abar advanced on Delhi , and in 1 5 2 6 on the fiel d of

Panipat infl icted a c ru sh ing defeat upon Ibrahim the las t of

the Lodis .Babar

’

s main work was s till before him , but his

4-8 H IS TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY P R E S ID ENC Y .

v ictory made him the fi rs t ofthe s o-called Moghal emperorsof Delhi . H is l ine continued to hold the nominal s uz eraintvof India, until Bahadur Shah was removed from his throne bythe Brit is h Government afterthe great mutiny of 1857

I have now given a rough outl ine of the event s that oc

curred in India fromthe earl ies t times up to the foundationofthe empire ofthe G rand Mogha l in 1 5 26 . One event of

s up reme importance which took place a l ittle more thanquarter of a centu ry before the in vas ion of Babar has as yetbeen om itted, andthe story ofthe coming of the Portugues emu s t be tol d later on . I have s elected certain nam es or

incidents rather as l ink s inthe chain of hi s tory , or as landmarks to accentuate variou s stages in the general condition of

the people, and as illus trat ions ofthe var ious phas es of growthand s tagnation , than from auv I nherentim portance renderingthem worthy of a place in our memory . I have laid greater

s tres s on all that more especially relates to whatis now

Bombay, and m ade room for more incident in its narrativebut i t has notbeen pos s ibleto avoid s ome des cription of con

temporary event s in other part s of India .

When Babar won his v ictory atPanipat more than eigh tcentur ies had pas s ed s ince the fi rs t M uhammadan inroads .

For a longtimetheir i nvas ions had been mere raids for plun

der, and for a longertim e stillthe pos i t ion of the conquerorswas only that of a m ilitary garris on in a foreign count ry .

Y etfor three hundred years Muhammadan rulers had reigned

continuou s lv, and their people had made their hom es i n theland . There were from tim eto t ime bright intervals in thes edark ages and the nobi lity of character of more than one

s overeign prompted himto take some meas ures forthe allev ia

t ion of the condit ion of the toil ing mas s es o ver whom he

ruled . Some benevolent monarch migh t. regard the con

E S TA B LI S H M ENT or M UH A M M A B A N R ULE . 4 9

quered races as human beings , pos s ess ing no les s right to thep rotection of the law ,

and to the air which they breathed ,than the followers of the prophet them s elves . But, onthewhole

,the general condition of the country changed for

the wors e . The br illiancy , refinement, and learning of thefuture Moghal empire had not yetS prung Up to rel ieve thehideou s blacknes s of an uncomp romis ing and intolerant fai th .

The unity of God was p reached atthe point of the swordbu t ruthles s mas s acres andthe en s laving of the unbel ievers ,the s ack ing of their temples , and the des truction of thei rs h rines , could notforcethe H indus to give up their ancientwors hip . The ob s tinacy of their res i s tanceto concede a s inglepoin t in their rel igion , emphas is es the more inten sely thei rs ingular inabil ityto uni te forthe purpos es of driving out of

the countrythe enemies of their faith . There was indeed nolack of cau s eto incite them to a common res is tance. The irdynasties swept away

,they were excluded from public em

ployment except in the lowes t grades ; they were debarredfrom all influence as s tatesmen, and might utter no opinionreflect ing on the dominantgovernment . The governmentwas in fac t one of brute force w ith no further aim than con

ques t , and i t was ab s olutely incapable of any enl ightenedp rogres s .B utwhat madethe po s ition ofthe conquered les s intoler

able was the sy stem of village communities that exis ted in itsgreates t strength inthe D eccan and Wes t of Ind ia . A s longas the inhabitants of each v illage were left to manage their

own affairs , andthe rulers contentedthemsel ves with exactinga notintolerable land revenue, they could main tain an attitudeof s toi cal indifference to any change of dynas ty . Their

temples might be des troyed but while the pr iesthoodremained , and each hou s ehold possessed its family god s ,there

4

50 H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY P as sm s x cr .

was bu t little harm done to the solaces of their rel igion .

Tyranny inthe long run can have but little effect Upon thes e

s elf-containing communit ies , andthe m os t barbarous and vin

dictive ruler mus t sooner or later real is e the i nvaluable aid

which they affo rd to his author i ty . But while the peopleof each village might thu s retain some s ub s tantial freedomwhich was denied to their race as a whole

,the very fact

of s uch a pos s ib il ity inevitably increas edthe s trength ofthos ecentr ifugal forces which effectually p revented a common union

agains t a common foe.

Clearly then Muhammadan rule atth is period i s weighedin the balance and found wanting. I t mu s t, however, becredited with one good res ul t . The inroad s of s avagehordes of pagan s under Jangiz and his s ucces s ors m ight haveovercomethe dis united armies of H indu princes j and effectuallvswamped the c ivili s ation of India without replacing i t byanother from without . The military genius of M uhamm a

danism could unite under one banner allthe fierce warr iors ofI s lam , and dri ve fromthe landthe w ild tribes ofthe des ert .

And , later on, when Babar b rought his armies to conquerthelands which his pagan ances tors had ravaged , he and his peoplehad long s ince become members ofthe faith which taughtthat there is one God, and Muhammad is his prophet .

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SJ [0 H I S TO R Y OF 1 R E BO M BAY PR ES IDENC Y .

age . W'

h ile Columbu s s ailed across the Atlantic, and discovered a new

"world which he took to be the India upon

wh ich he had longed to feasthis eyes , Bar tholomew D iazin 1486 voyaged from Li s bon unto the Southern Cape of

Africa. H e went s o far as to dis cover that beyond it theland trended away to the north -eas t ; and i t is even saidthat one of his m en found his wayto Ind ia its elf.D iaz found the Southern cape of A frica a cape of

s torm s . E leven years laterthe peaceful weather that he m etwith in thos e regions cau s ed Vas co da Gama to name i t theCape of Good Hope . On Chri s tmas D ay, 1 497 , he s ightedthe country which , from th is circum s tance, he cal led Natal .Sailing on to Zanzibar he found a fleet of merchant ves s els

from India,and s ecuring this s erv ices of a p ilot from Guzarzit

he cro s s edthe Indian Oceanto Kalikat.L es s atthat t ime than ever was Ind ia prepared to make a

form idable res is tance to an invader . The empire of theG rand Moghal was notto be founded for more than a quar

ter of a century later . The sovereignty of Delh i was atitslas t gasp , di s tracted by an in terminable s eries of wars , and ithad for m any years been governed as a p rovince of Tamer

lane’ s dom inion s . Rebel l ious vi ceroy s reigned over as much

country as they could hol d by force . E verywhere M uham

madan State s were struggl ing for supremacy . Here and

there H indu kingdom s joined in the contes t , but B ij anagar

was w el l -nighthe sole independent H indu S tate remaining

in India . The powerful Bahm ani dynas ty ofthe Deccan wasinthe th roes of di s s ol ution and on its ruin s were s pr inging

up and taking form five s eparate S tates . Of thes e two inwhat is now Bombay ,

the N izam Shahi dynasty atAhmadnagar , andthe A dil Shahi atB ijapur , las ted as independentand powerful k ingdom s until they were brought under the

C ONQ UE S TS or THE PO R TUGUE S E . 53

sway of A urangz ib and s o als o the Kutab Shal i dynas ty of

Golkonda, in what is now Hydar zibzid. An attempt was madeto maintainthe Bahmani dynas ty in the Bar id Shahi familyatBidar, and Im aid Shahi kings reigned for a time in Barar .

The future greatnes s ofthe Marathas , who were afterwards tor ise up in their strength from thei r mountain-homes and

form a confederacy of s tates that ittook all the power of

the English to conquer, was noteven foreshadowed . Theyhad for generations remained pas s ive beneath the rule of

I s lam ,nay, had even s erved lovallv in its armies . \Vhilethe

kingdoms that ros e fromthe ashes of the Bahmani dynas tywere engaged in endles s mutual r i val ry , and later on in theircontes ts agains t Akbar and A urangz ib, they l ittle thoughtwhich while exhau s t ing their own s t rengththevu ere excitinginthe Marathas that s piri t of rapine, plunder, and dominion ,which was allthe while latent inthe race . I n fac t, the realgreatnes s of native India had not begun . The popular idea

of eastern magnificence and lux nrv is based on a s tate of

things that for the mos t part grew up later .

For the century that s ucceeded the arr i val of Vas co daGama the chief interes t in the historvof Wes tern India

centres inthe ri s e of the Portugues e commercial s upremacyalong the coas t , conjointly w ith the expans ion of the new

Moghal empire . By the end of that century these twopawers s haredthe whole of what is now Bombay , with themoribund

'

k ingdom s of Ahmadnagar and B ij zipur . Andtoelucidatethe growth of the Portugues e and Moghal powersitwill be u s eful to s ketch in advance the condition dur ingthis century of the s tates that confronted them in Wes ternIndia . In S ind the i ndependent viceroy being haras s ed byinvaders from Kandahar had called in to his aid Shah B egArghun, (page who was independent atMultan . The

54 H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S ID E N C Y .

invaders were driven out,but Shah B eg Arghun had no in

tention of doing his work for nothing, and he retained Sind forhim s elf. The former ruler, hopeles s of regain ing his k ingdom , entered the s ervice of the king of Guz arat. The

Arghun family was s ucceeded by a Pers ian one which pres erved the independence Of the province until 159 2 , when itwas subdued by the forces of Akbar , and its ruler enrolledamongthe nobles of his empire .

Guzarat. including Kathiawar , was atthe height of i t seminence

,and poss es s ed the coas t as far as Chaul , twenty

e ight m iles s outh of Bombay . I ts k ing,B alladur Shah

,who

s ucceeded Mozaffar Shah in 1 5 26, annexed M ailwa in CentralIndia

,and his authori ty was acknowledged as paramount in

the Deccan as far south as Ahm adnagar . But in 1 535 , in s piteof his fine park of artillery manned by Portugues e gunners ,he was overthrown and drivento flight by H umayan . B utthe M oghals could not holdthe kingdom long atthat time,and an era Of confus ion and anarchy fol lowed that lasteduntil 1 5 72 . I n that year M oz afi

'

ar Shah , the las t claimanttothe throne, s ubm itted to Akbar atAhmadabad . H e was

enrol led amongs t A kbar ’s nob il ity,but afterwards m ade an

impotent attempt to rebel, and ended his days in exile atKathiawar .

Khandesh s ucceeded in maintaining its exis tence as a

s eparate S tate, though notwithoutcon s iderable i nterferencefrom Guz aratonthe one s ide and Ahm adnagar onthe other,until 1 594 . Its rulerthen s ubmittedtothe M oghal general ,who was on his wayto bes iege Ahmadnagar , and j oined his

army with hors e .

The k ingdom of Ahmadnagar was founded , and its capitalb uil t in 1 4 94 by M al ik Ahmad , who, together w ith his father ,N i zam -ul-Mulk hadmanagedthe di s tricts which compris ed it

cox oc s s r s or THE POR TUGUE S E . 55

w hen they formed part of the Bahmani k ingdom . M élik

Alhmad had for s ometim e as pired atcarv ing outa s eparates tate, and in disgus t atthe murder of his father by theBahmani authorities boldly as s erted his independence and

s us tained itagains t all efforts made to subdue him . He

moved his s eat of government from Junnar in Puna to B ingar ,w here he buil tthe city called after his name .

The r ival k ingdom of B ij aipu r was founded five years

e arl ier by Yusuf Ad il Shah , Commander-in-Chief of theBahmani army . I t had been the s ite Of an ancien t H indu

c ity,of which a few traces s til l rem ain, and was the s eat

o f a p rovincial government of the Deccan kingdom .

Thes e two k ingdom s were con s tantly atwar w ith one

another, though it occas ional ly s uited them to combine aga instouts iders . Their united armies on s everal occas ions foughtagain s t Golkonda, thethird of the kingdom s which aros e on

the fal l of the Bahmani government, and succeeded inmaintaining a s eparate exis tence . Grolkonda was , however,tothe eas t of the Bombay P res idencv, and concerns us in lessd egree than its r ival s .

Ahmadnagar and B ij z’tpur p ractical ly divided between them

so much of the Deccan as belongs to Bombay, and al ltheKonkan . Ahmadnagar pos s es s edthe coas t-l ine from Chaulto Bankot, and s outh of that Bijapur heldthe s ea -coas t towns .

Khandesh , i t has been s hown, was notincluded in this dis po~

s it iou of‘ territory , and though Ahmadnagar hel d the inland

Konkan Ga z arat hel d its coas t-l ine . Two s trong and turhulent S tates l ike Ahmadnagar and B ij zipur could notlookw ith content onthe p roximity of the rich H indu k ingdom of

B ijanagar . Religious fanat icism and hunger for i ts broadacres al ike s timulated them to form a joint confederacyw ith Golkonda, Bidar, and Barar agains tthe only state that

50 H I S TOR Y or TH I: BO M BAY r as sm ancr .

had not bowed its head to the followers of the Prophet OfMecca . In 1564 the government of B ij anagar was cru shed,and its capital destroyed . The parcelling outof i ts conqueredlands proved a less easv matter ; and while s ome of thembecame a frui tful source of dis pute between its conqueror sm any remained in the hands of local chieftain s . who, forthemo s t part, became, in cou rse of time, vass al s of B ijapur . Meanwhile Ahmad nagar enlarged its dominion s by swallowing upin 1 5 72 the terri tories of i ts late ally Barar . The compara~

tively unimportantState of Bidar , which con s idered it s elfthe )

repres entat ive of the Bahmani power, had been invaded and

conquered by B ijapur in 1 52 9, and the king depos edand given a command in the B rya

'

pur army . H e s ervedthe s tate well, and was therefore allowed a s ort of s pur iou s .

independence atBidar until he was conquered by Akbar .

The boundaries between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur werecon s tantly changing, and depended uponthe s trength forthetime being Of their mutual forces . The pos s es s ion of Sho ~

laipur was a constant matter of dispute but roughly s peak ing,Ahmadnagar hel d the modern dis tric t s of Nasik, par t of

which,however

,belongedto Khandesh , Ahmadnagar, S zitz’ira,

Puna, part OfThz’

ma, including Kalyan , Kolaba, andthe Stateoi Janj ira, which was claimed al so b y Guzarzitand bes idesthes e a con s iderable sl ice of Hydarabad , including Aurangabad

‘

and Galna . S hola’

rpur o s cillated b etweenthetwo, but Bijapu rheld Dharwar, B elgaum , B ijapur, Ratnagiri and Kz

'

rnara . B uton both of thes e as wel l as on Ga zaratthe Portugues e beforelong steadily encroached . The confederacy which s ucceeded

‘

i n crus hing B ij anagar was of no avai l agains t the Europeanmerchants who were es tabl ishing their factories along thes eashore . East of Ahmadnagar and B ijapurthe dom inion s of

“

Golkonda extended tothe B av of Bengal .

C ONQU E S T S OF THE PO R TUGUE S E . 5 7

S uch werethe r i val pow ers that hadto be deal t with ontheone s ide by the Portugues e, onthe other bythe new Moghalempire of Delh i . G uz zir zit, Ahm adnagar, and B ijapur, eachpos s es s ed a certain m agnificence, each earned s ome reputationas a civil is ed government , and each produced s ome distinguished men But in all al ikethe whole sy s tem of government was ephemeral . Itdepended notupon any permanentsys tem or love of order ; i t res ted s olely upon the pers onalcapr ice Of irres pon s ible despots . Wh ile mos t of thes e delighted ia plunder and pers ecution , and gave them s el ves upto the v iles t pleas ures , i t is recorded on the other handthat m any of them devoted them s el ves to good government, the well-being of thei r s ubjects , and the encou ragementof learning . But allthe good done by one benevolentm onarch migh t be undone by his s ucces s or . The want of a

permanent and cons is tent pol icy embod ied in a sys tem of

national ity cau s edthe labours of the mos t enlightened rulers

to have purely evanes cent res ults .

For the magnificence of its build ing s andthe s trength of

its defences , B ijapur was w ithout a r ival . The mighty dome

that covers the maus oleum of Sultan Mahmud exceeds ind imens ions any other inthe world , and in no country canthem osque and tomb of Ibrahi m be s urpas s ed for gracefulnes s

of outl ine . On all s ides palaces . tom bs , res ervoirs , and

fortres s es,even now almostperfect , convey‘tothe beholder a

s ens e of the m ajesty of a s tate that has long s ince pas s edaway . N or did its governors s cornto avail them s el ves oftheaid of Portugues e painters and artiz ans to beautify their city

,

and thes e together with Chr is tian m is s ionaries were notonlvtolerated but encouraged inthe A dil Shahi capital .The unceas ing wars betweenthes e Deccan k ingdom s com

pelled themto keep up enormou s forces . They all preferred

58 H IS TO R Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

to enl is t Turk s , Arab s , M oghals , and Portugues e ; but theywere compel led to fill up , in mos t par t, the rank and file of

thei r arm ies w ith the Maratha and other H indu nat ives Ofthe country . Thi s neces s ity stimulated a mar tial Sp iri t inthe vanqui shed races , which m ight have no l ittle danger forMuhamm adan s . I t foreshadowed the imprudence of thatpol icy Of placing an exces s ive amount of power inthe handsof conquered mercenaries which was wel l -nigh to prove fatalto B ritish rule i t s el f. B utwhen in. 1 52 9 Burhan Nizam Shahof Ahmadnagar b es towedthe Office Of Pes hwa, or prime mini s ter, on a B rahman

,and Ibra

’

him Adil S hah on his access iontothe thr one of B ijapur in 1 55 5 showed his preferencefor the natives of Maharas htra as m en of bu s ines s no les sthan as s oldiers, by letting Marathitakethe place of Pers ianas the court and Official language, the power and ia

fluence ofthe Maratha B rahmans were neces s arily increas ed .

A nd s o in additiontothe m en who po s s es s ed phy s ical s trengthand warlike training a clas s came tothe front which , giftedw ith keen intellect, intens e ambition

,and unrivalled powers

of mach ination and s cheming , formedthe head which coulddirec tthe movement ofthe giant limb s as yetuncon s ciou s of

their s trength . The M arathas were more numerou s inthearmies of B ijapur and Ahmadnagar

,but they al so s erved

under Golkonda,neither comm unity of language and r eligion

nor national s entiment p reventing them from fighting agai nsteach other . I n fact fighting and plunder wereto them foodand d rink they little reck ed under who s e bannerthev wereranged , and if their rulers lacked quarrel s of their owntheMarathas had an interminable s eries of hered itary feudsbetween individual s and fam il ies

,i n which they were alwavs

ready to fight to the death . The Deccan kings had nodes i reto heal thei r dis putes which they bel ieved would keep

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00 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY P R E S I D ENCY .

ruler advi s ed him to s tand on his defence . B utscorningthei r couns el he bol dly s ailed agains t the d orin’

s ship s ,and with his guns infl icted on them a crushing defeat . The

Zzimorin afterwards i nv ited D e Nueva to vis i t Kalikat,but

t reachery was notw ithout reason s u spected, and the overtures were decl ined . The Portugues e Obtained r ich cargoesand made thei r way to Europe .

The exper ience of thes e three voyages convinced the P ertugues e that their commercial enterpris es to India mus t bes upported by force of arms . It was es s ential that they shoul dbe able to p rotect their expedit ions from the cupidity of

s overeigns l ikethe Za’rmorin of Kalikat, and en su re more thana m ere tolerance from s tates s uch as Kachin and Kannanur ,

Ofthe real rulers of Wes tern I ndia Ahm adnagar and B ij zipur,or of the Bahm ani k ingdom which they werethen s upplant

ing, the Portugues e had thus far learnt nothing . B utwhatthey did learn was that there was a large trade between India

and Arabia and Southern P ers ia inthe hands Of M uhammadans .

This they determined to divert into their own, not by any

legitimate competition, but bythe s imple proces s of wholesaledes truction and murder .

In 1 502 Vas co da Gama was s ent outto s ubvert atall hazard sthe Muhammadan commercial s upremacy . H e commandedtwenty Ship s , with a full complement of s ailors and s oldiers .

Hi s plan was that while he h im s elf d rove the Muhammadanves s el s fromthe coas ts of India, his captains should cut th emoff atthe mouth ofthe R ed S ea . H e s oon showed the Spiri t

in which he mean t to carry on his Operation s and a deed of

infamous and wanton cruelty was done off Kannanur wherehe metwith an Egyptian ship carrying p ilgrims from Indiato M ecca. The details of h is action are narrated by thePo rtuguese h is torian, Far ia Y . Souza. Res erving the children

C ONQUE S T S or run PO R TUGUE S E . 6 1

as s laves and converts the crew and pas s engers numbering

about three hundred w ere battened down, and the ship seton fi re . B utthe behav iour of the Z aimorin of Kalikattothe previous expedition s stil l rankled in D a Gama

’

s breas t .H e s ailed to Kalikat, and capturing the crews of fi s hingcraft and smal l trading ves s els , informed the Zamorinthat unles s his demands were ins tantly Oomplied wi ththes e men would be e x ecuted . H is demands were m etwithrefusal, or delay and evas ion that implied refusal . The

pris oners were therefore hanged atthe yard-arm of D a

Gama’

s s hip s , andtheir hand s and feet s enttothe Zamorin .

S uch was the guis e under which Chr is tianity was p res entedtoHindus and Muhammadans andtothe formerthe creed whichtaugh tthatall m en were al ike children of a merciful Fatherm ay have s eemed hardly m ore s eductive thanthe fai th ofthep rophet which bade m en choose between the Koran tributeand the s word . A fter fu rther contes ts with the ruler of

Kalikat,and cementing his all iance w iththe R z

’

ij as of Kzichin

and Kannanur, Vas co da Gama s ailed for Europe in 1 503,

leaving a viceroy to protect Portugues e interes t s in India .

For the next twelve years events fol lowed each otherw ith s tartl ing rapidity , and a Portugues e empire grew

up both on land and s ea w ith a m agical sw iftnes s ,compared w ith wh ich the efforts of early Englis h merchant sappear indeed poor and in s ignificant . On D a Gama’

s

depar tu rethe Zzimorin took up arm s again s t Kachin,and

demanded the s urrender of the Portugues e . H is dcmand s were re fus ed, and his forces defeated bv theKachin troop s , the Portugue s e remaining aloof inthe ir s h ip s .

Before long powerful reinforcements arri ved from Portugalunder Alfonzo Albuquerque, andthe Zzimorin was defeated and

compelledto sue for peace . Formal permission for the es ta

62. H IS TORY or TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

blishmentofthe Portugues e factory atKachin was receivedfromthe Raj a . A lbuquerque now s ailed for Portugal

, and

obtaining valuable aid fromthe Raja of B ij anagar ,the Zamor in advanced agains t Kach in with m en and a largefleet . Butthe smal l Portuguese force defeated the Zamorini n s everal s anguinary engagem ents, and a further fleet of

thirteen m en-of-war arr iv ing from Portugal the joint forcesbombarded and des troyed Kalikat, and then captured theZzimorin

’

s fleet of s eventeen ship s . I n 1 506 the Portugues eAdm iral Soarez s ailed home w ith a vas t booty .

The nex t year D om Franci s A lmeida arrived from Portugalw iththe rank of Viceroy of India, in command of a largefleet and fifteen hundred trained s oldiers . H e built a fortonthe is land Of A nj idiwa and s ailedto Kachin with a c rown of

gold and j ewel s es pecially manufactu red for the R zij a. Here

he learnt of a powerful combinat ion againsthim ,the M uham

m adans being now thoroughly arous ed by Portugues e interference with their commerce. The king Of Bijapur had unitedw i th Muhammad S hah

,the m ighty king Of Guzarat, andto

their comb ined s trength was added a fleet Of twel ve sh ip sbuilt inthe R ed S ea, and furni shed bytheMameluke Sultan ofEgypt . The oppos ing fleets m etatChaul , which then belongedto Ahmadnagar . The enemy fought with an ardour

and s kil l nothitherto experienced by the Portugues e intheEas t . The Portugues e s u ffered a revers e . Their flag

- sh ipwas s unk, and a decided blow deal tto thei r supremacy . Butforthe ar rival oftwo more fleets

,one of which was under

A lfonzo Albuquerque, i t woul d have been d ifficu lt for themto maintain their footing . W i th the aid Ofthe fresh arr ival sthe Portugues e attackedthe Muhammadan pos itions i n thePers ian Gulf and R ed S ea, taking O rmuz and Mu s cat .

Albuquerque was appointed Viceroy of India, but before he

C ONQUES TS OF TH E PO R TUGU E S E .

recei ved charge of the v ice-regal appointment A lmeida des

troyedthe Ahmadnagar port of D aibul onthe Ratnagiri coas t ,and s ail ing nor thwards Obtained a magnificent v ictory overthecombinedMuhamm adan fleets off D iu inthe penin s ula ofKathiriwar . Butthe fame of. the victory was s ul lied by the brutalcruel ty ofAlmeida

,who put all his p ris onersto death . Almei da

perished afterward s on the African coas t , andthe great andchivalrous Albuquerque succeeded him in 1510.

A lbuquerque took pos s es s ion of Goa, w ith the beauty of

whos e por t and i s land he was greatly impres s ed,from Ibrahim

Adil Shah of B ijapu r . For a shorttime, in 1 5 1 1, itwas againhel d by B ij z

'

tpur troop s , but Albuquerque s peedily attackedthem , and in Spite of a brave defence took the city w i th a los sOf m en to the garris on. G oa was declaredthe OApitalof Por tuguese India, a t itle which it stil l pres erves . Fromthis t ime till 1 51 5the great viceroy was actively employed

agains t Malacca,Pegu , Aden , O rmuz , and D iu . A fort

was buil t atOrmuz in 1 5 14 , and the Portugues e power rc

cogni s ed by the king Of Pers ia . B utthe work wh ich Albuquerque did for his country was il l-rewarded , and before hisdeath in 1 51 5 he was s upers eded by his avowed r ival Soarez

a treatment s im ilarto that whichthe founders ofthe Frenchempire in India commonlv m etw ith , whilethe s ervices of

English soldiers and statesmen inthe Eas t have. almos t alway s

received a noble recognition from their country . But before

he died he left affai rs in India i n S O firm a condit ion that, as

he s aid , they could Speak on his behalf with more eloquence

than any words of his . H e had in a wonderfully b rief timeaccompl ished the obj ect of his mis s ion . H e had s wepttheMuhammadan trade fromthe seas , andthe European empo~

rium for the r iches of the Eas t was no longer atGenoa or

Venice,but atLi sbon . To found a terri tor ial empire was alto

64 H I S TO R Y OR TH E BO M BAY P R E S ID ENC Y .

gether beyond his aim s . H e wanted factor ies , and whenhe took Goa, bel ieving that his proceeding s woul d only behampered by any acqui s it ion of territory, he gave up all exceptthe ci ty andthe fortto a native al ly, Timoj a of Kanara. Thu sthe aim and obj ectofthe Portugues e was ab s olu tely and entirelys elfi sh. A uv idea of res pon s ib il i ty or duty tothe inhabitant sof India was nots o much as d reamt of. N or did i t evendawn upon them thatthe comm ercial in teres ts ofthe countrvwere notneces s arily incompatible w ith thei r own. A s ucces sful trade meant to themthe monopoly of trade, and s o, withtheir ledger in one hand and their sword inthe other,they s etto wo rk to burn , pl under, and des troy every ves s el that ven

tured to compete with them inthe Indian s eas . Albuquerquehim s elf was a chivalrou s andhonourable gentleman . H e was

guilty of neither cruel ty nor decei t, and he was res pected as

wel l as feared by his enemies . But his s ucces s ors , thoughthey pos ses s ed his courage lacked his scruples , and their

actions pres ent a terr ible picture of intolerance, cruel ty , andvindictivenes s .

B ’i th some v icis s itudes of fortunethe affairs ofthe Por tugues e continued , on the whole, to p ros per . Such seapo rttown s as refu s edto acknowledge their s upremacy they bombarded and s acked but they p rotected thos e that s ubmitted .

A r ich and pros perous city S prang up atChaul , the king of

Ahmadnagar pay ing them a yearly tribute for its protec tionby their armies . In 1 5 1 6 they es tablished a factory there of

their own. I n 152 1 they made an attemptto build a fort atD in

,but the Gu zaratadmiral drove them back to Chaul

,

and his s ai lors burnt their newly founded settlement . Thisreverse led to the erection of a powerful Portugues e fortres s atChaul ; bu t the s ucces s of the G uz aratexpeditionwas nois ed abroad, and in the following year an army

C ONQUES T S OF THE POR TUGUE S E . 65

was s ent from B ijapur again s t G o a . Goa could defendits elf, but the dom inions of Timoj a, the ally of the Portugues e atKanara, were annexedtothe Adil Shah i kingdom .

The eas e with which his fleet had driven Off the Portugues efrom D in, encouraged the k ing of Guz érétto attack theirs ettlement atChau l in 1 52 7 .

B utthe Por tugues e destroyedhis sh ips , and followed up their s ucces s by a m arch by land .

W ith the aid of Ahmadnagar troop s they made Thana and

the whole is land of Sal s ette t ributary . However , the G uz arattroop s obtained a temporary s ucces s , and Ahmadnagar had

to acknowledge Ga zarat s upremacy, and b reak off its all iancew iththe Por tugues e. Three years later Antonio di S ilvierabu rntDam aun , and s ackedthe rich city of Surat. B utitwasagains t D iuthatthe Portugues e effort s were ch iefly direc ted

,

and in 1531 they as s embled in the s pacious harbour of

Bombay 400 ves s el s and m en, of whom wereEuropeans . The expedition failed to effectits object, and

the Portugues e returned to Goa, sack ing many s eaports

on their way . They , however , determ inedto pers evere intheirattem pt to acquire D iu . They Obtained the aid of P rinceChand of Guz arat, who was in rebel lion againsthis fatherBahadur Shah . In return for his help they annexed, nom inal ly on his behalf, butreallv on their own, the NorthernKonkan, including Mumbadew1 or Mumbe

,wh ich from some

s im ilari ty of s ound they tran s form ed into Bombabia,the good

harbour, or Bombay . Prince Chaud ’

s rebellion failed, and

they then allied them s el ves to his father and aided him i nhis defence againstthe E mperor Humayun,

who had invadedGa zarat . In return for this as s is tance the G uz aratrulercededto them Bas s ein , andthe long-coveted D iu B uttheywere nots uffered to hold D iu in peace, and in 1587 by orderofthe Sultan of Turkey, an Egyptian fleet w as s entto dr ive

5

66 H IS TO R Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S ID ENC Y .

them out. The garrison made a noble defence dur ingtheeight months that the s iege las ted . They underwent theutmos t mis eries , and their condition was almo stdes perate . Atlas tthe s iege was rais ed bythe arrival of an enormou s fleetunder Juan de Castro, w ith guns and m en. The

relieving fleet on its way from Goa and Chaul inflicted wantoncruelties onthe inhabitants of the coas t

,mas s acr ing without

dis tinction men,women, and ch ildren . Thou s ands were s old

into s lavery , andthe towns were p illaged and burnt. On hisreturn to Goa with his victoriou s legion s the viceroy made a

triumphal entry into his capital , and the account of i tsmagnificence s tirred with wonderthe citizen s Of Lis bon .

But the danger tothe kingdom s of Western India fromPor tugues e a s cendancy, formidable as i t was , was of only a

partial nature . Their fleets and arm ies m ightbe conquered ,their foreign trade des troyed , their s ea-coasttown s p illagedand burnt . But theirterritor ies we'

re in no danger of fall ingintothe hand s ofthe m arauders , who were contentw ith building factories and forts uponthe coas t . B uta m ighty power

was now es tablished inthe north of India which would spare

no effort to bringthem one and all beneath its iron sway .

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68 H I S TO R Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S ID EN C Y .

Muhammadan power, and of restor ingto its original pos itiontheir own national faith . On his death in 1 530 he was s uc

ceeded by his s on Humayun, who lacked his father ’s geniusbutres embled him inthe chequered fortunes of his early career .

On the acces s ion of Humayun Guz érdtwas atthe height of

its prosperity, aud its k ing , Bahadur Shah , incurred the angerofthe emperor by harbouring a pol itical offender . Humayunres ol vedto march agains t him , and in 1 535 in Spite ofthe aidofthe Portugues e, he utterly defeated the Guz aratarmy atM andes ar . Leaving Guz aratin charge of hi s brother, MirzaA sk i ri, he p roceeded agains t S her Khan, a powerful Afghanfeudatory in Bengal . B utSher Khan’

s m il itary capacitygreatly exceeded Humayun ’

s . Aftertwo mi s erably uns ucces sful campaign s , in wh ich

2

his arm ies were des troyed , theem peror became a fugitive ; wh ile h is b rother Kam ran , who

was v iceroy ofthe Panjab , ceded that p rovinceto Sher Khan,

and retired to Kabul .Humayun fledto S ind and at tempted to excite its ruler

Hus s ein Arghun to action on his behalf. B uthis hopesof s uccou r were d is appoin ted, and he determined to c ros sthe des ertto Jodhpur. After extraordinary s uffering s hearr ived there with a s canty band of fol lowers . H e foundthe ltdj a hostile to him

,and was compelled to res ume

his wander ings in the des er t betw een Jodhpur and theIndu s . The mis eries and privations of the m arch exceededanything that he had before experienced . H is route lay

through a tract of bu rning s and with hardly a treeto gives helter from the furious s un ; andthe few wel ls were in thehand s of hereditary robbers and m araude rs . A fter m any wearym arches his smal l party found them s el ves purs ued by theJodhpur caval ry underthe s on ofthe R z

’

tj a who cutoff acce s sto water or food . B utwhen all hope was lostthe p rince

FOUNDATION OF THE M OGH AL E M P IR E . 69

relented ,and after reproaching H umayun with what he chos e

to callthe wantonnes s of his invas ion,gave him food and w ater

and lethim go . Atlength w ith his wife and only s even fol

lowers he reached Umarkot in Sind, where in 1 54 2 was bornhis illustrious s on Akbar . H umayun attempted once m oretomake h im s elf m aster Of S ind but in 1543 he was compel ledto return to Kandahar and g i ve up for a time al l hopes ofrecover ing his power in India .

Meanwhile, for five years his s ucces s ful rival Sher ShahS ur ruled India firm ly and wel l . B utin the short s pace Of

ten years after his deaththe A fghan dynas ty cameto an end

i n s cenes of wild con fus ion and anarchy . Wel com ing theO pportunitythe emperor H um ‘tyun advanced in triumph fromKabul

,which he had already recovered from his brother

Kam ran ; and a decis ive battle atSirh ind in which his sonAkbar fought inthethickes t Ofthe fight

,placed him in firm

pos s es s ion Of D elhi and Agra. Thus , after an exile Of fifteenyears and extraordinary vicis s itude s Of fortune , Humayunfirm ly re-establ ished the mos t gloriou s and enduring of all

e astern empires in Ind ia . But he was notto l ive long in theenjoymentof his pros perity . I n 1 556 he peri s hed by an

accidental fall overthe parapet Of his library atDelhi and

Akbar became emperor Of H industan . I n memory Of his

f ather Akbar builtatDelhi the stately marble tomb fromwhich three hundred years later, during the great mutiny ,the lastiof the hou s e Of Babar was dragged outas a p ris onerO f the B ritis h Government

,and inthe precincts Of which his

two s on s were shot.Meanwhile , s incethe relief Ofthe s iege Of D iu, the s ucces s

O fthe Portugues e had steadily increas ed . Sub s equentattack supon D iu by Mahmud Shah Of Guz z

’

rratwere repul s ed withheavy los s to his armies . I n 1 553 the b rother Of Ibrahim

70 H I S TO R Y or THE BO M BAY P R E S IDEN C Y .

A dil Shah Of B ijapur took refuge atGoa, and the kingOfferedthe Portugues e viceroy both terri tory and money if hewould give him up . Far from acceding to this requestthe .

Portugues e gavethe prince an armyto fightagains tthe king ,andthe force took poss es s ion Of the P hunda Ghat, or pas s ,Over the mountains

, on the way from Goa to the Deccan .

Here however the intervention ceas ed . The Portugues es eemed to have a pol i tical Obj ection to interference in thecontinent Of India ; and afterwards , as before,they l im i ted theirOperations tothe coas t . A longthe s eathey had now a s eries

Of factor ies and defences w i th here and there, as atGoa, Chaul,and Bas s ein , s plendid cities wherethe remains Of s tately fabric sstill attes tthe grandeur that once ex is ted . In revenge fortheaid affordedto his brothe r , the k ing Of B ijapur sent an army

agains t Goa. It was un s ucces s ful , but in 1 5 70 a powerful .

combination was form ed agains t the Portugues e by B ijapur ,Ahmadnagar and Kalikat, whos e immens e forces hurledthems el ves in vain upon Goa and Chaul . The gal lant defence

Of the Portugues e insp ired the Deccan kings with res pect,and peace was made on favourable term s . During the latterhal f of this centurythe Portugues e were atthe height oftheirs ucces s . They steadily avoided the acqui s it ion Of territorialor political influence, al though they had admirable oppor

‘

tunities Of both , al ike in Guz aratand inthe Deccan. But as amaritim e and trading powerthey attained a s upremacy whichbeat all local r ivalry outOf the field, and was only to fal l.

before s tronger powers from Europe . They were detes tedby the nat i ve races for their v indict ivenes s and avar ice ;and the execrable cruelty Of the inquis i tion es tablished atGoa for the propagation Of peace on earth and goodwilltoward s m en heightens the dark colouring of the glowingp icture . Convers ions were made by force, and the great

FOUNDATION OF THE M OGHAL E M PI R E . 71

mi s s ionary Xav ier baptis ed people bythethou s and , j u stinthes am e waythatthe Muhammadans brought the erring Hindus

intothe ir fold , whether they . would or not. The baptismalceremony was all-s ufl‘icientto renderthe neophyte a mem berof the Church , and any mental change or proces s was

regarded as s uperfluou s . The gates Of caste were of cours e

clos ed on all who, however reluctan tly,s ubm itted to the

ceremony ; and ontheWestern CoastOf Indiathere are manydes cendants Ofthe converts Of Xav ier who have Portugues enames and some vague and distorted notion s of legendaryChris t ianity , butto all intents and purpos es are H indu s .

When Akbar came to the throne in 1 55 6 he was onlythirteen years Old . A t the battle Of S irhind he had dis

played undaunted courage , but there was atthattim e littleapparent l ikel ihood that he would have the ab ility to win

for him s elf a real control over his nom inal emp ire . H e had

from the firstto contend with armies which were altogetheroutOf proportion to thos e which he could putinto thefield . The u s u rping S u r dynasty though fallen, had yetto be s ubdued ; the R eij puts and H indus in Cent ral I ndiahad no incl ination to s ubm it; the Pathan s in Kabul and

Kandahar were restles s and mut inous . Toward s Bombay ,

G uz aratalone had ever been under the Moghal sway,and

for morethan two centurie s the M uhammadan States of theDeccan had owned no allegiance to Delhi. Thu s in theconsol idation Ofthe Muhammadan power in India ,

Akbar hada great tas k to accom plish , and many years pas s ed bybefore he could give his attention to the kingdom s Of

W es tern India . I t was nottill 15 71 that he was able tomarch upon Ahmadabadto br ing G uz aratunder his control .A t S irhind Akbar had fought under the guidance Of his

guardian Bah ram Khan . Bahram pos s es s ed rem arkable

72 H I STO R Y O F TH E BO M BAY PR E S I DEN C Y .

talents as a mil itary leader. On comingtothe throne Akbarmade him his chief minis ter

,both for civil and military

affairs . The troop s of Muham mad S ur Adite , the las t OftheS ur dynasty, under Hemu

,his active H indu mini s ter,

marched upon D e lhi and Agra ; and Akbar s etoutto meetthem from A mballa, a city in the northern partOf thePanjab . H e had m en

,with wh ich to meet

Pathans under Hemu . Nearly all A kbar’

s Officer s couns elledretreat . B utatthe advice of Bah ram Khan, Akbar determinedto fight, and Panipat, the s cene Of many battles before and

s ince , s aw another complete tr iumph of the Moghal arm s .

Hem u was b rought as a captive into the pres ence of theemperor ; and Bahram Khan bade Akbar s lay the infidelwith his own hand and s o attain the title of Ghazi , or

Defender Of the Fai th . The boy burs t into tears and woulddo no more than lightly touchthe head Of the captive w ithhis s word . B utthe m inis ter had no w is hto letHemu es capeto bring another army again s t his mas ter, and him s elf sm oteOff the p r is oner ’ s head . S O perished the firs t H indu who

by clearnes s Of j udgment and devotionto his master ’ s cau s ehad r is en to distinction amongs t Muhammadan s . Akbar

entered D elhi in triumph and as cended his father’ s throne ;and after crush ing a rebell ion inthe Panjab found him s elf in1 55 7 undis puted poss es s or Of the whole of North-WesternIndia .

A sthe emperor grew olderthe respon s ibili ties that he hadt o deal with rapidly developed the s trength and deci s ion Of

his character, and bythe time that he was eighteen he was

ableto rule by him s elf. The invaluable s ervices of BahrainKhan could notatone forthe intolerable pres um ption thatbed is played

,and Akbar was deeply offended by his acts Of gros s

heartles s nes s . W ith wis etact and delicate gracefulnes s Akbar

FOUNDAT ION OF THE M OGHAL E M PIR E . 73

s ent him a mes s age telling him thatthus far he had beenoccupied in education, butthatitwas now his intention togovern his people accordingto his own j udgment. H e ad vis edhis well-wis her to give up worldly affairs and s pendthe restOfhis davs in p rayer atMecca . Bah ram started on his pilgrimage,buton the way abandoned his peaceful intentions and

rais ed a rebellion againstAkbar . H e was uns ucces s ful , andhe bes oughtthe emperorto forgive him ,

and A kbar restoredhimto his former honours . After a time he once more startedfor M ecca

,butwas murdered in G uzerat .

Ithas been s aid thatthe Moghal empire atits com

mencem entwas weaker thanthos ethatp receded it. Akbarhad s mallerarm ies than earl ie r conquerors

,andtheir dis cipline

was exceedingly lax . H is general s on gaining Victoriesacted notas if they were offi cers butr ather as independentchiefs . Akbar had a way of his own in dealingw ith them , and he general ly m anaged to Obtain their s ub

m is s ion w ithoutpunis hmentor reproofs , butby the s oftans werthatturneth away wrath . H is whole pol icy was atfirstincomprehens ible , both to M uhammadans and Hindus ;and though when n eces s ary he could deal a prom ptand

crus hing blow upon open rebellion, he preferredto gain hi sends by concil iation rather than by b rute force H is m ar

riage with a Raj putp rinces s pointed outthe Objectwhich hehad in view . The d ream of his life was to fus e into one

nationthe H indus and Muhammadans Of India . The s ub

vers ion Of H indu chiefs was followed almosti nvariably bytheir enrolmentas nobles Of his court, andthis generally hadthe effectOf bringing aboutthei r co-operation with his pol icy .

By thes e means,in a few rapid cam paigns , he extended his

dominions to M alwa, andthe frontie rs of Khandes h and theDeccan . Butthe obstinate defence Ofthe H indu stronghold of

74: H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S ID EN C Y .

Chittur in 1 567 by the Rajpu t clans , rendered a different:treatm entinevitable . Des perate atthe los s of their leaderthe Raj puts s lewtheir women and children, and burnt themw i th his body ; and onthe storming Of the fortres s they one

and all peris hed, rej ecting all Offers Of quar ter .

Raj putana broughtinto s ubm is s ion the emperor marchedupon Ahm adcibad ; Mozaff ar Shah made his al legianceand was enrol led as a noble of the empire . I n quellings ome res is tance to the imperi al arm ies in Gu zarat, Raj putchiefs foughts ide by s ide inthe fray with A kbar ’s M uhamm a

dan commanders . Returning tothe Panjabthe em peror hadscarcely r eached Agra when he heard that Guz araithadris en agains t him . The rainy s eas on wh ich generally put s as topto all mil itary Operations in India had s etin, buthemade a rapid march

,doingthe las t 4 50 m iles in nine days .

With reckles s courage he led his troop s in pers on agains t thein s urgent forces , and Gu z aratwas again in his hands . A few

years later M ozaffar Shah the ex -king Of Guz aratrebelled ,but after s ome protracted operations the imperial generalcom pletely defeated him and his al ly the chief Of Junagahr,

in 1 5841 . Mozaffar Shah lived for a few years in ex ile and

peris hed by his‘

own hand .

About this period the attention Of Akbar was drawn tothe political state Of the Deccan by refugees from the s tateof Ahmadnagar . By this time notonlv were the Deccanm onarchies in a chronic s tate of warfare w i th each other ,butthe very foundations Of their exis tence were rottingaway under the influence Of internal dis s en s ions . Ahmadnagar in particular was well-nigh rent as under by the con

tests Of two parties , one headed by a H indu,the other by

Abys s inian nobles who were related to the w ives of theN i zam Shahi k ing s . Refugees of the H indu faction were

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76 H IS TOR Y O F THE BO M BAY P R E S I D E N OY .

with Sind and Guz érat. On the Eas t of India, Oudh ,

Bengal and O ris s a owned his sway ,The Raj putstoo

,though

under their own chiefs,were m ostly connected w iththe em

p ire by marriage, and were thoroughly loyal to it. B uttheambition of Akbar was deeply mortified atthe return Of his

envoys from the Deccan w iththe new s thateach Of the kingsevaded or refus ed his demands ; and he ordered an armys outhwards to enforce his author ity . The army marchedth rough Malwa and Khandesh ,the ruler Of which s tate placedhis s ubm is s ion inthe hands Ofthe general and joined him with

hors e . At Galna additional forces from Guzarat, u nderA kbar

’

s s on Murad, the viceroy of that p rovince, formed a

j unction w iththe main body , andthe united arm ies marchedupon A hmadnagar .

To women is as s igned but a s canty role i n the drama Of

Indian history, but every now and then one has stood forth toShow what s plendid deeds her s ex is capable Of . S uch a

one was Chand B ibi Of Ahmadnagar , who now oppos ed theimperial forces . Thi s celebrated lady, who is s tillthe heroineo f Deccan s tory and Deccan s ong, was the daughter Of

Hu s s ein Nizam Shah Of Ahmadnagar . S he had been given inmarriage with the long d is puted fort Of Sholapur as her

d ower to A li Adil Shah of B ijapur, in 1 564 , i n order to

cem entthe al l iance of thos etwo s tates wh ich was formed tocrushthe H indu kingdom of B ij anagar . H er hu sband diedin 15 79 , and C hz

'

m d Bib i was left as regenton behal f Of herl ittle s on Ibrah im Adil S héh. I n a time of inces s antturmoil she ruled wis ely and well , though she was more thanonce depr i ved of power by rival faction s i n the s tate . In1 584 she returned to Ahm adnagar and took up her abodethere . This noble queen s ucceeded in uniting together thed is cordantfaction s thatraged in the N i zam Shahi capital ;

FOUNDATION or TH E M OGHA I. E M PIR E . 77

and ins pired by her enthu s iastic courage they Offered a bol dfronttothe enemies of Akbar . C hénd B ib i was the l ife and

s oul Ofthe de fence . W iththe valour Of Joan of A rc she puton armour, and sword in hand ledthe de fenders againstthe foe .

Again and againthe M oghals were beaten back w ith imm ens e

los s, andthe vastd itch Ofthe fort was fi lled w ith deadThe cris is was pas s ed andthe state for atim e s aved . All ies

came up from Bijapur and Golkonda, and prince Murad wascompelled to withdraw his troop s and to be contented withthe ces s ion Of Barrir . For a s hortperiod indeed its eem edthat the rival D eccan States were to form a con federacywhich would drive the M oghals from Western Indiafor good and al l. On the excu s e that prince M urzid had

annexed other di stricts bes ides Barzi r the confederatetroop s Of the three states marched to expel the invadersfrom the province . Itwas , in fact, a national contes t forsupremacy betweentwo Muhammadan races . The battle wasfoughtatSupa on the Godawar‘

i . After horr ible s laughteron both s idesthe M oghals were left in po s s es s ion ofthe field ,

butthey found thems el ves too weak to follow up theiradvantage . Murad proceeded to s ubdue G aiwilgahr and

other forts in Barar, buthe died in 1 599 , having made littlepermanentimpres s ion onthetroops ofthe Deccan k ings . A

few m ore united efforts agains t the M oghals m ighthavechanged the history of the D eccan . But party S pl l

’ ltwasstronger than patriotism . W ith nothing short Of ins anitythe late confederates recomm encedtheir favourite pastim e Of

cutting one another ’ s throat s , whi lethe enemy collected hisforces for a final s pring upon his victim . The Muhammadankingdom s were doom ed , and when the M oghals were

driven from all buta comparatively sm al l portion of theDeccan itwas notby them but bythe Marathas .

H I S TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY P R E SI D E N OY .

D is s atis fied withthe progres s that had been made Akbar

h im s elf took the field, and Ahmadnagar was a s econdtimebes ieged . The queen defended the fort with her formerb ravery , but treachery was atwork and her ungrateful troopsputherto death . The bes iegers p res s edthe S iegew ith greatervigourthan ever . Their m ines were s prung andthe breachess torm ed and s cantm ercy was showntothe garris on . Havingtakenthe fortres s the em peror cons olidated under one governm entAhm adnagar , B arrtr

, and Khandes h . H is favourite s on

Daniel was m ade viceroy and weddedtothe daughter Of thek ing of B ijapur . Akbar was nothappy in his s ons . Muradwas dead , D aniel died s oon after his marriage from exces s i vedrinking ; and now his el dests on Si lim who was als o a

d runkard rais ed a rebellion againsthim inthe North Of India .

TO quellth is Akbar hadto leave the Deccan w ithout abs o

lutely extinguis hing the v itality Of the Ahmadnagar State .

The fortwas held bythe imper ial troop s , butan A bys s inian

noble nam ed M z’

rlik Ambar , one of thos e who little better thans avages in their own country developed in the Deccan intos oldiers and statesm en

,establis hedthe capital Of the N i zam

S héhi k ingdom atDaolatabad , Of which city he had beengovernor . Ostens ibly in the nam e Of the young king butpractically on his own behalf he form ed a bulw ark again sttheMoghal invaders alm os t till his death in 1 626 . Thi s great

m an notonly defended the frontier and even for atim e re

coveredthe for tre s s Of Ahm adnagar , but he found m eans toreducethe finance s ofthe k ingdom to a com plete and adm ir

able sys tem . The as s es sm ent Of the land revenue was m adefixed instead of fluctuating . A t firstitwas m ade payable ink ind

,but latterlv comm utedto a money paym ent

,and the

am ountOf as s e s sm ent was moderate . H e abolis hed revenuefarming , and appointed B rahman s who were rapidly increas

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80 H IS TOR Y OF TH E B O M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

had attained . N O mere ambition for s ucces s in battle, no

me re lu s t Of em pire or plunder actuated him ; he had no wis hto s lay his pris oners Of war by the thou s and to attesthisgreatnes s , itwas no pleas ureto him to s el l their women and

child ren into s lavery . S uch deed s , on the contrary,were

ab s olutely forbidden. Conquered chiefs had no needto feardeath or torture or forcible convers ion to Muhamm adani smthey had onlyto s ubm itandthey were s ureto be exalted toa. h igh pos ition inthe im perial nobility . I n many cas es all

their pos s es s ion s were confirmedtothem . Akbar anticipatedthe ed ictof Lord W illiam Bentinck that abolished Sati

,only

perm itting itwhen the w idow deliberately chos e i t hers elf .

H e allowed the remarriage of w idow s , and, what the Britis hGovernm ent has notyetdaredto do , he forbadethe marriageOf little children . H e abol ished the jazia or capitationtaxthatw as levied on all Hindus . They were unmolested intheord inary practices of their religion ; their pries t s , templeand endowment s , were vigilantly protected . R zijputp r inceswere numbered am ong his courtiers and s oldiers ; and his

greatfinance minister, Todar M al,whos e revenue s ettlement

of the country has been maintained as a bas i s upon whichthe existing sy s tem has been builtup

,was a Hindu . N ot

on ly were H indu s al lowedthe exerci s e of their own faith buteven the adm inistration Of their own law s , and they w ereem ployed in all branche s of the public s ervice except as

j udge s . Akbar drew up a code Of laws relatingtothe army,j ustice, pol ice, and general state pol icy

,known as the Ayn

Akbari . Its ordinances are em inently p ractical , and in them ,

from beginningto end, j u stice is tem pered w ith m ercy .

I t could notbe expected butthatA kbar ’s liberal s entim ents and breadth of v i ew s hould es cape oppos ition fromtheb igoted and intoleran t Mo s lem s , who formed his s ubj ects .

E OUN D A I I ON OE TH E M OGHAL E M PI R E . 81

The very factthat he could ove rcome their oppos ition and

S i lence the lying charges which s aid that he pers ecutedthefollowers of the p rophet makes the picture Of his l ife morewonderful than ever . H is perfect tolerance is the more

admi rable when i t is rem embered that atthe s ame eratheCh ristian churches of Eu rope were burning and tortur ing all

whom they deemed to be heretics . and in England and S cotland m en and women were being drowned and hanged on

r idiculous charges of witchcraft. The fact is that Akbarwas in real ity nota Muhammadan . There was no God butG od, he declared , and Akbar was his cal iph and as all men

a re l iable to err no creed or r i tual propounded by m an was

infall ible . Akbar was a theistin whose s ightall s eekers afterG od were Of equal worth as long as they s ought to l iver ighteou s ly and do goodtotheir fel low -men. Whatever may

he said on behalf Of a s omewhatvague bel ief in a benevolentprov idence w ith butfew characteristic points to s eize theimagination Of the multitude. i t is quite certain thatitis not\luhammadanism . Beautiful as the s vstem may have been ,itbegan with Akbar , and even he can have hardly hopedthati t would endure after he had pas s ed away . On

h i s deathbed he repeated the confes s ion Of faith and

died in the form s of a good M us s alnuin . A s with his

r el igiou s conv ictions s o i t was with his political reform s . Theywere his and his only ; they belonged tothe man and nottothe age . I t cannot be reiteratedtOO Often that there can

be nothing permanantinthe reform s Of a benevolent des pot .I f itis pos s ible to impart a firm and lasting character toreform s forced upon a people w ithout referencetotheir willitmus t be bytheir belonging to a sys tem and notdependingupon the idio syncracies Of a s ingle m an. The Engl is h love Of

law and order which embues generat ion after generation Of

6

82 H I S TO R Y or TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

adminis trators has given to the inhab itants of India almo stall that was given them by Akbar, only very much m ore hasbeen added. The rank s Of the civ il service are open toEuropean s and Natives al ike, if Only they can pas s thecompeti t ive examination in London ; and if natives cannotcommand B ri ti sh brigades they can r i s eto be j udges in theH igh Courts Of Cal cutta, Bombay and Madras .

In A kbar’ s reign beautiful buildings Sprang up inthe ci tiesof India, and hi s courtwas one Of the mos t magnificent in

the world . In j ewels and decorations, i n cloth Of gold and

vel vet, inthe equipage of the camp andthe t rappings Of thearmy, s plendour could hardly go fu rther . I n abil ity of

character, i n breadth Of view ,in geniu s and ability Akbar

has few r ival s in any country , while in the history Of India,the great Moghal emperor Stand s out absolutely unique andunr ivalled .

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1 H I S TO R Y or TH E BO M BAY PR E S ID ENC Y .

The nation which was to surpas s all other European

peoples in the contes t for s up remacy in the Eas t was s lowto commence its tas k . The b rill iant s ucces s that attendedearly Portuguese enterpri se was notvouch safed to it . The

Portugues e had been lords of the Indian seas for a

hundred years , and the Dutch had firm ly planted theirfooting on the r i ch i s land s Of the Indian O cean before thefirs t Engl ish mar i ners sailed to the shores Of India. A few

attempts had lat terly been madeto reach India or China bvthe North -wes t pas sage . In s tr iving to make his way to Indiaby s ailing round Cape Horn S ir Francis Drake ’

s l ittle fleetcircumnavigatedthe world forthe firsttime, but never reachedthe country to which i t had been sent . H is expedition however called for remonst rances from Spai n againsthis interference with the fancied r ights of its flag. But QueenE l izabeth s toutly declared thatthe s ea l ike the air was com

mon to all m en,and her s ubj ect s were freeto s ail where thev

pleas ed . S everal expedition s were now s ent , but owingtothe mismanagement and wantof enterpr is e of thei r com

m anders no s ucces s was achieved . One captain named L ari

caster managed to reach Ceylon,buthis ves s el was los t and

he eventually returned home alone in a French sh ip . The

Dutch were al together more fortunate, and in 1 599 s everal

rich cargoes were brought to Holland . Three years laterthevarious companies which had been engaged inthe ventureunited under a s ingle charter.

A l ikemethod was adopted in England . A company was

embodied by royal charter in 1600, under the title Of “The

Governor and ‘CompanyOfthe Merchants of London tradingtothe Eas t Indies and a letter was d rawnUp bythe Queenrecommending her s ubjects to the care of all monarchs and

peoples whose shores the expedit ion might v is it .

‘ Fiv e

C O M ING OF TH E ENGL I SH . 85

s hip s were despatched in 1 601 under Lancas ter, who wasdes tined never to reach India . But he Obtained a valuablecargo atSumatra

,and addedtothe weal th thu s Obtained by

the capture of a Portugues e ship laden w ith s pices . QueenElizabeth d id notl i veto s ee his return

,but a s econd expedition

under Adm iral M i ddletonto Sumatra i n 1 604 was even mores uccess ful . The Dutch , however,though they rece ivedthe newarrivals with friendly gr eet ings , - showed unmis takably thattheymeantto keepthe monopoly Ofthe s pice trafficto them s elves .

However, by collecting their cargoe s atother is lands theEnglish gave no room for i nterference . The sh ip s returned

in 1 606 without havi ng as yetv is i ted India proper .The s ucce s s of thes e enterpr is es ledthe company to under

take a third venture, and early in 1 607 three ships were despatche d under David M iddleton . The goal aimed atwass til lthe s pice i s land s Ofthe Indian Archipelago, bu t one of

the sh ips named the “Hector,

” under Captain Hawk ins , parted from her cons ort s and s ailedto Surat . The Hector”

was thu s the fi rstEngl ish sh ip to reach India. Hawkins re

mained atSuratto m ake arrangem ent s for future commercialOperation s , but des patched his ves s el to Bantam in S umatraand the three s hip s reached England with large profit .

Two ves sel s des patched from England before their retur nw ere wrecked ; but nothing daunted the company s ent ah

c other exped itionto Bantam which resul ted in a profi t thats urpas sed their h ighes t expectations . They con s idered i t ad

v i sable to strengthen their position s by Obtaining fromJame s I . a new Charter which confirm ed their exi sting privileges . Upon th is three ship s were des patched under S irHenry M iddleton , one Of themthe “Trades ’ Increase” beingO f ton s burden , a very different vess el from thes lender craftofthe earl ier attempts . The “Trades’ Incr ease”

86 H I S TOR Y OF THE B O M BAY PR ES IDENC Y .

had an adventurous voyage . S he v is i ted Aden and Mocha,and atthe latter por t was run ashore by an Arab pilot, and

her crew and commander impris oned. By ex traordinary good’

fortune they Obtained their release. The “Trades ’ Increas ewas floated , only forthe crew to find a con s iderable Portu

gues e fleet waitingto oppose them . Force on thi s occas ionwas notused ; but M iddleton letthe Por tugues e know thattheir opinion as to their sole right to trade in thos e waters .

hardly coincided with his own,and that he m eant to trade

where he l iked . From the R ed S ea he made his waytoS urat . However atthe Gu z aratempor ium he found thenative authori ties S O impres s ed with the fear ofthe Portugues e that forthe t ime being trade was impracticable . H e

therefore followedthe advice’

given him atSurat and sailedto Gogo, s ome m iles northward on the Keithiz’rwfir coas t,where he was less l ikely to be interfered with .

H e took with him Hawkins , the Captain Of the Hector,who had j u s t returned from Agra with an Armenian wife“

bestowed upon him by the emperor . Hawkins had a won

derful taleto tell . When he des patched his ship to Bantam

he speedily found thathe woul d be unable to es tablish a

factory or create a trade without the emperor ’ s sanction.

Taking King James ’ letter addressed tothe Great Moghal he

adventured onthe long j ourneyto Agra, travell ing hundredsand hundreds Of m i les wherethe face Of no Englishman had

yetbeen seen . Jahangir received him with every attention and.

courtes v he lodged him s umptuou s ly and bes towed on him

high marks Of favour . The emperor showed him s elf wellf

dis pos ed tothe stranger who sought his aid , and expres sed .

a wis h to wel come an ambas sador from the Court of London .

Forthe pres enthoweverthe imperial permi s s ion to t rade wasnot granted , butHawkins went away as tounded atthe magnifi

~

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88 H I STO R Y or TH E BO M BAY PR ES IDENC Y .

word s he promptly th rew him s elf upon the Portugues e flee t .

The Portugu es e were ut terly defeated . N O argum ent is s o

convincing tothe Oriental m ind as phys ical force, and theeffect of this v ictory was atonce apparent . Jahangir con

cluded a treaty withthe English wh ich gave them perm is s ionto trade on payment of cus tom s duties ata; per cent .

, andtoes tabl is h factories atSurat , Cambay , Gogo and

‘

Ahm adzibiid.

An ambas s ador from the Englis h court was to be permanentlyr es ident atthe im perial capital . Captai n Bes t received this

treaty atSurat in February 16 1 3,and the event m u s t be

regarded as a famou s one in the annal s Ofthe Engl ish in theEas t . They were now firmly es tabl ished and their de sultory p roceedings atan end .

Meanwhile Jahangir’

s affairs i nthe Deccan were notprog res s ing s ati s factorily . H is armv had been defeated by M rilik

Ambar,the great Ahmadnagar general and mini s ter, who ruled

in the name Of a faineant k ing . The fort of Ahmadnagarhad been recaptured in 1 6 10 andthe emperor

’

s troop s dri venbackto B urhrinpurthe capital Of Khrindesh . The rebellionof Jahangir

’

s s on Prince Khos ru enabled Malik Ambarto con

sol idate his power, and carry outhis admini s trative reform s .

H e rall ied r ound him the chiefs Of many M aratha familieswhi ch were s teadily ri s ing in importance, and conferred uponthem high military pos ition s . H e was playing with edgedtool s ; andthe H indu chieftains were notalway s to u s e on

behalf Of their Mu s s alman rulers the high powers with whichthey w ere entru s ted . The emperor s ent an additional forcefrom Guzarz

’

itto as s i s t Khan Jahan Lodi his viceroy in theDeccan in 1 61 2 , butthe s piri ted res istance Of M ailik Ambar

drovethe united armies from his frontiers .

J ahzingir determm ed to takethe field in person againsttherebel s ; and in 16 16 he appointed h is s on P rince Kharrzim

C O M ING or THE E NGL I S H . 89

who s ucceeded him as Sheih J ahzin, to be comm ander-ih -chiefo f the Deccan . But before this there had arrived atAgraS ir Thomas R oe

,the Engl is h ambas s ador from Jam es I . In a

long res idence atCons tantinople R oe had acquired a thoroughknow ledge Of Eas tern character and manner s ; but thepomp Of the Turkis h cou rt had al together failed to preparehim forthe magnificencethat he behel d atAgra . In accor

d ance with the O riental custom by which no one come s

‘before a monarch empty handed he came prov ided w ith gifts .

But he could hardly smother a feel ing of humil iation whenhe placed beforethe emperorthe pres ent s s en t from England ;for all the j ewel s Of the B ritis h crown woul d notcomparew ith those which adorned the throne and robes of Jahan

gir . R oe, l ike Hawk in s, was adm i tted to intimacy by

the emperor, and the diaries kept by him during hi s

three years ’ res idence atthe Moghal Court give a m o s tinteresting and valuable pictu re of the times . R oe leftnoth ing undoneto promotethe interests Of his country . H e

i nduced the empero r to extend the permis s ion to trade tothe whole of India, and d rew up a s eries of articles regul ating the Engl is h traffi c , mos t Of which were confirmed bythe emperor . H e was as bold as he was diplomati c , and hes entto the Portugues e viceroy atGoa a document whichcons iderably enlarged thatpotentate’ s v iews onthe s ubjec t Of

f reedom of trade . The viceroy was plainlv told that any

a ttemptto in terfere w ith the E iiglish commerce would inev istably bring forth war , revenge and bloodshed . The Englis hintended nothing bu t free trade open by the law of nation sto all men. I t was notthe purpos e Of the Engli sh to r o o t

outor hinderthe trade Of the Portugues e ; and itwas s trangethat people Of that nation should dare to infringe upon thef ree commerce between others . O n these l iberal v iew s it

90 H IS TOR Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

must he confes s ed thatthe policy of the great company fornearlytwo centuries forms a s tartl ing commentary.

In 1616 S ir Thomas R oe accompanied the Imperial armyon its march again s t the Deccan . The em peror him s elfwent no further than the fort of M anda in Malwa

,but h is

proximity infu s ed energy into his commanders . An all iancewas made with B ijapur, and Mal ik A mbar was driven outofthe city and fort of Ahmadnagar . A kbar

’

s conques ts wereforthetim e re-es tabl ished , but in 1620 Mal ik Ambar againdefeated the imperial forces and car ried his movements so

fartothe North as the fortres s of Mandu i ts elf. Amongs tthe Marathas cons picuous in Malik A mbar ’ s s ervice was an

officer named Shahj i B hons le . H is family had r is en intonotice under his father M alloj i B hons le, who held a

command of hors e i n the Ahmadnagar army .

°

Pr inceShah Jahan was agai n sent agains t Mal ik Ambar

,but i t

requi red wel l-nighthe full power of the empireto b ring h imto s ubmi s s ion . This was atlas t done in a general actionto '

the north of the Ahmadnagar territory , i n which Shahj i

B hons le greatly dis tinguished him s elf.Jahangir died in 1 62 7, a year later than his formidable

opponent Malik Ambar . That great man was a foreigner,and as s uch regarded with j ealou sy both in Ahmadnagar andBijapu r. Had he been an Indian Muhammadan his administrative talent and military genius m igh t have created an

impregnable barrier againstthe Moghal forces . B utal ikeamong H indus and Muhammadan s in India pol itical unionhas alway s been sh ipwrecked by pr ivate feuds and party

feel ing . For Jahangir the las t year of his l ife had been

embittered by s truggles between his own s on s and the sonof his beautiful and imperious wife N ur Jahan , by her firsthusband , whom she des iredto be proclaimed heir .

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H I S TO R Y or THE B O M BAY PR E S I D ENC Y .

in 1629 and d irectedthe poliev ofthe campaign . A hithertos taunch adherent of Lodi was S hzihj i B hons le who had succeeded to much ofthe weigh t and influence of Mal ik Ambar .

I—I e excelled inthe artof knowing whento trim his s ail s , and

deemingthatLodi was no match again s t the emperor now

that he had him s elf com e to the Deccan he betook him s elftoS hah Jahan . On mak ing his s ubmis s ion he received a patentof nobili ty andthe confirmation of his es tates . Other Marathachiefs followed his exam ple ; andthe immediate res ul t was toc on s iderably strengthenthe cau s e of the emperor , and pro

portionatelvweakenthat of Lodi and thos e who were d is pos edto aid him . The rebellion was quelled and Lodi s lain , afterfighting b ravelytothe las t .Lodi had ineffec tually besoughtthe aid of B ijapur to res i stthe Moghal encroachments , but the B ijapur k ing was eu

gros s ed inthe work of adorning and beautifying his city, andhe refu s ed to break through the alliance whi ch had beenmade in the time of Akbar . That alliance had been ratifiedduring the wars of Mal ik Ambar ; andthe B ijapur k ing hadentered into a s ecret treaty with the em peror

,by which in

return for his cc-operation again s t Ahmadnagar he was

to recei ve the Konkan terr itory of that s tate and thefort of Sholapur . Bu t alarmed atthe emperor ’ s occupationof the country after his defeat of Lod i, the B ijaipurking entered upon an offen s i ve and defens ive alliance withAhm adnagar again stShah Jahan, recei v ing from thats tate the di strict s which the emperor had formerly

engaged to give him . The al liance achieved nothing,The

B ijapur army was atonce defeated , and the city bes iegedbythe Moghal fo rces . The s iege was nots ucces s ful butA hmadnagar was now m ade over to the emperor by FatteKhan, the son of Mal ik Ambar, whowas confirmed as regent

I, g a“,

R I S E OF TH E M A R A J‘

H A S .

of the s tate . This disgus ted S ln’thj i B hons le who joinedtheB ijaipur forces agains t the emperor. Fatte Khan al s o“

changed s ides and defended him s elf atDaolatabad , butbefore long he hadto s urrender, and was again received intothe Moghal s ervice . The lastfainéantking of Ahmadnagar .

a mere boy, was s ent as a s tate p ri s onerto Gwal ior,and s o in

1633the N izam Shahi k ingdom cameto an end. But B ij aipurwas uns ubdued , and none of the Deccan was real ly pacified ,

The emperor was obliged to returnto his capitalto s ee afterthe affairs of the P anj zib, and in his absence his commandersw i thdrewto Burhanpur .

Shahj i B hons le was nots low to take advantage of thisopportunity . H e proclaimed another prince as law ful heir tothe N i zam Shahi k ingdom and cal l ing h ims elf his guardiancollected troops, garris oned the forts , and occup ied thedis tric ts ofthe late k ingdom as far as the s ea . This ins olencecouldtnotbe tolerated by Shah Jahan . I II

i

1635 he returnedto the Deccan. The country was merc iles s ly plundered ;andthough a s econd s iege of Bijapur failed , the king had tos ue for peace . H e was granted favourable term s and en rolledas vas s al of the empire on payment of about a

year, and the forfe iture of a cons iderable portion of his

dominions, including Sholapur . Shaj i had des erted Lodifor Shah Jahan , on thinking that cours e to be favou rableto his interes t . H e leftthe emperor ’

s rank s when hethought - him s elf able to hold his own in an independentpo s ition . H e now determined once more to turn w iththetide ; his submi s sion was rece ived , and he was re-admittedintothe imper ial s ervice . The Deccan was now forthe timebeing fairly s ettled , and Shah Jahan returned to his capitalin 1632 leav ing his s on Aurangz ib as v iceroy . B utM uham

madan rule in that part of India res ted upon very insecure

94 H I S TOR Y or TH E B O M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

foundation s . I t was compos ed of element s which not evencommon interes t s and a common rel igion could s ucceed inuniting . Onthe one s ide was the emperor of Delhi

,amongst

whos e forces contention often ran riot,his own sons str iv ing

with one another forthe mastery . On the other , until ther ecent extinction of the N izam Shahi kingdom by ShahJahan , there werethe three Muhammadan S tates of Ahmadna

gar , B ijapur and Golkonda who, ithas been seen, only laida s idethe pleas ing occupat ion of cutting one another ’ s throatsfor occas ional union agains t a common foe . Meanwhile each

was more and more Incl ined t o pamperthe Maratha chieftainsand s oldiery that were ranged under their banners . The

m ovementwas s teadily gain ing strength which broughtS hiwaj i the s on of Shahj i into prominence as a champion

of the H indu fai th and a H indu empire,which should smite

down and dri ve outof the Deccan its Mussalman rulers,emperors , and k ings al ike.

Meanwhile Engl ish trade was on the whole progres s ing”favourably though notwithout s ome fluctuations and in 1628

a factory was es tablished atArmagur a town onthe eas tern

c oas t of Ind ia which is m emorable as beingthe firs t place

fortified bythe English inthe country . At Surat the Dutchentered upon a s evere competit ion with the London m er ~

chants . For a t ime the Engl ish commercial supremacy

w as eclipsed , butthe Company ’

s vigour soon r easserted its elf.

In1 632 important pri vi leges were obtained from the king

o f P ers Ia for trading in the Pers ian Gulf, and two yearsl ater under a firman from Shah J ahan a factory was OpenedatPipl i nearthe mouth of the H ughli in B engal . Les s tothe l iking of the Company thanthe rivalry ofthe Dutch wasthe competit ion of a new Company from England . King

C harles I . did not approve of many of the original Company’

s

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96 H I STOR Y O F TH E. BO M B AY PR E S I DEN C Y .

culty . Surat was made the Pres idency of Wes tern Indiaw ith control over the Pers ian Gulf ; whilethe authori ty of

M adras ex tended over B aghli , Patna, Kas imbazar and

Balas ur .

The submis s ion of Shah B hons le was fol lowed by an i nter w

val of peace inthe Indian empire Of Shah Jahan. H e was

nevertheles s engaged in s ending expedition s to Kandaharand Balkh ,

but thes e left him le isureto improve his revenuesy s tem and general admini s trat ion. H is s on A urangz ib, who

had been employed w i th the army in Kandahar was appointedv iceroy - ofthe D eccan .

H e made his court atthe city whichMal ik Ambar had built near D aolatzibad, and changed itsname from Kirki to Aurangabad . Under A urangz ib

’

s v iceroyal ty Todar Mal ’s revenue sys tem was to s ome extenti ntroduced intothe D eccan . Shahj i m eanwhile was permittedto leavethe direct s ervice ofthe emperor for thatof his ves s e lthe king of B ijapur, and his talents and geniu s found himcon s tant employment . In 162 7 there had been born to himatJunnar a s on named S hiwaj i . H e was leftatPunawith hism otherto be broughtup under the guardianship of D aidaj i

Konedew . D adaj i was one of thos e Brahmans whom all

Marathas of importance retain in their serv ice as writers andm en of bus ines s . This m an showed great skill inthe managem ent of S hahj i

’

s es tates near Puna,mos t of which were inthe

w ild valleys of the Wes tern Ghats . A sthe boy S hiwaj i g rewup he made friend s with other young Maratha chiefs like him

s elf . Animated with nu intens e hatred of Muhammadanism he

and his friends led wild and lawles s l ives , and is s ued on plunderi ng rai ds onthe r ich lauds belowthe Ghats . An Ins pi rat ionseized the young S hiwaj i that he might s nnte the Mos lemhip and thigh , and bring back the palmy days when thechildren of B hawzini and I ndra possessed the land , and had

R I S E or THE M AR ATHAS . 9 7

notto bow down beneath a foreign yoke . H e scorned tolearn to read or wr ite, but he attained high s kill in all mar

tial ex ercI s es . H e was equal ly proficient in the us e ofthes pear,the sword , andthe gun , while l ike mo s t of his countrymenhe excelled in hors emanship . H e delightedto l i s tento tales ofHindu chival rythat were recitedto him outofthe Ramayanaand M ahabharat, All the rel igious ideas of a Hindu were

s trongly developed in his nature, and he was rigidly s tr ict inall cas te ceremonies and Ob s ervances . H is mother was a

remarkable woman . To her he confided all his as piration s ,and she worked up his hopestothe highes t p itch by tell inghim of revelations which she had recei ved from the goddessBhawani foreshadowing his future greatness as the upheaverOfthe Muhammadan creed .

B y the death of his guardian ,S hiwaj i becamethe manager of his father ’ s es tates . Duringhis life t ime D adaj i had urged him to give up his s chemesand faithfully s erve B ij zipur. On his death -bed he exhortedhim to achieve independence , and protect Brahmans

,kine,

and cultivators . Thes e dying words were notonly an

encouragementto S hiwaj i, but they gave a sanction to hisdes ign s in the eyes of his followers . From his father’ ses tates he gained the means which enabled him to enterupon the mis s ion of his li fe, while he was daily acquiring a

more and more powerful influence over the wild inhabitantsof the mountains . Bold and determined as he was he

s aw the need of caution and warines s . By his politenesand conciliatory manners he gained the good wil l of theres pectable Marathas of Puna ; but his occas ional ab s enceintothe Konkan were followed by rumours of robberies and

dacoities , and i t was whis pered that S hahj i’

s son shared thep rofits .I II his wanderings about the wi ld highlands where be after

7

98 H I S TO R Y or TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y.

wards es tablished him s elf he not only grew familiar with thepath s and track s , but made him s elf thoroughly acquaintedwith the h il l forts . Thes e fort s had been eas ily taken bytheMuhammadan s , and their val ue being in cons equence muchunder-es timated they were general ly neglected . S hiwaj i s awthat they could be turnedto good account . H e managed bysome m ean s ,the par t iculars of which are notknown, to inducethe killidar or governor of Torna

,a for t about th irty miles to

the Wes t of Puna,to give over the place to h im . This was in1 646 when Shiwaj i was in his twentieth year . H e now s entword to the Bijapur author ities of what he had done . H e

undertook to pay forthe tract which he had taken a higherrent than had been recei ved for i t i n the ten years thati t had belonged to Bijapur .

)No not ice was taken of his

request, and he proceeded to s trengthen and repair Torna.

While bu s ied with this tas k he di s covered in the for t a

hoard of gold which be at tr ibuted to a m iracle worked on

his behalf by the goddes s Bhawani . Thi s enabled him topurchas e arm s and ammunition and to build another fortnear Torna which he named R ajgahr or the royal fort .Both of them are s i tuated in what is nowthe Bhor State or

Pant S achiw’

s terri tory . The attention of the BijapurGovernment w as atlas t attracted . References were m adeto Shahj i, who replied that doubtless hi s SOII was working

for the imp rovement Of the es tates which he held under

government .S hiwaj i nex t proceeded to win overto his viewsthe H indu

Office r in charge ofthe fort of Chakan , and by a large bribe

be s ecuredthe important fort near Puna to which he gave or

restoredthe nam e of S ingahr (Shiwagahr) or the l ion ’

s den.

For his father ’ s es tates he was bound to pay revenues toB ijapur . By var ious excuses he contrived to keep them in

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100 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

being commonly known as the S idi , a vulgar corruptlon of

S yad, a term of res pect for. des cendants ofthe prophet . Inthe ordinary Speech of the Deccan S idi is an equivalent forAfrican , and is used in a contemptuou s sense . The S idi of

Janj ira was sub s equently appointed to be admiral ofthe fleetofthe Moghal empire .

S hiwaj i’

s action had been bold, but his next exploi t wasstill more daring . H e pu s hed his forces on to Kalyan

,took

the governor pris oner, and obtainedthe s urrender of severalforts in its neighbourhood . H e atonce rev ived ancien tH indu in s titution s . Endowments were m ade to templesand as s ignments to B rahm ans . Two new forts were al s ocommenced forthe protection ofthe frontier again s tthe S idi

,

who was by no m ean s an unformidable neighbour . Incen s edas the Bijapur Government was atbeing thu s defied by

S hiwaj ithe king could notbel ieve that he was acting independently of his father S hahj r. The latter was therefores eized and imprisoned . Shahj i with perfect truth ins istedthat he had nothing whateverto do w ith his s on’s achievements , and advi s edthe king to reduce him to obedience by

for ce . But enraged atwhat he cons idered S hahj i ’s ob s tinacythe king placed him in a dungeon In which he was all butwalled up and told him that if he did notshortly procure

the subm i ss ion of his sonthe few remaining brick s woul d be

closed . S hiwaj i , s eemingly with the del iberate intention of

playingthe r ival Muhammadan powers one again s tthe other,

had refrained from any interference w iththe emperor ’ s territory or s ubjects and he now appealed to Shah Jahan agains this vas sal k ing of B ijapur . W i th a l ike notion of makingu s e of this daring young Maratha as a check upon his s tiffnecked s ubj ect, Shah Jahan admitted S hiwaj i intohis service ,and Obtained the releas e of his father from the dungeon .

R IS E OF TH E M ARATHA S . 101

S hahj i however was detained atB Ij apur for“

two years . Dur

ingthis period S hiwaj i was busied with endless schemes, butcommitted few aggressions . But no s ooner was Shahj i

a l lowed to leave the capital and return to hi s d uty inthesouthern dis tr ic ts than he took to his Old courses . H e

s eized fort after for t, and in 1656 made for himself an

impregnable s tronghold atP ratapgahr, near the heights of

M ahableshwar .

A urangz ib meanwhile , as viceroy of the Deccan, had beenwaging war agains t Golkonda, and after sacking H yderabadhe forcedthe k ing to pay a fine of sterl ing . The

death of Muhammad Adi"Shah of Bijapur , under whosereignthe city was one of the fines t and most populou s inIndia

,formed sufficient excu se for interference i n that quarter .

A u rangz ib choseto s ay thatthe s election of a k ing lay withthe emperor. The young king A dil A l i S hah offeredto paya s um equal to that exacted from Golkonda, but A urangz ibdetermined once for all to annex the kingdom to theimperial dominion s . The ci ty was invested in 1567 , and itscapture was only a ques tion of t ime, when a mes s age reachedA urangz ib of the s uppos ed mortal illness of his father . H e

hurried off to Delhito s ecure his s uccess ion tothe th roneand quashthe claims of his three brothers . Shuja and Murad,in whom the family vice of drunkennes s ran riot , as sumed

royal titles . A urangz ib cajoled Murad by p romi s ing to help

him agains t their eldest brother Dara, a prince who would havebeen a worthy succes s or to Akbar . Their combined arm iesdefeated Dara who was forced to flee . Murad, having been

u s ed as a tool, was now put as ide , and S huja’

s efforts were

fruitless . On fail ing to conciliate the emperor, whos e i llnes s was after all not mortal , A urangz ib s ei zedthe throne in1 658, and kept his father p ri s oner within the wall s of his

102 H I S TO R Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

palace until his death eight years later . Dara and M uréd

were killed and Shuja only escaped to per i sh in A rrakhan .

Shah Jahan left no les s than sterl ing inthepubl ic treasury . H e had governed his immen s e dominionswisely and well . The great Deccan kingdom of Bijapur was

bound more clos ely to the emp ire during his reign than itever had been before.

S hiwaj i had kept a watchful eye on all the movements of

Aurangz ib . Onthe commencement Ofthe pr ince’s operations .

agains t B ijapur he en tered into correspondence with him .

A urangz ib l is tened to his over tures , and cons ented to hisretaining what he had wres ted from Bijapur . H e even .

handed over to S hiwaj ithe portof Dabul and i ts dependencies on the Ratnagiri coast Which were directly underthegovernment ofthe emperor . A urangz ib was anx ious for an.

interview with the Maratha chief in order to impres s uponhim how clos ely their interes ts were allied . But S hiwaj r had

’

no wish to place him self in an equivocal position , being perfectly wel l awarethatthe all iance of their interes ts would las tno longer than might seem good to h im s elf. That l imit wassoon reached, and while writing conciliatory letters S hiwaj imade a rai d upon Junnar and carr ied to R ajgahr revenuecollection s of the Moghal Governm ent worthThe principle thatmoney is the sinews of war was a maximthat he invariably recognis ed. But the army of A urangz ib

Obtained unexpected success atBijaipur, and Shiwaij i though t i t .better to tempori s e. H e wrote in a humble s train begging forforgivenes s for whatwas pas t and when A urangz ib journeyednorthwards onthe news of his father’ s illnes s he Offeredtoproteetthe imperial dominions during his ab sence . Atthe s ame t imebe pressed his claims to some hereditary estates inthe Moghaldistricts, and solici ted the imperial sanction to the tran s fer

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( 1 04 )

IX EXPANSION OF MA RATHA P OWE R .

UR A N GZI B was forty years Ol d when he dethroned hisfather and became emperor underthe t i tle of A lam gir,

and he wasto reign l ike Akbar for half a century (1658Both were indefatigable workers , both were prompt in action

,

and bothto a certain extent sk ilful in deal ing with emergencies . But A urangz ib had none of his i llu s trious ancestor ’ slove of r ighteou snes s and breadth of sympathy . A bigotedand intolerant fol lower ofthe prophet, he has been des cribedas a Pur itanMuhamm adan monarch . The tolerat ion of Akbarhad ended with his l ife . But ithad left a kind of contemptuon s half-bel ief inthe s tate religion among thos e who carr iedoutits ceremonies tothe letter . A period of immoral ity and

l icence had Sprung up atthe court . The great Obj ect of

A nrangz ib’

s l ife was to crush this infidel ity and licence, tobring H indu s down to their proper level andto s ubduetheheretical Muhamm adan kingdoms of the Deccan . Aurangz ib was a Sunni or or thodox Muhammadan the Deccan k ingssupported the Shia heresy which refus ed to recogni s e as

caliph s the fi rst three followers of the prophetwho had

as s umedthat ti tle.

A urangz ib loved to enter into the minutest detai l s of

his adminis tration . H e was fascinated by the i ndividualfeatures of the work of government . H e could notthrowhis gaze over the vas t s urface of his empire s o as to ob

tain one comprehens Ive V leW of the pol itical horizon,H is

method of rule in H indu s tan is not with in our cons ideration

E x PA N S I ON or M ARATHA POWER . 105

‘here . But his whole hi s tory inthe Wes t of India with regardtothe Marathas andthe M us s alm zin kingdom s ofthe Deccancannot but fi ll us with amazement atthe prais e that hasb een bes towed on his ability and adminis tration . Daring as

he was his boldnes s was exceeded by his hy pocr isy . Toa dvance his ambitious aim s no dis s imulation was too low tos toop to . H e s trove to build up a reputation for w i s dom ;

and his s ucces s ful u s urpation of the throne, his close at tention to bus ines s

,the s impl ici ty of his personal habits amids t

a court of unparalleled Splendour, and the extent of hi sscholas tic attainmen ts sufficed to obtain i t for him . Thathe lackedthe affection which Akbar fel t for all his s ubjectsis notwonderful ; his fai lure to s ee that the s trongestf oundat ion which his empire could res t upon would be a

fus ion of all al ike into one national i ty makes the wis dom of

Akbar s tand outin yetmore v iv id relief . In B Ij apur and

G olkonda he poss es s ed powerful bulwark s which a wis es tatesman sh ip m ight have incorporated into the empire, and

boundto i t by as warm ties of devotion and interes t as thosewhich hold the modern p rinces of India in allegiance to

Q ueen Victoria.

In mos t parts of his dom inions he smote with an iron rodtho se who were notfollowers ofthe Prophet . The capitationtax on all infidel s was s tr ingently co llected, and a mas s of

-clamorou s pet itioners for exemption from the impos t weretrampled to death by his elephants . Cus tom s duties forH indus weretwofold what they were for M uhammadans , andH indus were excluded from all public offi ces except a few

m ili tary pos ts . Far from des iring to be a benefactor of mankind,A urangz ib

’

s wis h was to establ ish his t itle as a Muhammadansaint . Akbar had al lied himself tothe Rajputs, and A urangz ibhad Rajput blood in his vein s . But A urangz ib treated this

1 06 H ISTOR Y or THE BO M BAY P R E S I D E N OY .

race as enem Ies of his fai th , and goaded them into a rebellion , .

which was put down wi th allthe ferocity of I s lam . The countrywas laid waste,the m en S lain, the women and children mades laves . And yetin Spite of this mischiev ous and intolerantbigotry s uch was his suspicion ofthe Muhammadan kings intheDeccan who wouldnothow their headstothe M oghal yoke thatbe encouragedthe r is e of the b itteres t foe of his and thei rmutual fai th in order to weakenthe powers that he Should havecheri shed asthe buttres ses of his empire . H is eyes were par tiallyOpened whenthe mischief was done . But even then , emergentas the cr isi s was , s uch was his suspicion and ob s tinacy that hewould not: trust his general s with su fficient forces to quel lthe M aratha power whos e growth his policy had s timulated .

And atthe end,when he him self came tothe Deccan for his

final efforts ati ts subj ugation , his armies were hampered bytheir unheard-Of pomp and gorgeous equipment

,and his

treasury exhau s ted in fruitles s dis play .

When A urangz ib went off from the D eccan to seizethethrone atD elhi , S hiwaj i promptly Went on with his sys tem of

conques t . One of his expeditions m etwith unexpected.failure, and an army that be des patched under his Peshwa or

chief officer agains t the l i ttle Afri can S tate of Janj ira'

was signally defeated by the Sidi ’ s forces . Every exertionwas used to repairthe disas ter ; and an event Shortly occurredwhich raised Shiwaj i

’

s powertothe highes t p itch . A t tractedto his doings in the Konkan and onthe Gha' tsthe Bijapu rGovernment

,putting aside for a time it s endles s internal

dis tractions, became sensible of the neces s ity of s ubduingthemarauder . A splendid army was despatched agains t him underA fz ul Khan, an offi cer of high rank , who proudly vauntedthat he would soon return to his so vereign with the ins ignificant rebel in chains .

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"

1 08 H I STORY or TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDE NC Y .

right s leeve“. On the fingers of his left hand be fixed a

favouri te Marath i ~weapon known as a wagnak or tiger’ sclaws . H is gues t was introduced to him . In the midst ofthe cu s tomary embrace Shiwaj i stuck the wagnak into his7bowel s and followed upthe blow with h is dagger . I t wasthework of a moment . A fz ul Khan ’ s head was severed from hisbody, and preconcerted signal s were given upon whichS hiwaj i

’

s troop s s tarted up from the dense vegetation inwh ich they had been lying in ambu sh . They m owed down in

‘hundreds the Bijapur soldiers , who never sus pected thepres ence of an enemy

,and who had not time to mount their

hors es or s tandto their arms .

The rout of the Bijapur army and the capture of i tsvaluable camp and s iege train greatly raised Shiwaj i

’

s fame .

“

H is subsequen t career was by no m ean s unchequered, but hem ay be fairly s aid from this date to have createdthe M arathan ation . H e had ' dealta deadly blow atMuhammadanpower , Delh i and B ijapur alike

,andthe year of the victory

,

1659,is an important date . A lmos t exactly a hundred year s

laterthe battle of Plas s ey form s another memorable epoch inIndian h is tory . Plas s ey es tablis hed as rulersthe merchantswho for s o long had barely s u s tained a s truggle for exis tence

' outhe s ea-coas t ; and j u s t a‘ hundred years after that the

rule of the Company ended inthe thunder s torm of the greatmutiny onlyto s pring in to new life in the migh tier rule of

the B r i ti sh Crown .

The Bijapur king now took the fiel d in person agains tShiwaj i and bes ieged him atPanalla, a strong fort twelvemiles from Kolhapur

,whichthe wily M aratha 'had s ecured by

corrupting its Bijapur commander . Shiwaj i es caped fromPanalla, and leftthe king’ s army to wear i ts elf outin ineffectual efforts to come up with h im , while he occupied

E XP AN S I ON or M A RATH A POWE R . 109,

himself with plunder ing and robbing rightand left . Earlyin 166 1 he appeared before Rajapur on the Ratnagiri coas t ,plundered the Engl i s h factory , and impris oned for severall

years s ome of the merchants on the excuse that they had

ass is ted the Bijapur troop s again s t him . Some of his fortswere taken by the Bijapur army , but he built new ones ,especial ly nearthe s ea. Ob s erving too the greatadvantagethat the S id i of Janj ira gained from his s hip s he proceededto establ is h a fleet of his own , while he obtained guns and

m il itary stores fromthe Por tuguese on condition of leavingthem unmoles ted . The demand it need hardly be s aid wasfrequently renewed .

About this period Shiwéj i received a v i s i t from his fatherShahj i, who was s till inthe B ijapur s ervice . S hiwaj i treatedhim with profound respec t and high dis t inction . H e s enthim backto Bijapur w i th pres ents forthe king , and by hisintervention s ecured an amnes ty fromthe s tate . The amnes tylasted til l S hahj i

’

s death in 1604 , and was then not brokenby S hiwaj i. I t was probably atthe s ugges tion of Shahj ithatS hiwaj i atthis t ime moved his head-quarters fromR ajgahr to an impregnable pos i tion atB airi, nearerthe s ea,

in what is nowthe Kolaba dis tric t . H e changed its nametoR aygahr, orthe regal fortres s , and erected upon it a completes etof public buildings . S hiwaj i now pos s es s ed a compactterritory with a coas t line extending 1 60 miles from Kalyan

to Goa,‘

and a breadth of 100 miles . H is army was a form id

able one of some foot and horse, and his trucewith B ijapur enabled himto us e i t agains tthe M oghals .

The Engli sh all this t ime were s teadily improving thei rpos ition

, and a new charter granted them by Charles II . inaddition to extending their trading privileges gave themimportant pol it ical and j udicial authoritv. They were

1 10 H I S TORY OF TH E BO M BAY PR ES IDENC Y.

empowered to choose their own governors, and to adminis terB ritish laws within their sett lements . They were allowedto m ake war with any power notChr i stian—a prov i s oh onoured in the let ter rather than in the Spiri t— to buildfortifications , and to s uppres s the trade of interlopers orunauthoris ed pers on s . This g reatly rais ed the status of

the Company’

s s ettlement atSurat . But a city that was tobecome the s econd ci ty of the Bri t ish empire when thegreatnes s of Surat was well -nigh forgotten was now to comeintothe Company ’

s bands . In 1 66 1 , bythe marr iage treaty

of Charles I I . with Cathar ine of Braganza, the princes s of

Portugal , the i s land of Bombay was ceded to the B ritish

C rown . The B ri tish engaged in return to defend and

p rotectthe subj ects of the King of Portugal in thos e part s

from the power and invas ion of the S tates of the UnitedProvinces . An exped ition was s ent to take posses s ion of thei s land in 1 662 under the Earl of Marlborough. The Earl

was in s tructedto conveythe Viceroy of Goa from Lis bon toI ndia, and from him to receive the i s land in poss es s ion .

H e was al s o directed “to make the mos t exact ob s er vation she could of all advantages which may be s ecured to Hi sMaj es ty or his s ubjects in tho s e part s where he should go,

e i ther by treaties with the several Princes of those countries,or by planting Of s pices in any places which may be or shal l

be i nthe k ing’

s pos s es s ion , and of the mean s of advancingtrade and securing navigat ion in those part s .” But owingtoa claim to the i s lands near Bombay which were not Speci

fically named inthe conces s ion negociations ensued . The

Earl returned to England for in s tructions,leaving his

troops , 500 in number, under the comman d of S ir Abraham

Shipman , on the pestilential island of A nj idiwa near Goa.

Sir Abraham and most of his m en perished from the

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1 1 2 H I S TO R Y orra B OMBAY P B E S I D E N OY .

But forthe time Surat was the seat Ofthe Engli sh adminis

f ration, and its weal th formed an attraction to the res tles sS hiwaj i. H e had been ravaging the Moghal dis tr ic ts in alk

directions, plunderingthe v illages and levying contr ibution sfromthe towns . Once, when camped atSinghar , his fort overlooking Puna, a town atthis time r is ing into importance,he performed an exploi t which his countrymen for long:after his l ife- timetal ked of with del ight . W ith a small bandof follower s he left h is fort and sl ipped into the town,

unobserved bythe M oghal garrison . H e made his waytothegeneral’ s house, slew his guard and his son

,and before i t was

possible to interrup t him made his way back to S ingahr . The

glare of torches onthe for t expressedtothe M oghals atPunathe bravado and defiance of their enemies . Turning as ide for

a moment fromthe M oghals the Maratha ruler early in 1 664.

as sembled an army atKalyan, giv ing outthat he meant toattackthe Portuguese and once for all reducethe Sidi . H is

real des ign was Surat, upon which he made a rapid march .

H e plundered it for s ix days and conveyed his s poil to R ay

gahr. The plunder was great,but would have been greater

had notthe Englis h underthe Governor, S ir George Ox enden,manfully s tood on thei r defence . S hiwaj i had on a pre

vions occas ion plundered their factory atRajapur ; but hewas so impres s ed by their res i s tance atSurat that forthefuture he soughtto conciliate them, and on a subsequent raidupon S uratlefttheir factories unmoles ted . The em peror, on

his part, as a mark of his appreciation of their valour , granted

the Englis h a remission of a great part of his cus tom.

duties .Not long after this S hiwaj i heard ofthe death of his father .

H e now as sumed the title of R aj a, and s truck coin s in his

own nam e . Some months were spent in arrangingthe affairs

I

EXPAN S ION or H ARA '

I HA P OWE R . 1 1 3

of his government atR aygahr . But he Obtained fresh access ions Of power . H is fleet seized Moghal ves s els bound forMecca, andthe r ich pilgrim s had to pay cos tly ran s oms fortheir releas e. H e surpr is ed and plundered A urangzibzid

and Ahmadnagar, and thoroughly defeated a B ijapur army

s ent agains t him i n the Konkan . In fact, as the Englis hrecord s ofthe times s tate

,he s eemedto be every where and to

be p repared for every emergency . H is s ucces s during this

year was as tonish ing . H e lev ied exaction s from the s eaportsfor thirty miles s outh of Goa, exper iencing s carcely any

res is tance exceptatKeirwar, from which he had barely timetoexac t a contributionThe emperor had no object ion to S hiwaj i battering to

p ieces his M uhammadan vas s al s . Butthe attack on his own

p ilgrim Ship s rous ed his ind ignation . A large army undertwo of his chief generals , one of whom was a H indu namedR éj a J ay S ingh ,

was s ent to avenge the outrage upon thefaith andthe insul ttothe empire . A H indu ofthe H indus

,

S hiwaj i was a s laveto s upers ti tion .Warned in a dream by

the goddes s Bhawani that he could not prevail agains t th i sH indu prince, he entered into negociations w ith him .

S hiwaj i ceded a large number ofthe forts tothe emperor oncondition of the res t of his acquis i tions being confi rmed tohim as a jaghir or es tate dependent on the emperor. H e

then joined his forcestothe imp erial army and fought withs uch valour that he was invited to A urangz ib

’

s court atDelhi . H e arrivedthere with his s on S ambhzij i in March1 6 66 . H e looked for a reception in accordance with thei deas that be enter tained of his own importance. But he fel th im self s l ighted , if not in sulted by the pos ition as s igned tohim

, and even in the emperor ’s presence he could nots upp ress h is resentment atthe indigni ty . H e was thereupon

8

1 1 43 H I S TORY O F THE BO M BAY PR E S I DEN C Y .

placed under guard,

and kep t in confinement for s omemonth s . H e atlas t contri ved to es cape, and after extraordi‘nary adventures reached R aygahr towardsthe close ofthe year .

S hiwaj i rapidly repos ses s ed himself Of his rel inquishedforts and of the nor thern Konkan, and A urangz ib in cous e

quence r ecalled h is H indu general,Raja J ay Singh . The

Raja died on his roadto Delh i . From B ij apur and GolkondaShiwaj i obtained t ribute on condition that he ab s tained from

enforcing his demands for chauth , or a four th part of therevenue due to Government . Atthis s tage there was

comparative peace and quiet i n the Deccan ; and S hiwaj iapplied h ims elf s teadily to the regulat ion of his army and

c ivil government , In each of thes e branches he showedwonderful s kil l and ab il ity which reached down to theminutes t details . H is m il itary dis cipline was exces s i velys tric t , especially i nthe fort s and his troops w ere punctual lypaid . The j udic ial sys tem was founded on that of thepanchayet or v illage council ; but as com pared with therevenue department the j udicial was of s l ight importance .

But though tranquill ity exis ted in the Deccan Shiwéj i wouldnot al together res train h is hands from war . H e made som e

attempts,which however were not succes s ful , on Goa, and

the inpregnable Sidi stronghol d atJanj ira . The S idi in his

need appl ied for aidto his new neighbours in Bombay . S o

l it tle value did the Englis h attach to their i s land that theyactual ly sugges ted tothe council atSuratthe advis ab il ity of

moving their settlement from Bom bay to Janj i ra . The

sugges tion was treated withthe contem ptthat it des erved .

From the time of Shiwaj i’

s escape from D elh i, there is no

doubtthatA urangz ib looked with s ome m isgiv ings upon ther is e oftheMarathas which in his folly he had encou raged . H e

made several changes among his officers inthe Deccan . But

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H I S TOR Y OF TH E B OM B A Y PR E S IDEN C Y .

upthe fortifications of Bombay he laid outthe town,the firs t

street being occupied by silk weavers from the decaying city

of Chain". H e quelled a mutiny among Engl ish soldiers,and

underthe impartial B ri ti sh lawthe firs t man to s uffer death

onthe is land was an Engl ishman . Seeing the mis chief thathad resulted tothe Portuguese by mixed marriages he senthome for Engl i s h wives for his English subj ects . H e securedthe l ives and property of the Company ’s servants atS uratwhen a second at tack was made by Shiwaj i. Bombaybecame an asylum forthe oppressed of all nat ions , where all

might enjoythe free exercis e of their rel igion . Al l m ightd ispose of their dead with whatever ceremonies they pleased ,and none of any nation were to be compel led t o embraceChri s t ianity . H e s ecu red for B ombay what was thenthes eparate i sland of Colaba. When confronted w i th thedi ffi culty of governing the motley population thatsprangup he embraced the system ofthe panchayet , and upon it sbasis worked up a system of self government. On his death ,the j udgement of the Council atSurat was , that “amid a

s uccession of difficul ties be p reserved the English tradefor s i xteen years . A t this t ime the Company separatedtheir officers i nto four grades, the j unior Of whom werewri ters who s e salary together with board and lodging was

£10 per annum after three years ’ service. They ros e to be

factors , j unior merchants, and senior merchants, designationswhich continuedto the last .S hiwaj i had long s truck coins and s tyled himself Raja, but

he now determ ined on having a magnificent coronation athiscapital of R aygahr . On the 6th of June 16 74 , after manys olemn rites ,the ceremonytook place . H e openly declaredhis independence ; and as s uming the insignia Of royal tyestabl is hed the date as an era of his dynas ty . H is aged

E x P AN S I ON OP MARATHA POWER .

mother l ived to s ee thi s event . The coronation was witnessed

by Mr . Henry O x enden, who had been sent from Bombayon a miss ion to S hiwaj i for the conclu s ion of the longwi shed for treat y .

The t reaty w as s igned, and by i tS hiwaj i gave permi s s ion to trade all over his dominions onan impor t duty of only per cent; coins were to passreciprocally and wr eck s to be res tored . Indemnificat ion was

p romis ed forthe los s es atRajapur, and factories were permitted atseveral new places . The embas s y and the adm inis

tration of A ungier produced a favourable impres s ion ; theimmediate s ucces s ors Of that able pres ident , who died in 1 676 ,had neither his talent s nor his weight .

S hiwaj i continued to hold his power for the remainder of

his life . The monotonous record Of war s and intrigue sbetween the emperor

,S hiwaj i, and Bijapu r , lasted with l ittle

intermis s ion to the end . I t is varied by an extraordinarvexpedition that the ever-restless Maratha chief took totheshores of the B ay of Bengal , in which he took Tanjawar

(Tanj ore) and bythe temporary desertion of his s on S ambhz’rj itothe Moghal S idi . When his fortune was s til l uncloudedS hiwaj i was taken ill atItavgahr with a painful swell ing Of

the knee joint . This caused a high fever, and he died on the5th Of A pri l 1 680 in his fifty- th ird year .I f he had notal together real izedthe dream s of his mother,

or l i terally fulfilled the bidding of B had l, he had ris enfrom a s mal l landholder to be the monarch of a mightynation which he him s elf had cal led into being . H e had

taught his followers the method by which they were final lyto s ubduethe M oghals . Whenever fortune might for a t ime

des ert them , they were to return to their h ills leaving theirbaffled pursuers in despair of finding them . On a favourableopportuni ty they would das h down uponthe plains withthe

1 18 H IS TOR Y OF THE BOMBAY P R E S I D E N OY .

force of a hurricane . And SO, whenthe hand that framedthe plans was du s t and ashes, the des ign could bring aboutits own accomplishment . Shiwaj i was a born ruler of m en.

A ll can recognis e his wonderful genius and admire his

undaunted perseverance . But the wor ld cannotendorsetheverdict Of his nation, who Speak of him as an incarnation of

the de ity, s etting an example of wi s dom ,forti tude and piety .

l l i s rul ing pass ion was a love of money . War to him meantp lunder ; and on h is death atB avgahr he left several

mill ions sterl ing .

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1 20 H I S TOR Y OP TH E BOMBAY I'

R E S I D E N C Y .

S paceto narrate in detai lthe h is tory of the per iod thatfoll owed the death Of S hiwzij i ; nor would it be p rofitable togive a circum s tantial account Of all the event s Of the t im e .

The country became more and m ore un s ettled . B itterquarrel s s prang up between r ival H indu fam il ies as to her editary r ights . Nat ional patri otism frequently proved weakerthan s elf- interes t

,and there are even in s tances of one party

becoming a Muhammadan in order to promote his interes t s atthe expens e of his advers ary .

Wars went on withthe Marathas andthe Sidi . A severenaval engagement in wh i chthe latter was v ictoriou s took placein Bombay harbour andthe Tlnina creek . S ambhzij i vowedvengeance agains tthe English for refu s ing him aid ; and he

made war agains t the Portugues e atChain"and Goa . The

Viceroy atGoa was notincl ined to remain on the defens i ve .

In 1683 he invaded S ambhaj i’

s terr itory he carr ied fire and

sword through defenceles s v illages , equall ingthe M arcithas incruel ty . Tho s e who were taken pris oners w ere converted toChr is tianity . The Deccan was thu s in anarchy , and A urangz ib

determined on a final eff ortto reduce t o obedience both thewild Marathas andthe Mu s salman k ingdom s of Bijapur and

Golkonda . The emperor was s ixty-three years old when hes etoutfrom his nor thern capital, which he was never tos ee again . The remaining twenty- seven y ears of his l ife wereto be s pent onthe m arch , or inthe camp , in a hopeles s s trug

gle to bringthe Deccan under his cont rol .Notwiths tanding s om e s trange v icis s itudes , the las t quarter

of a century brought cons iderable advancementtothe Engl is hin Wes tern India . However in 1 683 an extraordinary event

occurred which m ight have lo s t Bombay tothe hos tile powersthat s urrounded it . The p res ident stil l had his head quartersatSu rat and a deputy res ided atB ombav. On account Of a

D E C L INE or TH E M oeH A E E M PI R E . 1 521

reduction in pay and allowances there was w ide-S pread dis content amongs tthe s er vants Oithe Company atthe latter s ettlement . While the pres ident , S ir John Child , was atS urat,the deputy governor was s eized and impr is oned by CaptainRichard Keigwin,

the commander ofthetroops and a memberof council . H e proclaimedthe is land the pos sess ion of thecrown and refus ed Obedience tothe authori ty ofthe Company .

Keigwin ruled Bombay forthe crown from December 1 683toNovember 1 684 . H e p roved him s el f a bol d and determinedman : he obtained from S ambhaj i notonly the confirmat ion Ofthe agreement made w ith his father, but cons iderable ad

ditional priv ileges . A fter rul ing res olutely and wel l he s urren ~

dered the is land to S ir Thomas G rantham on conditio n of a

free pardon . S ir Jos iah Child was nowthe head ofthe Com panyin England , and he originated a new l ine of pol icy which was

carried out by his brother S ir John Child . O fthe j udic iousness of his firs t proceedings there can be no doubt whatever .

From its defenceles s pos it ion atS urat the Pres idency was

removed to Bombay where the factors could show a boldfrontto any who might moles t them . But with little regardto . the paucity Of the means attheir dis posal , the Childsdetermined upon a s pirited foreign pol icy . A powerful

expedition was s ent from England to Bengal ; and when itwas heard in Bombay that H ughli had been cannonaded and

the Moghal v iceroy of Bengal repul s ed , S ir John Childthrew off the mask . The very exis tence of the Englis hdepended upon the G reat Moghal . But nevertheless a fleetof Moghal ves s els in Bombay was seized, and the emperor

’

s

s acred ves s el s conveying pilgrimsto Mecca captured.

The resul t soon showed the folly of this s uicidal policy .

The Engl i s h were dr i ven out of B engal . The factory of Suratwas s eized andthe goods found there confiscated . The Sid i

H I S TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

of Jan ra, atthe emperor’

s bidding, occup ied a por tion of

the i s land of Bombay to the great annoyance and loss of

the garris on . For nearly a year his troop s held Mazagon,Siwa (Sion) and Mahim

,but they coul d make no impres s ion

uponthe fort. The English were conv inced of their rashness .The President Of B ombay dis patched two envoys to theemperor’ s camp atBijapurto sue for peace. The ir s ubm is

s ion was accepted , but to Obtain a fresh firm z’tn they had to

pay a sum of The emperor als o demanded thedismi s sal of Sir John Child who had created th i s dis turbance,but h is death occurred before the arrangements were conc luded . The Company had indeed enoughto do apar t fromm eddl ing with war . They had to meet s evere competi t ionfrom ship s of foreign nations ; and r ival English traders,known as interlopers, caused them cons iderable embarras sm ent. Not content with undersel ling the Company in theopen market the interlopers laid hold of their offi cers atSurat and handed them over to the Moghal Governor . A

S cotch Company which had been founded by James I .

is s ued licen ses for free trade . A s a natural con s equenceE nglis h market s were glutted w ith Indian products . The

home merchants clamoured for high import duties . The

only way to solve the diffi culty was to amalgam ate thewhole of the B ri t ish traders to India intothe United EastIndia Company .

” This was done in 1 702 , and a fres hcharter was granted by Queen Anne. Rivalry had beenr uining the Company ; union and the introduction Of fres hblood renewed its s trength and pro sperity. The revers es i n

Bengal were repaired , and i n 1670 Calcutta was founded byJob Charnock on the l ittle fi shing v illage Of C hutanati.Thus the th ree P res idency towns of modern India are

entirely of European origin . In Bengal,in 1 698, an Afghan

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1 24 H I S TOR Y OE TH E BO M BAY P R E S I D E N OY .

Deferring operations agains t the Marathas the emperormovedto B ijapur . In 1 686 , after a brave defence, the c i tywas forced to cap itulate. The king was taken pr i s oner andshortly afterwards died, probably poisoned by A urangz ib .

S O ended the brill iant Adil Shahi dynas ty . Bijapur ceas edto be a capital, and i ts inhabitants soon deserted i t . Itslofty walls, domes and m inaret s might s till leadthe travel lerto bel ieve that he was approaching a flour i shing city, butwith in there was nothing but rain and desolation . N ow,

after an interval oftwo centuries, Bijapur i s once more ris ing ;not indeed to its former s plendour, but to bethe centre of

a thr iving population asthe head-quarters of a B r iti sh dis tric t .Its beautiful building s are carefully pres erved, and some of

the mos t suitable have been converted into courts, offi ces, anddwell ing-hou s es for Br it ish Officer s . And hard bythe mightydome Of Sultan Mahmud i s heard the shriek of the i ronhors e .

W i th in a year GolkondatOO fel l beforethe emperor’ s army,andthe las t of the dynas ties that had r is en on the ruins of

the Bahmani k ingdom came to an end. But for A urangz ib i twas one thingto des troy tw o kingdoms , anotherto build up

his own power . Rebellions of H indus and Mussalmanssprang up in every direction . H ad S ambhaj i but possessedhis father ’ s genius he m ight have swept the M oghal forcesoff the face of the land . But he was was ting his days i ndebauchery andthe people attr ibuted his condit ion to witch ‘

craft. In fact, as an organized state, the Maratha powerappeared coming to an end, and there was thus far some

colour for the contempt which i t ins pired in the emperor .

Butthe form only was changing,the power was s till growing .

Their military organization might be gone, but thei r predatoryhabits, their pride i nthe memory of S hiwaj i, thei r bel ief in

D EC L IN E OF THE M OGHAL E M PI R E . 1 25

the strength of their fort s was as s trong as ever . Far from

depending on the existence Of any regular or consol idated

sys tem ,their strength ab s olutely increas ed as the sy s tem of

S hiwaji crumbled away . Their army as a mil itary unitmight no longer exis t , but the ir Operation s took new shapesno less formidable than the old. I t booted l ittle if thehydra was dep rived Of one head when ithad a thou sandothers ; and a guerilla war aros e, in wh ich chieftains and

adventurers led the ir warl ike followers from every quarteragains t the hos t of the M oghals . When the odds weretooheavy again s t them they dis appeared into the fas tnes s es Of

the mountains . One party beaten Off i t was s ucceeded byanother . Again s t thes e foes the unw ieldy army of theempero r was of l ittle avail . I n fact he had steadily playedinto thei r hands . He had des troyed the local powers that

had for generations kept them under control, and his bigotry

led him to adopt a cours e of meas ures wh ich effectuallyroused thei r detes tation Of his rule . H e was i ncreas ingin years ; and

,while be trus ted none Of his s ubordinates ,

he could exercise les s and les s personal control over hiscolossal adminis tration . H is mini s ters were negl igent and

corrupt ; intrigue ran r io t through every department . A

partial s ucces s was achieved when in 1689 S ambh zij i fel l intohis hands , and was led a p ri soner intothe imperial camp .

O vercome with shame athis condition S ambhaj i longed fordeath . H e was offered l ife on the condition Of embrac ingI s lam . H e sco rnfully replied thatthe emperor had better givehim his daughter , and then he would become a follower oftheProphet . In his rage and im potency he launched furiousinvectives upon the founder of the faith . Such an insul tto the Muhammadan rel igion had to be avenged with theu tmost severity . By A urangz ib

’

s orders,a red-hot iron

H I S TOR Y OE THE BOMBAY P R E S I D E N OY .

was drawn acros s his eyes , his tongue was cut out, and hishead severed from his body . The Marathas had beenmuch es tranged f rom S am

'

bhaj i, but they were filled with fury

atthis brutal execution of the son of their great leader .

Rajaram,the hal f brother of S ambhzij i, was declared regent

on behalf of S hiwaj i, commonly known as Sahu , the s on of

S ambh 'ij i , a boy only s ix years old. Rajaram was formal ly

s eated on the throne, and acti ve preparations were madetom an the forts and res is t the M oghals . The fleet was notneglected . Its admiral S ldOJ l Guzar was ably as s is ted byhis second-in-command named KanhOj I A ngria , whos e fatherTukaj i A iigria had early dis tingui shed h imself in S hiwaj i

’

s

navy . The Angria family sub s equently gav e immen s e troublet othe Government of B ombay , by its organis ed system Of

p irac ies .

B rijaram poss ess ed no smal l share Of his father ’ s abili ty .

H e carried on with marked s ucces s the war again s t theemperor . H e even gathered together for a t ime a largernumber of troop s under one flag than the great S hiwaj ih imsel f. A urangz ib moved agains t Saltara which he bes ieged

and took . But the Marathas went about collecting chauth ,

and plundering and burning towns and v illages that res is tedthem . No Moghal force could overtak e or cut Off the lightlyequipped Maratha horsemen . The emperor m igh t cap tures ome of their forts , butthere was an alm os t endles s numbert o fall back upon . Nearly every hill top in the land wasscarped down and protected with bulwark s . In 1 700

Rajaram died, but his death was of no more advantage totheemperor than the capture and execution of S ambhaj i. H is

el des t son S hiwéj i was declared B aja underthe regency of hismother Tarabai, and the s truggle was carrried on as keenlyas ever . The national sp iri t was rou s ed in earnes t . A urangz ib

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XL— RIS E OP TH E PES HWAS A N D TH E GREAT

MARATHA HOUSES .

HE M are'

Ltha power had a s trange habit of constantly

s hifting its local pos i tion and character . I t migh tcentre round Shiwij i, forming for atime a real and compac tnational ity . Itmightbe dis integrated into thousands of predatory bands , each under its petty ch ieftain . I t might amalgamafe these miniature communi ties into a few powerful and

independent s tates . The power might be exercised by theactual k ing or by an independent m inister inthe name Of a

nominal Raja . B utin all i ts changes i t never while i t las tedceasedto be formidable . In fact

,the vers atil ity of its nature

addedtothe diffi culties of i ts Opponents . What had s eemedthe very mainstay of the power might be des troyed ; bu tanother head would spring up el s ewhere, and the work be

no nearer i ts end than before , For a t ime after the deathof A urangz ib, the form whichthe s trength assumed was thatof two great rival parties .

From the t ime of Akbar, the death of each emperor hadbeen followed by a desperate struggle for the sovereigntybetween his sons . A urangz ib had hes itated atno in iquity tos eat himself on the throne . During his l ife time his own

s ons were incessantly atwar with each other . H is empirewas beginningto fal l to pieces, and if one thing more thananother was neededto preserve i ts exi s tence

,itwas that the

government Should remain inthe hands Of one st rong man.

R I S E OE TH E PE S HWAS . 1 2 9

N otwith s tanding all this , A lamgir left behind him a ridiculou s

and impo s s ible w ill,div iding his empire between his three

s on s . The natural con s equences fol lowed . M uaz im s lew hi s

brothers A z im and Kambaksb ,and atthe age of s ixty

a s cendedthe throne as Bahadur S hah . When S ambhz’tj i,thes on of Shiwaij i, had been captured by A urangz ib, his l ittle sonShiwaj i had been taken w ith him . The boy was brought upinthe imperial cour t underthe name of Sahu

,given him by

w ay Of a coars e pun by A urangz ib himsel f. The Engl ish ,w ith the as ton ish ing indifferenceto native languages whichmarked their early career, chos e to regard thi s name as a title ;a nd they Spoke Of each s ucces s ortothe th rone as the Sai huR zij a. Az im s ethim free, th inking that Some ofthe Maratha«ch iefs woul d take up h is cau s e and their temporary unionceas e . The notion was judic ious , but i t was B alnidur Sh i hwho reaped its fruit . S iiba vowed allegiance to Delhi

,and

s oon gathered round h im a large number Of adherents whowere dis contented with the rule of Tarabai , the widow of

R zijarrim , on behalf of her s on S hiw 'tij i. Sahu obtainedpo s s es s ion of Stitzira

,and was formal ly enthroned there

in 1 708. Tarabai continued a fruitles s struggle on behal fof her s on, tak ing Kolhapur and Pamilla as her bas e of

operations . B uther s on S hiwaj i,’

who was an idiot,died

i n 1 7 12 and she was placed under restrain t . The party

was s ub s equently rev ived by a younger s on of Rajaramnamed S ambhaj i. In 1 729 th is S ambhaj i was finally defeatedby Sa’ hu and res igned his pretentious to the Marathathrone . H e was allowed to retain the t itle of B aja of

Kolhzipur .

Dur ing his contes t w ith Tarabai, Sahu made an appl icationto S ir Nicholas Wai te,the governor of Bombay, for a supplyof gun s , ammunition

,European soldiers and monev. B ut a

9

130 H I S TOR Y or TH E BOMBAY P R E S I D E N OY .

recollection Of the res ult of S ir John Child ’ s foolis h policyfortunately led tothe r eques t being r efused .

The Moghal v iceroy of the Deccan , or such Of theDeccan as the Marathas had lefttothe empire, was atth i st ime Daud Klnin. S eeingthe impo s s ib il ity of resis ting the ;

Maratha demands for chauth he adoptedtne wi s e pol i cy Of’

admitting them , but he arra nged to col lectthe dues him s el fand hand them over to the M arathas . They ontheir s ide ;

refrained from plunder , and remained t rue tothe alleg iancepromi s ed by Sahu . Thus for a tim e there was secured inthe Deccan a less intolerable s tate of th ings than had of lateex is ted .

Bahadur Shah died in 1 712 , andthe u s ual contes t atoncearose between his son s .

f

‘

J aha’

ndar Shah seized the thronewith the aid of Zulfikar Khan

, a general who had greatlydis tingui shed himself i n A urangz ib

’

s Deccan wars,and who

had heldthe pos t of viceroy before Daud Khan . J ahandtirShah was a typ ical Eastern tyrant . H e imm ediately m as

sacred all his near kin s folk , with the exception Of his nephewFarokhs ir, who managed to es cape . Farokhs ir

’

s cau s e wastaken up by Syad Hus s ein Al i , governor Of B ah zir , and his

b rother Syad Abdulla, governor of Al lahabad . Thes e twobrothers were aided by a famous m an

,Chin Khilich Khan

,

who under the name of N i zam -ul-M ulk A suf J ab, founded

the dynas ty Of the N izam s of the Deccan atHydarabad .

Zulfikar Khan and his p rotégé J ahtindar S lnih were s lain , andFarokhs ir reigned inhis uncle’ s s tead . N iztim -ul-Mulk was

made viceroy of the Deccan, Daud Khan being transferredtoG azarat . The Marathas pretended to con s ider thatthe ar

rangement which they had made w ith Daud Khan ceas ed with

h is trans fer to another province . But his successor managedto keep them under a general control , and p revented any

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1 32 H I S TOR Y or THE BOMBAY P R E S I D E N OY .

placedthe Maratha affai rs i n a more favourable conditionthan they had lately worn . The s truggle between theSatara and Kolhapur parties , encou raged by the Moghalv iceroy s , who firs t favou red one faction and then theo ther, had increas edthe u s ual anarch y of the country to an

unendurable extent . Many petty depredators had all ied

them s elves t o S ambhzij i. Of thes e the mos t formidablewas Kanhoj i Angria. After s ucceedingtothe command oftheMaratha fleet this Offi cer, by a s eries of daring and exten s ivepiracies , made himsel f practically mas ter of the coas t fromBombay to Sawantwari, near Goa, in his own and notintheltaj a’

s i nteres ts . H is head-quarters were atthe i s land fortof Kolaba off the town of A libzig. twenty miles south of

Bombay . After an ineffectual expedition aga ins tthis up s tart,i n which Angria impri soned the Peshwa Bai ru Pant

,Balaj i

Wishwanath had been deputed to deal with him . By shrewddiplomacy, the B rahman rai s ed a quarrel between Angria and

the Sidi then co-operat ing withthe latter he invaded Angria’

s

terr i tory and compelled him to S ubmit . I t was for his services

on th is occas ion that Balaj i was promoted tothe Offi ce Of Peshwain 1 714 . But Angr ia made common cau s e with S ambhzij i or

w ith Sahu only so long as its uited his own convenience .

Sahu was not destitute of ab ility, and under his author i ty and the guid ing hand of Balaj i Peshwa, the Marathapower s teadily expanded . The legitimate head of theMarathas, he always s tyled himself king of the H indus .But he invar iably acknowledged him s elf a vas sal Of Delhi ,and the impor tance Of his nat ion was in creased by theconsideration shown him by the M oghals . N or was his

i nfluen ce weakened bythe fatuity Ofthe emperor , who plottedw i ththe M arathas against his own v iceroy . But in an age of

plots,cons piracies, susp icion , and intrigues overtures came from

R I S E OE TH E PE SHWA S . 1 33

all who had anything to gain to thos e who had anythingtogive . The emperor decl ined to r atify Hu s s ein Al i’ s treatvwith Sahu . The viceroy therefore p romi s ed s t ill greaterconces s ionstothe Maratha k ing if he would but lend him an

armyto enforce his demands atDelhi . The opportunity wastoo good to be lo s t . The Peshwa him s elf was placed incommand Of the M artitha forces . H e was i ns t ructed byS ihu to obtainthe right of collecting tribute in Guatrat andMalwa bes ides other important p riv i leges . The combined

armies marchedto D elh i inthe year 1 720. A tumul t arosei nthe imperial c ity andthe M ar zithas los t no les s thanm en . But Hu s s ein Al i gained his obj ect . The emperor wasfi rs t bl inded and then s trangled bythe Syads , who s etup i n

s ucces s iontwo princes each of whom d ied of con s umptionin a few week s . Their th ird choice was less unlu cky , andRaoshan A klitar, a s on of J alnindar Shah , was crowned as

Muhammad S hz’th and reigned til l 1 748. One of his firs t act swas to s end backthe Marathas tothe D eccan , and with themS ahu

’

s mother and family who all this t ime had been

retained atD elhi . The M aritha s old iers were wel l paid forthei r work , and imper ial patents were is s ued confirm ing all

the agreements betweenHus s ein Al i and S zihu . The M arzithadesul tory claim s

, which had hitherto res ted OII mere force,

werethus legal ized as a permanent national ins titution bytheimper ial government . The amount Of tribute which thevwere entitled to demand from outlying prov inces was neverexactly defined . The diffi cul ty was eas ily smoothed over bythe s imple expedient Of exact ing as much as they could .

But though Balzij i had no des i re for an exact definit ion Of

the r ights thus conferred , be devis ed a s ingularly ingeniou s andsys tematic method forthe col lection and appropriat ion Oftherevenues . Its intricacy and elaboration renderedthe Brahman

1 34 H I S TOR Y OE TH E BOMBAY P R E S I D E N OY .

accountant ever m ore and more neces sary to the i ll i terateMaratha chief, and so increas ed the power ofthe Peshwas .A tthe s ame t ime, i t was so contrived that bythe sub-divi s ionand partition of revenue in each province, or charge, which Of

s etpu rpose was made to lap over and include one or m oreothers , each ch ief had an interes t inthe in crease ofthe wholeas well as that which he himself collected , a port ion of whichhe was entitled to retain for the m aintenance of his troops .The s ys tem was a bar onthe independence of each while i tencouragedthel r common encroachments onthe Moghal power .

Thus a common interes t was created and for some time su s

tained between the Maratha chiefs ; andthe increas ing sub

j ection of Sahu to the mas ter m ind of B alaj i Wishwanathpavedthe way forthe supremacy ofthe Peshwas . B utw ithall th is , although the M arathas undoubtedly form ed a nationin a wav thatno other body of people in India, exceptperhaps the Sikhs, ever did, yettheir cons titution had i ni t all al ongthe seeds Of ultimate di s solut ion. Their national i ty ,i n order to continue atall, had to be not only aggres s ivebut p redatory . A ny notion of s ettl ing down tothe dul l l ife

of ordinary farmers or m erchant s was foreignto their nature.

The Obj ect of their exi s tence was organis ed robbery . I t

could only be a ques tion of t ime for res is tance to arise tos uch a sy s tem and cas t Off its intolerable burden.

Forthe t ime, however, they had their way . The empirewas rotten to the core , andthe Engl ish atBombay had notyetthe s trengthto Oppose them . The Engl ish merchant s wereatpres ent l i ttle concerned w ith the doings of the rulers ofSatara or Delhi . Bombay harbour continued to bethe sceneof m any a fight betweenthe Sid i of Janj ira andthe Peshwa ofk ing Sahu, bu t the policy of d is creet neutral ity remained

unal tered . Their settlement m eanwhile flouri shed almost

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1 36 H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

follows war w il l find caus e to repent . To this Angria eon

tented him s elf with reply ing that he suppos ed that H isExcellency Charles Boone Spoke from experience . Encouragedby his s ucces s es , Angria p roceeded to take another r ichlyladen Company ’s ship andthough in 1 718he seemed incl ined:t o com eto terms w ith the English , inthe fol lowing year hecaptured the royal gal ley “King Wi l l iam .

"H is death in‘

1 731 was welcomed as a rel ief, bu t though his s on s foughtw ith each other for the p irate kingdom

, yetthe Angriafamily did more mi s chieftothe English than ever ; and thecos t ofthe fleet that was built to protec tthe Company ’

s tradeamountedto a year .

While the fabric ofthe empire atDelh i was being shakenby revol ts i nthe Panjab and Kashmir, N i zam -ul-Mulk was

adopting a cours e of action fraught with yetgreater dangerfor his mas ter . D eeply hurt atreceiv ing from the Syads inreturn for all his s ervices only the governorship of M zilwa, he <

determinedto take for him s el f what he cons idered dueto himfrom others . H e marched south of the Narbada

,s ei zed ;~

Burhanpur and As irgahr, and atBt’ilt’tpur defeatedthe imper ial army that was sent again s t him . Hus s ein Al i nowdeterm ined to march againstN i zam-ul-M ulk in pers on and

t o takethe emperor with him . But the power of the infamou s Syads was atan end. W

'

ith the aid of a courtier ,named Muhammad Amin

,the emperor procuredthe as s as s ina

nation of Hu s s ein . H e overcam ethe Oppos ition of Abdulla,whom he impr is oned, and marched back to Delh i which heentered with Splendid rejoic ings . Muhammad Am in was m adem inis ter but almos t immediately died . Nizi m -ul-Mulk .

whos e succes s ful revolt was the p rimary caus e of th ishappy revolu tion , was s ummoned from the Deccan tosucceed him . Congratulations came tothe emperor from all.

m s n or THE PE SHWA S . 87

s ides, including S zihn andthe chiefs ofthe European factories ,who sent complimentary addres s es .

N izam -ul-Mulk, in acceptingthe office of Waz ir or mini s ter,had been permittedto retain his viceroyalty of the Deccan.

H is object in accepting oflice atDelh i had been to b ringabout sweeping reform s ; but the only changes that theemperor cared for were from one form of v ice and sens ual ityto another . N iz aim -ul-Mulk was thoroughly disgu s ted w i th.

the s tate of th ings in the capital ; and finding that a r ival

had ari s en in B ydar Kul i Khan,the late governor of Guz drat,

he Obtained permis s ionto return tothe Deccan , and togetherwith that v iceroyal ty he received the governorsh ip of

a ardt . H e took charge of both prov inces , notw ithoutOppos i t ion in the latter . Then not choos ingto remai n out ofs ight, and s till hal f hoping to recei ve favour atcourt , he re

turnedtoDelhi . Here he found his pos ition ins upportable, andonce more returned tothe Deccan . This actwas cons ideredby the emperor as v irtually a declaration of independence ,and he orderedthe governor of Hydarabadto s end him theN il i flf s head as that of a rebel . A head was s ent , butitwas that of the Hydarabad governor ; and the N izam.

offered his congratulat ions atthe s uppres s ion of a rebell ion

whichthe emperor had not avowedto be of his own making .

N iz zim -ul-“ulk took pos s es s ion of Golkonda and H ydarzibzid.

A t this place he took up his res idence and founded thep ractical ly independent dynas ty ofthe N izam s of Hydarabadwhich has las ted until now . But the dominion s of th ishou s e wereto be greatly reduced in extent by the Marathasand the Engl i sh . A urangz ib had des troyed two greatMuhammadan kingdoms in orderto plant his own authoritvi n the Deccan . And now, before twenty years had pas sedafter his death , the power of the empire i nthe Deccan was

138 H I S TO R Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

ex tingui shed , and an independent Muhammadan ruler hel d

a small and decreas ing par t of the broad dominions thati n that part of India had once been subj ect to I s lam .

From time to t ime, however, Nizam -ul-Mulk sent gifts tothe emperor whom i t su ited him to consider nominally hism aster .

N i zam-ul-Mulk thought to carry'

on his former sys tem of

s ecur ing himself bv s ow ing d issens ion among the M arathas ,but he found a con s iderable change inthe cond ition oftheH indu power . Balaj i Wishwanath was dead . In his sonB zij i R ao, who s ucceeded him inthe office of Peshwa, he founda yetmore skilful and formidable opponent . Sahu had to alli ntent s and purpo s es delegated his power to his m in is ter, andw ith the r is e of what may be fairly called the Brahmandynas ty ofthe Peshwas there ros eto powerthe great Marathafamilies of Sindia

, H olkar, the Gaikwar of Baroda, and theRaja of B arairf l< In the battle of Balapur an officer named

D amaj i Gaikwar, s erving amongthe Maratha all ies of N izamu l-Mulk

,had greatly di s tinguished himself ; andthe collee

tion ofthe chauth in Guz aratwas made overto h im and hi sl ines as an hereditary right . Such i sthe origin ofthe reigningfamily of B aroda. The name Gaikwar i s a common one amongs tM arathas and s ignifies cow-herd . H olkar was a MarathaD angar

,or shepherd , who Showed h is gallantry inthe com

mand of s ome bodies of horse . H e al s o receivedthe right toc ollec t chauth

,and foundedthe reigning family of Indore .

S india, though of old family, rose from a stil l humbler pers onal

p osi t ion , hav ing attracted Baj i Rao ’ s notice by the way in

which he fi lled the office of s l ipper-bearer . H e received a

9“I have , in accordance w ith popular u s age , wr itten the Gaikwar .

Iti s incorrect, and should be s im ply Gaikwar , as S india and H olkar .

H is s urnam e was Gaikwar , and his title R aj-a of B aroda.

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1 40 H I S TO R Y OF TH E BO M BAY P R E S I D E N OY .

good -will as long as he did not interfere with the Marathainvas ion of H industan . The work was promptly taken inhand . H olkar plundered and ravaged Bengal and Oudh ,

and Baj i R ao himself took the field and marched againstD elhi . Striking terror into the emperor, he extorted fromhim for the expen s es of the campaign and al s othe s overeignty of Malwa . Butthe N iz i m had notbeen trueto his agreement . The emperor s eeing that h is domnnons

were s erious ly m enaced by the Marathas had, by p rofusepromis es, inducedthe aged v iceroy once moreto operate on his

s ide. Leaving h is son N zis ir Jang inthe Deccan, N i zam-ul

Mulk marched to the aid of h is nominal mas ter . But hewas out-generalled bythe Peshwa, and forcedto recognisetheces s ion in perpetuity of allthe country between the Narbadaand the Chambal . H e was compelled to purchas e ex emp

t ion from further action agains t h imself bythe payment ofhalf a million s terl ingN or were the Operations of the Marathas confined tothe

Moghal empire . An army from Goa had as s is ted Angriaagain s tthe Peshwa, andthe Portugues e had to paythepenalty .

The Marathas under C himnaj i,the Pes hwa’

s brother, attackedthem inthe i s land of Sal s et te, or S hasthi, between Bombayand the mainland . I n 1737 they captured its chief townThaina, and i n 1 739 drove them outofthe is land which theyhad hel d for more than two hundred years . Inthe s ame year,a fter a brave defence , the fort of Bas sein , the Portuguese

cap ital ofthe North,cap itulated to the Marathas ; the P er

tugues e los ing 800 m en in killed and wounded and the bes iegers The Engl ish , under the , governorship of

M r . John Horne , professed neutral ity . But they s old shot and

shel l tothe Marathas ; and, in Spite ofthe danger to their ownset tlement thatthe success ofthe Marathas m ightbring, their

R I S E OF TH E PE SHWA S . 14 1

s ympath ies ev idently lay w ith them and notwith their European r ival s . Sal s ette was the mo s t important of the is landsthatthe English con s idered had been promi s ed by the P ertugues e crow nto England with Bombay in 1 661 , and theyhad notceas ed to res entthe non-fulfilmentof the contract .The Bombay c it izen s however hos pi tably entertainedthe nus ucces s ful garri s on of Bas s ein. Thu s ended the power of theonly form idable European r i val to the English that s etfoot on the wes tern s hores of India. The Portugues es trength was b roken . They could no longer hold Chaul andthe for t that they had buil t for i ts p rotection onthe Oppos iter ock of Korlai. They handed them evertothe English whopas s edthem on to the Marathas . The Chris tian population

,

forthe mos t part, m igratedto B ombay and Goa. But theEngl ish were awakened by the events atSal s ette and atBas s ein,

tothe s trength ofthe Marathas , and were fully determ ined notto come to blow s with them . They s ent a doubleembas sy in the person of Captain I nchbird to C himnzij i atBas s ein, and Captain Gordonto Seihu atSatzira . The latterfound that he should have rather add res s ed himsel f to thePeshwa who was the real ruler . Both embas s ies were favourably recei ved and the r ight of free trade in the M arathadominions confirmed .

An event now occurred which lai d Delh i in ashes and fi lledthe worl d with horror, and for a moment k indled a flas h of

nat ional patriot ism inthe b reas ts of Marathas and Mu s salman s al ike . Nadir Shah

,king of Pers ia, came down through

the Afghan pas s es and i nvaded the plain s of India, defeating the imperial army beneath the wall s of Delh i. B utthe inhab itants murderedthe guard s that he had placed in

charge ofthe c ity . Incens ed beyond meas ure atth is act, thePers ian k ing gave the s ignal for a general mas s acre . The

H IS TOR Y or THE BO M BAY PR ES I DENC Y .

s lain amounted to no less than The whole ci ty was

plundered , andthe royal jewel s andthe peacock throne, i tsel fworth several m il lion pounds, carried away .

Baj i R aoand his army were far from D elhi . H ad they been

nearerthe Pers ian his tor ians migh t have had another tale totell . For the completeness of the catastrophe m ade them

forget their quarrels withthe M oghals , and real is e that there

was but one enemy agains t whom allthe inhabi tant s of H indus tan andthe Deccan al ike must unite . But patriot ism was

a plant that could notreach matur ity on Indian soil until itgrew up later on in loyalty to the B ri tish crown . When

N adir Shah marched away, the old diss ensions were renewed .

Increas ing demands were m ade by the Marathas, and Baj i

R ao was onthe point of leading another expedition to H indu s tan when in the year 1 740 he died . H e had SpreadtheM aratha predatory sys tem from pr ovince to province t il l i tincludedthe grearter part ofthe empire . H e had buil t uptobethe mos t power ful people in I ndia a nat ion whose exi s tencedepended upon the confus ion of other s tates . A centurybefore they had not even been heard of and now their namewas a terror as far as Delh i and O ris s a, M ad ras and Tri ch inopol i . The Maratha nation was a tremendous engine of

des truction that in B zij i Rao’

s hands was s k ilfully directed .

The Moghal empire was attheir mercy . The Portugues ewere humbled . The Engl ish and French , as yetunaware of

their own s trength , only sought to increas e their trade and

pr ivi leges by humble submis s ion andthe offers of bribes and

presents to the native courts . For a time the artificiald ivis ions of revenue cemented with almost unexpected s ucces sthe union of the Marathas . Butthe sys tem was as l ikely as

not in cours e of time to create r i val ry and hostil ity . Each ‘

officer interpreted the amount of his master’ s claims accord

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1 44 H IS TOR Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S ID ENC Y .

his death . H e gavethe Peshwa a deed empower ing him tom anage the whole government of the Maratha empire on

condition of his perpetuating the Raj a’ s name,and keeping

up the digni ty of the hou s e of Shiwaj i through the grand s onof Tarc

'tbai and his des cendants . Kolhz’

ipur was to continue a

s eparate s tate . The Peshwa had power to conclude sucharrangements , withthe j zighirdz

’trs or holders of estates underthe B aja as m ight be advantageou s for extending H indupower . In thi s waythe dominion s that S hiwaj i had createdpas s ed from the hands of his fam ily to the Brahmanm inis ter who now became hereditary ruler of the nat ion .

But In deference to popular t radition itwas expedient tom aintain one of his l ineage as a nominal k ing .

14 5

XII .—STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE ENGLISH

AND THE FRENCH .

T was now ( 1 748) clos e on a centurv and a half s ince

Hawk ins had landed atS urat , and nearly ninety years

s ince the ces s ion of B ombay by the Portugues e . The

E ngl ish had builtup a vasttrade , but their s ole territorialpos s es s ion was the i s land of Bombay its elf . Far from

having any idea of creating an emp ire and conqueringthelands upon which they gazed from their factories , theirenergies were concentrated onthe p res ervation of peace w iththe M oghals , M ar i

’tthas,and Portugues e . Thev s aw the

forces of thos e nation s dashing them s el ves to p ieces again s teach oth er, and realis ed how eas ily they m ight be turnedagains ttheir own i s land . B utonthe other s ide of Indiathekeen eve of Dupleix had gras ped the pos s ibil ity of form inga powerful European empire in India . The methodto beemploy ed was that of os tens ibly working on behal f of r ivalnat ive p rinces . And a greater than Duplei x had aris en inRobert Cl ive, the young Engli sh merchan t who exchangedthe ledger for the sword ,

and who, by working outtheFrenchman ’

s idea, added a continent to the B riti sh empire.

The decaying Moghal organi sation provided an adm irablem ach inery forthe purposes of conques t . The emp ire was ruledby viceroys who were practically independent princes . I t waseas y to treat them as vas s als ofthe empire wh ich they werede j ure , or as s overeign powers which they were dc fucfo,

10

1 46 H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

whichever migh t be mo s t convenient . A l l iances m ight againbe m ade w i th a genuine viceroy or a pretendertothethrone,accord ing as one or the other could off er the greateradvantages . In fact the ruler, whoever he m ightbe, couldbe u s ed as an ins trumen t to cloak the real des ign s of theencroaching foreigner . B es ides th i s , the unwieldy armiesof nat ive kings were no match for a few dis cipl ined Europeant roop s . But Dupleix s aw that there ex i s ted in the nat ives oldiery magn ificent material outof whi ch a j udicious m il itarytraining might elaborate regiments but l i ttle if atall inferiorto European s themselves S o Duplei x rai s edthe firs t s epoyregiment s , and Clive instantly perceiv ing their value worked

outthe s y s tem with greater succes s than i ts originator . Thu sin s outhern India commenced the s truggle wh ich was to befought forthe Engli sh or French supremacy . While England

and France were atwartheir rep resentatives in India fough tforthe quarrel s of thei r nations athome . When peace was

concluded they ranged them s el ves on opposite s ides under

the banners of nat ive pr inces .S outh and W es t of the dominions of N i zam -ul-Mulk laythe prov ince ofthe Carnatic . A succes s ion of intrigues, mur

ders and bat tles had been tak ing place for years to decidewho was to pos s ess its throne

,and the Engl i sh and French

supported r ival candidate s . N i zam -ul-Mulk andthe Peshwahad been actively concerned inthe dispute . Maratha hordes,under the redoubtable R aghoj i B hons le, had over-run thecoun try and placed their own par tis an on the throne .

Chanda S zihib,who was supported bythe French

,was a pri

s oner for s ome years atSatara. B utthough the Peshwaandthe Nizam were concerned inthe s truggle, andthe Engl ish in Bombay were clo s ely wat ch ing its course, yetthee vents of the war i n the Carnatic occurred almos t entirely

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1 48 H IS TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S ID EN C Y .

man i n arms in the D eccan, or in India there would be no

peace.

”H e probably fully s aw that all India must go tothe

conqueror . But Clive was firs t to be employed in Bombay ,and then after a brief tenure ofthe governorship of For t S t .David in the Madras Presidency, he had i n 1 756to leaveM . Bussy in as s trong a position as ever in orderto repair a

t remendous catastrophe that had occurred in Bengal . B utbefore following the adventurous career of Clive i t w ill be

convenient to revert tothe doings ofthe Marathas .

The original capital of S hiwaj i’

s empire had been R aygahr.Under S ambhaj i i t was , if anywhere, Sangameshwar , on theGhats to the South of B aygahr . Under Sahu ithad beenmoved to Stitara, KOlhtlp l l I

‘ beingthe r ival seat of Marathapower . Uponthe death of ’S ahu andthe form al trans fer of

powertothe P eshwa,the seat of empire was tran s feredto Puna,which remainedthe cap ital ofthe Marathastothe las t . A ll

the ch ief officers ofthe state who had been appointed by theRaja were confirmed in their possessions by the Peshwa.

R ainoj i S india died and his son J yapa succeeded to his

jaghir . The two houses of S india and H olkar divided be

tween them near ly the whole of M z’

tlwa, with a revenue

of a million and a half sterl ing . The Gaikwar of Baroda

came nex t in importance of those chiefs whose poss es s ions

formed an integral par t of the empire . Ahmadz’

tbad whos e

possession had been ' di sputed between the Marathas and

M oghals was final ly tak en poss ession of by the former in

1 755 . The revenues were to be equally di vided between thePeshwa and the Gaikwar . The latter ’ s share includedthedues from B roach, the por t onthe Narbada. But he had tocontent him s elf with a moiety of the revenues of Surat for

the exclusive posses sion of which city Oppos ing claimant s invain contended . In fact Guzartitwas never completely

T H E ENGLI SH AND THE FR ENC H . 49

s ettled bv the M arzithas , and the s trangely irregular

a ppearance on the local m aps of the poss es s ions of theB ri t ish and Baroda states atthe pres ent day points to theundecided claim s to the ownersh ip of the terr itory . But amore powerful m an than the Gais ir was B aghoj i B hons le

of Barar who carried his arms from one end of India to theo ther . H e collected tribute from the Carnati c and swep tyearly into Bengal which he looked upon as his own peculiarp roperty . In 1 751 the English had to dig a d itch round‘Cal cutta to protec t them s el ves again s t his depredation s ;and the Maratha forts atplaces s o di s tant as Katak and

Saharanpur attes tthe power that they attained . To collec tr evenue and make war were w iththe M arzithas synonymou sterm s . I f a v illage res is ted its officers were tortured till thevc am e to a s ettlem ent , and bankers ’ b ills , payable on any parteof India, given up tothe marauders . I f a fort was un s ucces sful i n defy ing them the garris on was put to death withs avage cruel ty .

B alzij i B éj i R ao or Naina S zihib was , if notles s able, atall«events les s active in dis pos i tion thanthe preceding Peshwas .

H e placed the charge of his m ilitarv arrangement s i nthehand s of his br other B aghonzith B ao, and the civi l adm inis

tration devolved upon his cou s in S idashiwa C himnaj i, the s onof C hia Ij i A pa who had defeated the Portugues e .

Through all the years of robbery and plunderthe sy s tem of

v illage communi ties had s ecured s ome degree of j us tice forthe people . But i t had been s upplemented by littleel s e. The pres ent Peshwa now aimed ata more regular

svstem,and s ethis hand to the task otcreating a more

o rderlvadminis tration .

Under Nana Sah ibthe Maratha power reached its zenith ,and seemed likely to hold permanently w ithin its grasp the

150 H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S ID ENC Y .

whole ofthe Indian Peninsula . Inthe reign of Muhammad

S hah, the last emperor of Delhi, on whos e behalf the mostordinary pretens ions of respectcould be urged , the in vas ion

of Nadir Shah had been followed by an inroad ofthe AfghanAhmad Shah Abdal i . The Abdal i had b een driven back bv

Prince Ahmad who was now the Emperor Ahm ad Shah .

In his reign the Rohillas or des cendants ofi

old A fghan invaders of B engal rose up in R ohilkand, and the emperoradopted the dangerous course of s ummoning Sindia and

H olkar to his aid. The rebellion was quelled, butthe M arzi

thas who had fought forthe emperor plundered his countryon their own account . This event was followed by anotherin vasion of the Afghan Ahmad Abdal i , to whomthe emperorwas forced to cede the Panjab . To this mis fortune civil warwas added , andthe s treets of D elh i were deluged with bloodThe Marathas were again

,s ummoned to the imperial c ity

,.

thi s time agains t the emperor . It mat tered little to thes eprofess ional robbers on which s ide they fought . The emperorwas deposed and bl inded , and another prince rai s ed to thethrone in 1 754 underthe t itle of A lamgir I I . The emperorwas a puppet inthe hands of h is despoti c and violent m ini ster Shahab-ud-din . Under his re

'gime an attem p t was made

to freethe P anj z’

Ib fromthe troops of Ahmad Abdal i . The

A fghan promptly came down from his mountains to avengethe ins ul t . H e plundered Delh i andthe r i ch city of Math ra,and merciles s ly slaughtered thou s ands of H indu s who werecollected there for a religiou s fes ti val . But the m is erableemperor s ought from the Afghan robbers and murderer s a

defender against his own over rul ing minis ter, and in 1 75 7

the Rohilla Nai ud-Daula was left as commander In ch ief of

the imperial army . B utnot even thu s could A lamgir escapethe tyranny of his minister . Shahab ud din cal led onthe

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I I I s'

I OR Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S ID EN C Y .

The flower ofthe M arzitha army was accordingly despatched

to H industdn. I t was commanded by S idzishiwa R ao theP estI

’

s b rother and Wishwds R aothe Peshwa’ s eldes t s on.

M ardtha armies had hitherto been dis t inguished for thel ightnes s of their equ ipment and thei r extraordinary moveability . But s ucces s had induced luxury and magnificence ;andthe army that marched to Delh i r ivalled inthe Splendour

of its tents and the magnificence of its equipment thegorgeous camp of A urangz ib . N or werethe Marathas withou t all ies in their s truggle withthe A fghans . The cau s es eemedthe national one of all H indu s . R aj puts , P indhz

’

rris and

irregulars of all des c ript ions flockedtothe Maratha s tandard .

The time had com e when Hindu authori ty should reas s ert i tse lf

over the vas t empire in which for s o m any centuries they hadbeen a conquered people . The remem brance of the exploi tsof S ll lW‘dj l, pride in their recent s ucces s es in the Deccan , andthe hope of exten s ive plunder in H industzin, stimulated thevar iou s H indu tribes to join for the m oment in a comm oncau s e . N otthat the Marathas had any un s elfi s h aim s forthe advancement oftheir countrymen . They carried in the irs way destruction and rapine . The freedom that theyb rought to H indu s was l im ited to that of Opinion andtheunfettered enj oyment of their rel igiou s ord inances . A ll

al ike had to pay tributetothe in s at iable M arzithas and bow

down beneath their yoke .

The army arrived before Delh i inthe hotweather of 1 760

and took up its quarters there forthe rainy s eason , plunderingeverything upon which they could lay their hand s . Theys tripped the hal l of audience of its s il ver ceiling wh ichp roduced A fter the mon soon Ahmad Abdal iadvanced towards Delhi . The M ar/Ithas moved outto m eet:him , and the contend ing forces entrenched themsel ves Op

TE L‘ ENG L I S H A N D THE FR EN C H . 1 53

p os ite each other atPanipat,the fiel d of so many bat tles .

F or nearly three month s the armies lay oppositeto each other‘

w ithout a decis i ve engagement being fought . But provis ionsbecame s carce in the Maratha camp

,and dis s ens ion ran

h igh between their leaders . This s tyle of warfare was totallyunsuited to them . I n January 1 76 1 they were unable any

l ongerto endure their p rivation s . They begged to be led

b utagains t the enemy and the general s atlas t gave theS ignal for battle . Itwas a s truggle between rel igions .

The fierce shout s ofthe Muhamm adan s ’ Allah , Al lah ,

”and

D in D in,

”were m etby the H indu H ar I I ar M JIhadew .

”

T he battle was furiou s ly contes ted , but after varyingfortune the A fghtins p revailed and the M araithas b rokeand fled. Vastnum bers of them were made p ris oners .

The m en were butchered in col d b lood the day after theb attle, andthe women made s laves . The corp s e of \Vishwas

Tim was taken to Ahmad Abdal i who said that he

w ould have the body of the k ing ofthe unbel ievers s tuffedand taken backto Kabul . The ques tion of H indu s upremacyo ver India was decided once for all . I l industain was

f reed for a t ime from the ravages of the ins atiable M arz’

Ithaplunderers ; and when ten vears later M athildaj I Sind ia interfe redto place S hz’I lI Ad am on the throne, he found that hehad only done s o to benefi t the Engl is h merchant s of C al

outta . B uti t is now t ime to retu rn to events el s ewhere ,which have been pas s ed over in order to give continuity tothe doings ofthe M arathas in Northern India.

The Marathas were a nation of pl unde rers, reaping where

thev had nots own , carrying fire and sword , desolation and

rapIne, wherever they went . But all the wors t features ofthe race were reproduced and inten s ified in the p irate familyof Angr ia . This detestable brood had es tablished them s el ves

1 54 H ISTOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S ID EN C Y .

i n well-nigh impregnable posi tion s along the coas t atKandheri

, Kolaba, S awarndrug and Gher ia. Kanhoj i A ngrie

was dead, but his sons S ambhaj i, M anz’

Ij i and Tulaj i, al thoughthey were in dis agreement with one another , carried OII theirfather

’

s profes s ion with equal succes s . From timeto timethey endeavoured to fur ther thei r indiv idual aims by inducing the Portugues e, the S idi, andthe Pe shwa to

o

interfere intheir quarrel s but they took careto give but l ittle in returnforthe aid which thy s ought . They feared nei ther God nor

m an . In the foules t treachery and the mo s t bloodthirstycruel ty their hi s tory s tands unrival led . The Engl ish had

notbeen al together s ucces s ful again s t Kanhoj i . The timehad now cometotry their hand agains t his sons .

M r . Richard B ourchier fbecam e pres ident or governor of

Bombay in November 1 750. H e atonce s troveto secure ai

mor e intimate in tercourse with the Marathas , for the purpo s eboth of completing arrangements as to Surat and of s uppres s

ingthe depredat ion s of the Angria family, es pecial ly Tulaj i

Angria atGher ia . No sh ip was s afe from thes e ub iquitou s

pirates . Not only didthe Angrias fol low the vocation , butthe R zij a of Kolhapur from his fortres s S indidrug or Malwanand the Sawants of War i followed their example . FromMalwanthe English Spoke of the p i rates indis criminately as

M zilwans . Their general ignorance of nat ive term s was ex

traordinary . The cas e of SAhu has been noti ced . Marathaswere commonly styled S hiW l lS and lat terly M urattoes .

H i ndus were known as Gentoos , and M us s alm z’tns as Moors or

Moormen , while B hons le was written B ouncello . S everalyears elapsed after M r . B ourchier

’

s acces s ion to offi ce before

operations were commenced, and i t was not t i l lthe month of

March 1 755 that an expedition was des patched . I t was

commanded by Commodore James of the Company’

s marine,

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1 56 H IS TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S ID ENC Y .

h is own countrvm ento whom he had given pass es . H e had

caus edthe Company to keep up a fleetto protect their tradeata cos t of m o re than a year

,and had des troyed

innumerable sm al l ves s el s bes ides eleven r ich ones , the nameso f wh ich were given inthe ins truction s .

On no account wasT alaj i to be handed overtothe Marathas w ho might lethimgo ats ome future t ime .

The fort was bombarded and tak en . A shel l burs t ing inthe Res torat ion,

”a B r it ish sh ip which Angr ia had sei zed

s ether 0 11 fire andthe flam es s preadto Angria’

s own fleet ,wh ich was totally des troyed . About of prizem onev was divided betweenthe v ictors . Butthe M arz

'tthass ecured Tuldj i, and M r . B ou rchier waived his objectionto that p roceeding on the condition that he s hould neverr eceive any terri tory w ithin forty m iles of the s ea . The

M areithas kept the ir word,and T alaj i died in capt ivity at

S holzipur . The Engl ish wi shed to keep Gheria ins tead of

B’

Inkot, but after prolonged negociations a. treaty was con

c luded atPuna in O ctober 1 756 by M r,John Spencer and

M r . Thomas B yfield ofthe Bombay Counc i l bvwhich Gheriaw as g iven up

,but additional v i l lages were ceded towar d s

d efrayingthe expen s e of m aintaining Fort V ictoria . Certaincomm ercial p rivileges were granted

,and the Dutch were

ex cluded from trade w ithin the Maratha dominions .After

the tak ing ot eria Adm i ral W'

at son s ailed to Madras , and

C l ive reverted for a shor t timeto the s ubordinate pos ition of

governo r of Fort S t . D avid .

H e was notto be leftthere long, and i t is neces sary for a

m omentto leave Bombay and follow him tothe other s ide of

Ind ia. Early in the great Bengal N aw zib A liwardi

Khz’

In, who had s teadfas tly res is tedthe M anitha invaders , not

a lwavs withou t s ucces s , had pas s ed awav. H e was succeeded

TH E ENGLI S H A N D TH E F R EN C H .

by his grands on Suraj -ud-daula . The new N aw zib was a

mere boy , butathis early age he wa s alreadv an easterndes pot of the wors t type . H e was brought up w i th an ex

travagantidea of the wealth of the English , and he had for

them an unbounded de tes tat ion . I nthe furiou s heat of Junehe invaded Cal cutta . H e overcame the res is tance of thefew who Oppos ed him and placed in what is known as theBlack Hole of Calcutta a hundred and forty- s ix Englis hm en and wom en

,of whom all but s i xteen died inthe cou rs e of

the night. The event was atoo ordinary one in Indian historvto find mention in the annal s of nat ive his torians . The

Engl is h p res idency in Bengal was for atime de stroved . B utthe triumph of S uraj -nd-daula was notto las t l ong. E arlv

in 1 75 7 C l ive reached Calcutta, cannonadedthe fort, andtheEnglis h flag was once more flying over Fort Will iam . The

N a Ib cal led onM . Bus sy from Madrasto help him dr ive outthe English from B engal . Clive anticipated the con s enttothis appeal by dri v ingthe French outof that province . The

Englis h flag was planted attheir settlement of C handanagar,and Clive remarked that his s tandard s mu s t advance yetfurther . In one s hort year afterthe horro rs ofthe Black H oleClive had with the aid of M ir Jaifar

,the comm ander ofthe

N awzib’

s forces , won the battle of Plas s ey, and expelledthem iserable Suraj -

l

ud-daula fr om his capital of Mursh idabad .

The tyrant was killed by M iran, the s on of M ir Jafar ,and M ir

.

Jafar himself was placed on the throne.A

hundred boat s conveyed to Cal cutta s il ver worthsterl ing . The battle of Plas s ey made the Engl is h practical ly, if not in name

, masters of Bengal,Bahar and O ris s a .

The legal posses s ion was . .to come,notmuch later . At

the t ime of the battle of P zinipatShaib A lam the righ tfulheir to the throne of Baihar fled to B engal . H e made a

1 58 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M B AY PR E S I DEN C Y .

hopeless at tempt to recover that prov ince for himself, butwas defeated by the Engl ish . H e was allowed to returntoDelh i after he had offered them the D iwani or financialm anagement of Bengal . The arrangem ent was sub s equen tlya ccepted by Clive in 1 765,the Company pledging it s elfto payto the emperor an annual tribute of The familyo f M ir Jafar con tinuedto holdthe t i tle of Nawab Nazim of

Bengal til l 1883 , but the power was s oon s eparated fromthe t itle . N or was the s uzerainty of the emperor o ver theEngl is h regarded by them any further than was convenient .Shah A lam turned to the M arzithas to s eat him on his

th rone, and i n 1 7 71 M éhadaj i S india placed h im w ith great

p om p onthe s eat of his ances tors . But it was oneth ing forthe Englis h

,

to pay tr ibute to the emperor and anothertopay itin his name for the benefi t of the Marathas ; and

S india was b itterly dis appointed to find that that was not a

c ondition of the bargain . H e had hopedto rule Bengal i n

the name of the emperor ; he had only put a large s um into

the hand s ofthe Engl is h m erchant s .

Clive had conquered Bengal and driventhe French outofi t . But his s ervices to his country w ere notyetended .

Under his directions Colonel Forde defeated the French in

s ucces s ive act ion s i n Madras and the Northern S irkzirs in1 759 , and in the next year Colonel , afterwards S ir Eyre ,C oote defeated them atWaindiw zis . B eforethe year was outPondicher i capitulated and its fortification s were razed tothe ground . With s upreme i ndifferencetothe claim s of theN izam Clive obtained fromthe puppet emperor S héh A lama firmain conferring the Northern S irktirs to the English .

The treatment by the Madras Government of this arrangem ent will be seen later on . In the same year a Dutch fleetof seven ships appeared in the H ughli and began to seize

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1 60 H I STO R Y O F THE BO M BA Y B R E S I D E N C Y .

famou s as Nana Fal' llc lS . The Peshwa never recovered thes hock . I t affected his mind and his con s ti tution rap idlys ank . H e died atthetemple of a build ing which hehad erected a short dis tance from Puna . I t comm ands a

beautiful view of the citv and s u rrounding country, and fromitthe las t of the Peshwas was to witnes s the defeat of hisarmy by a B ri tis h force . Balaj i R ao had done s ometh ingto imp rovethe condition of his s ubj ect s

,and M artitha power

under him had reached its zenith . B utitreceived a s hockatP c

’tnipatwhich negatived the pos s ibility of Hindu s up remacy over Ind ia. S til l the M arathas remained for a time

the mos t power ful people inthe country .

The empire of D elhi had pas s ed away . A l l that remainedto Shah A lam were a few smal l dis t ricts inthe neighbourhoodof his capital . The Panjab had fallen intothe hand s of theAfghan Ahmad Abdal i . The Roh illas

,or des cendants of

former Afghan s ettlers in B engal,were powerful in R ohilkand .

Oudh nom inally a v iceroyal ty of the empire was really an

independent k ingdom , and a clos e ally of the B ritis h . I I I

the name of M ir J .

’

i farthe Company was s upr eme i n Bengal ,Bahar and Or is sa . The Raj pu t states had long s eparated fromthe emperor , and though the M anithas had impos ed uponthem demands for chauth they were irregularly paid . The

territories of the N i zi m OI Subadar of the D eccan were

con s iderably r educed in extent . The French power was

b roken,that of the D utch destroyed , and the Portugues e

reduced to ins ign ificance . I n the short Space of timefrom 1 755 to 1 761 the Engl ish, from merchants who

main tained a s truggle for exi s tence on the coas t,s uddenly

found their s tr ength recognis ed, and their s al l iance courtedby power s who had regarded them w ith contempt . I nB engal they were on the h igh road to the conques t of

THE ENGLI S H AND THE FR ENC H . 1 6 1

India . But as yetin the We stthey po s s essed only thei s land of Bombay , Fort V ictor ia w ith a few v illages atBankot

,and the fort or cas tle of Surat, of which they

obtained independentpos ses s ion after a des perate struggle in1 759 . The Marathas held the Konkan, the Deccan, and

G uz zirz'tt, with claim s over Kathiéwar, M ei lwa, Khandes h and

B arar , B ijapur and mo s t of A urangabrid, andthe old H indukingdom of Tanjawar (Tanj or) . Bes ides this their demand sfor chauth ex tended overthe greater par t of India, and thevh eldthe town and fort of Katak in Ori s s a . But S india and

Holker, the Gais lr and the Itaja of Barar were s eriou sI ivalstothe power of the Peshwa . The mos t important

,how

e ver, ofthe late pol itical changes was the factthat i t was to bethe English and notthe French who were to rule in India.

The directo rs in England of the Eas t Ind ia Companylooked w ith no favour OI I anvterritor ial acquis it ion . I n 1 763

they w rote to their rep resentat ives in India a despatch whicha fter enumeratingtheir pres ent pos s es s ions wentonto say“The protec tion of them is eas ily w i th in the reach of our

power, and they m ay eas ily s upport each other withoutany country alliance whatever . I f we pas s thes e bound s we

s hal l be led 0 11 from one acquis it ion to another till we shal lfind no s ecur ity but inthe s ubj ection ofthe whole, which byd ividing our force would los e us the whole, and end i n our

extirpat ion from Hindus tan .

”

XIII .

— F IRST MARATHA WA R .

the death of B itléj i R ee'

shortly after the shock of

the terr ible news from P JInipatin 1 761 where hiseldes t s on perished, he was s ucceeded as Peshwa by hiss econd s on, M ahdu R ao, a boy seventeen years old. M ahdu

R ao was I nves ted withthe in s ignia of offi ce by the des cendant of S hiwaj i, who was a state prisoner atS zitara . R aghoba,

the brother of the late Peshwa, as s umedthe regency, andcreated general di s content by his arbit rary and h igh -handedproceedings . The young Peshwa was a boy of s pir i t and

determination, and he at tempted to enforce his claim s to a

share Inthe admini s trat ion . H e showed his good s ens e bys electing as one of his o fficers Balaj i J anardan Bhanu or

N ana'

Farnawis ,the future great Maratha minis ter . R aghoba,

ambitious and un s crupulous , turnedtotwo powers for as s istance in h is schemes . The Governmentof Bombay, underM r . Crommelin , was inthe hands of m en with clear headsand stout arm s . Their gal lantry had lately enabled theirallythe S idi of Janj irato hold outagains t a combined attack

of M arc’

Ithas and Por tugues e . They hoi s ted the B ri tish flag

atJan ra and compelledthe M anithas to respecti t . Stimulated bythe magnificent s ucces s of their countrymen in B cn~

gal , and beginning to feel s omething of their own s trength,

they cas t longing eyes on the i s land of Sal sette which laybetween Bombay andthe mainland . The Marathas had con

quered it fromthe Portuguese andthe Englis h thought that

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1 64 H I S TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDE N C Y .

who pledged them s elves to follow him on condition of

sharing equally in his p lunder . W i th these retainers he

s erved underthe H indu Raja of M ysur atthe s iege of Trichinopol i . H e was to recei ve a certain sum of money for each

s oldier and a gift for each man wounded . H e doubled the

amount thus due to him by m aking fal se muster-roll s and

bandaging sound limbs . W i th Hydar , as with S hiwzij i,money was power . The H indu R aja rapidly became one of

the fainéant k ings that saton Indian thrones . A s Hydar’

s

power grew he di spensed with h is nominal master and

assumedthe t i tle of king . H e was to prove h im s elf one of

the most powerful antagonis ts that cros s ed swords withtheEngli sh in India . But his firs t opponents were the

M artithas . H e had gradual ly encroached on their territories ,including the fort of Dharwar

,and they were extremely

j eal ous of his power . In 1 765, the young Peshwa led an

army against the up s tart adventurer and defeated him in a

severe campaign . H ydar had to releasetheMaratha districtsthat he had occupied and pay forthe cost of the war .

There now arose a s trangely Involved ser ies of all iances andconfederacies , the threads of which are inex tricably entangled

wrth the hi s tor ies both of Bombay and Madras . The

English , the M aréthas , the N i zam , and Hydar Al i were

con s tantly making engagements with and agains t each other.Bes ides thes e factors inthe his tory of the epoch ,

there was

al so the party of R aghoba which was in r ivalry with that of

the Peshwa . There were further the great houses of theGaikwe

’tr, S india, H olkar, and B hons le of Barar, who were nowpractical ly sovereign princes, and who made war or friends h ip with one another , or any one el se, jus t as itmight s uittheir convenience. The permanent aim of each w as his

own supremacy . Common danger might for a time b ind s ome

FI R S T M ARATHA WA R . 1 65

of them together ; withthe need for unionthe coal ition invariably ended . In namethe Maratha s tates continued to be mem

bers of one empire . They all acknowledgedthe s upremacy of

the Raja of s eam , whose chief interestin l ife was to watchthe movements of dancing-girl s in his state pris on . Al l too

recognis ed the authori ty of the Pes hwa, the only di ffi cultybeing to decide whetherthe youthful heir tothe throne , or hisuncle R aghoba , had the higher claim tothe author ity ves tedin that o ffi ce .

To follow outthe whole cource of th i s constantly shiftingdrama would be tedious and u s eless . Some of the moreimportant s cenes only need be ligh tly sketched . The

emperor had conferred onthe Company the Northern Sirkarsas a free gift . They had belonged to the N i zam of theDeccan , andthe claims of th is potentate Clive treated w ithcontemptuous indifference . The Government of Madras,ever dis t inguished for weakness and incapac ity, adopteda contrary pol icy . They agreed to pay the N iz zim a

considerable tr ibute, and concluded w ith him an o ffensive

and defens ive al l iance on account of th is terri tory . The

Court of D irectors commented upon the feebleness and ah

surdity of this treaty but i t was too late, and i ts disastrou sconsequences had to follow . The N iz zim chose to m ake war

upon Hydar A l i . The Madras Government j oined in thes truggle and, i nthe words of the D irectors, plunged into sucha labyrinth of diffi cult iesthat extrication from them seemedalmost imposs ible . The campaign opened favourably fortheEngl ish . Hyder , in anticipation of an al liance between theMarathas andthe Company, offered terms . Butthe MadrasG overnment made such inflated demand s that they wererejected with s corn . The fortunes of warturned in Hydar’ sfavour, andthe N iz ém who had provoked the war changed

1 66 H I S TO R Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S ID E N C Y .

S ides to the stronger . H ydar again made proposal s forpeace, poin ting outthat his overtures had been already oncerej ected . The Council was irresolute and incapable

,and made

no definite reply . Hydar marched 1 30 miles in three daysand a half ; and, camping beneaththe wal ls of Madras , hadthe Council athis m ercy. In fear and trembling theyexecuted a treaty in

tA pril 1 769 by which m utual conquests

were restored ; the English were saddled withthe expensesof the whole war , and an offensive and defensive alliance wasm ade with the M ys ur ch ief. So endedthe first M ysur war,and the pres tige of the English s en s ibly deteriorated . The

bes t excuse that can be made for the action of the MadrasCouncil was that put forward

jby themsel ves, that they made

peace because they had no money to m ake war . No soonerwas peace concluded w ith the Engl ish than H ydar turnedhis arms agains t the M araithas . But thes e he found moreformidable antagonists . H is army was defeated w ith terribleslaughter in 1 7 71 , and he was purs ued to S aringapatam and

besieged there . In v irtue of his treaty, H ydar cal led ontheEnglish for aid. H e offered for an Engl ish brigade,but his request was unheeded in Madras , and be threatenedas an alternative to cal l inthe French . B ydar never forgavewhat he termedthe treacherous and cowardly abandonmentof him by the Engl i sh . The English had undoubtedlyb roken their word . But the treaty had been forced uponthem atthe poin t of the sword , and the di sgrace was lessin breaking than in mak ingthe agreement .D uringthe M ysur war the Bombay Government had sen t

an envoy to Puna i n the person of M r . Mo s tyn in 1 768. H e

was in st ructed both to ascertain the Peshwa’ s v iews and,

by encouraging domes tic d is sen s ions, to prevent the Mara

thas join ing B ydar and the N izam . A S to their v iews, the

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168 H IS TO R Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

enjoy his power . In August 1 773 a mutiny took placeamongs t his soldiers, and he was himself put to death by a

man whom he had once ordered to be flogged . The creditof cau s ing thi s murder was generally, though unj us tly

,given

to R aghoba. R aghoba was present when it took place and interferedto prevent i t . H e had, however, prev iou s ly given a

written order that N arayan R ao should he sei zed andthi s .

had been alteredto “kil led ”

(dharawe to marziwe) . There ;

was now no heir t othe Peshwaship,and R aghoba assumedthe

ti tle as the rightful successorto his nephew . But a posthum ous son was born to Narayan R ao in April 1 774 , and was

installed as Peshwa when he was forty days old. B aghoba;

declined to acknow ledge his legitimacy , and two greatfactions Sprang up ,

that ar R aghoba who called him s el fthe Peshwa, and that of Nana Farnawis and other minis terswho represented the cause of the son of Narayan R ao.

While these parties w ere engaged in watch ing each others"

m ovements,Hydar Al i plundered the Southern M arzitha~

prov inces unchecked . R aghoba sought aid from Sindia and

H olkar, and again entered into negociations withthe English .

The Government of Bombay were ready enough to negociate . They were bent upon secur ing Sal sette, Karanja, and

other islands near Bombay . They were, m oreover , fully

S upported in this attempt to gain thus m uch extens ion of

territory by the D irectors athome . In accordance with theC ourt’ s Ins tructions M r . Mostyn had again been sent on an

embassy to Puna, where he arrived shortly before the deathof M ahdu R ao Peshwa i n November 1 7 71 . The del iberateobj ect of this mi s s ion was to find m eans of ob tain ingposses s ion of th e islands, the j us t importance of whicln

to Bombay was i ndisputable . Bombay is the fines t .

harbour in India. I t was al ready becoming famous for

r rns r M AR ATHA WA R . 1 69

i ts dockyard , and i t was es sential for i t s protection thatthe Engli sh should bethe sole pos sessors of it s shores and

islands . N or were the designs of the Bombay authoritiesconfined to Sal s ette and i ts neighbourhood . They had

already attainedthe l ion ’ s share ofthe sovereign ty of Surat.Surat was paramount over B roach

,andthe Nawab of B roach

dis puted certai n claim s which were made on him . In 1 771an ex pedition was sent to enforce them which was notal together successful ; butfurther operat ions were for a t imedeferred by the arr ival of the Nawab in Bombay . The

Englis h ins isted upon term s which were by no means to theN awab ’s tas te ; and though he signedthe treaty he returnedto Broach only to gross ly insul t the chief of the Englishfactory . This could not betolerated . A force was sent, and

Broachtaken by storm onthe 18th November 1 772 , the veryday of M ahdu B ao

’ s death . Butthe brave and accompl ishedGeneral David VVedderburn was k illed, when directing theattack

,by a shell shot from the wall s ofthe c ity .

M r . M ostyn’

s firs t busines s atPuna was to negociate an

exchange of Broach for Sal set te . But nothing definite was

decided, and upon Narayan Bao ’s m urder i n August 1 773,having reas on to bel ieve that R aghoba had fallen in his war s

w i th the Ni zam,the Engl ish determined to possess themselves

by force of the long -coveted i slands . But Baghcha was

notdead , and his appl ications for aid were wel comed . Aftera prolonged negociation the Bombay Council , under thepresidency of M r . Hornby, offered in September 1 774to as s i s tR aghoba with all the tr00ps that they could spare which ,

including some ar tillery , amounted to abou t m en, on

condition that he should advance 1 5 or 2 0 1akhs of rupees ,or and cede i n perpetuity Sal sette and

the other is lands with Bas s ein and i t s dependencies . A t

1 70 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S I D EN C Y.

th is memorable meeting of' the Council a doubt arose on

an important s ubj ect. H i therto the Engl ish settlements inIndia had been independent Of each other ,

But in 1 773 an

A ctOf Parl iament placed Bombay and Madras in ’ subordinat ion to Bengal ; and the Governor of Bengal became theGovernor -General of India. Peace or war could notbe madew ithoutthe concurrence ofthe Governor-General in council .B utno intimation had reached Bombay ofthe arr ival of theo ffi cer s who had been s ent ou t as the members of council ;and i t was dec ided that Bombay m ight acton its own reSpons ibility . B utas before, R aghoba refu s ed to give up S al setteor Bas sein . H e offered other conces s ion s of very cons iderable

value,andthe Council were hal f di s pos ed to accep t them , when

they recei ved news which atOnce made them al ter their minds ;The Portuguese government had sent a s trong expedition

from E uropeto recover thes e very i s lands together with Bas seinonthe mainland . Promp t meas ures were necessary . WouldtheM aratha officer atthe fort of Thana,the chief town in Sal sette,consent to be bribed ? M r . Hornby offered one lakh . The

officer required more, and the Council s aw that nothing re

m ained but to us e force . Bythe middle of December 1 7 74the Portugues e fleet was anchored off the mouth of theharbour

,and i n an swer to the ~ remonstrances of i t s com

mander atthe aggres s ive policy of the English , batter ies wereopened upon Thana. After one unsucces s ful attempt, i n which1 00 E uropeans were killed or wounded , the fort was carriedby assaul t ; and, i n cen s ed atthe lo s s that they had suffered ,the soldiers putthe greater part ofthe garris on to the sword .

Amongthe English lo s s es was Comm odore Watson , a gal lantand exper ienced offi cer . Colonel Keating was sent to takethefort of Warsowa onthe north of Sal sette ; and by N ew Year

’

s

day 1 775 the whole of Sal sette and Karanja were reduced .

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1 72 H I S TOR Y OF THE B O M BAY PR E S ID ENCY .

troops dying where they stood . But in Spite of this deplor

able in c ident, which Colonel Keat ing frankly des cribed in hisdes patch , the enemy, as they them s el ves admitted, su s taineda severe defeat . Onthe l 0th of June another opposing forcew as beaten off with greater success and compel led to throwits guns into the Narbada, Colonel Keat ing having gras pedthe secre t of s ucces s agains t Marathas and commencedtheattack . Guz aratwas now cleared ofthe enemy and an agreement was made which patched upthe quarrel between GowindGaikwar and his brother Fatte S ing , and united them bothtothe cause of R aghoba. Tothe English was granted add itional terri tory with a revenue of 3 lakhs N or

were the operations confined to land . The Maratha navyconsis ted of s ix m en-Of-war mounting from ‘26 to 4 6 gunseach, and ten smaller armed vessel s . This fleet was metats eaby Commodore John Moor in the “Revenge” frigate, and

the “Bombay grab . Moor instantly attackedthe Maratha

fleet whi ch s ets ai l and made off ; but he s ingled out theirlarges t ship the “Sham sher Jang” or Sword of War , and

atlas t brought him to action . After an engagement ofthreehoursthe Shamsher Jang” blew up .

Thus R aghoba’

s prospects in a few m onths rose from thel owes t tothe highes t, while those ofthe young Pes hwa seemedcorrespondingly gloomy . Great p romises were made byNana Farnawis to S india and H olkar to keep them on his

s ide ; whilethe N i zam took advan tage of the c ivil war toextort a cess ion of nearly 18 1akhs of annual revenue . Bu tR aghoba was personally unpopular and his all iance with theEnglish regarded with disl ike and distrust .The Bombay Council had hel d that they were atl iberty

to actindependently of the Governor-General and CouncilatCal cutta . The Counci l were of a different Opinion .

F IR S T M A RA'

rH A WA R . 1 73

When they heard of the proceedings undertaken by theEngl ish in Bombay they peremptorily required thatthe forces should be withdrawn to garri s on in whatsoevers tate affairs migh t be , unless safety was endangered by an

instant retreat . You have imposed on yours el ves , theywrote, “the charge of conqueringthe whole of the Marathaempire for a m an who appears incapable of affording any

effectual ass istance in i t . ” The war was pronounced impol itic,

dangerou s,unauthor is ed and unj ust . The despatch bore the

s ignature of Warren Hast ings . But b itter divers ity reignedatthe Counci l board

,and atthat t ime the great p roconsul

was hampered and shackled by his colleagues . H is pers onalviews were very different. The war had been undertakenwithout su fficient definitenes s of aim , but he hel dthe captureof Sals ette an actof neces s i ty and good pol icy . But , as hehim s elf s ays, he was not in a po s i tion to dic tate, and all he

could do was to qual ifythe order with s ome provi soes .

The Bombay Government accordingly ordered a cessationof hos t il ities and Colonel Keating and R aghoba encampedabout twenty-five miles east of Surat . B utthey were b itterlyindignant atthe way i n which they had been over-ruled .

They s ent a report to the s upreme government defendingtheir conduct, recapitulat ing their reason s , and dwell ing on

the shame and degradat ion of notfulfi lling their s olemnagreements ,

They al s o s ent M r. W i lliam Taylor, a memberof their own Council, to Calcutta to advocate their cau s e .

M r . Taylor ably carried outhis instruction s . H e had an un

u s ual knowledge ofthe real character of the M arzitha empire .

H e represented that Par l iament in arming the Counci l atC alcutta with controlling powers had no intention thatthes ubordinate pres idencies should be made to appear degraded

and contemptible inthe eyes of the native government . But

1 74 H I S TOR Y O F TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

i n Spite ofthe Governor-General ’ s remonstrances the Councilins is ted upon exerc is ing with the utmost indiscretion theirnew authority . I f the Bombay authori ties had been rashit was notby timidity and caution that Bengal had beenwon . B utthe Calcu tta Council oscillated between rashnes sand timidity in thei r Bombay pol icy, and threw the affair s

of that pres idency into confusion . One of the members ,Mr . Francis , wrote that terr i torial acquisi tion onthe West of

India was incon s i s tent wi ththe Company ’s true interes t .T reating with contemptthe Sp irited repres entations from

Bombay, the Bengal Government sent one of thei r own

offi cers, Colonel. Upton, to make terms w iththe Marathas .

H i s mild remonstrances were naturally taken for weaknes s ,and the ministers m ade preposterous demands . R aghoba

’

s

ces s ions were to be voi d and R aghoba himself given up .

Colonel Upton hereupon cons idered his tas k atan end.

Advice from Bombay had been rej ected with scorn atC alcatta, but s ugges tions from their own officer were recei ved ina different Spir it . In February 1 776 the Governor-GeneralandCouncil determined to support R aghoba

’

s causewith vigour,and s ent troops andtreasure to Bombay . But beforethe lettercould reach Colonel Upton , he had on the 1 stMarch signedthe treaty of Purandhar which confirmed most ofthe cess ion stothe English , and allowed Sal sette to be retained or exchangedfor other distri cts atthe pleasure of the Governor-Generaland Council . The treaty of Surat however was formal lyannulled ; R aghoba

’

s army was to be disbanded and h imselft o res ide as a pen s ioner atKopargaum near Ahmadnagar .

I t was imposs ible that th is arrangementcould s ecurepeace . The Engli s h atBombay were intensely disgu s ted .

They expres sed their scorn that a B ri tish envoy should sufferthe Maratha m inis ters to secure a peace, on the p rinciple of

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1 76 H I S TO R Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

Undefined as their v iews m ight be concerning their own

ul timate position in India,the Engl ish were quite clear on onepoint that other European nations should not predominate .

The B ri ti sh empire was undergoing a form idable cris is . A

mis erable war was being waged withthe Amer i can colonists ,who were supported bythe French . W ithout al l ies , Englandwas shortly to carry on a s truggle with France, Spain and

Holland ; and the B ri t ish'

flag was with d ifficul ty to protec t

the Engl ish channel . The course of events was not unforeseen

even in India. Fortunately inWarren Has t ings India possessed

a ruler keen to s ee and promp tto act. Some m onths before war

was declared between England and France a French adven

turer named S t . Lub in landed atChaul and p roceeded to

Puna . H e had already impOs ed onthe Government of Madras

as a man of qual ity . H e even s ubsequently deceived theFrench Government so far as to obtain from them an authori ty

to proceedto India. H e atonce made offer of an all iance with

N ana Farnawis onthe par t of France . H e offered to br ingE uropean s forthe support ofthe minis try and to rais e

and dis cipl ine s epoys . Nana m ay or m ay not havebeen deceived as to the authentici ty of his credential s and

the genuinenes s of his pretensions to actfor France ; but hethought him atall events a u s eful tool to be employedagai nstthe Engl ish . H e hardly real is edthe danger to whichhe rendered h im self l iable bv this choice of ins truments .

Has tings recognised the gravi ty of the s i tuation and

determined to s tr ike the firs t blow. The only differenceb etween the new and old pol ic ies was that R aghoba was

to be considered Regent on behalf of the young Peshwa.

News had arrived ofthe declaration of war with France, an

event that was not likely atsuch a j unctureto occasion regretatBombay or Cal cu tta . Hastings res ol ved to support the

HI

r ras r M A R A THA WA R . 1 1 7

B ombay Government w ith a large body of troop s,and s ix

native regiment s with artillery and caval ry marched acros sInd ia under Colonel Les l ie , a featnever before attempted bva B ritis h force . A tthe s ame time an al liance was made

w ith the great Maratha R aghop Bhons le of Barar. The

F rench factories in Bengal were s eized , and orders s enttoMad ras that Pondicher i was to be ins tantly occup ied .

On November 2 3rd 1 7 78 the B ritis h troops atBombayc ros s edthe harbourto Panwel . They wer e comm anded byColonel Egerton , a man whos e weak health unfitted him for

active s er vice, and who was totally unacquainted w ith Ind ianwarfare. H e had on a former occas ion been s etas ide infavour of Colonel Keating ; butatthis j uncture M r . Hornbymos t unfortunately thoughtthatitwas his due to be given thecommand . The expedition was accompan ied by M r . Carnacof the. Bombay Counc il , M r . Mos tyn, whos e s erv ices wouldhave been i nvaluable, having j u stdied . The expedition was amis erable fail ure . Colonel Egerton and M r . Carnac wastedtime in petty disagreements ; and i t was notfor a monththat the army, about strong , reached Khandzilla atthetop ofthe Bhor Ghat, a d is tance from Panwel of s omeforty miles . Thencethe advance was s lower . On January9th 1 7 79 they arri ved atTalegaum , s i xteen m iles from Puna .

A force of Marathas d is puted their advance, and

cloud s of hors emen haras s edthei r camp. The hearts of theirleaders failed them . The gun s were th rown into a tank

, thes tores burnt, and a retreat commenced . On the 1 1th

, at\Vargaum , they were s urrounded . On the 1 2th they were

a ttacked . But the sold iers were more val iant than theircommanders . Splendidly led by Captain Hartley

,his m en

Europeans and s epoys al ike—foughtwith s tead ines s and en

thus iasm . The nex t day the attack was again withstood,

1 78 H 181 OR Y or THE BO M BAY P R E S I D R N OY .

Captain Har tley show ing him s elf the l ife and soul oftheforce . But the army gotinto confus ion with its baggage ;many European officers were killed, and a large number of

s epoy s des erted . Further retreat was deem ed imp racticable .

R aghoba, s eeing how th ings were gomg, had already givenh im s elf up to S india, andthe Engl i s h cametoterm s w i ththatchieftain , who acted as rep res entat ive ofthe Marathas . The

army was allowed to depart , butan unconditional s urrenderwas m ade of all acqui s ition s obtained since 1 773 . The

Bombay Council ignored this sham eful convent ion . Thev

recordedtheir s ens e of its di sgraceful nature by dismi s s ing M r .

Carnac , Colonel s Egerton and Cockburn whi le, for hisS plendid gallantry , Captai n Hartley was p romoted to therank of L ieutenant-Colonel .The B om bay G overnment had failed . They had attempted

a great tas k w ithou t counting the cos t . Their irri tation attheauthority exerci s ed over them from Calcutta had actuatedthem w ith the des ire of show ing what they could do w ithoutthe as s i s tancethat was com ing from Bengal , They had learntthe les s on and though humbled bytheir m i s fortunes , theirarmv defeated, their treas ury empty

,and the ir reputation

dimmed,they s etto work underthe firm and able leadersh ip of

Governor Hornby to retr ievetheir fortune . This adm irable

S piri t was m etby Xl’

arren Has tings w iththe treatmentthat itdes erved . H e dep recated the expres s ion of any want of con

fidence in the Bombay authorities, and preferred to incite

them to fresh exertion forthe retrieval oftheir affairs , and toarm them with m eans adequatetothe end .

The B engal forces,commanded by Colonel Les l ie , had pro

crastinated. Has t ing s atonce s upers eded him by a dashingofficer

,Colonel Goddard ; butLes l ie died before Goddard could

rel ieve him . Goddard soon showed what s tuff he was made of .

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180 H IS TO R Y or TH E BO M BAY P R E S IDENC Y.

s ent Colonel Hartley to deal w ith the Marathas whowere active on the borders of Sal s ette, and who con

stantly annoyedthe pos t newly es tab li shed by the Engl ish atK zilyan under Captain Cam pbell . The resul t was m o sts ucces s ful . Captai n Popham ,

the offi cer s elected for th i s

employment, c ros s ed the Jumna and carried on a b rill iantcampaign. In Augus t , w ith equal daring and s kill

,he cap

turedthe celeb rated fortres s of Gwalior, hitherto con s ideredto be impregnable, while a s er ies of das h ing and for the mos tpart s ucces s ful engagements took place in the Konkan. A n

attempt to take thetwo s trong forts of M alangah r or BhauMalan— now known from the ir fanciful shape asthe Cathed ra lRock s— by Captain A lington part ial ly s ucceeded . The lowerfortwa s captured , but the upper , an ab solutely perpendicular

rock , defied all efforts to take i t .

During the mons oonthe Bombay Government had timetocon s ider the ir pos i t ion . They were in great diffi culties for

wantof fund s , for which they had lookedto Bengal . B utin l ieu of fund s cam e des patches informing them that thethreatened invas ion of H ydar had s wept over Madras . The

M y s ur ruler,encouraged by French p rom is es , and his troop s

dril led by French offi cers,was s t imulated in his di s putes with

Madras bythe Marathas atPuna . H e was ready to accepttheir help in his cru s ade again stthe European s ettlers ; buthe meantwhen he had di spos ed of the Englis h to makes hor t work of the M arzithas al s o . F rance and England wereagai n atwar , and there was every pos s ibilitv of a naval

attack upon Bombay . The Bengal Government cou l d giveno further as s i s tance .

“We have no res ources ,”

s ays

Governor Hornby in his m inute of the l stAugu s t, “buts uch as we m ay find i n our own efforts

,Whatever brave

m en could do they did . They rais edten lakhs Of rupees by

I

FI R S T M AR A I HA WA R . 81

the s ale of copper in their warehou ses , th ey managed tonegociate loan s , and they anticipated the M ardthas in thecollec tion of their own revenues .

The master mind of Hastings perceived that the new

s truggle w ith M ys ur p res ented a more form idable dangerthan immediately p res s ed onthe Engl ish from the M aréthas .

I l is plans regarding the M arritha empire were for the time

s etas ide, when they s eemed, but for thi s interruption, notunlikely to be crowned with s uccess . H e s eth im s el f tobreak upthe confederacy . H e detached the N i zam from itby tell ing him that the empero r of Delh i had grantedto Hydar the territories which the N iz z

’

nn ruled as theMoghal v iceroy of the Deccan . By protracted negocia

t ions h e contrived to obtain the neutral ity of the B hons leR aj a of B arftr. The newer and m ore form idable danger

rendered i t neces s ary to make peace w ith the Pes hwa, butnotpeace atany p rice ; atall extremities there m us t be

no peace notaccompanied w ith honour . W ith thi sobjec t i n v iew the M ardtha war was v igorous ly continued .

Toward s the end of 1 780 Goddard took B as s ein, wh ich

fortified bythe Portugues e pos s es s ed unu s ual strength ,while

Hartley , after cove ring the s iege by s ix week s ’ inces s antfighting

,repul s ed a bol d at tack of Marathas and

k illed their commander . A fter the s iege the B riti s h forcesunited .

‘

The Governor-General was anxiou s that overtures for peaceshould come from the Peshwa . H e sugges ted throughM udzij i B hons le, wh o had s ucceeded his father R aghoj i as

Raja of Barzi r, and who con s ented to become a mediator,

certa in conditions wh ich he would accept if the Peshwa’

s

Government would enter upon an offen s ive and defen s iveal l iance with the Company agains t Hvdar and the French .

1 82 H I S TOR Y O F TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

But onthe new s that came from Mad ras M udaj i decl ined tocontinue his friendly offi ces excep t on term s that could notposs ibly be accepted . The news was mos t alarming . S ir

Hector Munro commanded one force, Colonel Bail l ie another .

In s tead of uniting and pres enting a formidable fron tto Hydar,they s uffered him to attack them s eparately .

0 Baillie ’

s army ,

after a brave defence , was almos t totally des troyed ,the remnantowing their l ives to the intervention of H ydar

’

s Frencho ffi cers . Munro was within hearing of the cannonade. H e

abandoned his equipage, des troyed his s tores , threw his

guns into a tank , and fled i n con fu s ion to Madras . I twas a greattriumph for H ydar, who decorated his palaceatS aringapatam w i th p ictures ofthe carnage of one Engl is harmy andthe fl igh t of another. The English empire in thes outh-eas t of India was within immediate danger of annihilat ion. But Hastings was equal to the emergency . H e s us

pended the incapable Governor of Madras , and s ent theveteran soldier, S ir Eyre Coote , to take command Of thearmy . H e s oon gave a different character tothe Operations .

Goddard now con s idered that an advanced movement,threatening Puna

,woul d be l ikelyto bring aboutthe Governor

General ’ s obj ec t . H e overrated his ab ili ty to menace ins ufficient s trength . H e occupied the Bhor G hat , and his

troop s were encamped atKhrindalla where the B ritis h hadbeen quartered three years before . H e thence s entprOpos alstothe Puna minis ters for defence and alliance . But H ydar

was atthat t im e t riumphant . Nana Farnawis j udged him tobe more powerful thanthe Company , and he plainly hintedthat he prefe rred H ydar

’

s friendshipto that ofthe Engl ish .

Itwas u s eles s to attempt a treaty w ith a man in thi s frame

of m ind . But the M arathas were notcontent with refus ingterm s . They put forth all their s trength , and sixty thou

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184: H I S TO R Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

his s ervices as a m ediator . H is offer was accepted and he

was despatched by the Governor-General to S india’

s camp .

N egociations now opened on a wide bas is and H as t ings , attheb eginning of 1 782 , deputed M r . Dav id A aders on, inthe capacityof Agenttothe Governor-General , tothe cam p of M aihzidaj b

S india . On the 1 7th M av a treaty was concluded atS ailbairw ith the Englis h by S india on behalf of the Peshwa, NanaFarnziwis and the whole ofthe Maratha chiefs . The treatywas ratified by Nana Farnaw is , but notbefore he heard of

H vdar’

s death in December 1 782 ; nor was itfinal ly exchangeduntil Feb ruary 1 783 . By this treaty the Engl i sh gave up

B as s ein and other acquis i tion s m ade s i nce the treaty of’

Purandhar , but they retained Sal s ette, E lephanta, Karanja,and H og I s lands

, w i th ab sol ute pos s es s ion of the city of’

B roach . The Engl is h were to ceas e giv ing as s is tance toR aghoba , who was to be al lowed rupees a m onth if“

he would res ide w ith Sindia . H ydar Al i was to be m adeto~s urrender his conques ts from the English and their allies .

N o factories of any European nations bes ides the E nglis lrw ere to be al lowed inthe M anttha dom in ion s , except thos e of ’

the Portugues e al ready es tabli shed . The ter ritory of theGais ir fam i ly

,as wel l as a z

’

rrz’

rtin general , was to remaim

on the s ame footing as before the war . The Englis h gave ;

B roachto S india in recognit ion of his generous behaviour toa

their troop s afterthe convention oflWargaum . R aghoba died .

s hortly afterthe conclus ion ofthe treaty .

The firs t Maratha war thu s ended. The Bombay Govern

ment had undertaken i t rashly , agains t a people who, if butunited ,

could have d riven all the Engli sh of Bombay w ith »

eas e intothe s ea . They had been hampered by ill -advis ed:

and incons istent orders o f the Bengal Council ; but

M r . Has tings from the first personally hel d tha t the ir:~

F l R s r M ARATHA WA R . 18C}

determination to obtain Sal s ette and the other i s lands wasindis putably right, and his view s w ere s ubs equently shared byhis Council and bythe Court of D irectors athome . They hadentered upon the war as al l ies of R aghoba. H is aid was

altogether inadequate his faction s teadily los t populari ty , andlong be fore the clos e of the war the Englis h were notall iesbut principal s . Their general s had on one occas ion disgracedthe Engl i sh name by a cowardly s urrender . The BombayCouncil d ismi s s edtheir unworthy offi cers and another arm ywas s ent intothe field . For fund s they were to g reat ex tentdependenton B engal . When s uppl ies from that Governmentceas ed , bv s tupendous efforts they rais ed them for them s el vesFor s even years th ey had carried onthe war with indom itable forti tude and pers everance . They had been cheered byb rilliant s ucces s es ; revers es had only excited them torenewed exertion s . There was none of the cowardice and

incompetence of Madras , none of the i ncredible meannes s

which in 1 756 led the chiefs of the Bengal factory tos ail downthe r iver and leave their colleagues to the terrors

ofthe Black Hole . M r . Hornby and his Council , in dangers

and difficulties , dis playedthe undaunted courage of WarrenHas tings him s elf. Dangers more formidable than that OftheMarathas had compel ledthem to b ringthe war to a clos e before

they had achievedthe bril l iant termination which they hopedfor . But onthe eve of an alliance ofthe Peshwa with H vdar ,backed up by French infiuence, agains t themselves , they won

overtheir Maratha foes as al l ies again s t M ysur, and inducedthem to exclude the French from all their terr itories . Theyobtained from the Marathas i n perpetuity the ownership of

Sals ette and the other is land s which they rightly deemedindis pens able to Bombay . Sal s et te was taken under thedirect management of the Company . No attempt atdouble

1 86 H I S TO R Y OF THE BO M BAY P R E S I D E MOY .

government inthe name of any O riental ruler was made, sucha s ledto confus ion and mis ery in Bengal .Dur ingthe war a marked change had been coming overthe Maratha empire . The great hou s es of Sindia, H olkar,

the Gaikwar, and B hons le of Barar were rapidly gfowing intoindependent s tates , l i ttle if atall les s powerful than thePes hwa him s elf. Thus , instead of a s ingle empire,the Engli shhad to do w ith a more or les s lax confederacy , each of whos em embers was actuated bv his own pers onal interes ts rather

than by any Spir i t of national patriotism . To thes e factors

i n the pol itical combination of W es tern I ndia were to bea ddedthe Ni zam and H ydar A l i .

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188 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY P R C S I D L‘

N C Y .

the aid of Hydar . The fleet was al together st ronger than thatofthe Englis h under Admiral Hughes, but in s everal hardfought actions i t could obtain no advantage . December

brought the death of Hydar , and his son Tipu s ucceededtoh is power . Tipu might not have his father

’ s ability, but he

pos s es s ed his in sat iable ambition and a yetmore implacable

hatred ofthe English . When H ydar died Tipu was conducting some di s tant operat ions agains t a detachment of Bombaytroop s ; and

,with a capab1 e commander, the M ad ras army

might have infl icted a cru shing defeat on the M ysur forcesbefore Tipu could join them . But noth ing was done ; and

S ir Eyre Coote, who was once more des patched by Has tings ,died shortly after his arr ival , worn outby old age and in

firm ities . The as pect of affai rs was notfavourab le . The

country was ravaged by cont inual wars , and des olated byfamine and hurricanes . Andthe news came that Bu s sy wasreturningto India w i th s trong reinforcements f rom France .

Bus sy reached India in Apri l 1 783, and as s umed commandof the French forces . Butthe Madras commander, GeneralS tuart

,s ucceeded in p reventing him from co-operating w ith

Tip u ; and in June Bus sy was defeated in a general action,

though notwithout a l os s of 920 Europeans to the Britis harmy . Bu s sy was strengthened by a large number of mar inesand sailors from Admiral S uffrein’

s fleet , and he againattacked General S tuar t ’ s camp atnight . B uthe was beatenoff with heavy los s

,and B ernadot te, the future king of

Sweden , who was s erving with him as a sergeant, was madepri soner . Shortly afterwards peace was s igned between Franceand England, and Bus sy agreed to withdraw the Frenchtroops inthe M ysur service .

The Engl is h were thu s left to deal with Tipu alone. Butthe tas k was no l ight one. He pos sessed an army of

THEO R Y OF TH E BALANC E O F POWE R . 189

m en. H e fi rs t reduced,by a s iegethat las ted five month

the fort of B ednur onthe M ysur table- land , wh ich had been

gal lantly taken by General Mathews w ith a detachment fromBombay . The garri s on made a Splendid defence

,but were

compelled by wantof suppl ies to cap itulate . Tipu engagedto sendthe s u rvi vor s tothe coas t. In s tead ofth is he plungedthem intothe dungeons of S aringapatam . He next marchedagains t Mangalur

,wh ich hel d out nobly unti l January 3oth

1 784,when the defenders , who were reduced to the las t

extremities bv famine, were permittedto march outwith all

the honours of war . Hastings was intent on a v igorouspro s ecution of the campaign until he could obtain an

honourable peace . Two powerful B ritis h armies were ad

vancing, andthe b rutal cruelties of Tipu to H indus and his

forcible convers ion of thous and s ofthem were rais ing again s thim bitter enem ies in his own dominion s . S india, on behalf ofthe M ar iithas

,engagedto jointhe Engli sh , hOping to make

Tipu a Maratha t ributary . There was every reas on to hopethat a continuance of the s truggle w ould soon b ring a

s ucces s ful ending to the s econd M ysur war . But theever- incapable Counci l of Madras thought otherw is e

,and

determined to s ue for peace . I n vain did the GovernorGeneral in s is t thatthey should im i tatethe exam ple of B ydar

,

who had dictated peace under the walls of Fort S t . George .

Tipu gros s ly ins ulted the English Commis s ioners,and i t is

impos s ible to read without s hame and humiliation how theys tood before him with their head s uncovered, andthe treatyin their hands , for two hours , u s ing every form of flat teryand s upplication to induce compl iance ; and how their abj ectentreaties atlength s oftenedthe Sul tan into as s ent . Bythetreaty mutual conques ts were res tored , and the p ris onersm ade by Tipu given up . Thes e included 1 30 offi cers

,900

1 90 H IS TO R Y O F TH E B O M BAY PR ES IDENC Y.

Engl ish s old iers , and s epoy s . Many , including GeneralMathews , had been m urdered, while all had been s ubj ectedtomos t outrageou s treatment . There w as no element of final i ty

in the convention of Mangalur, and when five years laterTipu once more determined upon war w i ththe Engli sh ,

theonly mat ter for s urpri s e was that he had chos en to Ob s ervethe agreement for s o long . There was no reference i n i ttoS india or the M anithas , an omis s ion regarded by them as

s ingularly Offens ive . The Governor—General expres s ed thes tronges t dis approbation of th is humil iating treaty . B utas much of ithad al ready been carried into effect beforethearrangement was communicatedto him , he did notcon s iderhim s elf j ustified in annulling i t .In Ap ril 1 783, s hortly afterthe fi nal exchange ofthe treaty

of S ailbai, an unprovoked attack was m ade by the Peshwa’

s

fleeton a B riti sh ves s el, which but forthe urgent neces s i ty forpeace would have p robably cau s ed a renewal of the war .

Lieutenant P ruen was in command ofthe Ranger, a brigcarrying twel ve guns , which was bound for Kalikat. H e was

an officer in the Company ’ s s ervice, and he had on board as

pas s engers G eneral Norman M acleod and other officers Of thek ing’

s s ervice . There was always more or les s jealou sy between officers of the two s erv ices

, and P ruen wel comedtheopportunity of s howinghis pas s engers how a Com pany ’

s cruis ercould fight . H e metthe Maratha attack of eleven ship s with

heroic cou rage . Their shot swepthis decks, andtheir sailorsboarded in hundred s . At las t, when all his m en were k illed

or wounded, he as ked the king ’ s officers ifthe crew of the“Ranger ” could fight, and then s truck his colours in ordertos avethe l i ves of those who still s urvived . General M acleodwas hims elf desperately wounded while mingl ing bravely inthe fight . The B ri tis h Government s trongly remonstrated

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1 92 H I S I‘

OR Y O F TH E BO M BAY FR E S I D E N OY .

emperor on his throne . The imperial dominions i nH indus tan now practically belonged to the great M ahadaj iS india. H e was ineb riated by his own s ucces s . WarrenHas tings had s ailed to England in February 1 785, and inthe emperor’ s nam e Sin dia demanded from his s ucces s or,M r . Macphers on

,the chauth Ofthe B r itish provinces of B engal .

B utthe acting Governor-General in s is ted uponthe ab s oluteand imm ediate withdrawal ofthe demand

,and Sindia found i t

wi s erto obey . The incident Showedthe Engl ish the dangerof S india

’

s ambitiou s pol icy . Con s iderable attention was

paid to other Maratha chiefs , and i t was determined

again to s end an envoy to the Peshwa ’

s court atP una.

S ince the treaty of Salbai S ind ia had chos ento regard h ims el fasthe pol itical agent betweenthe Engl ish andthe Pes hwa,and his j ealou sy was accord ingly arou s ed atth is proceeding .

B utM r . Malet,the offi cer s elected , was s entto S india atAgrato Obtain his cons ent . A tardy acquies cence was obtained fromhim t o a compromis e

,which arranged for the des patches of

M r . Malettohis Governm entbeing s ent through M r . Anders on,

the res ident atthe Court of S india, for the information of

the Maratha ruler . But Sindia was too bu s ily occupied inH industain to be able to pay m uch at tention to affairs at

Lord Cornwall is , the permanent s ucces s or to WarrenHastings , reached Calcutta in September 1 786 . H e foundS india all powerful in H indus tan ; while in the Deccan , theM arzithas underthe Pes hwa, the N izam , and T ipu Sul trin of

M ys ur, werethe chief actors inthe poli tical cri s is that he hadto deal with .

The power of Tipu was fas t becoming intolerable to theMarathas andthe English al ike. H is father, Hydar Ali , hadnotbeen a st ric t M u s salman and had leftthe Hindus nu

THE O R Y O F THE BALAN C E OF POWE R . 1 93

“molested . But Tipu was an orthodox upholder of the faith ,

and a mas ter of the methods of fanaticism and pers ecution.

H e was bus ily engaged in forcibly converting H indus toMuhammadanism he carr ied offthe people of Kurg (Coorg)i nto s lavery

,and es tabli shed a univers al reign of terror .

Two thou s and B rahmans onthe borders ofthe Maratha terr itory died by their own hand to pres erve the purity of theirc as te . The Peshwa appl ied for aid to the Engl ish , butthetreaty of M angalur had placed them in a neutral pos ition and

h e hadto be content withthe al l iance Of theN izam . A cam

paign was opened in 1 786 , but l ittle was gained on either s ide,

and peace was concl uded a few months after the arr ival of

Lord Cornwallis .

The new Governor-General was a soldier as wel l as a s tatesm an. H e gras ped the pol itical s ituation , and real is ed thatthe English could notlong remain a neutral power . But hishands were not al together free . H e was s ent outtoa void war andto improvethe internal admini s tration of theC ompanv

’

s terri to ries . M r . Pitt’ s bill of 1 784 had forbiddenal liances with native p rinces . Personal ly, Lord Cornwall isp referred peace , but with admirable s tatesmansh ip he preparede verything for war should war he forced upon him

, H e

had notlong to wait. By the treaty of Mangalurthe s tateof Travancore was declared to be under B ritis h pr otect ion.

Tipu demandedthe s ubmis s ion of the R éj a, and in December1 789 he attacked the forces of that s tate . Lord Cornwalliss aw thatthe time for action had come. I f he ob s erved thed irections of M r . Pitt’ s bill in the letter he certainly brokethrough them inthe sp iri t . H e might notmake al liances ,but he made t reaties to have effect duringthe continuanceofthe war. Before Tipu’ s invas ion was an accompl ished fact,he had informed him ,

through M r . Hollandthe Governor of

1 3

194 H I S TO R Y or TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

Madras,that he meant to u phold by forcethe integrity of

Travancore . Holland firs t proceeded to extort money forhim s el f from the Travancore Raja and when Tipu '

s attack.

was made, he des erted his postand s ailed for England . Ou ~

learning of thes e events , Naina Farnawis immediately pro

pos ed joint ac tion w ith the Englis h agains t Tipu . Term s

were drawn up in March 1 790, and in July of that year theN iz zim joinedthe coal it ion .

The war was opened w ith s piri t under General Medows,

Commander-in-Chief, and now Governor of M adras . H e com

m enced operations in M ay, and by September he had captureds ome forts which were deemed impregnable, and pos s es s edhim s el f of the low country of M ysur . In M alabzir

,Colonel

Hartley of Bombay defeated the M ys ur general Hu s s einAl i ; and General Abercrombie reduced Kzinnanur and s ecuredthe coas t terri tory . The M ar iithas had given valuable aid .

and they captu red fromthe M ys ur forces the s trong fort ofD harw zir. But the highlands , i n which res ted the chiefs trength of Tipu , were i n vai n attempted ; and, dis appointedatthe resul t of the firs t campaign , Lord Cornwal l is determ ined him s el fto take comm and in the s econd . In J anuarv1 79 1the Governor-General placed him s elf atthe head of thearmy , The

“ campaign again opened b rill iantly , and LordCornwal l is defeated Tipu in several engagements . The

N izam ’s forces joined him , buttheir aid was of l it tle value.

The t roop s were p ictu res que i n appearance butu s eles s except for plunder . F inally , after a s plendid victory atA rikerain Apr il , Lord Cornwall i s found his suppl iesto be s o s cantyand defective that he was compel ledto retreat . H e had todes troy his batteries and heavy stores , and was only s aved

from serious dis as ter by the s peedy arr i val of his Marathaallies . H e took up his pos it ion atB angalur for the remain

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1 96 H I S TO R Y or THE BO M BAY PR ES ID ENC Y .

i ts effect uponthe English pol icy . The sy s tem of completei solation fromthe other powers ofthe Penin s ula was for thefuture outof the ques tion . Self-effacement was impos s ible .

The idea of absolute supremacy was indeed notyetcome .

People in England looked on Native rulers as holders of

ancient monarchies , and failedto real is e thatthe Marathas ,theN izam, andthe Sul tan of M ysur, notonly owed their sovereigntyto usurpation and v iolence, butwere no older m the fiel dthanthe Engl is h themsel ves and had no better r igh tto theirconquests . But facts were s tronger than p reconceived theories .I s olation was dropped and a new theory of a balance of powercame in , by whichthe B ritish Government s hould hold thes cales between the r ival candidates for supremacy . Thistheory soon proved impracticable

,buti t was an immense step

in advance of what preceded i t .Lord Cornwall i s s ai led for England in O ctober 1 793 . H i s

reputation rests les s on his m il itary achievements than on hi scourageou s reform i n the civil s ervice. H e bes towed ade

quate salaries onthe Company ’

s servants and put an end tothe sys tem of perqui s ites ; and he in s is ted upon a tone of

honour and rectitude which has beenthe glory ofthe s erviceever s ince . B utin making a permanent s et tlement oftheland tenure of Bengal he made a vas t m i s take, which led toabu s es that have not yetpass ed away . D uring his tenure of

office a change was introduced intothe charter of the Eas tI ndian Company . A l imited amount of free t rade was con

ceded to outs iders , and mis s ionaries and school-masters allowedadmis s ion intothe Company ’s terri tories .

While thes e events were occurr ing atM ys ur, further changeswere taking place amongs tthe Maratha leaders . S india hadnot joined the Peshwa in his al l ian ce with the Engli sh , buthe managed h is p ossessions in H industan w ith s ingular

TH EOR Y or THE BALANC E or rowan. 1 97

abili ty and success . H is pro speri ty was the cause of intensej ealou syto his great r ival B olkar, who was used by NanaFarnawis as a check upon S india’

s power . H olkar took intohis service the Cheval ier D udrenec, and proceeded to raise a

dis ciplined force on the model of S india’

s . Sindia by no

means approved of th i s . H e petitioned for H olkar’

s recall ,and himself p roceeded to Puna w ith the os ten s ible obj ect of

investing the young Peshwa with the i ns ignia of his o fficewhich he had obtained from the emperor . H is ul ter iorm ot ive was to increase his influence and popular ity withtheMarathas of Maharash tra, from whom his long ab s encemighthave i n som e degree es tranged him . H e reached Punai n June 1 791 and p itched his camp w ith m agnificent s tateonthe Sangam

, or j unction of the rivers Muta and Mula .

Nana Farnawis i nten s ely dis l iked S india’

s proceedings , anddreaded his increas ing influen ce ; but the ceremony was

carried ou t with regal Splendou r . The Peshwa was now a

high-s piri ted youth of seventeen. H e was greatly attractedbythe frank and sol dierly manners of Sindia, andthe influenceof his s tern guardian Nana proportionately waned . Sindia

u til ised tothe utmo s t the Peshwa’

s l ik ing for him . H e had

extended athis own r i s k the dominion of the Marathas toH indu s tan , and he now p u t for th a request that he m ight bereimbursed for the cos t s wh ich he had been compel ledtoincur. Nana Farnaw is retorted that he had now hel d theconques ts for som e t ime

,that the territor ies were wealthy ,

and that he ough t nowto render an account of his s tewardsh ip to his mas terthe Pes hwa. Wh ile Nana and Sindia werethus intr iguing atthe Pes hwa’ s court

,news reached Puna

that S india’

s army in H indus tan had infl icted a cru shingdefeat on the forces of H olkar . The t riumph of Sindiaseemed assured, and inthe cris is that ens ued N ana Farnawis

1 98 H I S TOR Y or TH E BO M BAY rae s ror x cv.

besought h is master to lethim retire to Banaras . ButS india almost immediately d ied of fever near Puna, and

his nephew,Daolat B ao, a boy of fifteen succeeded to his

s overeignty .

M ahadaj i Sindia was one of the mbstdaring and able men

of his age . H e was hel d by a great proportion of theMarathas in almo s t as great veneration as S hiwaj i him s elf .H e was a con s is tent Opponent of the as cendency of theB rahmans . While str iving for his own independence , he

a imed ata Maratha confederacy of which he should be theleader . At one t ime, when defeated by Popham and Carnac,his fortunes seemed ata low ebb. But the Engl ish , byaccepting his mediation atthe treaty of s albai, recognisedhis indepen dent po s i tion

,and from that time he surmounted

every diffi cul ty and achieved a task that h is enemies m ightwel l have held imposs ible . The p rogress of the Englishhe viewed with alarm ; and he was hos t ile to the entire

demol i tion of Tipu ’ s power, as he con s idered it a bulwark

again s t Englis h aggres s ion . But he had in real ity by Spreading Maratha power over so vas t an area considerably sappedits s trength ; and his sys tem of organi s ing regular infantryand art i llery on the European system ul t imately led totheruin of his nat ion ’ s power. The s trength of the Marathaslay in their irregular caval ry, who could fight or flee as

migh t be mos t expedient . In fantry and guns might compelthemto s tand their ground when retreat was more judiciou s .

The Marathas were a martial rather than a mil itary people .

E very member of a peasant’ s family had carried arms , butof dis cipl ine and technical s k ill they had l it tle . Pitchedbattles and regular warfare were unsui ted to their s tyleof fighting . What gave them their tremendous power wastheir surp ri s ing activi ty and mobil ity . These qual ities were

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200 H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY rnns ros s cr .

youngto interfere, and Nana keptthe Peshwa in r igid tutelwage . H is firs t measures were taken again s tthe N izam ,

upon.

whom the Marathas con s idered that they pos sessed no smal lclaims . Whatever j us t claims they may have had, the ;

demand s urged were prepos terou s , andthe N i zam appealedto Cal cutta . S ir John Shore, who was afterwards LordTeignm outh,

had succeeded Lord Cornwal l is . But war had .

again broken outbetween France and England . Hos til ities '

were again proceeding before Pondicheri , and French influencepervaded many nat ive states . Shore was by no means devoid

of courage ; but he was notequal tothe complications andtdiffi culties of the task before him , and he decl ined tointerfere. A s tronger m an would have atall events mediatedbetweenthe contending par ties . The Governor-General wasfully aware of the dangerous predominance thatthe defeat ofthe N i zam would give tothe Marathas . But he held to thepolicy of non-in tervention . The N izam increased his forces , .

and with the aid of a French officer named R aymond disciplined twenty-three battal ions of i nfantry and a park of

ar tillery . H i s effort s wer e futile . Inthe bat tle of Khardla, .

in March 1 795 , the troops dis cipl ined by R aymond alone ;

s tood their ground ; the res t were utterly routed . The N izam v

had to surrender frontier di s tri cts , including Daolatabad, of"

the annual revenue of and to pay three million ss terl ing in payment of all the Maratha claim s . NanaFarnawis was now atthe heigh t of his ascendency . The

young Sindia and B hons le of Barar were favourably dis pos ed?

to him ; Takaj i B olkar had grown mentally and phys ically

incompetentto take any par t in publ ic affairs . H is only

anx i ety was lest the Peshwa shoul d ins is t on receivingthe author ity which was his due. H e mea nt in fact to .

play the same part withthe Peshwa that the early Peshwas .

THEO R Y or THE BALANC E OF rowan. 2 01

had played with the s ucces s ors of S hiwaj i . The fainéan tRaja atSatara might be an in s trument that would thwarthis plans . H e cons equently increas edthe sever ity of his im

pris onment and prohibi ted his relations from going near him .

The family of R aghoba was a greater s ource of danger,es pecially his elder son Baj i R ao. Baj i R ao was a gracefuland accompl i shed youth

,and his manners gained himthe

good-will of all who s aw him . The young Pes hwa was takenbythe attracti ve dis pos it ion andthe accompl i shments of his

cous in . Nana Farnawis therefore had him immured in a.

hil l fort . H e treated the Peshwa with ext raordinary harshnes s and s everi ty, but h is pol icy defeated its own object .Rendered des perate by th i s tyranny , M ahdu R ao Peshwa was

overwhelm ed with grief and des pair . H e s ank into a fixedm elancholy, and in October 1 795 , i nthe 2 2nd year of hi s age,he threw himself from a terrace in his palace and in a few day sexpired , l iving long enough to expres s a wi sh that Baj i R aoshould suceeed him . This catas trophe brough t an end toNana’

s succes s ful career, and during the remainder of his lifemis for tunes crowded upon him with but few alternat ions ofprosper i ty .

Nana had no intent ion of allow ing Baj i R ao to succeed .

H e hel d thatthe widow of the late Peshwa should adopt ason, and that son should be C himnaj i A pa, the youngerbrother of Baj i R ao

,who woul d be a more pliant tool in his

hands . The extraordinary s eries of plot s , counterplots ,as sas s inations

,and m assacres which en s ued

,clearly wen t to

show that the power of the Marathas was drawing to a

clos e . Baj i R ao appealedto Sindiato aid him i n s ecuringthe throne. D reading S india

’

s power Nana revers ed his

policy . W i ththe help of P arashram Bhau ,the commander ‘

in-chief, he determined to fores tal l S india, and himself

H I S TO R Y OF TH E B OM B A Y I‘R E S I D E N C Y .

promote the cause of Baj i R ao. An objec tion was now raisedby S india

’

s minis ter , and Nana reverted to his original

s cheme . But growing s uSpicious he remained aloof ; and

then , making a fresh departure, he endeavouredto regain hispower by s etting up the fainéant Raja of satara. Meanw hile, P arashram Bhau took C himnaj i A pa to Puna wherehe was invested as Peshwa in M ay 1 796, P arashram Bhaubeing atthe head of the Government . This was s uffi cientto attract N ana’ s sympath ies tothe cause of Baj i R ao. H e

contr ived to enl is t S india on his s ide and gai ned over R aghoj iB hons le, the son of M udaj i, Raja of Barar, and he m ade a

treaty withthe N izam atMahar, by which he cancelledthebalance of arrears duetothe M arathas by the N i zam . H e

al s o ob tainedthe r ecognition Of the Englis h tothe claims ofBaj i R ao. The adoption of C himnaj i A pa was declared

illegal and was therefore revoked ; and Baj i R ao was pro

claimed Pes hwa in D ecember-1 796.

Beneath his engaging manners Baj i R ao concealed theferocity of the tiger . H e bore no love to Nana Farnawis ,a nd anx iou s to r id h imself of his control he plot ted agains th im with Sindia. In December 1 79 7 he placed him in clos econfinement in S india’

s for t of Ahmadnagar . Baj i R ao hadbut freed him s elf from one thraldom to find him s elf s ubj ectto another . Daolat R ao Sindia inheri ted his father’ s ambition and love of power . H is interference i n the state affairsof Puna became more arbitrary than that of Nana h im s elf

had been . Tukaj i H olkar had died . H e left t wo legitim ate son s , one of whom was an id iot . S india put theidiot on the throne and murdered the other, andthe houseof H olkar became for the t ime s ub s erv ient to him . ButTukaj i left two illegit imate sons , Y eshwantR ao and V

V

ituj i ;the former of these pro ved a formidable antagonis t, notonly

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204 H I S TOR Y or TH E B O M B AY PR E S IDENC Y .

Peshwa widened, and then was healed and opened again .

Sindia releas ed N ana Farnawis and Baj i R ao took him backas his minis ter . The Rajas of satara and Kolhapur wereincited to aid the r ival and ever-sh ifting par ties ; fire and

sword des olatedthe country . Each faction sought the aid

al ternately of the Engl ish, Tipu,

and the Ni zam . The

res ident atPuna, Colonel Palmer, decl ined intervention, bu tendeavoured to mediate, and his advice was notwithout someeffect .

( 205 )

XV.—SECOND MARATHA WA R .

H ILE things inthe Deccan were going from bad towors e, a new Governor-General arr i ved in India .

Lord Morn ington reached Cal cutta i n M ay 1 798. H e came outfull of Lord Cornwallis ’ theory ofthe balance of power . H is

fi rs t efforts were directed tothe renewal ofthe alliance withthe N izam andthe Pes hwa agains t Tipu

,and to the d riving

o fthe French outof India . W ith the N izam the Englis hconcluded a most favourable treaty, by promi s ingto m ediateon his behalf with the Marathas . N izam Al i cons ented tod ismis s his French troops , and to receive in their s tead s ix

battal ions of Engli sh s epoys and a force of artillery , forwhich he agreed to pay annually twenty-four lakh s of rupees .A s im ilar treaty was o fferedto but decl ined bythe Marathas

,

the Peshwa alleging that previous treat ies were s uffi cient .H e however volunteeredto as s is t in the inev i table war withTipu . B utthe usual s tream of in trigue was in ful l force .

The Peshwa was in his hear t of hearts much more incl inedtoS ide with Tipu , and he prepared a s cheme w ith Sindia bywhichthe latter s hould attackthe N izam . Lord Morningtonhad full information of what was going on and took measuresa ccordingly .

Affairs with Tipu were fas t comingto a cris is . H i s previon s les s on s had taught h im nothing , and he was stil l benton driv ingthe Englis h outof India. England and Francewere as us ual atwar , and the French were busily engaged

206 H IS TOR Y or THE BO M BAY P R E S I DEN C Y .

i n directing the armies and training the troops of Indianp rinces . Tipu had sent envoys to the Mauritius to bring

about an offens ive and defen s i ve all iance with France agains tthe Engl ish ; Napoleon Buonaparte had landed in Egyp tw ith the del iberate intention of i nvading India. I t was

generally bel ieved that a F rench fleet was i nthe R ed S eaon i ts way to Bombay . I t was no t ime for dilly-dallying .

Lord M ornington demanded from Tipu,by Colonel Doveton ,

a full explanation . Tipu s ought t ime in vain for negociations ,and begged immediate aid from the French ; and he wroteto Zeman Shah , the Afghan p rince who had crossed theIndus and reached Lahur , to join h im in a war of exterm inat ion agains t the infidels .

‘In vain did Lord Morningtonassure him that the French fleet had been destroyed inthebay of Aboukir by Admiral Nel son ; Tipu was inflexible

,

andthe fourth M ys ur war began .

A magnificently equipped army advanced agains t M ysuri n February 1 799, under .the command of General Harr i s .

Tipu was aston i shed atthe migh ty forces arrayed agains t

him . H e remembered his former fear of thes e people whobrought their operations to a conclu s ion by means which he

could not s ee . H is general ship des er ted him . H is army wasdefeated ; the Engl is h cross ed the Kawar i by an unknown

ford, and inves ted him in S aringapatam . Onthe third dayhe s ued for peace, but the Engl ish term s were enormou s ;and with the b rief reply that i t was better to die a s oldierthanto l ive a puppet k ing

,he preparedto fighttothe death .

The s iege recommenced . OnM ay 2 udthe b reach was practicable and onthe nex t daythe fort w as stormed by troop staken fromthe three Pres idencies in the face of a terribleres i s tance ,

I t was not easy to res train the English troop sfrom indiscriminate vengeance, for Tipu had a wav of

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2 08 H I S TO R Y or TH E BO M BAY P R E S I D E x OY .

and protecting him from all oppres s ion . The Pes hwa and S india

were as tounded atthe magni tude of the Englis h s ucces s .

The former anticipated a share ofthe par titioned kingdom,

and made excus es forthe inactiv ity of his troop s in suppor tof the English .

The Governor-General was prepared togratifythe Peshwa’

s wishe s ; but, as he would notabate hisc laim s onthe N izam , and only proposedto accepthis share asa dis charge of his claims for chauth on M ys ur , LordWel les leyb rought the matter to a s imple ending bythe annulment ofallthe Peshwa’ s claim s .

The Marquis of Welles ley’

s career in India, shortas i t hadbeen , was already long enoughto convince him of the hopelessness of the theory of balance of power . Things hadcome to s uch a pas s that the perm anentex is tence oftheEngli s h in India depended upon their ab s olute s upremacy .

LordWel les ley henceforward steadily acted onthe ass umptionthat in return for Br i tis h protection each s tate mu s t surrenderits i ndependence . A l l these Incessan t and intolerable warswereto be b rought to a clos e ; no state was to make wars or

al liances , nor employ Europeans , notEngl i sh , in their s ervicewithoutthe con s ent ofthe paramount power . Forthe Frenchintrigues were still rampant and French mili tary adventurersabounded . Lord Welles ley

’

s s ingularly clear military I ns ightled him rather to over-es timate than under-value danger fromthis s ou rce, for his own splendid ach ievement s led him to s eewhatdetermined pers everance could effect. H e may havealso unduly dreadedthe power of the A fghan Zaman Khan ,who had p rayed him for helpto dr ive S india outof H indu s tan.

To counteract the s chemes of Napoleon Buonaparte and of

the A fghan p rince there mus t be a united India, and wherewas the pos s ibil ity of s uch a union apart from the ab s olutepredominance of B ritis h rule ? The Governor-General

’s plan

S EC OND H A aaTH A WA R . 209

then was that each of the larger states ‘

should m aintain a

force commanded by Br itis h offi cers , and cede in full s overeignty an as s ignment of terri tory for its maintenance. The

Niz am had acceptedthe pos ition. The Peshwa and S india

had yetto be convinced of its n eces s ity .

Both thes e potentates s teadily b ehaved in a manner thathas tenedthe day when thei r back s should bow beneath theB riti sh yoke . In M arch 1 800 Nana Farnawis died .

“W i thhim ,

” w rote Colonel Palmerthe B rit ish res ident , “has dcparted allthe wi s dom and moderation oftheMaratha government . H e had been a g reat s tatesman , and shown hims elf a worthy and honourable foe of the B ri ti s h Government .H e watched with a keen and j ealous eye the progres s of

their arm s , and had cons is tently Oppos ed the admis s ion of

a body of Engli s h troop s . For twenty-five years he hadc onducted with abil ity the internal affairs of the Peshwa’ sempire . B utthe las t portion of his l ife was emb itteredbythe intrigues which hurled him from power ; and

,though

he died in harnes s , his reputation was s ull ied and hisinfluence dimmed . Weakened as his power was , its los ss oon made i t s el f fel t . D is order was s upreme inthe Deccan .

Ghatge was purs uing his brutal cruelties wherever itpleas edhim ; the Raja of Kolhapur was atwar with the Peshwa,wh ile a military adventurer of the time named D hondia

wag, who had pas s ed from Tipu’

s s ervice to that of Kolhapur,was now plunder ing on his own account .B hondia wag

’

s p roceed ings pas s ed the bounds of all

endurance . The Peshwa was too much occupied w ith S indiato be able to check h im . A B riti sh force was therefores ent after him— with s cant recognition ofthe Pes hwa ’

s independent sovereignty—under Major-General Arthur Welles ley

,

b rother of the Governor-General,who had already fore,

1 4

2 1 0 H I S TO R Y or THE BO M BAY r R E S I D E N OY .

shadowed the reputation that he was to gain atWaterlooas a Colonel i n the last M ys ur war. H e purs ued B hond iawag for four months ; and atlas t

,i n September 1800,

broughthim to an act ion in which he was cut down in a:

charge ofthe 19 th Dragoons .

S ince Nana’

s death Sindia exercis ed complete control overthe Peshwa

,and Baj i R ao watched with s ecret j oy the r i s e

of a r ival in H indu stan whos e p rogres s would inevitablys ummon his oppres s or away from Puna . This was Y esh

wantR ao H olkar, the half-brother Ofthe i dio t whom Sindiahad placed onthe throne of Tukaj i, and ofthe other brotherwhom he had murdered . Y es hwantR ao betook him s elf tothe j ungles , and rapidly gathered around h im a horde of s uch

as del ighted in war , and s cornedto work when itwas po s s ibleto plunder. H e s oon had an army of m en

, and he

was j oined bythe Cheval ier D udrenec and his battal ion . Itwas notlong before he directed his energies agains t thedom inions of Sindia, and S india was compel led to leavePuna forthe defence of his own dis tricts . An ob s t inate war

en s ued, and numerou s bloody battles were fought w ithvarying s ucces s . A t las t, in October 1802, fortune favouredH olkar , who attacked S india’

s pos s es s ions i n Khandes h , and

extended his operations almos t to Puna and he gave outthat as head ofthe hou s e o f B olkar he meantto protect thePeshwa fromthe u s urpation of D aolatR ao S india .

Baj i R ao had been del ighted atgetting rid of S ind ia. Butwhen leftto him sel f he s howed that other occupation s weremoreto his tas te than s o s er ious a bus ines s as the adm inis tration and cons ol idation of his em pi re . H e p referred to pas shis time in destroy ing and robb ing all s uch fam ilies as

he bel ievedto have been atany time oppos edto his interes ts .

Among his v ictim s was W ituj i, b rother of Y eshwantR ao,

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2 12 H IS TOR Y or THE B O M BAY PR E S ID E NC Y .

children were preserved by Governor Duncan ’s efforts . H e s aw

the importance ofthis cris is . Baj i R ao went to R ewadanda,

a modern vi llage onthe s i te of Chaul , and thence s ailingtoBombay was received by M r . Duncan on D ecember 6th. Aftera few days

’

s tay he proceededto Bas s ein , where he was followedby Colonel Clos e

,and by D ecember 3l st1801 the treaty of

Bas s ein was completed . Lord Wel les ley cons idered thatthes tate of th ings afforded a mos t favourable opportunity forthecomplete es tablis hment ofthe interes ts ofthe Brit i sh power inthe M aratha empire . The Peshwa was no longer i n a pos i tion

to discus sthe terms whichthe E nglish offered him . LiketheN i zam he profes s ed his readines s to cede terri tory for themaintenance of a force of regular infantry, together withproportionate art illery, t o be s tationed in h is dominions . H e

was to allow no Europeans , not Engl ish , with in h is terr itor ies,and to have no intercourse with native states withou tthe consent of the Governor-General . H i s claim s on theN i zam and on the Gaikwar were to be s ettled by theB rit is h Government, and with regard to the latter herecognisedthe convention lately drawn up betweenthe Britis hand Anand R ao Gaikwar . The increas ing disorder through

outGuz arathad compelledthe interference ofthe Governorof Bombay . In 1 799the Nawab of S urat died . The B ug

l ish had long held the cas tle but the revenues and pos s ess ion of the ci ty had been for many years Shared betweenthe Nawab , the Marathas , including the Gaikwar and thePeshwa, andthe Engl ish . Comm is s ioned by the GovernorGeneral , M r . Duncan p roceededto Surat

,as s umed s ole charge

ofthe c ity, and pen s ionedthe Nawab ’ s b rother who was thehe irtothe Nawab ship . Gowind R ao Gaikwar as s ented tothis arrangement , merely provis ing that the Pes hwa

’

s con s entwas neces s arv. Th is was now obtained . But meanwhile

S E C OND M ARATHA WA R . 2 13

Gowind R ao died,andthe Engl is h s upported hi s eldes t s on,

A nand R ao,again s t var iou s claimants to the throne who

tookthe field in s uppor t of their claim s . Cons iderable forcehadto be exercis edto reducethe ins urgent forces . The Arabmercenar ies, who had for s ome t im e ruled atBaroda, m adeextravagan t demands for arrears of pay and s ei zedthe per s onOf Anand R ao. A European regiment was s ent from Bombayto Baroda . The town was i nves ted by Colonel Woodington,and taken after a ten day s ’ siege. The finances of theBaroda Government were i n hopeles s con fu s ion , andthe wholeprovince was in a s tate of anarchy . The res ul t was inevitable .

The Bombay Government took the matter in hand . Fivebattal ions were s ub s idis ed ; and, like his mas ter the Peshwa,Anand R ao Gaikwar became a vas sal ofthe B ri tish Government, and his dominion s w ere s peedily b rough t into o rder .

This arrangementw as ratified by Baj i R ao inthe treaty of

Bas s ein . In s hort,he yielded up his authori ty and his

s uzerainty over the great Maratha hous es i n order to be

s ecured inthe s emblance of his ancientdignity . The cupwas a b itter one . In his humiliation he had to drain i t ;s hould fortune change, he meantto cas t i t from him .

S india was deeply mortified atthe execution of the treatyof Bas s ein. The treaty of s alhai had been negociated bythelate head of his hou s e . Here was a treaty in which his ex

istence had been ab s ol utely ignored , and which was i n defianceofthe old Maratha policy that com e what might they woul dhave no foreign intervention . H e was s till more incen s edwhen Lord Welles ley proposedto form a s im ilar arrangementw ith him s elf

,and be perceived thatthe encroachments of the

Engl is h threatenedthe very foundations of Maratha power .

R aghoj i B hons le of Barar was imbued with s im ilar s entiments .

Both of them gave evas ive repl iesto the Governor-General ’ s

2 14 H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y.

overtures , while they endeavou red to form a wide confederacyaga ins t th eir common foe . I f Y eshwantR ao H olkar wouldjoin them their way would be clearer . But Y eshwantR aoprepared to watchthe cours e of events , andthrow in his lotwiththe w inner . B ftj i R ao, however , alarmed atthe action of

the vas t machinery wh ich he had put in motion , entered i ntos ecretcorres pondence with Sindia and Barar, encouragingtheir plans atthe very moment when a B r i t is h force was

aboutto replace him on his throne .

The consp iracy w as formidable enough , but i ts grav ity wasimmens ely increas ed inthe Governor-General’ s v iew by thepres ence of French intrigues and French ofl

‘icers . A n inten s eho s ti l i tytothe des igns of France, the danger of which he

pos s ibly over rated, was the keynote of Lord Welles ley’

s

pol icy . Napoleon had In 1800 landed in Egypt, and therewas no reason why the at tempt should not be repeated .

Lord Welles ley had him s elf s en t an expedition of troop sfrom Bombay to Suez under S ir Dav id Baird , who made a

memorable m arch acros s the desertand des cendedthe N iletoRos etta . The conclus ion

'

of peace with F rance preventedtheir meeting the F rench troop s in action, but the fame of

the expedition increas ed the es timate of B r i tis h power i nIndia. Bombay had been in no l ittle excitement and alarmand

,s timulated bythe s uppos ed urgency of the danger, the

patriotism of the c iti zens had prov ided Government withthe money needed for its Operation s . The revenues oftheDoab , or land b etweenthe Ganges andthe Jumna, were s til lcollected by F rench officers for the maintenance of theFrench battal ions of S india under Perron ; and Broach , theport atthe mouth ofthe Narbada, was i n S india

’

s pos s es s ion.

Lord Wel les ley picturedto hims elfthe pos s ib il ity , if notthel ikel ihood , of a F rench army landing atB roach , and co

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2 16 H I S TOR Y or THE B ODI BA Y

’

P R E S I D E N C Y .

throne with cvery ceremony of rejoicing . T0 markthe happyoccas ion , a s alute of nineteen guns was fired atBombay and

the pr i ncipal m il itary stat ions ofthe CompanyWh ile B olkar was watching the is s ue of events from a

dis tance, and rej ecting overtures from Sindia andthe Englis halike ,the atti tude ofthe confederates Sindia and Barar became

more and more threatening . The Governor -General called uponS india for a definite explanation of his intentions , and atthes ame t im e made every preparation for war . H e repl ied thathe coul d notmak e an explici t declarat ion until he had m etthe Raja of Barar ; after meet ing him he would inform theres identathis court whether i t would be p eace or war . The

reply was s uffi ciently m enacing but comm entary was needles swhen S india’

s army advanced tothe borders of the N izam ’

s

terri tory and B hons le’

s forces took up a pos ition near hiscamp . But a further per iod of grace was accordedthe con

federates . Colonel Stevens on cro s s ed to the north of theGodawar i and General W elles lev movedto within a few m ilesfrom Ahmadnagar . The Governor-General appointed his

brother plenipotentiary for all pol iti cal and military matters in

the Deccan and between G eneral Wel les ley andthe Maratha

chieftain s a p rolonged s er ies of negociations ens ued. They pro

fes s ed friendly intentions wh ichtheir conduct belied and in a

remarkably able document GeneralWelles leytoldthemthat if "

they meant anything bytheir profes s ion s of good will they mu s tw ithdraw their tr0 0p s within their own borders , upon which hepromi s ed in l ike manner to withdraw the Bri tis h tr00p s .

The only answer to th is propos al could be “yes ”or no ;

”

a sub terfuge at tempting to evade compliance could notbut beregarded as a refu s al . General Welles ley

’

s reply speak s for

it s elf . Your H ighnes s ,”he wrote, will recollectthat

the B ri tish Government did not threaten to commence

S EC OND M A RXTH A WA R . 2 1 7

hos ti l i ties against you you threatenedto commence hos tilitiesagain s t the British Government and its allies ; and whencalled on to explai n your intention s , you declared i t was

doubtful whether there would be peace or war ; and inconformity with your threats and declared doubt s you

as sembled a large army in a station contiguous to theNizam ’

s frontier . On this ground I cal led upon you to withdraw that army to its us uzil s tation if your s ub s equentpacific declarations were s incere ; but in s tead of complyingwith this reas onable reques t you propos e that I shouldwithdrawthe troop s which are intendedto protectthe terri toriesof our all ies again styour des igns ; and that you andthe Rajaof Barar should be s ufferedto remain w ith your troop s as s embled in readines s to take advantage of their ab s ence . Thisp ropos ition is unreasonable and inadmi s s able, and you mu s ts tand the con s equences ofthe m eas ures wh ich I find my s elfcompelledto adopt in order to repel your aggres s ion . I offered

you peace on terms of equal i ty, and honourableto all par tiesyou have cho s en war and are respons ible forthe cons equences .

The Governor-General was fully prepared for war and he

resolved to s tr ike his enemy on every s ide atonce . To

General Lake he intru s ted the tas k of occupying S india’

s

pos s es s ions betweenthe Jumna andthe Ganges , and of cru shingthe battal ions dis ciplined by D e B oigne and his s ucces sorPerron . Colonel Woodington was s ent agains t B roach and

S india’

s fort s inthe d irect ion of Gu z arat onthe other s ide

of India, Colonel Harcou rt in vaded Katak andthe rem ainder

ofthe B arar Raja’

s terri tories , while General Welles ley and

Colonel Steven son hadto deal w i ththe main body of S india’

s

army in the D eccan . Lord Welles ley had led a splendidly

equipped force agains t M vs ur . H is pres ent forces were

arrayed on a more stupendous scale, and his armies were s ent

2 18 H rs ronr or THE BO M BAY PR E S ID ENC Y .

into the field with resources hitherto unknown in Indianwarfare » H i s w i s e s elec tion of leaders , and his confidence inhis agents, rou s edthe enthu s iasm of allto the highes t p itch .

The various Br i tis h forces amountedto m en, of whomwere underthe pers onal comm and of General Welles ley

and under Colonel S teven s on . The armies opposed tothem were about double their number .

Onthe 3rd of Augus tthe res ident withdrew from S india’

s

cam p , an actequivalent to a declaration of war. Wel les leywas encamped atWe

’tlki, eight m i les south of Ahmadnagar ;

and,after a few day s ’ delay cau s ed by heavy rain

,he marched

agains tthe city of Ahmad onthe 8th of that month . H e

fi rsttookthe town , which was s urrounded by a mud wall andob s tinately defen ded by S india’is troops . The promptnes s ofthi s proceeding fi lledthe enemy with consternat ion .

“Who

could with s tand a people,” they s aid

, who came and lookedatthe city wall, walked over it

,k illed the garris on , and

returnedto b reakfas t ?” Onthe 1 0th a battery was openedonthe fortres s wh ich s incethe time of Chand B ibi had thereputation of being almos t impregnable . The firing was tremendons , andthe commandant des ired that itmight ceas ewhile he treated for terms . H e was told that what he chos eto s ay would be heard, but thatthe fi ring would only ceas e

whenthe fort was taken or s urrendered . Onthe 1 2th i t wass urrendered . A large tam ar ind tree is s till s hown on theglacis under which Gene ral W elles ley breakfasted afterthefortwas given up . The general con s idered Ahmadnagar,from its s trength and pos i tion ,

an excellent base of operations .

S india’

s intention was now to plunder the N i zam ’ s dis

tricts towards Hydarabad , but General Welles ley’

s advance

through Aurangabad prevented him from carrying outhisplan . Nei ther B hons le nor S india were exper ienced or

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2 20 H I STOR Y or TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

between Welles ley and the enemy the Englis h thereforehad to cros s that s tream and cut their way to A ss ayeonthe J ua.

‘

The confined s pace between the s tream s wouldbe more s ui tabletothe movements of a smal l body of troop sthanthe enorm ous forces ofthe Marathas , who were obligedto dimini s h their front when Welles ley threw his army acr ossthe river. A s the B ritis h lines were forming in their newpos i tion a terrific cannonade was opened upon them . The

cat tle that drew their gun s were killed andthe gun s dis abled .

To the officer that sent thi s information Welles ley coollyrepliedthathe mu s t manageto geton without them . The

execution in the Briti s h ranks was fearful, andthe 74th wasalm os t annih ilated by the cannonade and a charge of theMaratha hor se . For the moment the outlook was gloomy .

B utW el les ley ordered his caval ry to advance ; and with a

B rit is h cheerthe 1 9th D ragoon s , fol lowed clos ely bythe 4thNative cavalry, who proved them s el ves w orthy com rades ,dashed atthe Maratha hor s emen . Cheered by the verywounded of the 74th, they utterly routed the hors e and

pres s ed ontothe infantry and guns . The B r itis h infantryfol lowed them well the enemy gave way, and were thru s tintothe Jna atthe poin t ofthe bayonet . One ofthe fierces tbattles in Indian warfare was won. The res ultwas as decis iveas that of Plas s ey but the figh t was won over an enemyinfini tely super ior, andthe B rit1sh general los t a third of his

forces in kil led and wounded . S india and Barar fled fromthe field and lefttheir tr0 0psto their fate .

Clos etothe general i n th is fight was a young civ ilian inthe Company’ s service named Mounts tuart Elphins tone, who

by his coolnes s in ac tion and thorough knowledge of thenative languages attrac ted Welles ley

’

s notice . H e had beenass is tant to Colonel Clos e, the res ident atPuna and he was

s s cox o sim i an}. w an. 2 2 1

i n that city when Wituj i H olkar was mu rdered by Baj i R ao,

and atBas s ein whenthe treaty was s igned with the Peshwa .

H e s ub s equently had a mos t dis tinguished caree r, final lybecoming Governor of Bombay ; and he li ved long enoughto hear from his nephew Lord Elphin s tone in 1 858, the res ultof the Indian mutiny .

A s s oon as S tevens on joined Wel les ley he was des patchedin purs uit of the enemy towards the North . H e tookBurhanpur and reduced A s irgahr without much los s bvOctober 2 1 3t, and offi cers from Hydarabad took charge of

the Khandes h di str icts which thu s fel ltothe dis posal of theCompany . Meanwhile, Colonel Woodington was equallys ucces s ful in G uz arat. Broach was stormed and takenbeforethe end of Augu s t , andthe town and fort of Champanerbythe m iddle of September . General Lake, too, won victoryafter victory over S india’

s forces in H indu stan under the irlatestleader Louis Bourquin ; Perron hav ing been ous tedby intrigues and permit ted by the Englis h to reti re toChandarnagar, the French s ettlement near Calcutta . The

fort of A ligahr was taken by extraordinary efl’orts . Lake

defeatedthe Marathas under the wal l s of Delh i and entered

in triumphthe c ity of the G reatMoghal . Shah A lam theaged emperor, who for fifteen years had been s ightles s ,received the conqueror in the faded remnants of imper ial

s tate, and a s econd t im e received the p rotection of theCompany . Lake ’ s work was notyetdone . H e marched on

Agra and took it on October 18th, and in the mos t obstinate engagement of the campaign defeated the enemyatLaswari . The victory cos t the Engl is h army 82 4. m en

in killed and wounded ; but i t overthrew the b rigadesof Sindia, and the B riti sh Government was s upreme over

D elh i and Agra,and all S india

’

s po s se s sions north of the

£22 2 H I STORY or THE B O M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

Chambal . General Lake became Lord Lake of Delhi and

Laswari . The conques t of Katak was effected w ith equalceleri ty .

General Wel les ley followed up his great vi ctory with Spiri tand enterpris e . R aghoj i B hons le turned to his own domini ons , purs ued by the B ri ti s h forces, who s e obj ect was tocapturethe great hill for tres s es of N arnalla and Gawilgahr .

S tevens on after his operat ions in Khz'tndesh rej o ined Welles leyinthe Deccan and Sindia now deemed i t advis able to s ue

for a ces s ation of arms until a permanent arrangement could beentered into . Wel les ley granted an armis tice unti l the 2 2ndof Novemb er on condition that S india s hould move con s iderablytothe eas tward . Tothe Raja of Barar no term s were

g ranted . Sind ia accepted the t ruce, but promp tly broke itsconditions ; andthe rem nan t Of his forces united w ith R aghojB hons le . I t was neces s ary atonceto crush their res i s tence,andWelles lev determ inedto attack them as s oon as pos s ible .

Onthe afternoon of November 2 9th, when atthe clos e of a

long march he was haltingto pitch his camp,he found him

s el f s uddenly oppos ed bythe confederate forces . I t was late

inthe day, butWel les ley declared that there was time enoughbefore nightto take the Maratha guns . When night fel lthirty-eight oftheir guns and all their ammunition w ere in hishand s . The defeat ofthe enemy was com plete, and had dayl ight lasted an hour longer nota m an would have es caped .

But the E nglis h were atone t ime dur ingthe fight in s eriousdanger . The Native infantry were pani c- s truck

,\Velles ley

wrote,

and gotinto confus ion when the cannonade com

m enced . What do you think of nearly three entirebattal ions who behaved s o admirably in the battle of

As s aye, being broke and running Off when the cannonadecommenced atArgaum ,

which was notto be compared to

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2 21 H I S TORY or TH E BOMBAY PR E S ID E NC Y .

Gwal ior . I nthe month Of February 1804 , by a new articleinth istreaty

,he accepted a defens ive alliance .

The fi r s t M arétha war had las ted s even years . The wholeofthe operations inthe s econd were completed in four month sand four day s . I t had been carr ied on s imultaneou s ly in four

par ts of India, hundreds of miles away from each other withsteady and b rill iant s ucce s s . The B r itish Governm ent obtained

a vas t increas e of territory, but chiefly inthe North and Eastof India, a few di s trict s near Surat and Bankapur in theSouthern Maratha Country being ceded to the Peshwa in

return for his claim s onthe new acqui s i tion of B andalkand.

The N i zam gained great ly by this war,the province of Bararbeing as s igned to him as a free gift. B utthe Peshwa,having failedto furni s h the aidwhich he coul d have afforded ,and having otherwi s e gained imm en s ely by the campaign ,received onlythe fort and dis t rict of Ahmadnagar .

On the 1 3th of March 1804: Major-General Wellesleymade a t riumphant entry into Bombay , arr iv ing in the Gov

cruor ’ s yacht from Panwel . M r . Duncan and his Councilm ade Splendid preparations to welcomethe s ucces s ful sold ier .

Bom bay had pas s ed through an anx iou s t ime. For yearspas t her citizen s had been inces s antly on the alert for thearrival of a French fleet in their harbou r . The period of

s u spens e was atlas t gone by, and the dream Of a Frenchempire i n Hindu s tan was pas s ed and gone. A greats torm had w recked every sh ip i n the harbour and

destroyed hund red s of lives ; a fire had made havocof their c ity ; famine had raged in thei r mid s t ; and in

1 802 one of the Englis h s epoys had shot dead thePers ian ambas s ador i n their streets . But p ros perity was

returning to the city and Arthur \Velles ley had del iveredthem from all pos s ib il i ty of danger from without . In reply

S E C OND B A BATH A WA R . 2 25

tothe congratulations on his successful campaign , he informedthe c itizen s of Bombay that itwas peculiarly gratifying tohim to have been in s trumental i n renew ing the benefits ofp eace to a s ett lement , fromthe res ources and publ ic s piri t of

w hich the departments under his command had derivedthem os t es s ential aid s duringthe pro s ecution of the war .

The Duke of Wel l ington, as he was to be, has left on

record s ome memorable words on the condition of thec ountry . I t was a time of mis ery and oppres s ion,

decei t ands ubterfuge .

“Fromthe Peshwa, he wrote, “to the lowes tcooly inthe bazaar in Puna

,there is nota Maratha in whom it

i s po s s ible to rely that he will perform any engagement uponwh ich he enters unles s urged tothe performance by his

fears .

” Puna he des cribed as a country wh ich des erved thename of a des ert . Famine raged in the Deccan. Hab it s ofi ndu s try were outof the ques tion and m en had to plunderfor sub s i s tence, be des troyed or s tarve . There was no law ,

”

he said, no c ivil government, and no armyto keep plunderersin order. N O revenue could be col lected ; no inhabitantcould or woul d remai n to cultivate unles s p rotected by an

armed force s tationed in his v illage .

” Baj i Rao’

s governmentwa s that of a robber, the Peshwa being cal lous to everything

e xceptmoney and revenge . In fact, as S ir James Mackintos h , the recorder of Bombay , expres s ed it, i t is d ifficultto s ee for what taxes were paid exceptto bribe the s overeign

notto mu rder or robthe inhabitant s . There was no j us tices ave whatthe sy s tem of village communit ies supplied . The

disorder atthat t ime was only an exaggerated phas e

of its u s ual and ordinary s tate . Of Bombay Welles ley

w rote, on the other hand , obliv iou s of s ome disagreementsthathe had had with its Government, “This is land has now( 1804) become the only place of secur ity, in this part of

1 5

H I S TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY P R E S IDEN C Y .

India, for property and for thos e who arethe subjects of thePeshwa’

s enmity and vengeance, a circum s tance equallyhonourabletothe character ofthe Br it is h nation and advan

tageous to their interests , and affording the stronges t proofofthe confidence whichthe natives repose i nthe j u s ti ce and

wi s dom of our pol icy and our laws .

”

I n addition tothe advantages gained bythe war, a furthersub sidiary treaty of general defen s i ve a l liance was concludedatBaroda in April 1805 w i th Anan d R ao Gaikwar . Byvariou s agreements

,i n 1802 the Guz aratch ief had agreedto

main tain a contingent of m en. The force was now

rais ed to and dis tri ct s yielding nearly 1 2 lakh s of

rupees as s igned for their support . The dis tri ctsincluded C hawras s i, Chikl i and Kaira, together withthe shareof the revenues of S urat' which the Gaikwar had receivedbefore . Further

,no European was to be received into his

s ervice, and no actof aggres s ion to be committed again s t anyother power withou t the s anction Ofthe B r itis h Government .

Colonel Walker, the res i dent , directed the affairs of Barodawith s ingular ab il i ty . Thu s , atthe clos e of the war

,the

B ombay Pres idency was s til l very smal l as compared withBengal andMadras . The Company ’

s frontier tothe eas t was

the fort of Thana on the b orders of Sal s ette, nottwenty-fivem iles from Bombay . I nthe Konkan they only pos s es sed For tV

'

ctoria atBankot, and a few villages for its maintenancewhichthey had hel d for more than hal f a century . Above theGhat s they pos s es s ed noth ing in what is now Bombay . In

Guz aratthey had obtained a con s iderable number of places ,butthe dis tric t s were s cattered and far apart . In the Souththe Company held Kanara with the port of Karwar, but i tformed part ofthe Madras P res idencv.

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H I S TOR Y OF TH E BO M B AY PR E S IDEN C Y .

of Holkar’

s troop s , who -attacked him on every side. For

three days he ‘retreated i n fair order with his baggage and

gun s , bravely repelling the overwhelm ing numbers of theenemy . B ut the rains had s etin, andthe ground was soft;he was compel led to abandon his baggage

,s pike his gun s ,

and des troy his ammunition, The wearied troop s purs ued

their retreat, but were allowed no res t by the j ubilan tenemy ; and du ring their m arch , on a dark night, they werethrown in to hopeles s confu s ion. The retreat became a fl ight,andthe shattered remains Of the B rit ish force reached Agrabythe end of August .Lord Welles ley was amazed when he heard of the disaster .

A s u s ual i n India, the s lightes t reversetothe B riti s h arm s

rais ed a hos t of enemies on every s i de ; and the protectedp rinces began to think that they m ight yetbreak the bondsof B ritish s up remacy . Y eshwantR ao

,who was compared to

S hiwaj i, m arched agains t D elh i ; but his attempt in Octoberto take i t and s ei ze the emperor was gallantly res i s tedby Colonel Ochterlony. H olkar left Delhi and burs t intothe D oab harrying and was t ing the country . But GeneralLake was on his track

,and his purs uit was as pers istent

and effective as that of M on s on by H olkar had beenv indictive . A tthe battle of D ig, H olkar

’

s forces were routedwith a lo s s Of m en and 87 gun s , whilethe B ri t i sh lo s s

was- 643 . General M onson

,by his s plendid bravery inthe.

battle, res tored to his nam e the lu s t re which his former

retreat had sul lied . H olkar’

s troop s moved eas tward toFarakabad, but Lake overtook them and rentedthem witha los s of of their number . H olkarthrew him s elf i ntothe for t of D ig by December 1 3th,

but Lake took the fort.Helkar h im s elf es caped and instead of purs uing him , which

mighthave been the wis er course, Lake, i n J anuarv 1805 ,

“gB R I TI S H S UP R B H A OY .

laid s iege to the s trong fort of Bhartpur,whose B aja had

s igned a treaty that made him a vas sal ofthe Briti sh Government

,b ut who had broken through i t onthe news of Mons on’ s

defeat . A large number of H olkar’

s guns andthe remnantOf his army were withinthe fort . Four months were was tedbefore its huge mud wall s , into whichthe cannon ~ ball s sankharmles s ly . In Februarythe Bombay divis ion, under GeneralJones

,joined the B engal army ; and i n furious as s aul ts , be

fore and after their arrival , the Englis h los t i n k illedand wounded . The walls were un shaken, butthe Marathatroops were incessantly defeated withoutthe for tres s . The

R aja of Bhartpur real is ed that he had m ade a mis take, and

s eing that their failures were only s timulatingthe Engl is hto fres h exertion s he offered term s . H e was readm i t ted intothe number of protected princes on payment ofLake moved in purs uit of H olkar, who seemed likely to

be joined by Sindia atthe u rgent entreaties of his b rutalfather-in-law Ghatge . But S india ’

s heart was notin thework ; his troop s fel l back to Ajm ir, followed bytho s e of

H olkar, over whom L uke was w inn ing victory after victory .

Lord Welles ley would in fact have shortly brough tthewhole warto a triumphant conclu s ion . But while his suc

cesses had s ilenced the ri s ing murmurs of the D irectorsagains t his forward pol icy , his firs t failure was followed byan overwhelming oppos ition and in July 1805the aged LordCornwall is arrived atCalcutta with ins t ruction s to undo all

thatthe brave and far-seeing Wel lesley had done .

The rule of Lord Wel les ley was a memorable and gloriousone . While India in no sense formed a country or a nat ion,

s o neither didthe ever-changing s tates and powers within itsborders form nations or power s that could be compared tothose of Europe . S ome ofthe reigning Raj put famil ies had

H I S TO R Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S I DENC Y .

i n truth ruled for generation s prior to the coming of

A lexander, three centuries before the Chri st ian era. Buts uch a state of th ings was entirely ex cept ional . The

empire of Babar was not yet300 years old and ithad longs ince crumbled into du s t . The vi ceroys of his empire hadformed themsel ves into independen t p rin ces and i ntheir turnwere s etas ide by s ubj ects s t ronger than themsel ves . Whateverthe origin of European kingdom s

,they as a general rule

formed societ ies,in which for a long s eries of generation s the

rulers andthe p eople had been one in in teres t , race, rel igion,

and cu s tom ; andto greater or les s extent the rulers werethe repres entat ives ofthe people . In India there was noth ingofthe k ind . The ex i s ting powers had one and all s prung ups incethe com ing ofthe Englis h themselves . They were all

founded on w rong and-

robbery, onthe s imple principle Ofthes poils tothe s tronges t . Their dom in ions extended as far as

their arms could be carr ied,their s ubj ect s were as many as

t hey coul d compel by force to Obey them . The idea of a

government ex is t ing forthe benefi t of its s ubjects would haveb een al together ludicrous . These rulers were ever engagedin war and plunder , and for the very exi s tence of the Eas tI ndia Company i t was nece s s ary that thi s anarchy on i t s

borders should ceas e . N on-intervention had failed, thebalance of power between such s eething and shifting forceswas ab s urd and p repos terou s . Lord Wellesley s aw that one

cours e only was po s s ible, and that the Engl is h must recognis ethem s el ves as the paramount power and with a s tronghand put down aggress ive warfare and tumult among ther es t .

But the Court of D irectors athome thought otherwi s e .

They were criminally ignorant of the real condition of

India ; they shut their eyes to palpable facts . B r i ti sh

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H IS TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

upon them for thei r serv ices to the Brit is h . Sindia was ;

concil iated by the res toration of Gohad and Gwal ior, and all“

his terri tory exceptthe D ozib. Delhi was an incumbrancetothe B ri t ish and Lord Cornwall i s preposedto give it up toSindia and withdraw the emperor to Calcutta . A ll th es overeign s tates were to be left to themselves to figh t w itlr ‘

and plunder each other as they pleas ed while the Engli s hlooked on atthe impo s ing Spectacle . A s S ir George Barlowhimself had formerly s aid, The nat ional interest s of

England in India are to res t upon the certain operation of‘

contending and c ircum s cribed interes t s among the s tates ,whos e i ndependence wil l admit of the i nd iv idual v iews of

'

rapine, incroachm ent, and ambition .

H olkar feltl ike a pr is oner releas ed from his chains . H e

atOnce s etto work to extort enorm ous sums from our allytheRaja of Jaypur . In vai n couldthe B aja appealto Lord Lake .

H is hands were t ied by non- in tervention , and in his disgus the res igned his pol it ical functions . Lake had promi s ed protectiontothe Baja of Bundi if he with stoodthe advance Of

'

H olkar . The Raja had res i s ted him gallantly but whenHe lkar ravaged his lands

,the fet ish of non-intervention pre

vented the Engli sh fulfill ing their promise . Lake had to?

look on with folded hand s , and eathis hear t w ith rage and

shame, H olkar in fact had a glorious Opportunity of indulg

ing the tas tes of a wil d beast, and he took advantage of itt o the utmos t . H e pu t his own nephew and brother fo r

death . H e cas t cannon and greatly increas ed his army . I twas impos s ibleto s ay to what extent his vagaries might nottake him , when his excess es brought on fur ious madne s s ,and he was placed in restrai n t until his death in 181 1 .

Tul s i B ai, his m istress , became regent in the name of

an adopted child, Malhar R ao H olkar ; and bloodshed ands

B R I T ISH S UPR E M AC Y . 233

anarchy prevailed in the provinces,br ibery , in trigue, and

m urder atthe court .

S ir George Barlow had probably some diffi culty in diges ting the dis h that he had prepared . But noteven he haddrunk to the dregsthe Company’ s pol i cy of s elf-effacement,and the D irectors declared that they would be s atis fied w ithnothing les s thanthe restoration of all terr i tories conqueredduring the war . This was more than even Barlow couldstomach

, and he pointed out that s uch a cours e would letl oose M aratha hordes who would mak e a desperate s truggleto overturn B ritis h power i n India. The remain ing Nativechiefs on their part thought i t only their due to recei vethe s ame l iberal treatmen t granted to H olkar, and theRaja of Barar now generally known as the Baja of

Nagpur, from the name of his cap ital,was bit terly ag

grieved that Barlow would notre s tore h im Katak,which

the Governor-General deemed es s ential to the defenceof Bengal . One and all

,they considered it expedient to

open new s chemes . A t the ins tigat ion of the N i zam , thePeshwa, whos e very ex is tence depended on the English ,

p lot ted with S india and He lkar to getrid of their control .

S ir George Barlow ’s eyes were Openedtothe s uicidal nature of

his poli cy, andthe new league was promptly s uppressed . H e

did notmuch longer hold his greatofli ce A horriblem utiny occured atVellore in Madras , i nvolv ingthe slaughterof the European garris on while they were as leep . LordW ill iam Bentinck ,the Governor Of Madras—whose inj udicious

m easures had paved the way for it—was recal led , and S ir

George Barlow took his place .

( 234 )

XVII .

— P I N D H AR I OR TH IRD MA RATHA WA R .

ITH hardly an exception , all Governors-General OfIndia have come out intent upon a peaceful pol icy .

The great maj ori ty of them have been compel led to make war .

Lord M in to, who arri ved in July 1 807 , was no exceptiontotherule . H e found dis order and anarchy r ipe in B andalkand.

Barlow had letthings take their course. Lord M into al lowedhis common-sense to assert i tself ; and, declar ing thattheB rit is h Government had no resource bu t to interfere forthes uppress ion of intestine dis’order

,sent General M artindell

to subdue the fortresses and suppress the banditti . N or was

B audalkand the only s cene of the revival of an intell igentpolicy . Amir Khan, a Pathan, or A fghan, and a decendantofthe Afghan soldiers ofthe empire p rior tothe M oghals , was

a chieftain who had al l ied h im self to Y eshwantR ao H olkar in

his marauding expedit ions, and now had greatinfluence withTuls i B ai,the regent for his successor . Besides a large numberof his own tribe

,he had gatheredtogether a body of irregular

horsemen known as P indharis . The o rigin of these m en

i s veiled in obscuri ty but th ey were to the M arzithas whatthe carr ion-crow is to the v ulture . Thei r ranks were opento m en of any and every caste, and the ir only bond was thatof plunder . They had fought

,i n large numbers

,onthe S ide

of the Marathas atthe fatal field of Panipat . Rangingthemselves under the great ch iefs, they were known as

S i ndia and H olkar’

s P indharis and i t was often convenient todespatch them on errands Of murder and rapine, and then

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H I S TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S ID ENC Y .

i n India there could be no peace, and that no one buttheEnglish could actas such a power . But non-i nterventions tood inthe way of grant ingthe prayer, and a gr eat tragedycaused indignat ion through Western India.

England was s til l engaged in the long s truggle withFrance . The chimera of a French empire i n Ind ia was dissolved ; but France had occupied Portugal and overrunHolland . S o Goa and the other Portugues e s ettlements i nI ndia were garri s oned for the t ime by Brit ish troop s

, and

Lord Minto led a s ucces s ful expedition again s tthe French inJava, and took possession of the i s land . The orders of

the Court of D irectors wer e that the i s land should be

abandoned inthe event of it’s capture . Lord M into, w iththe courage which he frequently but noti n variablys howed, declined to comply withthe request. On his retu rnto India he again found himself compelled to deal withthe P indhz’tris . Emboldened by their s uccess , thes e loaths ome ruffians had Spread into B ri tis h terr i tory plundering un

checked as far as Gaya. Lord M into, in his b itterness , askedthe Cour t of D irectors if he was s t il l to ob s erve neutral ityand “refuse to l is ten tothe call s of s uffering humani ty, andinterfere to p rotect weak nat ive s tates who call upon us for

as s is tance.

”Year by year thes e savages had been increas ing

in numbers and daring , and s preading des olation over moreand more dis tan t countries . The D irectors had paid l ittleheed to them

,butthe invasion of their own provinces opened

their eyestothe neces s i ty of atleas t check ing their irruptions .

But i t was reserved tothe Governor-General ’ s s ucces sor tostamp them out, Lord M into leftIndia in 1813, after an

efficient adminis tration Of the Bri t ish prov inces , and intheb el ief that there was not a cloud in the sky excep t theP indharis .

I I a. )P IN D H A R I OR TH IR D M AR A THA mm . 23 :

But Lord Minto was deceived . For there was then rollingup and gath ering force a thunders torm which was shortly todas h down from its pedes tal the throne that S hiw zij i hadfounded . Ever S ince his res toration by the ir armies , Baj iR ae

’

s ch ief occupation had been to plot agains t the B ritish .

H e kep t s ecret agents atthe courts of the chiefs who hadfo rmedthe confederacy agains tthe English ; and as cr ibed hisc onnection with that Government to a deplorable neces s ityw hich he tru s ted would s oon come to an end . H e had a

p ass ion for intrigue and was an adept in the ac ts of decei t .H is engaging manners exerci s ed a persuas i ve i nfluence overtho s e with whom he had to do, and wormed from them a

confidence wh ich he be s towed on none . After dis s imulat ion,

his greates t pas s ion was revenge . W ith s hort-s ighted pol icyhe incitedto internecine s truggles his feudatory chiefs iu theS outh ,

who had incurred his di s l ike or whos e loyal tyto hims el f be doubted . H e even stirred up the independent Rajaof Kolh zipur agains t the vas s al s of his own empire . The

res ultwas an inces sant warfare that des olated the wholec ountry . The wild tribe of Bhils had given some t rouble in

the no rth of Ahmadnagar . Finding i t impos s ible to reducethem by force ,

Baj i R ao on pretence of a s ettlement had thewhole tribe enticed to an in terview atKopargaum where“they were s ei zed and thrown into wel l s . The Bhil s of

Khandesh in revenge ravagedthe r ich plains inthe valley of

s he Tapti. Thi s was only an in s tance ofthe treatment con

r stantly ex tended to the Bhil s bythe M arathas . A s imilaratrocity was perpetrated atD haramgaum in Khandesh .

Hundreds were ent iced into a building, of whichthe doorsw ere clos ed , and fire s etto i t and its l iving contents .

A s far as outward appearances went the relat ion s between

ahe B rit i sh res ident andthe Peshwa’ s court were ofthe most

238 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S I DE N C Y.

cordial nat ure . Baj i R ao professed warm grati tude to theB ri tis h Governmentand friend ship to Colonel Clos e. Buthe never ceased to engage in plots and con s piracies to freeh imsel f from their toil s . I t i s probablethat Colonel C losewas not thoroughly aware of what was going on. In 181 0

he was trans ferred tothe impor tant charge of Hydarabad ;and Mounts tuart Elphinstone, who had been his ass is tan t in

1 802 , and had s ince been on an important m is s ion to Kzibul,

was after a short interval appointedto succeed him in 181 1 .

\Vith an int imate acquaintance with the nat ive languages ,E lph instone possessed a thorough knowledge of the Marathacharacter , and he proved himself eminently capable of deal ingwiththe hot-bed of intrigue around h im .

One ofthe firs t ques tions that Elphin s tone had to s ettlewas the relation ofthe Peshwa to his feudatory chiefs oftheSouth , whom he was doing h is bes t to rob and ruin . A

tolerable s ettlement was arr ived atbythe res ident’ s fi rmnes s .Some ofthe chiefs were notunnatural ly averse to acknowledging obedience to such a mas ter as Baj i R ao ; and

E lphin s tone had to as semble an army atPandharpu r andmarch tothe neighbourhood ofthe Kris hna before they could

be brought into any degree of order . The s ervice oftheirtroops as dueto the Peshwa was enforced, lands thattheyhad u s urped were res tored , and they were s ecured in theenj oyment Of their j u s t rights .I n 181 2 i t was resol vedto make a final effort to stamp out

once for all the p irates on the Wes tern Coas t . The chief

offenders were the Raljas of Kolhapur and S awantwari .Baj i R ao secretly encouragedthe R /

Ij a of Kolhz'tpurto res i st

the Engl is h demand s , and in order to c reate delay informed

the res ident that the Raja Of Kolhz’

tpur was his s ubject , a

s tatement ab s olutely untrue . The Raja was compelled to

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2 40 H I S TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S ID E NC Y .

D ainglia, who was originally a Spy, had gainedthe confidenceof the Peshwa, and secured his favour by panderingto hisvi ces . This m an detes tedthe Engli sh . H e had risen to bechief director of the Peshwa’ s councils , and was now ap

pointed his mini s ter ia his relations withthe B ritish Governm ent . Baj i R ao tru s ted this m an as he never trus ted anyone

el s e ; and beneath his influence his des ign s againstthe Engl ishgained s trength and definitenes s . Trimbakj i, unscrupulous,treacherou s , and v iolent

,gained complete mas tery over the

Peshwa’

s mind, and s ecured immunity for whatever v illainyhe l iked to perpetrate. H e even k illed with his own hand a

r ich and res pectable B rahman banker , but no notice was

taken of the action . Bythe advice of Trimbakj i, Baj i R aop repared his way for rebel l ion again s tthe Engl is h by greatlyincreas ing his army, and con s ol idating hi s pos ition as head

of all the Marathas . H e was atth i s t inge posses s ed of

immen s e weal th . A l l his revenue was farmed out, and he

s aved annual ly 50 lakh s outof a total of 1 2 0. Wi th a

s trange incons is tency he as pired to a character for sanctity,

while atthe same t ime he indulged inthe grosses t debauchery .

Like mos t of his countrymen , he was a s lave to s uperstition ,and he scrupulou s ly observed the ordinances of cas te and

rel igion . To complaints of his subj ects he gave a deaf

ear ; and if a v illager daredto approach his palace he was

lucky if he got away with a whole s kin . I n a nominalcourt of j u s tice atPuna

,cas es were decided bvthe s imple

m ethod of giv ing j udgement in favour of the suitor who

would pay mos ttothe j udge .

Baj i R ae ’

s object was two-fold , to revive the old Marathapol icy which would make him s elf the lord over S india,Holkar , and other chiefs

,and to shake off the B ri tis h yoke .

In fact one plan involvedthe other, forthe fulfilment of the

I IP I N D H A R I OR TH I R D M AR ATHA WA R . 2 4 1

fi rs t was incompatible with the relation ship wh ich exi s tedbetween him s elf and the Engl i sh . Baj i R ao was fully bentupon a cours e which involved his own destruction . H e

negociated a s ecret treaty of general confederacy and s upportw ith S ind ia

,H olkar, and B hons le of Barar, and actually with

the P indharis . Their plan s were not as yetdefinitelym atured , but a cris i s was tak ing place in Bengal towardsw hich all their eyes were s trained .

In 181 3 Lord Minto had been s ucceeded by Lord Moira,o r, as he m ay atonce he cal led by his more fam iliar name,the Marquis of Has tings . L ike his predeces s or, he came outimbued w ith the not ion of the mer its of non- intervention .

Like his p redeces s or, he s peedily learntthe fol ly of the idea ;but unl ike him he con s is tently ac ted upon his Opinion s . LordM into had lefth im a hard tas kto accomplis h inthe mountain-k ingdom of Nepal ; and for a t ime the s ucces s of theB riti sh arm s was doubtful . A S usual on s imilar em ergenciese nemies showed them s el ves b roadcas t . Danger th reatenedfrom Ranj itSing and his S ikh s in the Panjab , from theMarathas andthe P indharis . B ut fortune once more smiledonthe Company ’

s forces Nepal was s ubdued , andthe hostilecombination sank for a short time into mas terly inactivi ty .

But Lord Has tings real is ed thatthe P indharis atall event sm u s t go and he wrote an earnes t des patchto the Court of

D irectors in S eptember 181 5 to impres s upon them theab s olute neces s ity for action . There are none s o blind as

those who refus e to s ee andthe D irectors , while orderingthep rotection Oftheir own dom inions , replied thatthe GovernorG eneral was notatlibertyto engage i n operation s with theP indhari s either w ith a v iew to their utter extirpation or in

anticipation of expected danger . S O for the moment theywere Spared , only to awai tthe destruction destined atonce for

1 6

H I S TOR Y O F TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

them andthe Peshwa who lured them on . The Peshwa, meanwhile

,turned his attention to Gu zarzit. The government of

Baroda had practically fallen into the hands of the res ident,ColonelWalker . This able offi cer had done much to s ettletheaffairs both of that prov ince, and of the adjacent peninsula

of Kathiawar, whose Raj pu t S tates paid tribute to theGaikwar . In 1804 an arrangement had been made by which

the Gais ir paid forten years an annual revenue of five-and

a-half lakhs to the Peshwa for the di str ic t of Ahm adzibz’td.

Theten years had now expired , andthe Peshwa res olved totake the opportunity of extending his i nfluence in Guzarat.H e accordingly made cons iderable claim s on the Barodas tate, whilethe Gais ’tr on his part rais ed counter-claim s .

I t was atlas t determined to s end a confidential agent toPuna t o negociatethe whole m atter with the Peshwa. The

offi cer deputed was Gangadhar Shastr i , a m an Of great shrewdnes s and talent , who i n conj unction with Colonel IValkerhad kept the whole s tate of B aroda in high order .

Though

a learned S hz’tstri, he aflected Engl i s h manners - walked fast,

talked fas t, and mingled colloqu ial Engl is h words freely in hiss peech . The envoy found the Peshwa in no dis pos itiontoarrive atthe s ettlement for which he had pres s ed . H e had

nots tarted on his m is s ion with a l igh t hear t . H e dreadedTr imbakj i, and had taken the precaution of Obtaining a

d irect guarantee of safety from the Briti sh Go vernment .R eal is ing that he had com e on a fool ’s errand , he determinedin June 181 5 to returnto Baroda, and leavethe matter ati ss uetothe arbitration of the British Government .This was notwhat the Peshwa wanted , and he inducedthe envoyto pos tpone his departure . Baj i R ao u s ed his mostal luring w iles to bind the S haistri i n his own interes tand s o gain an influence atthe Baroda court , He tOld

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244 H ISTO R Y O F TH E BO M BAY P R E S ID EN C Y .

of Thi na, again s t the advice of Elphin s tone, who recomm ended that he should be s ent to A llahabad . A yearhad hardly pas s ed when he contri vedto es cape, and betookh im s el f to the fas tnes s es of the mountains (S eptember

The Pes hwa did his bes t by his friendly demeanou rto free him s elf from the s u s picion of hav ing aided in hise s cape ; butfrom this time his plan s for a Maratha confederacy again s t B ri t ish rule s teadily as s um ed a more definiteform . The plot rapidly thickend. There were gathering sof armed m en unchecked by the Peshwa’ s government.Trimbakj i was traced from point to point , and Baj i R aoopenly had an i nterview with him a few miles from Puna.

Remon s trances from the res iden t w ere received fi rs t withevas ion s , lat terly with impudent denials thatt roop s wereas s embl ing , or that the Peshwa had any knowledge of

Trimbakj i’

s movements . E lphin s tone was tol d that if hebel ieved in the ab surd repor t of an ins u rrect ion he m ights uppress i t h im s elf. In th is way the hotweather of 181 7arri ved . The Peshwa’

s Object was to gain time while headded to his army , plotted with his confederates , and

s upplied Trimbakj i with money ; but he carefully avoidedopen rupture with the English .

This was notthe only portion of Wes tern India where

important events were occurring . The s tate of Kachh was

i n utter confu s ion w ith internal di s s en s ions , and the B ao, or

chief, was a confirmed drunkard . Under his rule cons tantdepredat ions were made by his s ubjects upon B ritis h and

protected Gaikwari territory . Remons trances produced no

effect , and force had to be applied . An expedition was

accordingly s ent in 1 816 under Colonel Eas t , and the ad

m ini s tration of the state taken in hand by the B ritishGovernment .

P I N D HAR I OR TH I R D M ARATHA W A R . 24 5

The Peshwa, meanwhile, took no s teps to quellthe ris ingwhich was taking place . Detachment s of the s ub s idiaryforce under Colonel Lionel Smith , which had been keeping Offthe P indharis

,were therefore directed agains t the in s urgents .

Some Mad ras troop s s urpris ed and k il led a par ty of them ,

but notbefore they had s eized and murdered LieutenantWarre of the Madras artillery . The in s urgents gainedground in Khzindes h, and a fort fel l into their hands . I twas now palpable that the Pes hwa was i n the mos t Openway rai s ing levies

,repairing his forts , and aiding Trimbakj i.

Communicat ion with the Governor-General was cut off by a

di s turbance i n Katak,but notbefore i t was known that Lord

Hastings ins is ted onthe s urrender of Trimbakj i . Elph ins tonehadto acton his own res pons i bil i ty inthe cri s is . But he was

equaltothe emergency . In accordance with his ins truction s ,he ins is ted onthe s urrender of Trimbakj i, andwas not deceivedby Baj i Rao’ s warm p rotes tati ons that he could intend noharm tothe B ri t ish Governmentto which he owed everything .

H e dis tinctly told him that a refus alto give up this caus e of

all trouble would invol ve the neces s ity of immediate hos t ilities . Twenty-four hours were al lowedthe Pes hwato decidewhether he would accept the term s Offered or fight . The

conditions werethe s eizure and s urrender of Trimbakj i withina month , andthe in s tan t del ivery of the fort s of S ingahr,

Purandhar, and B aygahr as a pledge of his good faith . Onthe 7th of M ay the terms were accep ted , andthe order forthe s urrender of the forts placed in the res ident' s hands .Three days later there arr ived ins truct ion s fromthe GovernorGeneral exacting a heavy puni shment forthe Peshwa’

s actsof barely disguis ed warfare. The Peshwa had now to bindhimself to hold no communication w ith any power excep tthe B ri ti sh he hadto admitthe guilt of Trimbakj i as the

246 H I S TO R Y OF TH E BO M BAY P R E S ID ENC Y .

murderer of Gangadhar Shas tri , the accredited agent oftheGaikwar, residing atPuna underthe guarantee ofthe B r iti shGovernment . A l l future demand s onthe Gais ir wereto berel inqui shed . In s tead of furnis hingthe contingent ofh orse and infantry lai d down inthe treaty of Bas s ein , hehad to cede terr i tory y ielding 34 lakhs Of revenue . This included Dharwar and other d is tri cts near i t that were notclearly defined, the Konkan north Of Bombay , and all thePeshwa

’ s revenue in Guz arz’tt, as w el l as the fort of Ahmad

nagar . I nthe following November , as i t was found thattheGaikwar

’

s contingent was ineflicient, fresh arrangements weremade for a B riti sh garrisonxterritory being as s igned for theirm aintenance.

These were hard and humiliat ing term s . They reducedB zij i Rao

’ s po s i tion to s o low a degree that he could havecontinued as the head of his s tate in name alone . When helearnt them he renewed his preparation s for armed resistance ,and preparedto leave Puna and join the i n s urgents . H is

cou rage again failed , and he atlast s ullenly a ffixed h is s ignaturetothe treaty . E lphin s tone recorded his Op inion that if weinsis ted uponthe conditions of th is t reaty we mu s t be fullyprepared for his Open hos tili ty shouldthe s tate of India hereafter favour i t ; and i t is hard to bel ieve that the Marquisof Has tings ei ther expected or wished for any other result .I n a despatch op ril 1 2 th he had declared his conviction that

the Pes hwa was engaged in a conspiracy hostile to B ri tishhonour

,andthat henceforward our aim mu s t be to strengthen

our military pos i t ion in his territorv. H e ob s ervedAn enforced compliance would be sure to leave a rankling

animo s ity ; our fores ight mu s t then be directed to theaugmentation ofthe force inthe country in our own interes ts ,reform of a part ofthe establ ishment, and placing i t under a

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2 48 H I S TO R Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y.

wereto be completely suppressed by assembling armies roundthe territories of H olkar and S india, and the s tates of

Raj putana, Bhopal , and B andalkand. S ir Thomas H i s lop ,

Commander-in-Chief ofthe Madras Army ,took command of

five divis ions prepared in the Deccan another div is ionwas made ready in Guz z’tro

'

tt,under G eneral G rant Keir and’

the Marquis of Has tings him s elf took command of four m ore

from B engal , with two in reserve. S omewhat to the disappointment of E lphinstone , who cons idered his claim s nu »

dervalued, S ir John M al colm was appointed Agent to theGovernor-General withthe army inthe Deccan . The wholeB rit ish army inthe fiel d was notles s than men, with300 guns . I t was palpable from the m agnitude of theforces that Lord Hastings had more i n view thanthe tas k of

eradicating the P indharis . Nor di d he wai t until that tas kwas done to deal w i th those who chose to u s e them as

instruments .

The fi rs t to be deal t w ith was S india . Daolat R ao was

altogether inthe dark as tothe immen s e s cale ofthe Br itis hcampaign . H e was notprepared for operat ions that caughthim as in’

a netfrom every side, and when he was requestedto i s sue orders forthe free ingress and egres s of B ri ti s h troop sth rough his terr itory he was as tounded . H e s ought toevade compl iance, and urged that he had notgiven up his

i ntention of punishingthe P indharis h ims elf . The contentions

was treated with contempt . The Governor-General ’ s plan swere unfolded to him in detail, and when in Open darbtir, or

council,Captain Clo s e, the B ri tis h res ident, placed i n his

hands his own intercepted let ters to the Nepales e chiefs ,propos ing a combined attack onthe English , he was s peech s

les s with confus ion . H e had l i ttle t ime for cons iderat ion .

Lord Has tings was rapidly advancing , and in October 181 7

I IP IN D H A R I OR TH IR D M AR A THA WA R . 249

S india concluded a treaty , which removedthe Rajput s tatesfrom his author i ty and placedthem under B r iti sh protection,

and bound him to maintain a contingent under B ritish offi cersforthe s uppres s ion of the P indharis . A s security for thefulfilment ofthe term s the forts of H india and A s irgahr wereto be given up . S india

’

s forces were clos elvwatch ed unti lthe end of the contes t, and their neutral i ty as s ured .

The campaign that had been thus Opened again s t theP iudharis was continued in a s imilar method . One by one

their protectors were humbledtothe dus t , l i ttle being lefttobe done w iththe s avage P indhftris them s el ves . The wi s domof the Governor-General ’s plans in preparing an i nv incibleforce and guarding agains t danger from every quarter wass oon manifes t . S india was accounted for but the Peshwa,H olkar, and the R zij a of Barar were fas t has tening toc ombine .

In the month of July, the Peshwa went on his usual

pilgrimage to Pandharpur (page H e os tentatiou s ly disbanded a large portion of his cavalry and s ome infant ry ; buthe advanced h is men s even month s ’ pay, and gave them ordersto hold them s el ves in read ines s for early recall . From Pandharpur he proceeded to Maholi

,near S zitzira, and was there

m etby Sir John Mal colm , who , as Agent to the GovernorGeneral, had v is i ted all the court s of the Deccan, bothto cons ul t the res idents and to put h im s el f into pers onalcommunication w ith the ch iefs . To Sir John Mal colmthe Peshwa enlarged on the humil iat ing condition s of thelate treaty . H e indignantly deniedthat he had ever enteredinto any intrigue agains t the Br i t i sh Government ; and byhis cordial p rofes s ion s , and his air of candour and good s en s e ,be completely deceived Sir John Mal colm . That officerreturned to Puna convinced that Baj i R ao would prove a

2 50 H I S TOR Y or TH E BOM BAY P R E S I D E N OY .

faith ful ally . H is fort s were restored to h im in Augustand he was encouragedto raise troops . E lphinstone made nos ecret Of his v ery contrary opinions

,but could not Oppos e

th is l iberal sys tem . But he did notdisguise his anxiety atthe exposed state ofthe handful of troops atPuna, aftertheadvance of General Smith ’

s divis ion to the f ront ier. H e

therefore reques ted thatthe Company ’

s European regimentfrom Bombay should join the detachment atPuna . The

Peshwa d id no t return to Puna til l the end of September .

Trimbakj i had been s ucceeded inthe po s t of general adviserand confidanttothe Pes hwa by a m an named Bapu Gokla ;and by his counsel B z

’tj i R ao determined to enter upon openhostil ity as s oon as his des igns were p repared . The recomm en

dation of S ir John Mal colm that he s hould recruit his armyagain s tthe P indharis was an excellent cloak under di sgui s eof which he could increas e his forces again s tthe Engl ish .

G okla was the leader of all his measures, and he recei ved an

advance of nearly a mill ion sterl ingto complete his warl ikep reparations .

Butthe Peshwa’ s petschemes were the assas s inat ion of

the res i dent and the corruption of his nati ve troops , and

e ven of their European Ofi‘icers . H e commis s ioned a man

named Y eshwantR ao Ghorpure, who was intim ate w i ththese Offi cers , to carry outthis plan . Y eshwantR ao had noobj ection to receiv ing an advance of rupees . But hekeptthe money, and w arned E lphin s tone of what he was

l ikelyto expect . Gokla,too, much as he detes tedthe Engl ish ,

di s dained to commit s o bas e a cr ime as that proposed byBaj i R ao, that he should entrap the res ident to a conferenceand murder him . But B z

’

Ij i R ao was b itterly hos tile toElph in s tone, and he endeavoured to getTrimbakj i, w i tha body of Bhil s , to s urpri s e the res idency by n ight and

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2 52 H I S TOR Y or TH E BO M BAY P R E S I D E x cv.

others would atonce Showtheir true colours . Itwas advis

able to w ai t unles s compel led to fight . While Elphinstones tood thu s del iberating on h is terracethe din inthe c ity diedaway ; the Peshwa’ s attack w as pos tponed . The nex t daythe c rowding of the Maratha caval ry upon the Engli shbrigade was more offen s ive than ever . E lphin s tone s ent a

messagetothe Peshwa, pointing outthe intolerable nature ofthese proceedings, and confined his own m ento their quar terst o prevent any p remature contes t . To Gokla the mes sages eemed one of ins ufferable i ns olence. H e w ished to attackthe Engl is h atonce whilethe European regiment was s ti l l ata di s tance . But the Peshwa hes itated . A nightwas was ted incon s ul tation ; and atfour O ’ clock , 0 11 the morning ofthe 30th

,

the European regiment under Major IVils on, who was

appr is ed ofthe cris is , by incredible exer tions marched intothe cantonment . The Englis h atPuna could once more

b reathe freely . But the pos i t ion which they occupied was

bad, and on November I stthey moved outto Khirki , a

v illage four miles Off . The Marathas p romptly plunderedthe old cantonment , and commenced their former tactics of

pres s ing upon and hus tl ingthe B ri ti s h in their new pos ition .

E lph in s tone remained forthe tim e athis res idency on theSangam . Meanwhile, General Smith had been informed of

the impending s truggl e . H e therefore s en t back his ligh tbattalion to S irur , and concentrated his force atP hultambaon the Godawari . On the 3 rd Elphins tone s ummoned thel ight battal ionto Pu na

.The Peshwa atlas t made up his

m ind to at tack . Bythe morning ofthe 5th his preparation swere made. E ven then he once more attempted to negociate .

H e s ent a mes s age to E lph ins tone, des ir ing himto s end awaythe European regiment and reduce his nat i ve battalion , as s ucha large as sembly of troops near Puna was Offensive to him .

Ii ) 9P I R D H A R I OR TH I R D M AR A THA WA R .

E lphinstone ’

s s ole reply was that a removal of troops mu s tcommence onthe Peshwa ’

s s ide . Baj i R ao therefore warnedhim ofthe cons equence of his proceeding s , and threatenedthat he him s elf would leave Puna and never return s houl dthe res ident continue ob s tinate . The convers at ion was pro

longed as far as pos s ible by the Maratha mes s enger . A t lasthe withdrew . The Peshwa’ s Offi cers lef t their quarters atthe palace and placed themsel ves atthe head of their troop s .

B i’

rj i R ao p roceeded to the temple of P .irbati,which his

ances tor had built, whence he could from a s afe di s tancecommand a view over the undulating p lain of Khirki .Elphin s tone and his party leftthe res idency and j oinedtheB ritish forces at~Khirki . The M arc

’

Ithaarmy was betweenthe res idency andthe camp . H etherefore cros s edthe r iverMula by a ford which then exi s ted—the p res ent dam atPuna nothaving been buil t —marched up the left bank of

the r iver, and recros s ed i t atKhirki by a bridge .

I t was the afternoon of a s ultry Deccan day . The heatwas almos t s tifl ing . There was nota breath of wind to blowaside the clouds of du s t . The Maratha army poured outfrom Puna in the direction of Khirki through fields wherether i ch grain stood ready for the harves t . The s pectacle was

mos t impos ing . The low h ills that edgedthe plateau werecovered w ith infantry . Endles s s tream s of hors emen i s suedfrom the city, and covered the whole s urface of the plain .

The air was fi lled with the trampl ing of hors es and therumbl ing of cannon . The peasant s fled from their work in

the harves t field s . Their bullock s brok e Off from their yokesand raced away in terror . The m ighty wave Of s oldiersmoved onward in allthe pomp of war with apparently irres istible force . But the battle was notto be to the s trong .

N othing daunted at. th is vast ho s t , which out-numbered

2 5 4 H IS TO R Y or TH E BO M BAY PR E S ID EN C Y .

them almo sttwel ve to one, the Engl is h force of of

whom 800 only were Europeans , was eager forthe fray . Atthe earnes t advice of the res ident they did not wai t to beattacked . Gallantly led by Colone l Burr, they das hed attheidvancing enemy . The M ardthas were a s tounded by thisactof daring . Their S pir its were already damped by an

evil omen , for the s taff of thei r Jari Patka, or nat ionals tandard, had b roken in twai n ere they leftthe c ity . Gokla

did all that a b rave soldier could do to encourage h is troop s ,and he led in person a bri ll iant cavalry charge . But beforea company ofthe European regiment could come near, theheroi c Seventh Bombay Native Infantry , under Colonel B urrh imself, hurled backthe rank s ofthe horsemen beneath thehill of Ganes h Khind . The battle was won . The Marathaarmy was utterly di s concerted by the unexpected ons laughtofthe B r iti s h forces . The gun s were driven Off, and thefield of battle was cleared . The B ritis h los s was trifl ing, thatOfthe Marathas 500m en. The Br itis h returned after night-fal lto thei r pos ition atKhirk i

,and the nex t morningthe light

bat tal ion and s ome auxil iary hors e joinedthem from Sirur .

Whilethe battle was being fought the res idency , by B :ij iRao’ s orders , was plundered and burnt ; ofthe res ident

’

s own

apartments and librarv notone s tone was leftupon another .

The famil ies of sepoys inthe English ranks were robbed and

mutilated ,trees torn up

, and graves demol ished . TWO

B ritis h O ffi cers , brothers , named Vaughan , taken pr is oner atTalegaum ,

were barbarous ly hanged .

Bitter was the despair of the Peshwa as he witnessed thebattle of Khirki from his temple atP zirbati, and he pouredoutterrible upbraidings on thos e who .had urged him todefy the B ri tis h power . The M arzitha empire was atanend. I t had been founded by the mass acre of A fz ul Khiln

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2 56 H I S TO R Y OF’

THE BO M BAY P R E S I D E x ev.

General Smith , afraid lestthe M arrttha army,d ri ven bythe

Engl ish in that direct ion, s hould cu t off Colonel P rother’ sdetachment , s ent reinforcements to him from Puna, and

d irectedthe 2nd detachment ofthe 1 stregim entto s trengthenColonel Bu rr atPuna . Thi s order led to the mos t v ivid

epi sode of the, cam paign . Onthe las t day of the yearthebattal ionmarched from Sirur ateight O ’clock inthe eveningI t con s is ted of 500 m en, s uppor ted by two s ix -pounders ,manned by twenty-four Europeans of the Madras Infantry .

There were al s o 3 00 of the newly-rai s ed i rregular hors e; thewhole underthe command of Cap tain Franci s Staunton . Theymarched all night, and on

,the morning of the N ew Year

’

s

D aythe detachment reached the v illage of Korygaum on

the ri ver Bhim a, and found encamped before i t the whole of

the Peshwa’

s army of hors e and a large num ber ofArab s under tj i R ao in pers on . Captain Staunton t ook

up his pos t in the village and placed his guns Where they

could dothe greates t execution . The Marathas endeavoured

to s torm the English pos ition,and they obtained pos s es s ion

of a s trong square enclo s ure commandingthe v illage fromwhich they could not be dis lodged . A terrible struggle

was then waged . Captain Staunton ’ s m en had m arched all

nigh t . They were cut Off fromthe r i ver they had neither

food nor water . But in vain didthe Marathas andthe fiercerArab s hurlthem s el ves time after time uponthe devoted band .

Every foot of ground was dis puted . Hardly any of theEuropean Officers were unwounded . The wounded men and

offi cers were in agonies of thirs t which could notbe relieved .

The s urviving combatant s were fainting and nearly frantic forwant of water . Some of the gunner s , all of Whom foughtheroically

,p roposedto sue for terms . But Captain Staunton

pointed outto them the dead body of their officer

P I N D H AR I OR TH I R D M A RATHA W AR . 2 5 7

Lieutenant Chisholm ,who had been Shot, and whos e headthe

enemy had then s evered from his trunk . Such was the way,”he told them,

“i n wh ich all would be s erved who fell dead or

a l ive intothe hands of the Marathas .

” They replied thatthey would die to a man, andthe unequal conflictwas continuedall that terrible day. Towards s unset their plight s eemedwel l nigh des perate , but their e fforts were not s lackened . A s

night fel lthe attack became les s fierce . By nine o ’

clock thea rtillery fire ceas ed, and the v illage was evacuated by thePeshwa’

s troop s . The m en were able atlas t to alleviatetheir inten s e th irs t . The next dav the Pe shwa ’

s troop s refus edto fight

,and gradually w ithd rew . Captain Staunton had

los t 1 75 m en bes ides a portion of the auxil iary hors e . The

M aratha los s was between 300 and 600 m en. A monument.e rected upon the Spot, tell s the t ravel ler Ofthe fierce fightthatwas waged where he stand s and M araitha mins trel s , beittold to the i r credit, s ing ofthe glory Ofthe defence.

The Peshwa, as atKhirki , s urveyed the battle from a

d is tance . H e had brought w ith him the B eija of Satara .

his nom inal mas ter . A s creen had been erectedto ward off

the ray s of the s un. The Raja begged that itmigh t betaken down, Otherwi s ethe Engl is h would s end a cannonbal lthrough i t . Goklu and Trimbakj i d irectedthe Marathaattack s

,andthe Peshwa impatiently asked his commanders

,

“Where were their boas ts of defeating the Englis h if theycould notovercome one battalion 7”

The Governor-General shortly afterward s conferred on

Captain Stauntonthe important command of Ahmadnagar,and repeatedthe obs ervation of General Smith , thatthe actionatKorygaum was

“One of the m osto brilliant’

affairs everachieved by any army

,in which the European and Native

s oldiers displayedthe most noble devotion and most romantic1 7

2 58 H I STOR Y or TH E B O M BAY PR E S ID EN C Y .

b ravery, under the pre s s ure ofthirs t and hunger almost be ,

yond human endurance .

” And two years afterward s , in

p res entingto him a valuable sword voted by the Court of

D irectors , he s aid ,“I n that hour of difli culty and danger,

s urrounded bv implacable enemies , and cut off from all hOpe

of s uccour, i t was your fi rmnes s that afforded to your b rave

companions an Opportun ity of di s playing that devotion and

gal lantry which terminated in their tr iumph over the vastforces oppos edtothem ,

and notonly es tabl i shed for everthei rown reputat ion , but threw a lu stre over thei r own establ ish

m ent,and added tothe glory ofthe Indian armv. I n the

Hou s e of Common s M r . Canning extolled the glory of thel ittle band which had kept

“

atbavthe Peshwa’

s hors e

and mas s es of Arab infantrv.

The Marqui s of Hastings res ol ved that the Peshwa shouldbethe las t of his l ine . To appoin t a s ucces s or would be onlv

to rev ivethe old preten s ion s to M arzitha confederat ion and

s upremacy , which exper ience had shown to be incompat iblew iththe very exi s tence ofthe English as a power i nthe land .

The dvnasty was to be done awav with , and the dom i nion sannexed to the Company ’

s possession s . But w ith con

s umm ate statesm an ship the Governor-General res olved toconcil iate the Maratha nation by a graceful conces s ion :and the impris oned Raija of S z

’

itzira, th e descendan t of

S hiwaj i, was to be given the nominal sovereignty of thedistrict of S zitz'tra . M r . Elphinstone was wisely sel ected tocarry outthi s policy and settle the annexed terri tory , and

two divisions of the Deccan army under General s Smith and

Fritzler were withdrawn from Sir Thomas H is lop’

s con troland placed athis dis pos al . Captain Grant Duff, thetalentedhis torian ofthe Marathas, was made res ident atS ataré. whichwas taken on February 10th, 1818, by General Smith with

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260 H I S TOR Y or rm : BO M BAY ra s s ronrzcr .

Colonel Kennedy , with a detachment fi tted outby S ir EvanNepean

,the Governor of Bombay , was occupying the country

with equal s ucces s . A ll overthe country fortres s after fortres s fell i n a few weeks , m os t of which , w ith S hiwaj i as a

master, would have with s toodthe whole B riti s h army .

General Sm i th , though un s ucces s ful in his purs uit of thePeshwa, managed to overtake a large part of his army atA shta

,

and with hardly any los s put themto fl ight. At A shta , Gokla,

who s e pers onal valour was undaunted , fel l fighting bravely .

H e had pledged him s elfto die sword in hand , and he kept hisword . The Marathas were pursued for m iles , andthe engagement has tenedthe termination ofthe war . Onth is occas ionGeneral Sm ith , who was him self wounded , capturedthe Rajaof Satara and his family . They expres s ed unbounded j oy atthe res cue from their Brahman m asters . They were placedin charge of M r . E lphins tone, andthe Peshwa continued hisfl igh t toward s Nagpur . AtNagpur, A pa S ah ib the regen thad made a s ub s idiary treaty withthe English . H e promptlyproceeded to break i t . H e murderedthe boy on whos e behalf

he was ruling,plotted withthe Peshwa , s ent his family and

t reas ure outof the city, and ordered his troop s to attackM r . Jenk in s ’ smal l detachment of s epoy s . Ow ing to theheroi c courage of Captain F itzgerald , who was in command

of s ome Bengal hors e , andthe enthu s iasm which he in sti lledinto his m en, the attack , although m ade by numbers thatappeared overwhelm ing , was beaten off ; and Maratha s ingersmingle withthe fame of Korygaum the m agnificentexplo it ofS itabaldi, A pa S dhib dis avowed any s hare in the attack,but refus ed to dis band his troop s . A nother action was

required ; his guns were taken , and he s urrendered uncondi

tionally. For the murder of his nephew he was s en t a

p risoner to A llMiabad ; but he escaped onthe road, and after

I I

P I N D H A R I on TH IR D sw a rm s WA R . 261

nine years ’ mis ery in the W indhya mountains , found atlength a refuge with the Baja of Jodhpur , and was there leftund is turbed . An infant grands on of R aghoj i was placedon the throne . M r . Jenk in s adminis tered Barar dur ing hism inority, and Nagpur ceas edto be a cau s e of trouble .

H olkar,too

,had been effectually dealt w ith . Tul s i B ai,

w idow of Y eshwantR ao, was conducting the affairs of theState as regent for the young Malhar R ao, her hu sband ’

s

illegitimate s on. H er turbulent s oldiery were beyon d her

control . S he was nothers elf anx iou s to join the Peshwa ,

and even m ade s ecret proposal s tothe Governor-Generaltoplace hers elf and the young pr ince under his p rotection .

But event s were too s trong for her ; and beforethe end of

December 1 8 17 she found hers elf w ith her army nearMehidpur onthe S ipr i r iver. Here she attempted to negociate w i th S ir John Mal colm and S ir Thomas H imp ,whos e uni ted forces lav i n her path . Incens ed atth is , hero ffi cers beheaded her and cas t her body intothe s tream . A few

days afterwards , on December Q I St, the army of H olkar was

utterly des troyed,and s i xty -three gun s captu red with allthe

m il itary s tores and camp equ ipage .

.Butthe B ri ti sh los s was7 78 in k il led and wounded , of whom thirty-eight wereEu ropean officers . The s ubmis s ion ofthe young H olkar was

tendered onthe 6th of January , andthe u s ual s ub s idiary treatyentered into . S ir John Malcolm remained as AgenttotheGovernor-General for the Maratha States of Central India .

Their s upporters thu s humbledto the dus t , the P indhariscould offer no formidable res is tancetothe inv incible Br it is harm s . They were s truck with terror when they foundS india compel led to abandon them . They could getnohel p from any of the Marathas , and they were unableto pro tect themsel ves from Lord Has t ings ’ combinat ions .

H I S TO RY OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y.

They s trove des perately to avoid the retribution that wascoming upon them , buttheir enemies enclos edthem on everys ide . Itwas in vain that they fled to the North , for theBengal army was ready for them there ; they turned to theSouth only to los e alltheir baggage and be wors ted in con

tinual smal l encounters . They were completely dis pers ed,and mos t of them cam eto a m is erable end in the j unglethe peas antry showing no mercy after the i nfamou s cruel tieswhich they had formerly undergone atthei r hand s . One of

their leaders, Chetu , was hunted firs t through Guz aratandthen through Malwa

,and atlas t his body was found near

A s irgahr half eaten by a tiger . Another,Was i l Muhammad ,

betook h im s el f to S india, who s urrendered him to theEngl i s h ; and, thinking death preferableto capt ivity, he putan endto his l ife by pois on . Another, named Kar im , w ithl eniency altogether undes erved, recei ved an estate in B riti s hterritory . Amir Khan remained , and as he offered to su rrenderi t was deemed expedient to accept his propos al . S ir DavidOchterlony, wi th no l i ttle addres s and firmnes s , effected a

s ettlement w ith his Fathain retainers and obtained theirarti llery w ithout blood shed. P indhari raid s were a thing of

the pas t . Tho s e of thes e band itt i who survived, mingledwiththe populat ion , and many of them became decentando rderly citizens .

There were s till a few s ieges beforethe campaign w as con

cluded . A s irgahr was surrendered to S ir J ohn Mal colm in

Apri l and garrisoned by B ritish troops . I n Talner, theformer Pathan capital of Khandesh , there was a s trong force

ofthe Peshwa ’

s A rab s . The Commandant s urrenderedto S irThomas I I iS IOp ; but when Maj or Gordon and CaptainMacgregor entered the fort they were cut down and k illed .

The ea perated B r itish t roop s ru shed in ; and, of a garr i s on

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2 64 H IS TO R Y or THE BO M BAY P ar sm s x or .

that he applied to his late confederates for succour ; and he

atlas t made overtures to M r . E lphin s tone and other offi cers ,but he was tol d thatthe onlv term s thatcould be acceptedw ere unconditional surrender . H e turned his cours e no rthward s , intendingto cros s the N arbada ; but the fords and

pas s es were guarded,and he was forcedto remain with the

m en who were leftto him near A s irgahr in a s tate of

utter des pair . H ence he des patched an agent to S ir JohnMal colm atM an . S ir John Malcolm was fully cognizant of

Lo rd Hastings ’ in s truction s to Elphins tone— that no conditions wereto be made w ith Baj i R ao. H is arres t was only a

ques tion of time . But S in J ohn Mal colm , regardles s al ikeof the Governor-General ’ s instructions and the i l l-effectw hich the deputat ion could notbut have 0 11 m il itary operation s , s en ttwo offi cers to t reatw ith him . H i s term s were

that Baj i R ao should res ign his s overeignty and give up

Trimbakj i andthe m urderers of the Vaughan s . Th is m uchbeing promis ed, Baj i R ao was to separate him s elf fromtheremnant of his followers and advance to m eet S ir JohnMal colm , who undertook to obtain for him fromthe B rit is hGovernment an ample allowance in any holy city that hemight s elect . Before formal ly s ur rendering him s elf, hehad an interview with S ir John Mal colm

,and with his u sual

adroitnes s and eloquence appealedto him as the last of his

three earl ies t and bes t friend s . Mal colm s ank the poli t iciani n the man . H e remem beredthe regal s plendour in whichBaj i R ao had l ived ; and when he s aw h im now as a

hopeles s and weary fugitive, he forgot that the Peshwa had‘rushed upon his fate with his ey es open and that Mal colmhim s elf had been made one of his tools . S o when Baj i R aopromi s ed to give himself up if he shoul d recei ve an allowance of a year, S ir John Mal colm gave his ass ent

P I N D HAR I OR TH I R D 31 .4 11 4i wan. 96-9

The Governor-General was j us tly ind ignant atthis contemptof orders . But he could notgo back from the word of a

B riti sh offi cer ; and the Peshwa went to res ide atBithu r ,near Cawnpore, with his s tipulated incom e . The res ult wasdis as trou s . The largenes s of the s um h indered to s ome

ex tent the l iberal ity that the B ritis h Government w ishedtoshow in its new territories ; and wh ile the ag reem ent oh

tained favourable term s for many of Baj i Rao ’ s peoplethatdes erved condign punis hment , i t al s o created a S pu riou s and

dangerou s importance for the dethroned potentate in theeyes of the Marathas . The ful l danger ofthe step was tomanifes t i ts elf nearly forty years later inthe infamous NanaS z

’thib of Cawnpore . The s urrender of Trimbakj i was evaded ,

but he was finally captu red and confined in the fort of

Chunar t il l his death .

In the month of Ap ril, P rattip Sing , the B -zqa of S aitzira - a

wel eaning,but weak and vain p rince—ia his 2 7th year, was

s eated on his throne w ith g reat pom p by the Commis s ioner .

H e is suedtwo p roclamations , announcing his connection withthe B ritish Government, and puttingthe entire admin is trationof his kingdom into the hand s of M r .

Elph ins tone . H e

dwel t onthe inj u ries thathe had recei ved from the Pes hwa ,

and p roduced an order s igned by Baj i llaoto putthe Raj aand his fam ily to death s ooner than letthem fal l into thehands of the Engl ish . But c ircum s tances showed that,thoughthe experiment of res toring the S itara royal fam ily

was a wis e temporary expedient, itwas us eles s as a permanentm eas ure .

The only gratitude shown by the Itaja was

treachery and plots agains t the hand that rais ed him from

the du s t .The mil itary operation s were no sooner completed thanthe work of c ivi l adm inis trat ion was taken in hand . Under

2266 H ISTOR Y or THE BO M B AY rnns ronx er .

M r. E lphinstone’

s s upervis ion,Puna was managed by Captain

R obert s on ; Khz'tndesh by Captain B riggs ; the central part

of the Deccan by Captai n Pottinger, and the south byM r . Chaplain

,a M adras c ivil ian . Native officers from the

Peshwa’

s s ervice became their as s is tants on l iberal salaries ,and the whole population s ubm itted promptly to the new

order of things . So readily did the troops tran s fer thei ra llegiancetothe conquerors , that in m any in s tances s oldiers whohad been fighting for Baj i R ao were within twenty- four hoursbearing arm s on behalf of the new Government. The firstbu s ines s ofthe Commi s s ioners was to s ee that the revenueswere duly col lected and handed overtothe B ritis h authorit iesto p rotect and concil iatethe people ; to show them that no

innovation was intended , butthat a p roper adminis tration of

the ex is ting law would he in s is ted on, Itwas of the utmo st

importanceto gain the confidence and notto excitethe alarmof the natives , and the wis e experience of M r . Elphin s tonee ffectively s ecured thi s resul t . The Marathas were not disarmed , but armed part ies were notallowedto travel w ithoutpas sports and afterthe fi rs t year th is precaution was droppede xcept in the cas e of bodies of over twenty-five armed m en.

M il i tary s tation s were es tabl i shed atPuna, Sirur , Junnar,Ahmadnagar

,S holfipur, M alegaum ,

Saltara, Karrir and Kaladg i.The wild Bhil s of Kha’ ndes h for a long tim e could notbereducedto tranquill ity

, andthe s tep s takento deal w ith themw il l be related further on. One con spiracy only was detected ,

atPuna,forthe mu rder of all Europeans of that place and

o f S ritzira, andthe s eizure ofthe Raj a by some B rahman s andm en of des perate fortunes . The B rahman ringleaders wereblown from gun s , an example wh ich had a permanent effectu pon that int riguing race . S ir E van Nepean, the Governoro f Bombay

,approved of E lphinstone

’

s action ; but when he

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2 68 H I S TO R Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

revenues largely in creas ed . On the I stof November 1819M r . Elphin s tone handed over his commis s ionership to M r .

Chaplain forthe h igher s phere of Governor of B ombay . H e

had endeared him s el ftothe inhab itant s of Maharashtra, whoreverence his nameto this day . H e res pected notonly thep ri vileges ofthe people , but even their prej udices , as long as

thev were notiniquitous or

'

unj u s t . To Lord Hastings hew rote I t is to be remembered that even j u s t governmentis nota bles s ing if atvariance with the habits and characterofthe people .

”

Three years later s awthe retirement of Lord Has tings . Ins pite of his co s tly wars , his budget had always s hown a

large s urplus . H e had followed the foot s tep s of LordCornwal l is in purifyingthe l ives and habits of E ngli s h o fficersboth civ il and m il i tary . H e had devoted h im s elf to thewel l-being ofthe nati ves of India . H e s etup s chools

,which

were thronged w i th ch ildren , and Spared no step s to s pread

education and knowledge . H e al lowed the m is s ionar ies of

S errim pur, near Cal cutta, to i s s ue a news paper , which formedthe foundat ion ofthe pres ent Native p res s . Could he havefores een the existence of news papers over the length and

b readth ofthe land , s teeped in tre as on and execrating everything thatthe Government does, he might have hes i tated toconfer this gift .The Bombay Pres idency had now ass umed its pres ent

form , withthe exception of Sind,Sati ra, Angria

’

s territorvof Kolaba, and Kanara, which latter belonged to Madras .

( 269 )

XVII I .—MOUNTSTUART E LPH INSTONE .

LIKE as Commi s s ioner ofthe Deccan and Governor of

Bombay,MountstuartE lphinstone’

s whole heart wasinthe work of restoring ordertothe new p rovinces . T ran

qu ill ity could notbe attained in a day, andthere were fromtime to time dis turbances from i s olated band s of P indluiris

and other marauders . But no native power dared to d raws word againstthe Engl ish . The task that Elphins tone hadbefore him was in truth no l ightone . H e hadto s preadc i vil ization over a land des olated by anarchv, to afford s e

ca rity to life and property ,to u sher in a reign of law wherelaw was almostunknown. S ir James Macintosh, who was

Recorder or Ch ief Ju stice of Bombay from 1804 to 181 2 ,and who made an extended tour inthe Deccan, s tated itto behis “firm conviction that the firs t bles s ing to he w i s hedtothe inhabitants of Ind ia was that a c ivilized conqueror migh tres cue them from their native Oppres sors , and that theywoul d find better masters in the worstEuropean s than in

the bestof their own countrymen .

”The. Peshwas had done

nothing to comm emoratetheir exis tence . The architecture of

the Deccan , thatof the fortres s es that crownedthe heightso f Maharashtra

,was of an earl ier age . The Splendou r of

B ijapu r and the beauties of Ahmadabad rais ed in theM arathas no des ire to rep roducethem . Puna, on the downfal l ofthe Peshwas , did notpos s es s a building worthy ofthenam e. To evadethe P indharis the hou s es of well -to-do landholders were built s o as to res emble on the s ide from which

H I S TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S I DE N C '

Y .

they were approached the huts ofthe poorest peasant and

the ryot as he ploughed h is field carried his matchlock on

his shoulder . Land fetched h igher rent in out-of-the-wavglen s than anywhere near the track s that were used for

roads . A s forthe common people , S hiW ilj l contem ptuou s lyob s erved that ifthev had a dhotar (a wai s t-cloth) itwas all

that was needed .

Force might bring peace for thetime . M r . Elphinstonehad w ider v iews forthe creation of a more far-reaching and

las ting reform . H e deemed i t not: impo s s ible to rai s e thenat ives by education and public t ru s t to a level with thei rnew rulers . S tr iv ing to build up a des ire for knowledge, he

fel t i t w is es t to begin with the highes t class es . To any

m ingl ing of rel igion , even in the s l ightes t degree,w ith his

plans for education , he ab s olutely and entirely objected . To

introduce Chri s tianity into their s chool s would be to s oundthe alarm , and to warn the B rahman s of the approachingdanger the danger would involve notonly failureof our plans of education , butthe d is solut ion of our em pire .

”

M is s ionaries found the lowes t castes the bes t pup il s .

E lphin s tone was careful of offering s pecial encouragementto thos e cas tes who were notonlythe mos t des pi s ed buttheleast numerous of the divi s ions of society . To identifveducation with them woul d be to make i t odious to thos ewho were m ore fi t for i t . The soundness of his views aremanifes ted in the resul t of the labours of mi s s ionaries

,who

are content to take into their fold the lowes t of the lowin the vain hope thatChris tianity may s pread upward s .

Educat ion cannot be expectedto flouri sh without encouragement , and Mr . E lphinstone wi s hed to i ntroduce natives tooffi ces of high rank and trus t . But he hel d atthe sametime, that very strict s uperv isi on was requi s ite, and that

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takento place on an honourable foundat ionthe pos ition oftheMamlatdar, or s ubordinate nati ve magis trate and revenueoffi cer, who had charge of a taluka or petty d ivis ion of a

d is tri ct .Dur ing his tenure of offi ce as Governor of Bombay,

E lphinstonetwi ce made a tour through every dis tr ic t i n thePres idency . H e saw everything for him s elf

,and wrote copious

m inutes onthe condition of each part ofthe country . Thes etours were the pleas antes t parts of his governors hip . H e

thoroughly enjoyed the bus tle and change of camp life . A

fi rst-rate hors eman, he was an ardent pursuer ofthe s por t of

p ig-s tick ing or hog

-hunting and when he was in camp , andheard of any boars being

,

i n the neighbourhood, he wouldproclaim a hol iday and devote one or two days to thechas e .

Of all the dis tricts i n the P res iden cy, that which m os tneeded regeneration was Khandesh . An extensive plain ,watered by the Tapti and surrounded by b road chains of

mountain s , covered with noxiou s vegetation, where none butfores t t ribes can l ive—Khandes h is rather a provincethan a

dis trict . I n area itisto other di s tri cts whatYork shire is tothe ordinary counties of England . Its fores ts are peopledby Bh ils , who u s ed to gather together in their inacces s iblej ungl e s and burs t upon their p rey in the plains . Under

its Muhamm adan rulers the province had been a r ich and

flouri sh ing garden under the Marathas its teadily decl ined .

I n 1 802 itwas ravaged by H olkar’

s army . A famine

followed , and its ruin was completed by the rapaci tyand m isgovernment of the Peshw a

’

s official s . Bhil s , A rab s

and P indharis al ike robbed and murdered the peacefu l inhabitants ofthe country . On the occupation of the provincein 1813, anarchv and oppression had reached a fearful

M OUNT S TUA R T r nrm x s rox e . 2 73

height. F ifty Bhil leaders commanded bands numberingupwards of followers , whos e s ub s is tence dependeduponthe fruits of p illage and plunder . The former Nat iveG overnment had systemat ical ly v iolated its pledges to foresttribes , and they were more than ever s u s piciou s ofthe foreignconquerors . The Arab s and P indhziris were rap idly supp res s ed ; the Bhils were longer a s ou rce of trouble . M anv

o f them were the mos t uncivil ized of all aboriginal tribes .

W ith form s s tunted bythe deadly cl imate, they had barelvs ufficient inte llect to comp rehend anything beyond the most.s imple communication . Slaves al ike to supers t ition and

d runkenne s s , they held it degradingto cultivate or labour forwages ; no employment was tolerated which interfered withtheir carrying the long bow and sheaf of arrow s . Under theMuhammadan s , Bh il s hadto some ex tent been employed a s

village watchmen . That sy s tem had been broken up, and

no pol ice of any k ind exis ted . In the s ingle taluka of

Nandurbar there were,in one month

,a hund red cases of

m urder and robbery .

For s everal years Colonel Briggs , the pol it ical agent,tttemptedto restore order by a comb ination of coercive and

c oncil iatory meas ures . The pol icy failed ; and i t was not t illbanishment , impri sonment, and cognate devices were put as idefor ever and a new sy s tem introduced , which gently and

kindly pers uaded the fores t tribes to enter upon a civilizedl ife

,that peace. was restored to the prov ince . O ffi cers were

s elected w i th the t itle of Bh il Agent s , who w ere toe ndeavou r to ins pire thes e w i ld m en with confidence i n theGovernment , redres s all grievances, and in every way amel ioratethe ir condition . Lands were allot ted rent-free for those whocould be induced to s ettle on them ; and advances of moneymade for the purchase of seed and cattle . as wel l as for

1 8

2 74 H rs ronr or THE BO M BAY ear sm r s er .

clothes and food, until they cou ld s upport them s el ves .

'

I heywere s till , however, to be res trained - by pers uas ion if pos s ible ;if not, by force—from as sembling i n m as s es . The bold idea:was concei ved of formingthes e predatory tribes into an irregular corp s ; and Cap tain , afterward s S ir James Outram , wasthem ain ins trument of carrying outthis policy , H e delightedthe Bhils by j oining them fearles s ly in the chas e in their ownw il d fores ts ; he entru s ted his l i fe to their keeping , and by

his hear ty sym pathy w iththem , won thei r confidence fi rs t inh im s elf, and then inthe Governm ent which he repres ented .

H e cont ri ved to rais e from their number a body -guard of nin em en, and with thes e marched round the prov ince recruitingmore . I n a few months hehad a corps of s ixty m en arm edw ith bows and arrows ; and s ub s equently they w ere all armedand dres s ed likethe S epoy regiments of the Company . The

work progres sed beyond expectat ion. But one of thos estrange rumours

,s o common in India, took pos s es s ion of them .

They bel ievedthatthe Governm ent had formed them into a

corp s only w ith the s ini s ter obj ect of l inkingthem in a l ine,and atone s troke ex tirpat ingtheir race ; andtheir blood was

s aidto be in high dem and as m ed icine inthe country of theirEngl is h conquerors . But t ime and il l imitable patience e vercam ethi s and other difficulties ; and, though inve terate habitswere notchanged in a day, by 182 6 th ree hundred plough shad been es tabli shed, andthe Bhi l corp s numbered 300 m en.

A year later itreached twicethat number , and a small border

dis turbance showed that the members of thi s corps were readyto shed thei r blood atthe bidding of their new mas ters . I ncours e of time the Bhils were notonly ableto takethe po s t ofvillage watchmen , butthey guardedthe Government t reasuriesand jail s ; andthe regiment s ofthe l ine were entirely removedfrom Khandesh . This wise and l iberal pol i cy subjectedGovern

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‘2 76 Hts ronr or THE BO M BAY PR E S IDE N C Y .

of India, and i t came to a head atBhartpur . Thi s fortres shad been fiercely as sailed

,but never taken

,by the Englis h

under General Lake . The ramparts of the H indus tronghold stil l ros e proudly

,and pres ented an emblem of

final v ictory forthe inhabitants of the land . The boy R zij aof Bhartpur had been re cogni s ed bythe B riti sh Government :and when a u s urper put him as ide and s ei zed the throne ,S ir David Ochterlony, the res ident atDelh i , i s s ued orders forthe imm ediate at tack of the fort . Lord Amhers t

,with a

s trange infatuity, countermanded the order ; andthe indigmi ty brokethe heart ofthe gallant s oldier, who with a handful of m en had defended .Delh i agai ns t the o verwhelm inghos ts of H olkar after Mon s on ’ s fatal retreat . A s a matte rof cou rs e

,the natives bel ieved that the order res ulted from

fear . The whole country was in a ferment. Twenty-five

thou sand m en engaged them s elves “to fight the Company

behin d the wal l s which had defied Lord Lake , the conquerorof H indust.in .

” There was abundant evidence that S ind ia,H olkar, and allthe other chiefs were preparedto s upportther i s ing if i t should meet w ith any s ucces s . Ochterlony was

r igh t , and Lord Amher sthad been wrong . But he rapidlygras ped the emergency ofthe cris i s ; and preparedto s catterthe delu s ion which mightcarry a fire-brand through thepenins ula . \Vith s tupendous efforts , and a los s of m en,

the fort was taken and it s wall s razedtothe ground .

Afterthe pacification ofthe Bhil s , the only di s turbance of

any importance which troubled Bombay was an insurrection

ofthe R amoshis , another aboriginal tribe,in the dis t ric t of

Puna, under Um z’tj i Naik in 1826 -2 7 . The R dmoshis were

s o enterpri s ing and s ucces s ful that force could notput themdown, andthe method which had been s o succes s ful withtheBhil s was appl ied on a smal ler scaletothe Puna t ribes . A n

M OUNT STUAR T E LPH IN S TONE . 2 77

amnesty was granted to all concerned ex cept Umaj i , and

m any were given grants of land and employed as hill-poli ce .

Umaj i es caped for a t ime, butwas apprehended atP andharpur and paidthe penalty for his cr imes .

W’ ith two foreign countries the Governmentof Elphinstonehad s ome deal ing . Sind s till ranked in that category , and our

relation s with it were of s lender importance . Butthe frontierwas uns ettled, and marauders encroached upon B rit ish territory , Steps were taken i n retu rn to res train the s ubj ects of

the Am irs who ruled in S ind, but forthe t ime the differencewas amicably settled . W ith Pers ia matters were more s eriou s .

The Pers ian Gul f was infes ted with pirates , and thes e hadto be put down . A Br i ti sh force, mov ing inlandto capturea pirate stronghold , fell into an ambu s cade and was cu t topieces . Another expedit ion was immediately despat chedwhich avengedthe fate of the firs t and effectuallv s ecuredits obj ect .

Onthe 1 4th of November 182 7, Mount s tuartE lphins tones ailed from Bombay ,

after an unbroken s ervice in India of

over th irty years . N o name is s o identified as his with thebuilding up of the Bombay P res idencv. Of his Govern

m ent he was able to wr ite ,“I t has repel led p redatory in

r as ion , res trained intes t ine dis order, admini s tered equal and

impartial j u s tice, and has almos t extirpated every branch of

exac tion and oppres s ion .

” Wr i ting atBombay in 182 5 ,

Bishop Heber s aid On th is s ide of I ndia there is really

m ore zeal and l iberal ity displayed inthe improvement of thecountry, the cons truction of roads and publ ic buildings , theconcil iation ofthe nat ives and their educat ion than I haves een in B engal . H is pol icy

,s o far as India is

concerned , appearsto m e peeuliarlvwis e and l iberal and he is

e vidently attached to and think s well of the countrv and

2 78 B rs'

roar or THE BO M BAY P R E S I D EN CY .

its inhabitant s . H is publ ic measures , in their general

tendency, ev ince a steady wi sh to improve their pres entcondition . No Government in India pays s o much attent ion to s chool s and publ ic ins t itutions for educat ion . I n

none arethe taxes lighter ; and inthe adminis trat ion of justiceto the natives in thei r own languages , in the es tablishmentof panchayat s , inthe degree in which he employ s the nativesi n official s i tuation s , andthe countenance and familiari ty heextend s to all the natives of rank who approach him , he

seem s to have reduced to practice almos t all the reform s

which had struck m e as m os t required i n the system of

Government purs ued in ethos e prov inces of our Eas ternempire which I had p rev iou s ly v i s i ted .

”H e so dis tingui shed

him s elf in his career that he was twice offered the po s t of

Governor-General but he fel t that his work was done, and

that his s trength was unequaltothe tas k . N or could he be

prevailed on to accep tthe peerage which was offered to him .

A s tatue was rai sed to him inthe Town Hal l of Bombay , and

the E lphins tone College and E lphin s tone H igh School f orm

an eloquent tributeto his name . H is v iews on Indian pol iti c sshowed a s ingular fores ight . H e held that if our Indian

empire was to die a v iolent death , the s eeds of i t s ruin wouldbe found w i th inthe nat ive army—a del icate and dangerou s

mach ine wh ich a l it tlem i smanagement might easily turn again stus .

“The m o s t des irable death i t should die would be ,”he

said, the improvement ofthe natives reaching such a pitchas would render i t impo s s ible for a foreign nation to retainthe government ; but th is he acknowledged seemed atan

immeasurable dis tance . H e urged always a t imely con

s ciousnes s of danger . And apartfrom the army, he wroteword s of emphatic warning again s t another danger of w tmore tremendous import . I have left outof the account

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£280 m s roar or rm ; BO M BAY an sw er if .

leave them to their natural fate . Every Indian Governm ent expires after a short exi s tence . When there are no

Europeans athand ,the country pas s es fromthe Ghuz neviestothe Ghoories , from the A ffghans tothe Mogul s , from theMoguls tothe Mahrattas . Whenthere is a stable Governm ent

,such as European s al on e can found, i t must neces s arilv

allow up allthe ephemeral governments around i t .”

H is wr itings , though notbri ll iant in narrat ive, give l ivelyand real i s t ic p ictures of Indian scenes . Of a Maratha armv

he wri tes Camp pres ent s to a Europeanthe idea of longl ines of white tents inthe trimm es t order , To a Mahrattaitpres ents an as s emblage of every so rt of covering, of ever ys hape and colour, s preading for m iles i n all directions

,over

hill and dale,mixed up with tents , flag s , trees and buildings .

In Jones ’ ‘Hi story ’

march m eans one or m ore col umns of

tr00p s and ordn ance moving along roads , perhap s betweentwo hedges in the Mahrat ta his tory , hors e, foot , and

dragoons inundatingthe face ofthe earth for manv m iles on

every s ide ; here and there a few horse w i th a flag and a drum ,

m ixed with a loo s e and s truggl ing mas s of camel s , elephant s ,bullocks, nautch -girl s , fakeer s and bufl

‘

oons troops and

followers , lancemen and mat chlock m en, banyans and mootas uddies .

"

Moun ts tuart Elphin s tone l ived ti l l 1859, in a pleasant andgenial old age, mix ing with old fr iends , and what weres carcely les s than friends , his book s . H e had long sincewrit ten a hi s tory of the H indu and Muhammadan period sof Indian his tory . H e cont inued this after his ret i rementtothe period of Engl ish rule, butthi s part of his work was neverpublis hed .

XIX . POLICY OF SE LF-EFFACEM ENT .

T was a b itter blowto S ir John Mal colm when Elph instone and nothim s el f was appointed Governor of

Bombay in 1 819 . When E lphinstone ret ired in 182 7 , M al

eolm , who was then fi fty-three years of age, accepted theo ffi ce inthe vain hOpe that itmights erve as a s tepping-s toneto the Governor-General sh ip of India . But he l ived toregret that he had undertaken duties which the force of cir

cum stances rendered enti rely uncongenial to him .

On July 4th 182 7 , there arrived atCal cutta, as succes s orto Lord Amherst, Lord W’ illiam B ent inck . The eloquentins cription on his s tatue atCalcut ta, by Lord Macaulay ,

has been read by thous ands .

“Thi s s tatue,” i t runs , “is

erectedto W ill iam Cavendish Bent inck , who, during s eveny ear s , ruled India w ith eminent prudence

,integri ty and

benevolence ; who, placed atthe head of a great empire,never laid as ide the s impl ici ty and moderat ion of a privatecitizen ; who infu s ed into Oriental des poti sm the S p iri t of

Briti s h freedom ; who never forgot that the end of Governm ent is the wel fare of the governed ; who abol i shed cruelrims ; who effaced humil iating distinctions ; who allowedl ibertyto the expres s ion of public Op inion ; whose cons tants tudy it was to elevatethe moral and in tellectual character of

the Government committed to his charge —th is monumentwas erected by men who, differing from one another in race ,in manners , and in rel igion , cheris h with equal venerat ion andgratitude the memory of his w is e

,upright , and paternal

admin is tration .

”

‘282 nts roav or m e nonnx v r as s roe x cr .

Twenty -one year s prev iou s ly he had been roughly recal ledf rom the Government of Madras . I f he was harshly deal twith then

,his reputation as Governor-General has been on

the other hand al together over -es timated,andthe eloquence

of Macaulay is s ingularly mis leading . O f Lord W i l liam

B entinck’

s integri ty and benevolence there can be no doubtwhatever . O f his p rudenceth ere arethe g raves t doubts , unles s i t be s ai d that his fol ly in retu rning to the pol icy of

non-intervention is removed beyondthe region s of all doubtw hat s oever. In no land can outward show andthe t rapp ing sof ofli ce be less profi tably laid as i de than in India ; and in

s crupulous ly ob s erving the s impl ic ity of a pri vate c itizen hedeprived hi s great ofli ce of a digni ty which r ightly belongedto i t . To infus e into O riental des pot i sm the Sp iri t of B ritishfreedom is a tas k ab s olutely impos s ible . Lord W i ll iam

Bentinck did what o ther Governors-General had donebefore him , he rooted up the oneto make way for the otherTwo sentences ofthe in s crip t ion s etforth with ab solute truththe real glory of his adm ini s tration . The end of his Government was the welfare ofthe governed , and he abol ished cruelr ites . But i t cannot he admitted that in the firs t of thes e

two work s his p redeces sors had notalready done much ,

though i t was leftto h im to do vas tly more . Inthe abol ition

o f cruel r ites he stood alone . The effacement of humil iatingd is t inct ion s refers to hi s act ion in the creat ion of nat ive

j udges , with prim arv j uris diction over civil s uit s , to whos e

authori ty European s were s ubjected . The actexci ted them os t vehement controversy . The fact was that i t efiaced no

h umiliating d is t inction whatever ; and its s ole effec t was

g ratuitous ly and needless lyto humiliate Europeans inthe eye s

n f them sel ves and of natives . It was a small th ing thatthec onquering race, while s ubject tothe s ame law as their cou

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£284; H I S TOR Y or TH E BO M BAY Pnns ros nor .

India, pay and al lowances were cut down in every direction .

The meas ure was m etwith inten s e disgu s t and wide-Spreadres is tance. The retrenchment cou ld not be enforced ; and itended in a mi serable comp romis e, by which s tat ions wi thin400 miles of Cal cutta onlv suffered while those beyond itwere exempted .

\Vhile this inj udicious cou rs e had been adopted wi thEuropeans

,natives were incensed by new orders as to

rent- free land , The alienations of land under nat ive

government s had been large ; and on the country cominginto Engl ish hands a certain amount had been s anctionedhurriedly without due inquiry or the ratificat ion of higherauthori ty . Undoubtedly inj us tice had thus been done tothe s tate. The fiatnow went forth thatall s uch s et tlementsweretobe revis ed , and those persons only would be confirmedi nthe pos s es sion of rent-free lands who coul d es tabl ish theirr ightful claim s . Under Eas tern Governments an undoub ted

t itle to land is often incapable of documentary or even legalproof. But the order was in s is ted upon ; wide- s pread discontent was cau s ed , and some s ub s tantial i nj ustice done tos avethe s tate a year .

The carrying outof thesetwo measures brough t vexationtothe s oul of S ir John M al colm atB ombay . A man who hadall his l ife been of the mos t social d is pos ition, who lovedgaie ty and revelry, found him s elf in his decl ining years lookedupon as an enemy by every European ; andthe retrenchment scame with an i l l grace from an ofiicer who had needles s ly laidon the country the burden of paying a year toBaj i R ao. On other subjects of legal i nteres t he found hims el f atvariance with the j udges of the S upreme Court ,es pecially with S ir John Pe ter G rant , afterwards LieutenantGovernor of Bengal , who t ried to push the power of the

P O LIC Y or S EL F-E FI ’

A C E M E N T .

C ourt so far as to b ringthe Executive Governmen t into con

tempt . Malcolm accordingly bitterly condemned hims elffor hav ing acceptedthe Bombay Governorship . But thoughhe had no great opportunity of di s playing his capacity for

G overnment, and circum s tances prevented his being popular,

yeti n an unpretending way he did much good ; and his name

in Mal colm Peth , the s et tlement onthe range of M ahablesh

war, mu stalway s be remembered w ith gratitude by European swho b reathethe pu re air ofthe hill s .

In other respects the internal adminis trat ion of LordW illiam Bentinck was uprigh t and fearles s . The r ite of

S ati , by wh ich the widow s of higho caste H indu s burntthem

s el ves ou thei r hu sband s funeral pyres , was an abominat ionto h im . I n vain did his councillors tell him thatto abol ishthe r i te would be dangerou s in the extreme. The thing was

s hameful , and i t mu s t go. What previou s Governo rs -Generalhad feared to do was done . Thos e impl icated in Sat i weredeemed to commitm urder ; those pres ent were held to abetthe act. The law was atonce put into force ; and all honouris due tothe courage of Lord B entinck . H e did notknow thatthe vers e inthe B ig \Ved, whichthe B rahmansu s ed as an authori ty forthe in famou s cus tom , was garbledandthatthe real meaning of the text was del iberately m isinterpreted bythe unscrupulou s p r iesthood to s u s tain their

own importance . Buttothe Governor-Generalthe genuinencs s or fal s ehood ofthe author ity for s uch an iniquity wouldhave mattered l ittle . The s ucces s of this reform enabledthe Court of D irector s a few vears later after his retirement to take a further s tep wh ich migh t have offended

orthodox H induism . S crupulous lv avoiding all appearance

of rel igions persecution , the Company had erred inthe othere xtreme ; and their troops had been paraded , and offering s

£286 nrs roar or TH E BO M BAY P aas rnancr .

m adeto i dol s , atgreat fes t ival s . This bowing down i n thehouse of Rimm on was notonly u s eles s but perniciou s . Itwas put an endto once for all i n 1840, under the rule of

Lord Auckland ; but itwas Lord Wil l iam Bentinck ’ s actionthat pavedthe way for its abol ition .

Sat i was done away w ith in 1829 . The following yearb rought a deliverance from another curs e of a very differentnature. O ver the whole of India th ere ex is ted a m ightvs ecret s ociety which

,l ikethe P indhdris , emb raced H indu s and

Mu s s alman s al ike . Taking their name fromthe verb thagna,to cheat ,the Thags bandedthem s el ves together inthe name of

the goddes s B hawanito redpce murder and robbery to a system .

Such was their sk illthatthoughthe as sociation had exis tedfrom time immemorialthe Engl is h had scarcely any knowledge of its ex is tence beforethe year 1 810. But their s us

picions were arou s ed,bythe dis appearance of a large number

of S epoys on furlough . Inquiries were being made in variou squarters ; and i t m ay have been the cons ciou snes s that theEnglis h were on his t rackthat induced the leader of one of

the ir hands to give h im s el f up in 1829 to Major Sleeman,

the deputy-commi s s ioner of Sangar inthe Central Provinces .

A s trange and terrible tale was unfolded . A s the merchantor banker journeyed from one city to another to sel l hisw ares or negociate his b ill s , or as the soldier proceeded to hisnat i ve village to enjoy his hardly-earned furlough , they m etw ith other travellers going on s imilar errand s , whose com

pany was gratefullvwelcomed both for companion ship onthejourney and for protection on dangerous routes . Charmed

w i th their fas cinating manners the travellers journeyed on,

del igh ted with the friends thatchance had th rown in their

way. But as they s ateat ing their meal i nthe s hade of theway

-s ide trees bvthe refreshing stream,the handkerchief of

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“88 H I S l OR Y or THE countrv PR E S IDEN C Y.

I n Sp ite of i ts j ealou sy of in terloper s,the Company was com

pelledto allow Engl i shmen generallyto res ide in India, and

hol d land s there and develope the resources of the countryby their cap ital and enterpr ise. Much credit has been givento Lord W i ll iam Bentinck for sanctioning the admis s ion

of natives of all cas tes , including native Chr is tian s whos eemp loymen t had been expres s ly prohibi ted , into the publics ervi ce . I t is diffi cul tto s ee what changethe order effected.

Tothe pres ent day only members of a few higher cas tes ever

fi t them s el ves by educat ion and training forthe posi tion of

magi s trates and other respon s ib le pos ts , wh ile as mes s engersand s ubordinate s ervants , unles s m en of inferior cas te werechos en, the places could never have been fi lled . A m o res alutary meas ure was tha t which s ub s t ituted the vernaculardialects for Per s ian in the law court s

,and encouraged the

knowledge of the language and l iterature of Englandthroughout India. N or was the spread of Engl ish knowledgeconfined to mere book learning . A medical college

e s tabl ished atCal cutta, and European medical science broughtw i thin .the reach of the people of India . H i therto thebarber had beenthe surgeon ; and physicians were l ittle butgatherers of s imples

,while the s tudy of anatomy was nu

known .

Much prais e, though s ome blame, is therefore due to Lord\Villiam Bentinck for his i nternal admini s tration . But his

pol icy toward s nati ve s tates was mis erably deficient . Each

s tate for good or for ev i l was leftto i tsel f, as though B ritishpower were non-ex is ten t . In the N i zam ’ s dominions a

m in i s ter impaired the revenue, and created a horde of

u s urers and A rab and Pathan free-lances , whose extortion s

for loans advancedtothe minis ter rendered the l ife of thepeople an i ntolerable burden . Eventhe Court of D i rectors

POL IC Y or S E LF 289

remonstrated . They could not, their des patch ran,

“re

main indifferent s pectators to the d isorder and m is rulewhich had s o long prevailed inthe N i zam ’

s terr itories .

” Butthe Governor-General leftthe remons trances to be heeded or

notas the mini ster l iked , andthe m ini s ter treated them withd i s dain . Anarchy was allowed to grow up and s pread in

Bhopal . I n S india’

s dominion s there was a s truggle for

power between the widow of DaolatR ao and her adopteds on J énkoy , wh ich th reatened

.

to di sturb the peace of all

India. Lord W il liam Bentinck,though he vis ited Gwal ior

,

decl ined to interfere . I n Jaypu r a j ud iciou s inte rferencewould have checked a commotion which as sumed large proportion s , and culminated in the m u rder of M r . Blake,theass is tant res ident . Lord W il l iam Bentinck m ay have beenactuated by the bes t intention s . But he des ired to makethe rulers of nat ive s tates res pon s ible to their s ubjects , ani dea ab solutely unintelligible to the O riental m ind . I t isonly one ins tance outof m any in which the application of

European ideas and sy stem s to India b rings outin thes tronges t rel ief the impos s ibility of grafting on the nativemind m ethods for which itis by nature entirely unfitted .

India above all places must be dealtw ith in accordancew ith fact s and notwith theories ; i t is the las t country inthew orl d to subm it to the exper iment s of the faddi stand

the book-worm . The l iberty ofthe pres s in England degenerates into l icens e in India ; a superficial acquaintance withl iterature is mi s taken for knowledge ; the clap -trap of pro

fes s ional agitators pas s es mu ster for pol iti cs . The cau s e of

the Indian people ”is taken up by a band of s elf-s erving

graduates who con s i stently revi le the Governm ent to whichtheir clas s owes its very ex is tence , while contact with thecas tes whom they des ignate the people of India mean s for

1 9

H I S TO R Y or w e BO M BAY rans rnnrvcr .

their self-styled champions contaminat ion . Of all ideasperhaps the most inappl icable was that ofthe m oral respon s ibility ofthe ruler t o his people, and the hypothesis that a

Government ex isted for the benefi t of its s ubj ects . B utLord W il liam B entinck w as convinced of the r ighteous nes sof his pol iti cal creed and forthe s ake of his theory anarchyand dis order were s ufferedto grow up unchecked in one s tate

after another . The Br i tis h Government had become s upreme

arb iter in India . Of the duty of thatGovernment to itss ubject s , the nat ives s tates incl uded , there was no doubtwhatever ; and for his ob s t inate inaction Lord W il l iamBentinck s tands condemned .

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292 H I S TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY P us sw nx cr .

down bythe '

obs ervance of non-intervention ;the errors whichledto his calamities were of a very different nature. A yearafter his arri val a dis pute as tothe s ucces s ion ofthe k ingdomof Oudh led to civ il war in that s tate . Lord Auckland

p romptly revealed his pol itical principles . H e took thematter into his own hand s , and the crown was placed onthehead of Nas i r-ud-daula .

In 1839 he was compel led to interfere with a s trong handin the little kingdom of Satara which Lord Has tings and

M r . E lph instone had created in 181 9 . The Raja had fors ome time reigned quietly and inoffen s ively . But his weakintellect and extravagant ideas of his own importance wereworked Upon bythe in trigues of B rahman s andthe ladies of

his courtto s uch an exten t that he actual ly propos ed tore -es tabli sh the Maratha power , and drive the Engl ish outof the country . H e was detected on s everal occas ionsattemptingto cor ruptthe s epoy s Of B ritis h regiments , and

other in trigues were brought home to him . H is folly and

p res umption made warning s u s eles s , and on September 5th1 839 he was final ly depos ed and sentto res ide atBanaras .

The state mightfairly have been annex ed , but a brother of

the eX-B aja was inves ted w ith his s overeignty on the s am e

condition s as his predeces s or . I t was owingto the advocacyof S ir James Carnac, Governor of Bombay,thatthe rebelliou sp rince rece ived s uch lenienttreatment .But matters of greater impo rt were now being dealtwith

by Lord Auckland . Shah Sujathe Amir of Kabul had beend riven outin 1809 , and Dos t Muhammad reigned in his s tead .

The ex iled m onarch res ided under B ri ti sh protection atLudhiana in the Panjab . H is succes sor, Dos t M uhammad

,

d iligently s oughtthe al liance of the Engl ish on conditi onthatthey would notattemptto res tore Shah Suj a, and would

THE Atti c s or s rx n. 2 93

aid him in recovering Peshawar which had been s ei zed bvthe troops of Ranj it S ing . But Lord Auckland had no

w ish to quarrel with the Lion of the Panjab forthe s akeof Do s t Muhammad, andthe dis pute between thos e ch ieftain scontinued to smoulder . Meanwhile

,Dos t Muhammad had

received atKabul, as an envoy from the Governor-General ,the accomplished Alexander Bu rnes . Burnes was empoweredonlyto negociate a commercial t reaty ; but, j udging Engl ishbythe standard of O riental d iplomacy

,D o s t Mahammad enter

tained hopes that trade was merely a s c reen behind whichthe pol itics ofthe Panjab and A fghani stan could be dis cu s s ed .

While he was chafing underthe los s of Pe shawar , and vainlyekingthe aid ofthe Engl is h to recover i t , there arrived at

Kabul in 1837 a Rus s ian envoy named Captain Vicovick. DostMuhammad percei ved thatthe Engl ish entertai nedthe gravestanxiety about the Rus s ian advance towards Indiath roughKhiva

,and he de terminedto play Off one envoy agains t the

other . H e hoped thatwhen they s aw his al liance s oughtby a hostile powerthe impo rtance of his friend ship would bemagnified inthe eyes ofthe English , and that by dangl ingwith the Ru s s ian Offers he would s tim ulate the GovernorGeneral to fo rmthe much -des ired convention w ith him s elf .

But Dos t Muhammad was playing wi th dangerous tool s . The

Rus s ianscare, not without ground s , cau s ed g rave uneas ines sto Lord Auckland and his Council . Herat was the northerngate of India ; and the king Of Per s ia in alliance w ith DostMuhammad’s bro ther was laying s iege to i t with the aid of

Russ ian money and Ru s s ian offi cers . The s iege failed ow ing

tothe vigour and j udgement of Eldred Pottinger, a youngartillery offi cer who happened to be travelling in CentralA s ia. The res ult of Dos t Muhammad’s pol icy was notwhathe looked for . Lord Auckland made up his mind to expelthe

294 H rs roar or TH E BO M BAY rnB s I D E N OY .

chief who soughth is al l iance by flauntingthe Rus s ian overtu res i n his face ; and, by res toring Shah Suja to his

throne,he hopedto s ecure a friendly A fghanis tan as a barrier

again s t Ru s s ian aggres s ion . Atthe same t ime all r i sk of a

s t ruggle betweenthe A fghan s and Ranj it S ing , which migh t

invol ve the Engli sh ,woul d be done away . In Apri l 1 838

Burnes returned to India, and Vieovick remained for thep res ent tr iumphant.Itwas neces sary to demon s trate to Pers ia that no inter

ference atHerat or el s ewhere woul d be tolerated , and LordAuckland in s tructed the Bombay Governmentto ;s end an

expeditionto Karrak an is land in the Pers ian Gulf. The

Pers ian k ing unders tood the warning thu s conveyed , and a

t reaty was s igned which guaranteed Herat from any furthermolestation from thatquarter . Itwas urged upon LordXuckland and hi s Council that Ru s s ia could only actthroughPer s ia, and that Pers ia being now deal t with nothing furtherneed be done, and Dos t M uhammad should be left in peaceatKabul . Sub s equent events have shown what R u s s ia can

do w ithout aid from Pers ia ; and of the ultimate Mu s coviteaim s upon India there can be no manner of doubt . B utthatdoes not j u s tify Lord Auckland for res tor ing by force an un

popular k ing whom his s ubj ects had expelled from thethrone, and whos e repeated attem pt s to regain i t they hadi nvar iably res i s ted . The war was condemned by LordW illiam Bentinck . the Duke of W

'

ell ington,Lord Welles ley ,

and Mount stuar t Elphin s tone ; bu t the die was cas t, and 111

N ovember 1838 a magnifi cent army as s embled atFerozpur onthe borders ofthe Panjab, and was there in s pected by LordAuckland and Ranj it S in e . R anj i t S ing had a very clearidea of what was likelyto be the final exten t of the B riti shpos ses s ion s in Ind ia. On s eeing a map of India with the

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2 96 H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY P az sw r x cr .

his possessions with his brothers ,H e died in 1800, and his

brothers again d ividedthe country , bu t unequally , and calledthemselves the Amirs or Lord s of Sind . Fromthis divis ions prang the Kyrpur Amirs of Upper Sind, the HydarabadAmirs of Lower Sind , andthe M irpur Am irs . By a s trangeorder of s ucces s ionthe Rai s Pagri , or Turban, of s uper ior rulepas s ed in each family tothe brother and nottothe s on. The

Hydarabad family was to s om e extent obeyed bythe others .

The Ami rs s oon called down more of the hill Beluchis ,giving them land on m ili tary term s ; and withtheir aid theycon s iderably ex tended thei r front iers . From the A fghan sthey took Shikarpur, andthe fortres s of Bakar that was buil ton a rock in the middle of the Indus . In few places hasOriental des pot ism as s umed a more terr ible as pect than underthes e rapaciou s u s urpers .

“Give the poor a dhotar, i t isenough ,

”S hiwaj i had s aid .

“Wh at are the people to us,

”

ob s ervedthe Am ir N ur Muhammadto Lieutenant Eastwick inSind . The pol i cy ofW il l iamthe Conqueror of England wasimitated ; andthe mos tthr iving villages were depopulated tomake S hikargahs or hunting-grounds . Slavery ex is ted inthe mos t repul s i ve form, while the Amirs collected from theirs ubject s the uttermo s t farth ing to pile up their swollencoffers .

In 1 775 an Engl is h factory was es tabli shed atTatta onthedel ta ofthe Indus . I t was abandoned in 1 792 owing tothepres s ure of the Talpuris , but in 1 799 Lord Welles ley made an

effortto res tore i t . The reigning Talpuri p rince appearedfavourableto its maintenance, but the influence of Tipu from :

M ys ur andthe jealousy of traders atHydarabad weretoo powerfulto be res isted, and M r . Crowe

,the s uperintendent of the

factory , was i n 1800 peremptorily orderedto qu itthe countrv.

In 1807 the Amirs were p revailed on to execute a t reaty

THE auras or S IN I ' . 29 7

which provided for intercou rs e with the Engl is h by envovs ,

and forthe exclus ion Ofthe French . This was renewed m

1 820 forthe purpos e of s ettl ing border dis putes with Kachh ,

where i t had been neces s aryto s end an army from Bombayin 1 81 6 . In 183 1 a clos er comm unication was made withS ind atthe exp res s w is h Of Lord E llenborough , then Pres ident ofthe Board of Control ; and

,forthe osten s ible purpos e

of conveying pres ents to Ranj i t S ing , Alexander Burnes wass ent to e x plorethe Indus and as certain its commerc ial capabilities . H e s ucceeded w ith great d i ffi culty

,and the advan

tages of the t rade route became known . What was l ikelyto come of this exploration bythe English

,inthe interes t s of

commerce, was s peedily realized .

“The mis chief is done ; you:

have s een our country cried a Bel uch i s oldier, when Burnesen teredthe river.

“Alas"S ind is gone, s ince the Engl is h

have s een the ri ver which is the h igh road to its conquest .was the observation of a wealthy Muhammadan near Tatta .

The following year Captain Pot tinger was s ent to surveythecours e of the lower Indus , andto negociate the treaty thathas been already referred to. H e foundthe lower countrvgoverned bythe Amirs of Hydarabad ,the chief of whom was

A l i M urad .

* In Kyrpur, the capital of Upper Sind , M ir

Rus tam was chief, and practical ly independent , though he

faintly acknowledgedthe s uper iori ty of Hydarabad . Identical

treaties were formed with Al i Mu rad and Rustam . F ree pass ages were granted through S ind fortravel lers and merchant sbut no ves s el of war wasto floatonthe Indus or military s tore sto be conveyed by it . A reas onable tariff was to be proclaimed .

In 1834 , by another commercialtreaty , the tar iff was fixed ,

and Colonel Pott inger appointed pol iti cal agent for Sin d .

‘tN otthe w ell-known A l i Murad of Kyrpu r .

‘

2 98 m s'

rOB Y or am : BO M BAY P R ES IDENC Y .

Thetolls taken atthe mouth ofthe Indu s wereto be sharedbythe B ri ti sh Government for did nottheir own r iver theS atlej flow tothe s ea mingled with the waves of the greatr iver of S ind ? A year later a steam-boat from B ombav

navigatedthe Indu s .

In 1 836 Ranj itS ing th reatened an invas ion Of the Amir ’sterri tory . Lord Auckland wel comed thi s opportuni ty for interferenee . H is whole pol i cy turned on counteracting thei ncreas ing influence of Ru s s ia in Central A s ia. That pol i cyithas been seen, was to be effected by obtaining control overthe intervening country of A fghani stan . The ruler of thePanjab was too wary to be coerced into fur thering thisp roj ect ; Sin d was another affair al together . Lord Aucklandp ress ed the Amirs t o receive a Briti s h force intheir capitalto protec t them again s tthe Lion ofthe Panjab, and ColonelPot t inger went to Hydarabad to negociate the p ropos i tion .

The pecul iar con s ti tution Ofthe Amirs rendered all negociationw ith them difficul t , The chief Amir s of each branch wasa lways will ingto cons ent, but there was invar iably a s tranged ifficulty in obtaining the compliance ofthe inferior nobles ,e ach of whom w as independen t ofthe res t . The territoriesof the three ch iefs were mixed and confu s ed inthe mos t bew ilder ing way, and thi s labyrinth ine sy s tem they had no wishto dis entangle forthe b enefitof the encroach ing foreigner .

Colonel Pot tinger reached Hydarabad in September 1836 ;but, though he reported i n December that his negociationwas succes s ful, no ratified treaty appears to have been con

c luded unti l a year and a hal f later . I t was then made onlyin con s equence of s ignifi can t hints that Ranj i t S ing would ,to s ay the leas t, notbe d is couraged from work ing his

pleas ure in S ind . The argument did notlose force fromthenotorious fact thatthe connection between Ranj it S ing and

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300 m e B Y OF TH E BO M BAY P B B stB B x cr .

mu s t be wealthy . The claim was ob s olete, and the Amirsretorted plainly that i t was notmade by Shah Suja, but thatthe demand was entirely that of the Englis h by whom hehad

‘

been s upported for twenty-five years . The Amirs we real s o told thatthe article Of the former treaty, which forbadethe transm is ion of m il itary s tores up the Indus , mus t bes u s pended in favour of the Engli sh . A s regards this parti

cular meas u re, i t is manifes t that in drawing upthe formertreaty an exception was intended in favour of thos e who

hadthe p rovis ion in s erted .

Whateverthe Amirs migh t think of the proceedings OftheEnglish i t mu s t have been clearto them that arguments wereus eles s . F i vethou s and m en were ready to s ail from Bombay,andthe Bengal army was coming downthe S atlej , withoutthe form of as king leave, to occupy thei r territories . I t waschieflythe Amirs of Lower S ind who were pres s ed for moneyforthe Shah’

s army,and forthe admis s ion into their country

of a s ub s id iary force, with the certain res ul t of the wholeof their dominion s being s ubdued . But i t was i n UpperS ind that the Bengal army would cros s the Indus . I nthemiddle of the r i ver was the rock and fortres s of Bakar . S ir

Alexander Bu rnes was o rderedto negociate a t reaty with theKyrpur Amirs forthe loan of the rock and fort res s . It wasnow s aid , and undoubtedly notwithout s ome reas on , thatthe Sind author ities had violated the commercial treaties .

Lord Auckland di s played intense indignation , and atthe s am e

time pi ty , forthe di s tracted government and declared thattroops s hould s ei ze Shikarpur, and s uch other s trategical

po s i t ion s as might be neces s ary . Thos e of the Amirs who

had shown any unw il l ingnes s to aidthe in vas ion of A fghanis tan wereto be dis placed from power ; butthey were all

as s ured that the seizure of thei r terri tories meant nothing

THE au ras or stx u. 301

inj urious to their in terests . Menaces , flat tery,promi s es ,

and evas ion s were al ike i n vain . The Am irs then offeredpers onal v iolence to Colonel Pottinger , and th is fail ing toin tim idate him was fol lowed by abject apologies . The iron

s crew w as indeed beingtw i sted on Hydarabad by Pottinger ,and Kyrpur by Burnes . From one demand indeed Pottingerrecoiled . H ow could he demand money from the Amirs

,on

a claim dueto Shah Suja,when they produced formal dis

charge s of all claim s w ritten in Koran s duly s igned and

a ttes ted ? H i s s cruples were s etatres t by in s truction s thatthat par t Ofthe tran s action would be arranged by anotherofficer . The whole cours e of the negociations was i n fac ts ickening , and i t is needles s to follow itthrough its hamiliating detail s . Both B u rnes and Pottinger adv is ed Open warin preferenceto th is diplomatic hypocri sy .

In December 1 838, S ir John Keane arri ved atthe m outhO f the Indu s , and in January 1839 marched upto Hydarabad .

D ri vento des pair,the Kyrpur ch ief, Rus tam , gave up Bakar,or

,as he ph ras ed it, “the heart of his country ,

and adm i ttedUpper Sindto be a Briti sh dependency . The Am ir s Of thelower provinces , exas perated beyond endurance, plundered thes tores collected atHydarabad, chas ed Lieutenant Eastwickignominiou s ly from the res idency , and pu t. B eluch isin m otionagain stthe B ombay arm y . Karach i was ins tantly

s ei z ed bythe Engl ish and an advance ordered, whenthe Am irs ,~quail ing atthe s torm which they had rai s ed , s igned a new

treaty , and forthe indulgence paid half of i t on

.the in s tant . Thetreatv brought S ind as entirely into theB ri ti sh power as was pos s ible withou t ab solute annexation .

Stringent as the document was i t did nots ati s fy Lord Auck ~

land . W i thout the s l ightes t reference to the Am i rs he

retained Karachi,

and altered the treatv to that effect .

302 H IS TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY r uc sw s x cr .

The treaty had been made in the nam es Of H yderabad and

the Indian Government . But that implied a paramountchief of S ind . A s eparate t reaty was therefo re made witheach Amir, and they were told that “they mu s t cons ide rS indto be, as i t w as i n real ity, a portion of H indu s tan , inwhichthe Br itish were param ount , and entitled to actas theycon s ider b es t and fittes t for the general good of the wholeemp ire .

”

The only pall iation of thes e negociations is the score of‘

neces s i ty . I fthe invas ion of’

Afghanistan was an actof sel fpres ervationthe inj u stice in Sind may be condoned as pardonable , though even then it woul d have been les s ignobletos ei zethe country withou t the mis erable p retexts that weres tooped to . A s tothe fact s about s elf-pres ervat ion,they neednot be con s idered inthe hi s tory of the Bombay Pres idency .

But one con s iderat ion cannot betoo s trongly in s is ted on . B ad

as all th is was , the transgres s ion was notagain s t a nation,

i t Was again s t Amirs who had u s u rped the country withinthe memory of l iving m en

,and who were the m os t atrociou s

tyrants that can pos s ibly be imagined . The Bri tish camp s .

offered an asylumtothou s ands and ofthe Queen ’ s s ubjectin India none have gained m ore from the B r iti sh Governmentthanthe peaceable inhabitants of S ind . The Am irs and thefierce Beluch i warriors , who li ved onthe spoi l of the Sindis ,s uffered . But even th i s defence cannot be pleaded on be

half of Lord Auckland , for his treaties left the people i n theab s olute power of their rulers .

The armies now passed onto Kabul ; the s ub s idiary forceentered S ind

, and the Amirs pas s ively recogn i s ed thetreat ies . Colonel Pottinger, created a baronet, continuedres ident in S ind unt ilthe beginning of 1840. H e was thenreplaced inthe lower country by M ajor Outram , M r . R o s s

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( 304 )

XXL — GONOU E ST OF S IN I) .

N TI L the beginning of 1 84 2 S ind repos ed in apparen tqu ietude. Bri t i sh s tores pas s ed up the r iver nu

moles ted , for none dared m eddle with the irres istible B riti shstrength . But the fire of revenge smouldered inthe heartso fthe humiliated Am irs

,andthe blas t w as s pringing up to

fan i t in to flame . A terribletragedy had occurred atKabul .England

’

s general s had blundered—“ her s old iers had forgot

ten of what race they s prang. In January 1 84 2 , the wholea rmy atKabul capitulated ; and s oldiers and

followers marched back toward s India . O f thes e only one,

a docto r named B rydon , s urv ived to tel l ofthe awful catastrophe by which every s oul but him s elf peri shed inthe defileso fthe Khyber Pas s .

Lord Auckland was strick en down in mind and body when

he heardthe m i s erable new s . But a new and more v igorou sm an was fortunately on his way ; and on the 28th of

February his s ucces s or,Lord Ellenborough, who had al ready

been Pres i den t ofthe Board of Control , arri ved atCal cutta .

H e found the publ ic m ind confu s ed with terror atthe Kabulv icis s i tude . Nothing was being doneto retrieve the m is for

tune . The s old ier s were depres s ed in s pirit,and smarting

under the depr i vation Oftheir j ustallowances .Butthe sky

was notall gloomy . Apart from Sind,and the country

beyond the frontier,India was in profound peace . N O con

quered state l ifted its head ; no chief attempted to ral ly

co cE s r or s rx n. 305

r ound h imthe thou s and s of unquiet s pirit s that ever exis t inO riental s tates , or drew his sword agains t the s upreme

p ower . Ranj itS ing was dead, butthe S ikh s as yetcontinuedhis fr iendsh ip withthe E ngl is h the Marathas

,under a firm

and l iberal rule, had turned thei r s word s into plough shares .

S O Lord E llenborough could concentrate his entire energy on

r emedyingthe evil s that his predeces s or’ s policy had broughtu ponthe empire

,

A heavy blow had been s truck atB ritis h s upremacy . Itw as ab s olutely neces s aryto show the Eastern world thatarevers e did notm ean defeat . The E ngl is h arm s mus t forthes afety ofthe empire be borne t rium phantlyth rough Afghan istan

, andthe B ri tish hold on S ind mu stbe m ainta ined . LordE llenborough had notcome outto pas s j udgement on his

p redeces s or’

s pol itical moral ity ; he had to accept aecom

p lished fact s , andto in s i s t upon the ob s ervation of exi s tingtreat ies . Itwas as much beyond the range of practical

pol itic s to ret i re from Sind becau s e Lord Auckland had

s eized it under a guis e of friend s hip, with a vel vetglove on

an i ron hand, as to give up Bengal on account Of Clive ’

s deali-ngs with M ir Jafar and Umachand H e s ent a solemnwarning tothe Amir s . Onthe day, he w rote , on which

you shal l be faithles s tothe B ritis h Government, s overeigntyw il l have pas s ed from you you r dom inion w il l be giventoo thers .

” Major Outram atan earl y period inform ed Lor dEllenborough that “H e had itin his power to expos ethehos tile intrigues Ofthe Am irs to s uch an extent as migh t bedeemed s ufli cientto authoris ethe d ictation of any term s tothos e ch iefs

,or any meas ure neces saryto place B ri tis h power

on a secure footing and he advi s edthe as s umption of theentire dis tr icts to render B riti sh power invulnerable . M ajorOutram ’

s del iberately expres s ed Opinion s are noteworthy in

20

306 H IS TOR Y or TH E BO M BAY PR E S ID EN C Y .

view ofthe embittered controversy which subsequently sprangup between himself and S ir Charles Nap ier , whom he accusedof intentional ly br inging on an inexcu sable war . Outram ’

s

proofs of the hos tile dispos ition of the Amirs were ten innumber . They were undoubtedly numerous and strong ; theyshowed pos i t ive violat ions ofthe treaties made with Lord Auckland , and a wide-s pread cons p iracy to destroy the B ri tishtroop s i n Sind . I t has been s aid thats om e ofthe papers provingthe conspiracy were forger ies . That tolls were being leviedand other ar ticles ofthe treaties broken was beyond dis pute .

In forwarding his report Outram recommended a new treaty

of very s tr ingent terms . Lord E llenborough accepted thefacts, but drew up a milder treaty . H e p ropos ed to punishthe Amirs for thei r infidel ity by taking from them the districts of S abz alkotand Bhung Bhara in the north of Sind ,and r estoring them tothe chief of Bahawalp ur, from whomthey had been wres ted thir ty years before by Rus tam and

the other Amirs . The right of cutt ing fuel forthe steamersonthe banks ofthe Indus was ins is ted upon . Ins tead ofthetr ibute, Sakar , Rori and Bakar in Upper S ind , andTatta and

Karach i in Lower S ind, wer e to be ceded in perpetuity .

This securedthe absolute mil itary command ofthe Indus andfreedom of trade on its course . Arrears of tribute were to beforgiven .

I t was hardly to be suppos edthatthe Amirs would yiel dto thes e terms without a murmur . The progress of theavenging army through Kabul might caus e them to hide

the ir t ime, butthe final desert ion ofthat country in September 1842 appearedto them a proof of weaknes s

.

The v i ctorious A fghan s reminded them that they were feudatories Ofthe Afghan k ingdom , and incited them to actboldly in thecommon cause andthe Amirs consulted together how they

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308 H I S TO R Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y.

a commi s s ioner . H e s elected Major Outram , and LordE llenborough, i n s p ite of his hav ing no pers onal predilectionfor that Offi cer , s anctioned the nom inat ion. M aj or Outramwas accordingly recal led to Sind . H e hadto deal w iththethree s overeign fam ilies of Kyrpur , H yderabad, and M irpur ,andthe s eparate m em ber s of thos e fam il ies who claimedmore or les s independent power . The fl ight of Ru s tams ecuredthe alliance Of A li M urad ; and while itforced theother p rinces ofthe Kyrpur fam ily to d is play their hos til ity ,

iteffectual ly prevented their union whether with one another

or withthe chiefs of Lower S ind . Of their hos til i ty there wasno doubt . I t m igh t have been unreasonable to expect any

thing el s e . Ru stam denied his ces s ion Of the turban to A liMurad , butrefus edto meet S ir Charles Nap ier . The Engl is h

general’

s fi rststep was to di s pers e the armed bands which

had gathered in cloud s around Kyrpur . A s trong demon

stration effected th is w ithout the need Of s t rik ing a blow .

Butthe cris is was only deferred . The whole country was

r is ing , and i t was knownthatthe Amirs counted on havingm en and th irty p ieces of cannon . The s l igh tes t ad

vantage to their cau s e woul d br ing down in myriads theA fghans and Bel uch is from the m ountains . B es ides thes e

forces , they counted onthe fierce heat of their cl imate,their

arid des ert s , andthe deadly miasm a of the swamp s alongtheIndu s as all ies whos e aid coul d notfai l them . And they had

two s tupendou s fortres s e s atHydarabad and I mamgahr .

By the beginning of January 1843 i t was ev ident to theEnglish general that wh ile the Amirs were amu s ing them

s elves with p rotracted negociations they had no intention of

s igning the treaty . They were wi th rapidity and energyconcentrating their forces to attack him atthe clos e ofthecold weathe r But while he gave them every Opportunity

C ONQUE S T or S IND . 309

of s igningthe treaty, he had notthe leas t intent ion of lettingthe col d weather pas s , and be compelledto carry on a cam

paign under a s un more formidablethanthe weapon s of theenemy . A s on of Rus tam , named Muhammad Khan, had

thrown him s el f w i th men and treas ure into I mamgahr ,which he had s tored with grain and gunpowder

,and was

makingthe bas i s of Operation s forthe army of Upper Sind .

The fortres s was in the heartof the des ert . Its exactpos ition was notknown, and no European had ever s eteyeson i t . I t was s aid to be eight long marches d is tant . I ns everal ofthe marches there was no water . The Amirs had

ab solute faith inthe des ert and bel ieved the fort to be impregnable . S ir Charles Napier’ s pol itical career in S ind hasbeen bitterly attacked . But on his daring courage and

mil itary geniu s no doubt whatever has been cast. The

Amirs had notreal is ed the nature Of their opponen t . H e

res ol ved to capture Imamgahr .

The task was hazardous for his army of m en . Buta native agen t b rought s uch a tale of ari d s and and dried-ups pr ings thatthe general acceptedthe impos s ibili ty of movinghis whole armyth roughthe des ert . H e s elected 2 50 irregularcavalry, put 350 ofthe 2 2nd Queen ’

s Regimenton camels,

l oadedten m ore camel s w ith prov is ions and eighty w ith waterand plunged intothe des ert . The m arch began onthe eveningofthe 5th of January . A l i Mu rad , as the chief of Kyrpur

in alliance with the B ritish, accompanied the force . The

nightwas dark , the sand deep , andthe guide mi s s ed his way .

But before they hal tedthe troop s had moved twenty -five miles .

The nex t day ’

s march was shorter ; forage failed, water was

s canty , and three-fourth s ofthe caval ry was s ent back.

N or was the march unmoles ted . Ru s tam and his armed

followers were on the flank of the English with seven

310 H I S TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDE NC Y .

guns . Maj or Outram was sent to bring him to reason,

while Nap ier pu shed on with his fifty hors emen , twohowitzers , and his 350 Ir is h i nfantry . The coun trythrough which their route lay was a s uccess ion of sandhi lls, s ome s o steep that the howit zers could only be

dragged up by m en. The sol itude of the was te was un

broken . They were noteven sure of the r igh t course ;food and water were doled outin scanty portions

,but they

marched on with unimpaired energy . Onthe eighth day they

reached I mamgharto find that Muhammad Khan,i n s pite of

having a s trong for tres s , abundant s upplies , and a garri son

s ix t imes as num erou s as the l i ttle band coming again s t him ,

had fled w i th his treas ure . The fortre s s belonged to Al iMuradthe ally ofthe Englis h . But i t might again be sei zedby a ho s tile party . The general therefore determined todes troy i t u tterly, and A li Murad firedthe fir s t gun again st itswalls . The grain was dis tributedtothe troops

,the s tores of

powder employedto load twenty-fou r mines for the blowingup of the fortres s . This work was carr ied outby MajorWaddington ,the chief engineer . The m atches were all l ighted

andthe as s i s tant engineer took refuge behind s ome cover, bu the perceived his chief bending overthe train of one mine. H e

eagerly cal led outto his chief to run as the other mine swere aboutto burs t . That may be,

”was the reply, “but

this mine mu s t bur s t al s o ,Major Waddington del iberately

arranged his match to his s atis faction and walked away ,

m arvellou s ly es cap ing inj u ry from the huge fragments which

the bur s ting m ines hurled around him . Flushed with success , the gal lant band marched back to the Indu s withoutthe l os s of a m an their object was completely attained, theenemy ’ s plan of campaign baffled . In the Hou s e of Lord sthe Duke of Wellington thu s des cribed the exploit. “S ir

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H I S TO R Y or THE B O M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

m iles north of H ydarabzid. By the 1 2th of Feb ruarythat army amounted to m en, but on thatdaythe Amirs s igned and s ealedthe new treaty with greatformal ities . The res ult p roved that the Amir s were righ t7

i n one th ing . They could notres train their w i ld Beluch i‘

warriors . Whether they had any wi sh to res train themis another question . The ir s ub s equentbehav iour hardlv

warrants the s uppo s ition that they did . B utOutram ,quite

incon s i s tently w i th his pol icy in Lord Auckland ’

s t ime?

woul d s ee or hear nothing to thei r dis advantage , and he

besought S ir Charles Nap ier to leave his army and come

aloneto Hydarabad and s ettlethe whole matter. The advice

was fortunately notaccepted . Onthe 1 4th of February theAmi rs br ibed Outram ’

s nati ve s ecretary into giving them thet reaties which they had s olemnly s igned and s ealed theytore them to pieces and trampled them under foot In the :

darbar i n which they had s igned them . But the wild ‘

Bel uch is were furiou s atthe disgrace which had accrued to .

their rulers bythe s ignature ofthe treaty,and were notto be

pacified by its des truction . Incen s ed beyond meas ure, theyattackedthe Res idency onthe 1 5 th ; and O utram

,a m agni

ficents oldier if a doubt ful diplomati st,

after m aking a

S piri ted res is tance, took refuge in a s teamer whichthe general:had s ent in anticipation of danger .

Both s ides p repared for bat tle . The forces of the Amirstook up a s plendid po s ition ata i, a few miles north of

Hydarabad . On the nightof the 1 6th the B ri tis h armymarchedto meet them , and ateigh t o’

clock nex t morningtheadvanced guard d is covered the Amirs ’ camp . Their frontwas upon a natural rampar t , formed by a sand-bank liningthe nullah or dry bed ofthe r iver Falail i, a connection oftheIndus . Thei r wings rested on large S hikz’i rgahs , or wooded .

cox or r s r or s rx r». 313’

hunting-ground s,den s e w ith j ungle and trees . The naturar

s trength of the pos ition was increas ed by s kilful militaryappliances . The enemy numbered thirty-five thou sand ,the B ritis h les s than twenty- four hund red , and from thiss mall num ber a guard had to be taken to protect thefollowers and baggage . S ir Charles Nap ier had twel ve gunsflanked by fifty Madras Sappers and M iners ,the 2 2nd Q ueen ’

s

Regim ent of impetuou s Irishm en , the I stGrenadiers and

the 2 2nd and 2 5th Bombay Infantry,the 9th Bengal.

Cavalry, and the Sind Hors e led by Captai n Jacob .

A plain , a thou sand yard s wide , s eparated the arm ies ,and the Beluchi s ’ cannons were already fir ing acros s i t .

The advance was ordered ful l agains tthe enemy ’

s front . Inthe Shikargah, ontheir left,the general detected an opening

,

which had been preparedto al low the Bel uchis to pour outon the flank and rear of the advanc ing B ritish line . The

ins piration of genius s eized him . H e ordered Captain Text."

with eigh ty m en of the 22 ndto block up the ent rance, and?

if need be die athis post. H e did die athis post; but theopening was defended , andthe action of m en paralysedby that of eighty .

A magnificent s pectacle was now s een . Dashing acros sthe plain , swept by the Beluchi cannon and matchlock s ,the Bri tis h troop s p res s ed eagerly on to clo s e w ith thenumberles s mas s es of the enemy . When they were withina hundred yards of the h igh s loping bank ,

over whichthehead s of the Beluch is could be s een , they wheeled into l ine .

The vorce of the general , s hr il l and clear, commanded-the

charge ; with a B ritis h shout the gun s were brought intopos ition andthe infantry ru sh ed up the mping bank

,For

a momentthey staggered back atwhat they s aw beyond i t .Far as the eye could reach the w ild Beluchi warriors .

3 14 H ISTOR Y OF TH E B O M BAY PR E S ID E N C Y .

c overed the ground, brandi sh ing their sharp swords . W i thw i l d yell s and frantic ges tures they dashed with awfulferoci ty atthe devoted band thatdared to fl ing i t self again stthem . But a moment laterthe Irish , andthe Bombay sepoys ,w ith cheer upon cheer, m ettheir charge and sent their foremo s t masses r ol l ing back in blood . For three hours and a

halfthe furious contes t raged . Never more than three yardsa par t, the advers e rank s were borne this way and that, asBarbar ian mightand B ri tis h di s cipl ine for a t ime swayedthes cales . The s avage Beluchis , with unabated but vain fury

,

tried to drive back the Engl ish troops . They leaped uponthe guns and were blown away by twenties ata t im e ; thebayonet and smal l arms sentthe dead in hundred s down thes lope—ever m ore and more came on. The English generaleem ed everywhere, cheer ing and rallying his m en.

Nearly all the Engli sh offi cers were slain or wounded,and v ic tory had not yets hown it s el f. Napier s aw that inanother twenty minutes the battle mu s t be los t or won. Hehad hitherto kep t in res erve his Bengal and Sind hors emenunder Colonel Pat tle

,the 2ud in command . Thes e he ordered

toturn the enemy ’

s pos ition on their right . S o rough wasthe ground over which the caval ry had to advance , and socutup by ditches , that fifty ofthe Sind troopers w ere th rownfrom their hors es by the leap s . But rap idly mounting , theycros sedthe bed of the nullah

,gainedthe open plai n beyond ,

.and charged with irres is tible fury . A t las t the Beluch i

. swordsmen wavered . The 22nd s aw their mas s es shake ;they hurled them s el ves uponthem withthe shout of victory ;the gal lants epoys by their s ide pu s hed thei r oppos ing forcesi nto the ravine and renewedthe fierce s truggle . The battl e

was won. Doggedly and s lowlythe Beluchis retreated , stillglar ing with fury as the v ictors poured i n volley upon

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3 16 H I S TO R Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S ID ENC Y .

intrenched camp notfar from the field of battle atM iami ,For more than a month he remained inactive , baffling hisenemies ’ plans and filling themwith fal s e hopesthat inactiv itym ean t weaknes s . Napier, meanwhile, ob tained s ix month s ’

p rovi s ion s, and reinforcements Of every kind ; and by enticing

Sher Muhammad clos e to his pos i tion he saved his m en from

long marches and was ableto choo s e his own fiel d of battle .

Sher Muhammad was totally m i s led . H e s ent a mes s age tothe generalthat his army mu s t yiel d or i t would be utterlydestroyed . Bythe 23rd of March Napier had fightingm en and his preparat ions were complete . Tel l the AmirSher Muhammad

,

”he s ai dto the envoys who had brought:

the ins olent m es sage, that if he choo s es to surrender hims elf a pr i soner when I march to attack him to-morrow atthe head of my army, withou t any other conditions than thathis l ife s hal l be s afe, I w i ll rece ive him .

”

On the morning of battle, when the Br iti s h troops weredrawn up in l ine

,a m es s enger reachedthe General with des

patches from Lord Ellenborough . All pos ts had been intercepted for two month s . With an eager hand the generalbrokethe seals , and read the heart-s tirring words i n whichthe Governor-General expres s ed his thank s tothe army for i t spas t conduct, and the v ictory atM iami , and ass ured themthat honour and rewards would wai t on that great battle .

Ins tantlythe general made knownthe des patches to hi s m en,

and a great s hout ros e upto heaven of p ride and exultat ion ,and of honour forthe leader who had notforgotten to namethe pr ivate as well as the oflicer to the Government whomthey all s erved . The s hout was the cry of victory , and eachm an’ s heartwas full as he marchedto meetthe foe .

The army marched ten miles and came uponthe enemy ateighto’

clock in the morning near the v il lage of Dabba, not far

C ONQUE S T or S IND . 31 7

f rom M lani butthe act ion that followed i s general ly knowna s the battle of Hyde rabad . The at tack was ins tantl y com

menced by the artillery on the B ritish left; and on thee nemy ’

s side there was a ru sh of m en from their lefttos trengthen their right wingthat was thu s menaced . Napier ’

s

caval ry was on his right, and he s uddenly per cei vedthem dashing ful l s peed agains tthe enemy oppo s ite them

,

who s e m ovement toward s the cen tre they had taken tobe a flight . The advance atthat moment was in entired is regard of Napier’s plan . H e gallopped off to s top i t ;buti t was too lateto rem edythe error, and he res ol ved tou tilis e it. A fter watchingthe cavalry for a moment careeringw il dly again s tthe foe, whirl ing their s words above the ir headsa nd pealing the ir war cr ies , hetu rned back to his own left,puth im s el f in the front of his foremo s t rank s , and i n a clearh igh -pitched voice gave the word to charge . The bankbefore them was s teeper than that of M ir

’

ini,but the fiery

s oldier s were over i t in a momen t, and with a m ightycheer leaped into the mid s t of the sword sm en , For threeh ours the battle raged des perately, butatlas t the enemy

w ere d ri ven back , their infantry fighting val iantly to thelas t . Thei r cavalry were les s plucky ,

and were pursued by

the Bengal and Puna hors e for s everal m iles intothe des ert .The number of killed and wounded on either s ide werem uchthe same us atM iani .

“

W ith S ir Charles Napier, nothing was done while anythingremained to be done . The dreadful heat was daily increasi ng . Sher Muhammad had s til l a force of four to one, and

he hadtwo fortified town s M irpur and Umarkot on wh ich to

;fall b ack . M irpur w as forty miles fromthe field of battle .

The next day the Puna horse were atits gates , which wereOpened bythe Sindis, who wel comed their del iverers fromthe

318 H I S TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY P R E S I D B I’

YOY .

Bel uchi yoke . Sher M uhammad had fled from HydarabadtoM irpur . H e now fled on to Umarkot . H e was not leftundis turbed there . W i th inten days afterthe batt le, Umarkotwas reduced and garr i s oned by a B r i tis h detachment, though

one hundred miles d is tant in the heart of the des ert . The

exertions required to effect this were indescr ibab le, but SherMuhammad again antic ipated the arri val of the troops and"fled into the desert . On the 3 rd of Ap ri l S i r CharlesNapier marched back into Hydarabad mas ter of Sind , havingin a s hort campaign fough t two s uch battles as are w ithoutparallel i nthe his tory of the Bombay Pre s idency .

Lord E llenborough annexed Sind, and made S ir Charle s

Napier Governor, independent ofthe Pres idencies and respon

s ible only to hims el f. H e was i ns tructed to abol is h slaveryand amel ioratethe condition ofthe people as far as poss ible .

The captive Amirs, eleven in number , were trans ferredtoBombay . The highes t rewards and honours were l iberally

apportioned by Lord E llenborough to all who had shared

in the arduous campaign . Outram cons idered the finalat tack on the Amirs inexcu s able and decl ined to receivehis share of prize-money . The Kyrpur family, on accoun t

ofthe loyal ty of Al i Muradto the B ritish ,were confirmed,

i n poss es s ion of a cons iderable portion of territory as

a dependent state. Al i Murad h im s el f, whos e conducthas been stigmatis ed as bas e and treacherou s to his own

people i n the h ighes t degree, was s ub s equently convicted.of perj ury and forgery , and was punis hed for his offencesbutthe puni shment has been condoned and he s til l l ives i nUpper S ind . Sher Muhammad was purs ued relentles s ly til lJune, when the remnant of his forces were dis pers ed byJacob and his Sind hors e, andthe Amir fled into B eluchistanwith only ten followers . “We have taughtthe Beluchi, ”

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H I S TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

c ourt. The affairs of the s tate fell i nto unu tterable con

fus ion , and the regent, who was s upported by the army,s howed a defiant attitudeto the B r itis h G overnment . The

iS ikh s of the Panjab were plotting withthe m en of Gwal ior ;a nd Lord E llenborough

,after earnes t remon s trances

,in which

he s tated thatthe friendly intercour s e wh ich had exis ted forf orty years withthe hou s e of S in dia could notbe al lowedto be interrup ted, led an armyto Gwalior . The Marathasa ttack ed the Engl i sh atMaharaj pur, but were defeated ,a fter a desperate battle, by S ir Hugh Gough the B ritish los sb eing nearly 800. On the s am e day atPann iar, twelvem iles off , another Maratha army was defeated by Colonel

G rey . The Queen -motherwas depr ived of her regency . The

s plendid army, which had been dis cipl ined by D e B oigne,

was reduced to m en, and a contingent placed in thec harge of B ri ti sh offi cers , a certain amount of ter ri tory beingceded for its mai ntenance . Lord E llenborough

’

s prompt

a ction agains t the rebellious army of Gwal ior was thesalvation of that S tate . I t prevented a coalition withtheS ikh s ofthe P anj fib, who s e enm i ty towardsthe Englis h wasc eas ingto be a matter of doubtBes ides Sind , Lord E llenborough

’

s rule brought anothersmal l addition to the Bombay Pres idency . I n D ecember1838 died ItaghOJ I Angria, the des cendant of the piratep rinces of Kolaba . The family had learnt nothing sinceLord Clive battered down the wal l s of Gher ia, and thec ruel ty and oppres s ion of R aghoj i was s uch that his peopleremembered his rule as that of Angarak , or Mars

,the planet

of evil influence . A pos thumous son was bornto him , whod ied in 184 0, andthe legitimate l ine of the Angria familybecam e ex tinct . The Kolaba State was annexed and atfirs tadminis tered as an agency, and afterwards formed into the

C ONQUE S T or S IND . 32 1

Koltiba dis tri ct . Inthe i s land of Underi (Henery) there wasfound a loathsome dungeon in which wer e confined twenty-fourpris oners in the mos t abject mis ery. They had been deniedwater except for drinking . They were loaded with fetters ,and covered with fi l th and diseas e . They had been im pri

s oned for from three to twenty years . N o term of impris onmenthad been fixed , and no one knew what offences had beencommitted . They were of course s etfree.

A n expedition was als o needed agains tthe state of Kolha

pur . In 1 81 7 the reigning prince had cordially aided theB ri tish Government . H is successor Bawa Sahib was a typical eas tern tyrant and more than once the Bombay Governm ent hadto i nterfere with force . This Raja died in 184 2leaving two s ons , both children . The m is rule became sointolerable thatthe B ri tis h autho rities ass umed the management ofthe s tate, and a nat ive minis ter was appointed underthe control of the Pol itical Agent atBelgaum . Many re

forms were atonce introduced, includingthe abol ition of thehereditary garris ons of the s t rong forts of the s tate . Thesemeasures were resented , and in 1844 an ins urrection tookplace in which the d antwéri people j oined . S o s eriou swas i t that i t took a force of m en under Outram toquellthe dis turbances above and belowthe Ghats . The fortof Panalla was bombarded and taken , and part ofthe fortifications demoli s hed . A separate Political Superintendent wasthen appointed for Kolhapur.

( 322 )

XXII .

— THE LAW OF LAPSE .

July 1844 Lord E llenborough was succeeded by S irHenry , afterwards Lord Hardinge, who reduced the

armies ofthe Panjab in the firs t S ikh war . Indian pol iticscentred without B ombay , andthe general development oftheWes tern Pres idency continued without any specially notice

able event s . There was some trouble in 1845 withthe warl ikeKol is ofthe Ghat s , and an outlaw named R aghoj i Bhangria,of Nas ik , wandered through the Nas ik and Ahmadnagardis tricts robbing and mutilating the moneyed class es . The

country was i n t error of h is name, but the pol ice pursuedhim with s uch vigour that he b roke up h is band and dis

appeared . H e was nothimself captured till 184 7 , whenL ieutenant (afterwards General) Gel l caugh t him atP andharpur . H e had been guil ty of s everal murders and he pai dthepenalty onthe gal lows .I n March 1 848 Lord Hardinge returned to England, and

Lord Dalhou s ie s ucceeded to his post . The second S ikh warsoon took place the army of the Khal sa invading Bri tis hterri tory, the Panjab was again conquered andthis t imeannexedbythe proclamat ion of March 2 9th 184 9 . Another additionwas al s o madeto Bombay . Atthe clos e ofthe Maratha warof 18 1 7 Lord Has tings had placed onthe throne of Stitt’tra, out

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324 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY B R E S I D E N OY .

such occas ions i s bound to actwith the purest integri ty and

the m ost scrupulous good faith . Whenever a shadow of

doub t can be shownthe claim s hould atonce be abandonedbut whenthe r ight to territory by lap s e is clear

,the Govern

ment i s bound to take that which i s legally and j ustly i t sdue, and to extend to that terr i tory the benefit of our

sovereignty present and prospective .

”The ques t ion was

referred tothe Court of D i rectors . On January 2 4th 1849 ,the Court, which was supported bythe Board of Control , wroteas follows -“B y the general law and custom of India‘

a

dependent principal i ty, l ike that of Satara, cannot pass toan adopted heir without the consent of the paramountpower . We are under no pledge, direct or constru ct ive, togive s uch a consent ; and the general i nterests confided toour charge are best consulted by withholding it. ” In accord

ance with th is Opinion Stitare was annexed . Whilethe royall ine of S hiwaj i thus cam eto an end that of the Peshwa wassoon to follow . Baj i R ao had been sentto B ithur, near C awnpore, on amagnificentpen s ion of£80,000 a year . In 1853 hedied ch ildless, hav ing adopted as an heir D hondu Pant

,the

i nfamous N ana Sahib of the future m assacres of English '

women and ch ildren atCawnpore. D hondu Pant inherited

the personal property of Baj i R ao, whose pr i vate hoards wereacknow ledgedto be more than a quarter of a million s terl ing,and were proved to exceed hal f a million . I n addition to

this pr ivate property, Nana S éhib received the town and

terri tory of B ithur for his l ifetime . But he regarded him

s elf as one of the mos t inj ured of mankind , becau s e theGovernment would not continue to him the ab surdly lav is hpens ion which S ir J ohn Mal colm had obtained for Baj i R ao.

H e in vai n bes ieged the Indian Government with his complaint s, and when that plan failed he sent an agent to

THE L AW OF LA PS E . 325

London to obtain redress for his wrongs . The mi s s ion was ,

oof cou rse, futi le ; but the rejection of his claims led to un

expected consequences .

Such were Lord D alhous ie ’

s action s in affairs that conc erned Bombay . I n other par ts of India he acted with noless decision . The Panjab had been annexed . A fresh

c es s ion of territory in Barar was made by the N izam— inw hose dom inions law,

j us tice, and government had degeneratedi ntothemerest farce— in payment of accumulated debtstotheG overnmentof India on account of the contingent force and

to provide for the maintenance of that force i n future. I n

Madras ,the N aw.

’

tb ofthe Carnat ic dying childless , his familywas provided for ; but , as atSatara, the s overe ignty

,nominal

a s i t long had been, came to an end. The s tates of Jhansia nd of Nagpur

,the s eat ofthe Raja des cended from R aghoj i

B hons le, lap s ed to the Governmen t for wan t of heirs ; and

tired outwiththe monstrous abu s e s i nthe kingdom of Oudh ,

Lord Dalhou s ie annexed that country tothe B ri ti sh Government . Another Burmese war ended in the dethronementofthe k ing and annexation of a large par t of his terr itory .

On the 6th Of Mar ch , 1856, Lord Dalhous ie s ailed fromIndia after recording a celebrated m inute as to the events of

h is term of office . H e leftIndia withthe ful l as surance thatitwas in a s tate of profound and

,as he hoped , lasting tran

quillity . H e was only forty-four years old,and toil had s o

tol d on a frame naturally weak that he l ived bu t four yearslonger . Throughout his career he had laboured inces santlyforthe bettering of all clas s es and all rank s i n India. The

rule of native princes , if the express ion can be legitimatelyappliedto lawles snes s and anarchy

, was mis erably had. H e

was determined thatthe Br i tish Government should notcontinue respon s ible for the upholding of th is mi sgovernment

H I S'

I OR Y or THE BO M BAY PR ES ID E N C Y .

and tyranny ; and therefore natural ly concluded that theonly way to increase the happines s of oppressed m illionswas to ex tendthe bles s ings of B ri tish rule . An article in ;

the London T"mes ably summed up what he had done .

H e, Lord Dalhous ie, could point to railway s planned on

an enormous scale, and partly cons tructed ; to milesof electri c telegraph s pread over India, atan expense of

’

l it tle over £50 a mile ; to miles of road b ridged and

m etal led , nearlythe whole dis tance from Cal cutta to Peshawar ; tothe Opening ofthe Ganges Canal , the longes t of itskind inthe worl d tothe progres s ofthe P anjt

’

tb Canal s,and

of many other important work s of irrigat ion all over India,as

well as tothe reorgan i zation of an offi cial department of public ~

works . Keeping equal pace with these publ ic works , he coul drefertothe pos tal sys tem which he introduced in im itat ion of

“

that of Rowland H i ll , whereby a letter from Peshawar to CapeComorin, or from As sam to Kurrtichee, i s conveyed for three ”

far th ings , or one-s i xteenth ofthe old charge ; tothe improvedtraining forthe C ivil Service, Covenanted and Uncovenantedtothe improvement of . education and p ri s on dis cipline ; to t

the organ izat ion of the Legis lative Council ,to the reform s

which i t had decreed—such as permitting H indoo widows tom ar ry again, and rel iev ing all persons from the ri sk of

“

f orfeiting property by a change of rel igion . Many m orei tem s might be addedtothe l i s t, w ere i t neces sary, to provethe largenes s and benevolence ofthe views ofthi s great s tatesm an and there is no doubt from his recorded opinion s , thatthe annexation measures s o b itterly urged againsth im , werefounded on the conviction that in effecting them he had

rel ieved millions from the irregulari t ies and oppres s ion s of

nat ive government s , and secured for them the pros pectiveadvantages Of protection and peace . No one can record, for '

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( a2 s )

XXI II .

—THE SOWING OF THE WIND .

HEN Lord Canning succeeded Lord Dalhousie as

Governor-General , the Bri ti sh army in India con

s is ted of European troops and s epoys— thatis , a p roportion of about one -fifth . And in allthe battleswhichthe Engl ish had won in India,the proportion of sepoysto white troops had been about the same . The discipl ine,which proved s o irresis t ible against undiscipl ined hordes ofA s iatics when i t was confined to European s , was j ust as

e fficacious when impar ted to native troops . An eminentP rofes sor d< has therefore argued that our conques t of Indiai s a misnomer . The theory which attributed our su ccessesto any superior i ty of race is now repudiated . N ay m ore,according tothe s ame authori ty, our English wr iters in descr ib ing the Engl ish battles in India seem unable to discernthe sepoys . The as sertion i s astound ing . From Macaulay ’

s

descrip tion ofthe siege of A rco t to Lord Tennyson ’ s s iege of

Lucknow ; atA ssaye, Khirki, M iani and H yderabad, histor ian s del ight to record the exploits of the sepoys who

fought side by side with thei r European brethren . Butthedifference ofthe conquerors and conquered

,if there were any

conquered , is sai d to lie more in d is cipl ine and m ilitarvs cience than in difference of race . The Engl is h undoubtedlyrule India. But the process by which they attained this

Profe s sor S eeley, E x pans ion of E ngland .

TH E S OW ING OF THE W IND . 329

p roud pos i tion was notthe conquest of one s tate by another ;itwas merely an internal revolution in Indian society ,

and is to be compared to one of thos e sudden u s urpations , or

coup s d’

e’tat, by which a per iod of dis turbance with in a com

m uni ty is closed . We m ay suppose, we are told , that a

number of Parsee merchants in Bombay, t ired of theanarchy which dis turbed their trade, had subs cr ibed togetherto es tablish fortress es and rais e troops, and then that theyhad had the good fortune to employ able general s . I nthatcase, i t is said , theytoo might have had their Plas s ey and

their Buxar ; they too m igh t have ex torted from the greatMogul the dewannee or financial admini stration of a pro

vince, and s o laidthe foundat ion of an empire wh ich migh tin time have extended over all India . Parsees are mo s tl oyal and exemplary s ubj ects ofthe Empres s of In dia

,bu t

the idea of their m erchant s trading in a ho s tile country withthei r sword in one hand and ledger inthe other

,and leading

s epoy battal ions to v ictory agains t overwhelming numbersinvolves an unique power of imagination . In fine, thenati ves of India were quite capable of receiving Europeand iscipl ine, and learning to fight with European effi ciency .

This th en was the tal i sman which the Company po s s es s ed ,and which enabled i t notmerelyto hold its own among thepowers of India

,butto s urpas s them—notsome incommu

nicable phy s ical or moral s uper iori ty , as we loveto imaginebut a s uperior dis cipl ine and military sys tem ,

which could becommunicated tothe natives of India .

The contention is wholly false . England did conquerI ndia, or the var ious powers that occupied the Indian Peninsula

,in a s er ies of operation s that las ted a century . S he

conquered i t, notbythat which she coul d impartto another

race, but by that which could notbe imparted . S he con

330 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR ES ID EN C Y .

quered India by downr ight hard fighting agains t enormousodds . True,the king of England did notdeclare war upon anyNawab or Raja i n India . But England happenedto be represented, notbythe king , but bythe Eas t India Company, andthe Company did declare war again s t both Nawabs and Rajas,though i t was general ly s paredthe neces s i ty by Nawabs and

Rajas making war upon it s armies . But India was conqueredby Indians i n English pay, j u s t as though atWaterloothe D uke of Well ington led bands of Frenchmen againstNapoleon . Againthe view is incorrect . There is no Indiaas there i s a France and when Clive led his Madras s epoys atPlass ey and Napier his Marathas atM iani,the s epoys were asmuch foreigners tothe enemy as the Engl ish them s elves . I twould be idle to dis cussthe subj ect further . The Engl ish didconquer India, and not solely or in chief par t by a s uperiormilitary sy stem , but by s tout heart s and strong arms , and a

refu s al to acknowledge that they were ever beaten. The

military dis cpline was an admirable, nay an indis pensablem eans to the end ; but the mean s without the ins trumentwere vain ; the letter only, notthe spiri t , could be impartedto the natives of India. The brain that coul d create waseven more powerful thanthe brai n that could merely receiveand imitate ; the s k ill that coul d repair the machinery

m ore valuable thanthe mere rule-of-thumb knowledge thatcould put i t i n motion or s top it when the w ork s were inperfect order . The race with whom military tactics and

formation s were onlythe ins trumen t by whichthe mind thatdirected them worked its will , could not but prevail over

adversaries who looked on mil itary evolutions as possess ingin them s el ves an inheren t and all-s ufficing v irtue .

Already, in wild Maratha battles , the B rit i s h troops had

fought agains t soldiers dis cipl ined bvthe skill and genius of

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332 H IS TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

that they are respected as they are throughout India. Theirweaknes s es and their v ices, however repugnant tothe feel ingsand prej udices ofthe nat ives , are passed over i n the contemplation of their excel lent qual ities as soldiers

, of which no

nat ion has hitherto given s uch ex traordinary ins tances .

Thes e qual i ties arethe foundation of the B ri t ish s trength inA s ia and of that Opinion by which i t is generally supposedthatthe B rit ish empire has been gained and upheld . These

qual ities show i n what manner nations con s is ting of mill ion sa re governed by s trangers .

”

The great s torm that burs t over India i n 1 85 7 atfirstconfined i ts elfto B engal ; andthe aw ful tragedies , the work Of

vengeance,and the final vi ctories occurred b eyondthe l imit s

c f Bombay . But the tai l of the s torm s pread to theWes tern P res idency , and Bombay armies won mighty victor ies overthe in s urgent s in Central India, andthe causes thatled up tothe mutiny mu s t be tol d here .

These causes wer e ex tremely manifol d and complex . I t isimpos s ible to th is dayto mention any one parti cular eventwhich p repared the conflagration, or the ab s ence of wh ichwoul d have prevented i t . That the affair of the greasedcartridges cau s ed the m utiny i s true in no sens e whatever .

That i t was the Spark wh ich kindled the mine that wasa lready laid

,and whos e explos ion was only a ques tion of

t ime, there can be no manner of doubt .The Government of India had grown up in the form of

three Pres idencies , and with thi s dis po s ition ofthe c ivil p ower ,there had ari s en the three s eparate arm ies of Bengal ,Bombay, and Mad ras . Of the European troops inI ndia, s ome were s ol diers enl is ted by the Com panyfor its local European regim ent s of Bengal , Bombay, and

M adras Fus il ier s , who had nothing to do with the Queen ’ s

TH E S OW ING O F TH E W IN D . 333

army . The nat ive armies , each under i ts own commanderin-ch ief, differed widely in their cons titution and dis cipline .

The Bengal army was composed for the mos t part of

B rahmans and other high-cas te m en,while in the other

armies m en of lower cas tes predominated . The s epoys of

Bengal general ly left thei r wives in their nat ive v illages ;while in the remain ing armies their families were carriedaboutwith them ,

and formed a very weighty guarantee fortheir good behavrour . Butthe high-cas te m en of Oudh and

the North-Wes t who fi lled the ranks of the Bengal army,ready as they were to face any danger, were above thehumble duties of the soldier , whiletheir brother s epoys of

Bombay andMadras , for whom they had no l ittle di s dain , werealtogether more amenableto discipline. Inthe early days ofthe sepoy army, natives of good fam ily were chosen as officersand tru s ted with a large amount of author ity wh ich theirbirth and habits of command enabled them to w ield . Theirposit ion was honourable

,their self-res pec t as s ured ; native

offi cers and privates al ike regarded with a devoted enthu s iasmtheir European offi cers who led themto a success ion of v ictor ies and res pected their cas te and rel igion . But even fromthe fir s t, incidents occurred which showed how del icate wasthel ink that boundthe sepoy armyto its mas ters . S even year safter Plas sey five Bengal bat tal ions were dis contented withtheir share of prize-money. They showed a threatening attitudeand received their claim s but they had learnt their s trength ,

and a few months later the oldes t regiment broke outintoopen mutiny . The r ingleaders were blow n from gun s and

the battal ions taught a severe but s alutary les son ; thenumber of English o ffi cers with each regiment was increas ed ,andthe real power gradually concentrated in their hands .

But for many years the command of a nat ive regiment was

334 H I S TO R Y or THE BO M BAY P R E S I D EXC Y .

a coveted appointment, and p icked m en were cho s en for thepos ts who could keep their m en i n hand by fear as well asby love . I n 1 796 there was a further change inthe organizat ion . Itwas a legitimate s ource of complain t of the veteran

oflicers of the Company that they were s upers eded and

pas sed over by younger m en from the regiments of theKing

’s as Opposed to the Company ’ s army . In order to

r emove thi s grievance, one regiment was formed out of eachtwo battal ions of s epoy s , the number of offi cers as s imilatedto that of the king’ s regim ent s , and all took rank by thedate of their commi s s ions . The sys tem of promot ion by

'meri t undoubtedly gives r iseto occasional jobbery but still'the bes t m an will

,as a rule

,cometothe front , while i n the

s enior i ty sy s tem he i s weighed down by an unbending rulewhich reduces all to a dead level of equal i ty . Thus the

«command of reg iments often fel l into the hands of m en

unfitted for the tas k ; and the decreas e i n the number of

n at ive offi cers lowered the pos ition of thos e who remained .

The doors of ambition were clos edtothe s epoy , be he a r ivalo f B y dar Al i in mil itary genius . A nd atthe pres ent day, i tm ay be s aid, that while the pos i tion of the H indus i s on an

infinitely h igher level underthe Engl is h than under Akbarh im s elf,that one prospectof high m il i tary command , whichb e trus tedto them

,is now ab s olutely precluded . W ith the

new organi zation the sepoy found that the pay of a

boy en s ign, j us t from England, was higher than that

of a s ubadi r who had served the Company faithfully for“ th irty years . Still they were flu shed with v ic tory, and hadnotatfirs t leis ure to brood over their grievances . ButinMadras that lei s ure came with the des truction Of M ys ur ;

and while the ties of p ers onal devotion whi ch bound the«s epoys to their Offi cers were weakened , the evil s tar of that

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336 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

B entinck managedto quel lthe s torm that he had rai sed, andpers uade the nat ive s old iery that the Government had no»thought of interfering with their religion ; andthe D irectors ,after recal ling the Governor, placed on record a s tringentcensure ofthe new generation of commanding officers who backnot

,l ike their predeces sors , wonthe confidence of their m en.

This part ofthe les s on was taken to hear t , andthe advan e

tages of a s epoy ’

s career,under officers who were proud to

command him and who treated him with paternal k indnes s ,were s u fficient to tempt a s teady supply of good m en. The

s epoy recei ved regular pay, an advantage unknown in nat ives tates ; he retired on a comfortable pen s ion

,where a nat ive

ruler would lethim die in a ditch . H e was st ill a great m an

in his own family, and he had, what amongs t a l i tigiouspeop le was no smal l pr i v i lege, the righ t of being heard inour courts before other s uitors . A nd a s eries of v ictor iouscampaigns, i n wh ich he fought s ide by side with his

European comrade, identified him in no s light degreew i th the conquering race . But the succes s ful cam

paigns brought acces s i on of territory , and able m en

were needed to manage the new acquis ition s . Thus theables t offi cers were drafted from the regiments to actas pol iti cal agents and fill other important and lucrat iveposts ; and again the s epoys were quickto s ee thatthe fort une ofthe offi cers that left the regiments was envied bythose who remained . A growing tendencyto reduce everything to rules was al s o S pr inging up , and the paternal and

patriarchal p ower which a colonel pos s es s ed was i nterferedw ith by a sys tem which central is ed m i litary author i ty athead-quarters , and frequently revers ed the decis ion s of regimental offi cers . The s epoy w as naturallythe v ery las t m an

to mutiny . H e entered the army with no rights of his

THE S OWING OF THE W IND . 337

own ; he was ready to reverence his colone l as an absoluteruler . But wri tten law,

as Opposed to personal rule, wasunintel ligibleto h im and when he heard of the articles of

war framed in a way which seemed to expect h im to break

them, and when he learnt the subordination of his colonelt o head-quarters in every petty matter

,the spellthat bound

h im was broken . And so whenthe order came to cros s theB lack Water to Burma i t came to hearts that were already

hardened . Under any circumstances the order would havebeen dis tas teful . To cross the s ea was agai nstthe rules ofthe higher castes, and ofthe powers of Burmese magic theyhad heard strange stories . An exaggerated accoun t of a

reverse to some regiments which had already arrived atBurma was credulously swal lowed . Three regiments refusedto parade for inspection in march ing order before proceedingonthe voyage. S ir Edward Paget

,the Commander-in-Chief,

knew thatleniency in mutiny means cruel ty ; that to s parea few l ives i s to los e many . The sepoys were forced ontothe parade-ground, and told to choose between marching orgrounding their arms . They refused to do ei ther . Ins tantlythe artillery opened fi re upon them with grape-shot ; numbersfell dead , andthe rest fled . The 4 7th Regimen t was disbanded ,the offence ofthe other two condoned . The lesson was takento heart, and for years none dared to mutiny:Lord W il liam Bentinck had done enough harm atMadras .

H e was to do more as Governor-General . H e bitterly of

fended and aggrieved offi cer s of all rank s by dep riv ing themof a portion of their allowances . I n Lord Clive’ s t ime sucha step was fol lowed by mutiny . To Lord W il l iam Bentinckthe o ffi cers sent a temperate statement of their grievances,which , except in the case of those near Calcutta, was

ignored . The futil ity of the officers ’ res i s tance ga ve another

2 2

338 H IS TO R Y OF THE BO M BAY P R E S I D E x cr .

blow to their weakened authori ty over their m en. N otcontent with this , Lord W i ll iam Bentinck abol ished corporalpunishment in the army in defiance of univers al m il itaryOpinion . The native offi cers, who had all r i sen from theranks, were vehemently agains t i t . Wel l -behaved m en had

nothingto fear from flogging , the black sheep , who_ mu stexist in every regiment, only suffered the punishment if theydeserved it . I f flogging was abol ished, the nat ive offi cerssaid , the army will no longer fear and there wi ll be a mutiny .

Oriental s are excellent j udges of their own character . Theyhave a very wholesome regard for fear , and sever ity based on

j ustness . Of flabbid humanitariani sm they have but one

opinion , and that i s that it p roceeds from weakness .

Then camethe Afghan war and i t s terrible disaster . Here

werethe ever-victorious sold iers of their mas ters forgettingthat they were British troops , and a whole army capi tulatingto barbarians . True, the glorious victories that followed overthe Amirs of S ind, the rebellious army of Gwalior

, and theSikhs of the Panjab mightwel l be regarded as morethan su fficient to restore the honour of the Bri t is h arms

to i ts pr is tine Splendour, but the pos s ib il i ty of a Br i tish

army bowing down befo re an As iat ic foe was a matterwithin their actual exp erience . M ore than this

,they had

never recei ved with good grace the orders that sent thembeyond the Indus . For the gloomy defiles and barrenm ountains of A fghanis tan they fel t an invincible repugnance .

Their heart s burned with indignation again st their mas terswho had led them to defeat in th i s unknown land, where the .

bod ies of their kinsmen lay unburnt and unburied, food forvultures and beasts of prey, with none to perform funeralr ights forthe repose of their souls . When Nott and Pollockled the avenging army again stKabul, s everal regiments refused

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340 H I e R Y or TH D BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y.

than that of Bengal . I nthe Sikh wars the Bombay sepoyswere taunted bythe high-caste Brahmans ofthe Bengal armywith performing ordinary duties wh ich had never been imposed upon them . This did no t escape Napier’ s eve. But i twas the difficu lty about the pay that forthe time was morepressing than that of caste . Four regiments refused -to , ao

cept the reduced rates,

'

and many soldiers were tr ied and

puni shed . The 66th Bengal Native Infantry,which partial ly

mutinied , was dis banded, and a Gurkha regiment of NepalH ighlanders rai s ed in its place . S ir Charles N apier, on hisown respon s ib il ity, raisedthe pay ofthe army inthe Panjabbut an acr imonious correspondence ensued between him and

Lord Dalhous ie, and Napier resigned his appointment determ ined notto be a pass ive Spectator of the i ll s that heforetold . H i s Opinion m ay have b een exaggerated when he reported to Lord Dalhous ie that twenty-four regiments wereonly wait ing an opportunity to r ise, butthe disaffection oftheBengal army was a notor ious fact . A s Napier said,to pamperhigh-caste is to encourage mutiny, and in Bengal i t was encour

aged to adangerou s extent . I t was not that inthe other armiesthe sepoys were free from caste prej udices, but they were

not given into . Even in Bengalthe cas te was notespecial lyobtruded , except when the Spuiltsepoys found i t could beused as an in s trument by which they could exaggerate their

own importance or gain their particular ends . Lord Dalhou s ie

may, indeed, be blamed for no t going to the root of thematter . But in h is busy reign he had a multitude of weightytask s to do that engrossedthe whole of his time ; and

, while

the very existence of the ev il was denied by many whos e

position enti tled their Opinion? to deference, thos e who re

cognis edthe disease proposed diametrically oppos ite schemesfor effecting its cure .

THE sowrx e or THE m ap . 34 1

A nd while their loyal ty was undetermined ,the dis par i ty of

Britis h troop s to their own numbers gave them an overw eening idea of thei r own power . Tipu had saidthatitwasnot what he s aw ofthe English that be feared , but what he didnot s ee . That h is Opinion had been handed down shows thatitwas bynomeans an ordinary one . The sepoys , un fortunately ,

j udged England by what they s aw ,and of her vas t resources

they had no notion whatever . They bel ieved that the wholepopulat ion ofthe B ri ti sh I s les amounted to m erely a hundredthousand souls . Thei r notions were notl ikelyto be dis pel ledbythe action of the Home Government , which withdrewtwo regiments from India for s erv i ce Inthe Crimea and theyl is tened with absolute creduli tyto stories of the exhaustionof England i n the Rus s ian war, and the di s eas e and deathof her soldiers in the trenches atS ebastopol . N ay more ,

w iththe end les s incons is tency ofthe O riental mind , M uham

madan s epoys exulted inthe reported annexat ion of Englandto Russ ia

,though they bel ieved the war to have been under

taken bythe Queen of England as a vas sal of the Sul tan of

Con s tantinople . Against the denuding India of Bri t is htroop s

,when many more were urgently neededto guardthe

new conquest s, Lord Dalhous ie s trenuou s ly protes ted . B uth is recommendations were notadopted and the sepoys ,inflated with the idea of their own power

,were develop ing

plans, as yetm is ty and hazy , of taking the governmentofthe country into their own hands .But if Lord Dalhou s ie on sai l ing from India had no notion

ofthe whirlwind that was gathering, there was l ittle l ikelihood that Lord Canning should suspect i t . H e was not aweak man, but he was cold and impassive ; and he could notb ring h imselfto pas s j udgement on any ques tion unt il he hads crutini sed i t and reviewed i t from every

'

pointof view with

342 H I STORY or THE BO M BAY PR E S ID EN C Y .

minute carefulnes s . H e wanted the quick insight of thegeneral, who onthe field of battle could instan taneou s ly n oteand res i s t each movement of his enemy . But , when he hadgras pedthe position, he was keen in j udgment and strong inresol ve.

The sum of the sepoys ’ grievances had not yetcome .

O riginally ‘ they had been enl isted for service in India alone .

The conques t of Burma, andthe diffi cul ties of inducing natives old iers to cros s the s ea, had led tothe rai sing of six regiments for general service . I t happened that soon after LordCanning ’

s arr ival none of these were available to rel ievethos e whose time of duty atPegu had expired . Lord C anning determ i nedto be mas ter of his own army, and in July1856 i s s ued an order that in future no recruit should be

accepted who would notundertake to march wherever hemight he wanted . H igh-cas te m en atonce began to s hrinkfrom enter ingthe service, while old s epoys were ful l of fearful s urmis es thatthe oath s of new recru its might be bindingupon them s el ves . W i th th is new order came another, thatsepoys declared unfi t for foreign serv ice should no longer, asof yore

,be ret ired on in val id pen s ion s , bu t shoul d be kept

on for cantonment du ty ; and a pr i vilege, which al lowedsepoy s to send their letters free , was broughtto an end uponthe completion of the new postal regulat ion s . Anothergrievance Sprang up fromthe annexation of Oudh, which wasa prol ific recuiting-ground ofthe army . Under M uhamma

dan rule, every complaint of oppres s ion or inj u s tice to thefamily or k ind red of an Oudh sepoy was forwarded to theB ri ti sh res ident ‘

atLucknow and p romptly redres sed by him .

Thi s sys tem conferred a valued pres tige uponthe s epoy asthegreat man of his family or village . W i th the introductionof British rule, and the concomitant theory of equal ity of

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3 44 H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY P as sm s x cr .

st il l afrai d to strike, the s lumbering'

fires that were toburstforth into confiagration had Spread beyond the sepoy

rank s .

The Engl ish were avail ing themselves of all the resourceswhichthe advance of ci vilizat ion was placing in their hands .

The native of India had served many dynasties but h ither tothey had looked on their m asters—whether Moghal , Maratha,or E ngl ish— as people who had vas t armies and could u s e

them as they would . Now they had a new and s trange ex per icuce . The land itself was being bound down in iron bands ,over wh ich the fire-char iotsped along ata speed greaterthan that of the swiftest Maratha horseman . And thel ightning pos ts and wires , s etup alongthe roads , enabled theirrulers to know i n s ome m yster ious way what was happening,

ata dis tance of hundreds of miles . On their r ivers, ship s .

moved agains t the stronges t current without oars or s‘

ail s .

That all these devices were new to thei r rulers they neverdreamt . Their own power of invention had been dead for

centuries ; and they bel ieved that the Engl ish had kepthidden these wonderful resources all these years in order tqus e themthe more effectually whenthe time had come. A.

yoke was to be fastened uponthe land which would never beshaken off, ~

whichwould destroy their ancient cus toms, theircaste, and their rel igion . Everything pointed in the samedirection . I n the Governmentschools, while their hereditary faith was notdirectly assailed, the growing generat ionwas filled with a learn i ng which to thei r parents was new

and dangerous, and atvar iance with thei r time-honourednotions . The English were al together changing, and itwas impossible to l ive under their sway . H itherto thepriestly caste of Brahmans had heldthe keys of knowledge. .

But they could no more explai n the new contrivances

TH E sowrx s or TH E w rx n. 343

than' the m os t ignorant . ryot ; their supremacy, as the

learned class, was threatened ; their implacable jealou sy wasaroused ,

By a s trange coincidence, thi s per iod oftheir agitat ion wasclose to the end of the hundred years which followed thebattleof Plassey . By a people, credulous and s uperstit iou sinthe highest degree, the as trologers were implicitly bel ievedwhen they prophes ied that the anniversary of Clive’ s great

.victory would bring to an end the Raj or rule ofthe Company . Inthe mos t ordinary affairs of l ife nat ives consul ttheastrologers as to a favourable conjunction of the planets ;and when i t was told them thatthe year beforethe end oftheCompany ’

s raj there would be terrible outbursts of cholera andflood , and the cholera and floods came , how could theydoub tthe speedy downfal l ofthe Englis h ?But even yetthe tale of the cau ses that led up to the

great tragedy is incomplete . The palace of the EmperorB ahzidur Shah , atDelhi, was a focu s of perpetual intrigue .

I t was al so a s trategical pos i tion of immense value . LordDalh ousie determined that its pos ses s ion was es s ential to theIndian Government, and he bitterly offended the family of

the emperor by arranging that Bahadur Shah shouldremove h is residencetothe Kutab, and give up his palace forB ritishtroops . A ction was , however, deferred forthe l ifetimeofthe aged emperor ; but before his death the las t vestigeof

‘the Moghal empire had ceased to be . Bahadur Shah'

was

an old man ; but inthe veins of his queen , Zinat Mahal, flowedthe blood of Nadir Shah , and, insp ired by her fiery will , theprinces of the house of Babar planned the rev ival of theMuhammadan empire. The princes, on apparently innocentpretexts

,had been allowed by Government to travel about

India andthey journeyedh ither and thither s ecur ing adherents

346 H I S TORY OF THE BO M BAY PR E S I DEN C Y.

to the throne of Delhi . I t was a repet ition, very awfully iatens ified, ofthe his tory of Vel l ore an army saturated withtreason a royal family encouraging and utilisingthe treasonto further i ts own ends . A more powerful monarch j oined inthe fray . I n November 1856, an Engl ish army had sailedfrom Bombay agains tthe king of Pers ia, who had moles tedHerat and S ir James Outram , withthe Puna Horse and 3 rd

B ombay Infantry, broughtthe war to a rap id and successfulterm ination . But i t added ano ther element tothe danger inIndia . The Shah of Persia fomented dis afl

‘

ection in H industan ; and a proclamat ion—whe ther genuine or not—was postedonthe wall s of D elh i i n March 1857 , i n which he s tated that

a Per s ian army was comingto expelthe English , and calledon allthe Muhammadansto put on their armour and j ointheinvaders . The repres entat ive of ano ther dynasty, too, waswandering about watchingthe s igns of the times , and seeinghow bes t he could make his profi t outof them . This wasB honda Pant, or Nana Sahib , the adopted son of Baj i R ao,the las t ofthe Peshwas . But he veiledthe bitter res entmentthat he fel t atthe discont i nuance of the enormous pension

grantedto Baj i R ao, and mixed freely in Engl ish society .

H is agent, A z im Ulla Khan,who had pleaded his caus e in

L ondon , returned to India after v i sit ing the Cr imea,and

poured into his mas ter ’s will ing ears exaggerated tales of

England’s weakness .Early inthe year 1857 , many Engl i s hmen were warned by

native friends to be on their guard and, if pos s ible, retirefrom India—atany rate to sen d away their wives and children .

Nothing definite was ever s tated , and the advice was alwaysreceived wi th s corn . A tthe lat ter end of Feb ruary a remar kable anonymous document was recei ved by Lord E lphi nstone,nephew of Mountstuart E lphinstone and Governor of

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348 H I S TOR Y or TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

rumour there was , however , m ore dangerous than all the'

res t,

which ought to have been deal t with atonce . .The cartridge sOf E nfield r ifles, then introduced, were i n England greasedwith beef and pork-fat. The order went forth in India thatthey were to be greased in l ike manner there . Butthe pigi s abominated bythe Muhammadan, the cow sacred to theH indu . The order b rough t defilementto both , and i t wasproof conclus ive to all that the cartridges werethe m eans bywhich the sepoys were to be made Chr is tians, and theconversion of the people speedily b rought about . I n deadlyfear, the sepoys refused to take the cartridges . Y etsuchi s the wonderful inconsistency of the native mind, thatthecartr idges were used without hesitation or thought of defile

m entagains t the English ; conspi rators took their seat s inthe trains and sent their messages bythe wires that were tob ind down the countrv in bonds of iron .

349

XXIV .- THE R F AP I N G OF TH E VVH I BLWI N D .

E fir stmutter ings ofthe storm were atBarhampur ,near Mur s h idabad . The 1 9th Bengal Infantry broke

i nto Open mut iny on parade ; and, though the s epoys werer es tra ined from violence

,they were marchedto B arr ackpur ,

n ear Cal cu t ta, and dis banded . The only effectof thi smeasure was to increase the ferm e n t and has ten the ev i lday .

Tothe s tory ofthe greas ed cartr idges was now addedthemore horr ifying new s thatthe public we ll s and the flourand butter s ol d i nthe mar ket s , i n fact, e veryth ing had beend efiled by bone-du stand thatthe salthad been pol lu tedbythe blood of s wines and cow s . N ow ,

t o a certain e xtent,butnots uffic ien t ly alarmed , Lord Cann ing is s ued orderafter or derto s atis fythe s epoys and on the 1 0th of M ay

he addres sedthe people atlarge w ar n ing them aga instfal ser eports and denying thatany attemptw as being madeto in terfere w ith the ir cas te . Itw as all us e le s s . The

document s were looked on as partof the s cheme . The

fe ver was ati ts heightandthe d i s ease mu strun its c our se .

N oth ing buta fearful les son cou l d br ingthe peopleto theirs en s e s ; and yeteven inthe Bengal Armythere were r egiments found fai thful t otheir masters in the hour of n ee dand darkne ss .

Onthe l 0th of M ay, the very day of Lor d Canning’ s

general pr oclamation ,the storm burstin ear nes t atM i rat.Itwas sub sequently d is coveredthatthe s epoys had formed

350 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

a plotto r is e together on the lastday ofthat month, but

an ac cidentinte r fered w iththei r preconcerted plan s . O nthe 9th of M ay some s epoys had been senten ced toimpr is onmentfor r efu s ing to u s e the car tr idges . On the .

l 0th, which was S un day, atthe time of evening-ser vice,the nativetroop s r eleas edthe convicted mut ineer s and otherprisoner s fr omthe jail, r us hed thr oughthe station c ut tingdown every E uropean whom they m et—m an

, w oman, and

child .

i

They s etfire to the houses ; and , to pr o ve thedefinite and wide s pr ead nature of the plot

,hur ried ofi to

Delhi . There were E ur opean troop s atM irat. The

im bec ili ty of the ir comm ander s al lowedthemto do nothing,

notevento pur s uethe flyi ng s epoys . AtDelh i there w ereno E uropean troops ; butthere w er e three nat i ve r egiment s ,and a magaz i ne w ith imm en s e s tor e s of powder and

ammunition inthe charge of LieutenantVVilloughby. The

s epoys joinedthe m utineer s , andthe whole c ity w as i n an

uproar . The crowd s urged aboutthe m agaz ine , and

mes senger s , inthe name of Bahadur Shah, Em peror of India,demanded its surr ender . B utWilloughby knew his duty .

When he and his few c omrades could no longer hol d out ,he gave the command ; the train already prepar ed for

the emerg ency was fired , and w ith the c ontent s of themagaz ine and its heroi c defenders , s ome fif teen hundred

r ebel s were blow n intothe air .

Itwas this prem atur e r is ing atM irat that w as thes av ing ofthe Englis h . In stead of a s im ultaneou s thr owing dow n of the gauntlet, whi ch would have produced a

cr is i s wel l n igh des perate , there cam e a r unn ing fire of

mutin ies ; andthetelegraph , which Lord D alhou s ie ’

s wisdom had spread overthe land , warned every s tat ion of whatwas happening . Thu s more or less preparatio n cou ld be

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352 H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S ID E N C Y .

father had been unjustly deprived . Pr om is ing themabundantplunder f rom the cantonments of Caw npore helured backthe r egimen tsthathad started for Delhi , and

on the 6th of June the S iege ofthe B r iti s h garris on was

begun . For n ineteen days the Engl is h , under S ir H ughWheeler , endur ed fearful s uffer ings in a heatthateven inpr ofou nd peace, in S pite of every comfor t , ren der s lifewell-nigh unendurable . The num ber s ofthe s mal l garris on

w ere sadly r educed bythe enem y ’

s inces santfi re ;theirbarrack , which formedtheir hospital , was bur ntthe wom en

and chi ldren wer e str i cken w ith fever and star ving for wantof food . Were the m en only to be thoughtof , theym ighthave outthe ir way thr ough the enemy. B utthethoughtof the s uffering wom en and chi ldr en induced S irHugh Wheeler , alm ostagainsth is better j u dgement, toacceptNana S ahib’ s ofi er thathe would convey safely toA llahabad all who s hould lay dow n the ir arms . O n the2 7ththe s ur v i vor s , num ber ing in al l 4 50, were mar chedd own to the boats which h ad been prepared for them .

No s ooner had they taken the ir places'than a mur derou s

fire w as opened upon them fr om the r iver bank s , andthethatched r oofs of the boats s eton fire . The greaternumber were killed or dr owned ; bu t 1 2 2 wer e carr iedback to Nana ’

s hou s e, reser ved for a more awful fate .

Four only e s capedto join Have lock ’s aveng ing army .

Nana S athib now thoughtthathis s ucces s was ass ured .

H e proceededto B ithur , and had him s elf pr oclaimed Pes hwawi th magn ificentcoronation cer emonies . H ethen r etur nedto Cawnpore wher ethe Muhammadans were already plotting againsth im . Here he grat ified his appeti te for bloodby mur der i ng all the m en outOf a party of fug iti ves fromFatigahr ; and he added the w omen and ch il d ren to his

THE R EAPING or THE WH IR LW IND . 353

pr i soner s,who now number ed over 200. In the mean

t ime , General Havelock w as has tening on w ith s trenuou s

e xertion s from A l lahabad , w inning v ictory af ter vic toryon the road . On the e vening of the 1 5th of July , whenhe had bivouacked forthe n ight, he hear d thatthe pr is oner satCawnpore were yetalive . H e ins tantly m arched fourteen m iles fur ther , and was on ly e ight m ile s from the cityw hen the newly-crow ned Pes hwa ant icipated his ar r i valby hack ing his vic tim s l imb from l imb and throw ing themdying or dead in to a wel l . After i s s uing proclam a tion s thatthe infidels had been overwhe lm ed and s ent to hell

,he

or dered Outhis troops to m ee t General Havelock, and a

fierce bat tle was fought . The terrible charge ofthe B ri tis hand their S ikh com rades bore down all before them and

the s epoys fled . The nex t morning the Br i t i s h for cesbehel dthe s igns ofthe fearful tragedy , and no one can s ay

thatthe vengeance w as incomplete . The w ell of Cawnporeis now enclos ed w ith a r i ch s creen car ved in stone ; andon itthe figure of an angel inthe at t i tu de of perfect re st,s ignifies the joy fu l hOpe of r es urrect ionto eterna l l ife .

The ma in features in the s truggle in B engal w ere now

the r es cue of the Englis h garr i s on bes ieged in Lucknow ,

and the s iege Of De lhi by the Englis h arm ies . Af ter

s tupendou s effor ts , a re liev ing for ce under General Havelockand S ir J am es Outram thr ew i ts elf into Lucknow on

the 2 5th of S eptem ber . Outram had been s entto s upers ede Have lock , buthe prove d him s e lf w or thy ofthe t itle bes tow ed on him by S ir Char les Napier , ofthe Bayar d of India ,

by w aiv ing his rank and accom panyingthe force as a volunteer . This r e lief provedtobe l ittlem or e than a r e inforcem entofthe garr is on ; butbythe m iddle of Novem ber S ir Col in

Cam pbel l fought his w ay t othe cap ital Of Oudh and w ith

354 H I sTOB Y or TH E BOM BAY PR E S IDE N C Y .

d rew its gallantdefen der s . Itw as not,however , ti l l

February 1858thatthere was strength enoughto once m or e

capture andthi s tim eto hol d Lucknow,and from itbegin

the conquestof Oudh,the only coun try in India in which

the population as a whole had ri s en aga instus .

B utitw as atD elhi thatthe b it ternes s of the strugglew as concentr ated , and atDelh ithatpolitieal interestcentred .

The eyes of all Ind ia w ere turned onthe im per ial c i ty , inwhich

'

3 m en,tra i ned and d i s c ipl ined by E ngland,defied

the eff orts ofthe B r itis htr oop s thata t tem pted tobes iegethem from their cantonm ents onthe Ridge whichover look s the town . While De lh i r emained in thehand s of the rebel s , the Pr inces of India looked on be

w ilder ed,andthe enemies of England exul ted ; its capture

w as ofthe m ostv i tal im por tance to the re -es tablis hm entofthe B r itish Governm entin Hindu s tan ,

andtothe pre s t igeofthe Engl i s h arm s . By J uly 5 thtwo B r i t i s h Commander sin-chief had died a for tnight later athir d w as compel ledby i l l-heal thto r es ign his pos it ion ,

andthe comm and devol vedupon General W i ls on of the Bengal Artil lery . For a t imethe Englis h w ere les s bes ieger s than bes ieged . A ss aultafter as s au ltwas made on their l ines , and on June 2 3rd ,the hundr ed th ann i ver s ary of the battle of

,P las s ey, the

enem y a ttacked the B r i tis h pos i t ion w ith ex ceed ingcourage and s kil l . B utthough they wer e s uper ior in

num ber s , thoughthey w ere perfectin d is c ipl ine and intheinfer ior detail s of the ir m il itary m ovem ents , yetthe mas ter

mindto w hich m il i tary evolut ions ar e butthe m eans tothe end was w anting ; the ir fier ce on s laught s were of l i tt le

ava i l aga instthe indom i table r es olut ion and unatta inablemil i tary geni us of thos e thathad trained them . Theyr ealis ed that the pr ophecy which had th r i l led the ir blood

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356 H IS TOR Y or THE BO M BAY r B E smE N cr .

rebel s venture to hope for the r es toration of'the empir e

of D elhi . B utno sm al l efforts were s til lto be made toplace once mor e D hondu Pan t, Nana Sahib , on the throneof the Pes hwas atPoona . The cau s es thatgave bir th .

to the Indian m u t iny cannot be omit te d in a history of

B ombay . B utthe gr eatevents of the str uggle in H in

dustan can only be s ketched in the thinnestpos s ible outl ine . A n except ion however mu s t be m ade in the careerof the m an who a ttem pted to r ev i ve the empire thatShiwaj i had created . Havelock had s cat tered thetr oopsof Nana Sahib atCawnpore , butthey wer e by no m eans

destroyed . I t was impos s ible to fol low them up w hilem atter s of mor e momentou s cons equence r em ained to be ;

handled , and for the pres entthey r em a ined unm oles tedDefeated as he w as for the time , Nana Sah ib did notyetdes pair of s ucces s , and he had the I nvaluable aid oftheMaratha Brahm an Tantia Topi, who had s uper in tended

the mas s acr e of E uropeans inthe boats atCawnpor e . The

two great Maratha chiefs , S india and H olkar , were faithful

to the B r i t is h R aj ; butthey coul d notcontr o l the irt roop s , who were sm itten withthe pr eva il ing contagion ,

S india’

s tr oop s mutinied in June and s hot s everal of their

Officer s ; butS india had m anagedto keep them in a s ortof hbstile neutral i ty till af ter the fal l of Delh i . Theycould then be hel d down no longer ; and, accept ing theoffer of Tantia Top ito lead them aga instthe Englis h , they

m ar ched to join the r ebel for ces under Nana Sahib and

his brother Bala Sahib . The Gwal ior contingen t was one

ofthe fines t bod ies of m en i n India and Tantia Top i , w iths old ier s now under his com m and , m ar ched against

Cawnpore . H e w as atno great dis tance from that city

when S ir Col in Campbel l ar r ived from Al lahabad on his

THE E HAr I x G or THE WH I B Lwrx n. 357

wayto r el ieve Havelock and Outr am atLucknow . Ontram , with character is tic uns elfishnes s , wrote to him fr omthe bes ieged c ity begging him to effec tual ly des troy theGwalior rebe ls before he advancedtotheir relief . B utS irCol in Cam pbel l per s is ted in his or iginal intent ion ; and on

the 9th of Novem ber mar ched into Oudh,leaving Genera l

W indham w ith a sm al l forceto protect Cawnpore .Before

he s ucceeded in his ta s k and ret u rnedto Cawnpore, onthe2 8th of Novem ber , amazing e v ent s hadtaken place .

Tantia Top i had been hiding his tim e ; and no s ooner had

S ir Col in Cam pbe l l s tar te d for Lucknow , than—leav ing a.

strong detachm entatKalp i—he cros s ed the Jumna and

m oved on tow ar d s Cawnpore , occupyingthe m ostim por tan tpos t s onthe line of m arch . W indham was thu s cutOff fromc omm un ication w iththe country w hich furnis hed him w ith

m os t of his s upplies . W indham applied for and receivedperm is s ion to deta in re infor cement s thatwere reach ingC awnpore from Bengal . B ut,though his for ce was s lightlyincreas ed , he w as in s er iou s danger and informationr eached him w hich led himto be lieve thatS ir Col in ’

s forcew as s urrounded by the enemy . Defini te ac tion was

nece s s ary ,and he de term ined upon a s k ilful plan for

foi ling Tantia by takingthe ini t iat ive againsthim . The

carrying outofthe plan invol ved d is obe d ience tothe in s truotions which S ir Col in had lef t . H e appl ied for permis s ionto actaccord ingto his judgem en t butthe perm i s s ion couldnotr each him

, and he s hrank from the r es pons ibility Of

e xecuting in its ent ire tythe plan which he had conceived .

The res ultw as hal f m eas ures and failur e . Onthe 24th heb roke up his cam p

, and lef tthe entrenchment , coveringthetown onthe West, which he had been s pec ially dir ected tokeep, and mar ched outS ix miles . The nex t day Teutia

358 H I S TOR Y O F THE BO M BAY PR E S IDEN CY.

drew near,and onthe 26thW indham defeated him , butfe li’

back on Cawnpore . Tantia ful ly apprec iatedthe neces s ityof his w i thdrawal to defend Cawnpor e and on the 2 7thlWindham foundthat he had been c lever ly outflanked , andw as as s a i led by an arti llery strongerthan his own . The de

fence was mi sm anaged . H e w ithdrew in confu s ion, andthe ?r etreatw as wel l-n igh a pan i c . Thetents , camp equ ipage ,and stor es fe l l into the enem y ’

s hands,and Tantia Topi

became mas ter ofthe c i ty . The entr enchm ent, on whichS ir Col in s ets o much value , w as in the greatestdangerof s uffer ingthe s ame fate

, butthat andthe br idge of boatsacros s the r i ver to the O udh s hor e wer e s aved . H adthebr i dge , by which alone S ir Col in

’

s for ce coul d gain Cawnpore ,been cu t off itwou l d have gone hard w ith W indham ’

s forcebuthear ingthe fir ing of heavy ar til lery S ir Col i n m ar chedon w iththe utmo s t s peed , r egar dles s of his wear ied troop s , .

and ar r ived intimeto pr even t this crowning dis as ter . The

non-com batants and wounded wer e s entOffto Al lahabad,

and onthe 6th of December was foughtthe thir d battleof Cawnpor e which for a time checkedthe ac tiv i ty of thewonder ful Brahm an general . H e w as tobe dealtw ith lateron by S ir Hugh Ros e from Bom bay . The v ic tory was a

br i l l iant one . The Br itis h los s w as s m al l , The enemy

w as pur s ued for a great d istance ; and General Hope Granto ver took them ata fer ry, twenty-five m i les above C awn

por e, and won another Succes s . I n thes e two vi c tor ies

the Gwal ior con t ingentlos t th ir ty-two guns .

It is nowtime to r e tur n to e vents that dis turbed thepeace ofthe Wes tern Pr e s idency, andthen follow up thebr il l ian t campaign ofthe Bombay arm y under S ir Hugh

Ros e (Lor d Strathnairn) i n Central India, aga ins tthe r ebel .

f or ces underthe R dni of Jhans i and Tantia Top i .

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360 H I STOB Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

bad in Rajputanato savethatprov ince bythe aid of Bombaytr oops from D is a . B utthe r evoltatN as s irabad showedthe dangerto which the grand trunk road from Bombayto Agra,through Gwalior and Central Ind ia, w as expos ed .

Thi s communica tion mu statall hazar d s be s ecured . LordE lphinstone ’

s r es our ces wer e notgreat, buthe equ ipped a

column and de s patched itto M an (Mhow ) , under GeneralIVOodburn

, w ith ins tructions to place his for ce s atthed i s pos al of Colonel Durand

,the Agenttothe Gover nor

General for H olkar’

s ter r itor ies athis capital of Indor .

H is arr i val w as s or ely needed . H olkar w as loyal, but

his troops could notbetru s ted . N otonly atNas s irabad

and Nim ach had the jconflagration broken out, but at

J hans i and Mehidpur ; and comm unicat ion be tween Indorand Agra w as cutoff bythe mut iny of S india

’

s contingentatGwal ior . Durand ’

s hopes cen tr ed inthe promptarr i valof Woodbur n ’

s colum n from Bombay , and the mutinou stroop s hear ing of its appr oach ve i led for atim e their disloyalty . B utWoodburn w as notcoming. H e had founditalmostim practi cable to geton to M an atthats eas onofthe year ; and ,

onthe s ummon s of the Br iti s h r es i dentatHydarabad , heturned a s i de to s uppr es s a d isturbancewhich had broken outatA urangzibad , and r emained theree ven af ter he had ac compl i s hed his purpos e . On the28th of June Lord E lphins tone w as for ced to telegraph to Durandthatthe column could notad vance . A s

is always the cas e in India, s uch new s s preads w i th mys

ter ious r apid ity ; and the s edative influence which an

unfounded r um our ofthe fal l of D e lhi had exer c is ed on

the people of Central India be ing r emoved bythe knowledge that Delh i w as s t ill untaken mu tiny broke outatIndor . Duran d was compelled to flee . H e has tened by

THE i I UTI e s IN BO M BAY . 361

for ced m ar chesto A s irgarh in or der to hur ry up Woodburn ’

s column to M au,for the res cue of Central Ind ia

from anar chy andthe r es toration ofthe line of com munic ation . On his w ay he hear dthatthe colum n was atlastactually ad vanc ing under Br igad ier S tuar t

,who had

s ucceeded Woodburn, and the line of the Narbada w as

fa ir ly outof danger . On July 22nd , S tuart’s columna r r i v ed atAs irgarh and w as ther e joined by D urand . The

for ce mar ched to M an and ar r i ved there on the 1 stofA ugust. Heavy ra ins de tained itther e for three m on ths .

Atlas t the weary s eas on of inac tion pas s ed away,and

D urand w as able to s etoutw i th a lit tle arm y of

m en,of w hich a large propor tion was cavalry and arti llery

,

on a br ill iant and s ucce s s ful cam paign in Central India .

The fir stplace which he moved again stwas the for t of

Dhar ,tw o days ’ m ar ch from M an. The defendants offer ed

a vigorou s r es is tance,butthere was no d i s pu ting the

advance of the as s a i lants . The 2 5th Bom bay NativeInfan try covered them s e l ve s w i th glory ,

and the fortwas taken and de s troyed . I n Novem ber , the l itt learm y was r e inforced by a de tachment of the Hydarabadcont ingen t ; and the com bined for ce s defeated the rebe lsin s ucces s iveactions atM andis ur and Gurar ia . This lastvic tory w as dec i s ive . Du rand m ar ched back to res umehis pos i tion atIndor

,whi le S tuar t ’s for ces re turned

to M au , there to awa itthe arr i val of a gr eat cap tain whow as advanc ing from Bom bay w i th an invincible arm yto w ar downthe hos ti le for ces that s til l dar edto hol d up

the ir head s .

B utbefore des patching S ir Hugh Ros eto Central India ,in Decem ber 185 7

,Lor d E lphins tone had had weighty

d uties to per form in the ter r i tories under his charge .

H l s TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

I nthe recent ly-annexed prov ince of Satara, althoughtherew as no popular r is ing or even agitation, ther e w as yetaparty which per s onal ly favouredthe c laim s to thethr oneof the adopted s on of the late Raja’

s brother . A wak i l ,or agent, nam ed Rango B apuj i, who had trave lled toEngland af ter the annexat ion of Satara to advocatetheclaim s of the Raja ’

s brother,plotted in connec t ion w ith

Nana Sahib of Cawnpor e, to r eleas e the pr is oner s intheSatara ja i l, plunder the tr eas ury and attack the can tonment. This plotwas dis covered by M r . Ros e ,the d is tr ictmagi strate, on the 1 2th of June . H e atonce s entforE uropean r e infor cem ents . The cons p iracy was n ippedinthe bud ; Rango B apuj i d is appear ed his fol lowers wer ed is per s ed by Lieutenan t Ker r w ith a par ty of theSouthern Maratha hor s e . S eventeen of the cons pirator sweretr ied and execu ted

,whilethe family ofthe late Raja,

who w er e im plicated inthe plot s , w as deported .

There w as mor e s er iou s danger inthe dis tr ict s s outh of

Satara andthe s tate '

of Kolhapur . AtKolhapur,Belgaum ,

and Dharwar ther e were native troop s . AtBelgaumthere were aboutfour hundred European wom en and

chil dren, whi le the B r it is h for ce was l im itedto a batteryof ar t i llery and s om e thir ty infantry . Cons i derable disafi ection, notal together w ithout reas on,

had been causedin the S ou thern Maratha country by the proceedingsofthe Inam commi s s ion . The lap s ing of es tates con s equenton the ab s ence of male he ir s , and the r efu s al to al lowadopt ion

,had created w ide-S pread jealou s y and su s p ic ion.

Kolhapur was s t il l s m ar t ing from the r ebel l io n of 1844,

the cos ts of which the s tate was or der ed to pay toGovernm enttogether w ith inter estat5 per cen t . Pending the paym ent in full, the afi airs of the s tate were

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364 H I S TOR Y OE TH E BO M BAY P B E S I B E N OY .

and , af ter r epel l ingthe local corp s which . Colone l Maughan

atonce led againstthem,mar ched Offthe nex t dayto join

a de tachmen t ofthe ir r eg imentatRatnagir i . Onthe w ay ,

they unexpectedly m etwith s ome E uropean troop s , and

the bulk ofthe mutineer s betook them s elvestothe j unglesof S ziwantwar i . B utfor ty, al l natives of Hindus tan,

r etur ned to Kolhapur,and thr ew them s elves once more

into the outwork adjoining the town . Here they wereattacked on the l 0th of Augu stby LieutenantKerr

, who

had mar ched intwenty-four hour s from S at-ara, a distanceo f mor e than s eventy m iles , by volunteer s from the ir own

r egim entand s om e of the local corp s,all under M ajor

Rol land ofthe 2 7th . A des perate conflic t en s ued , almostthew hole num ber of the mutineer s be ing killed . LieutenantKer r r ece i ved the Victor ia Cros s for his gallantry onthi so ccas ion .

The Eur opean population of B om bay w as s er i ou s lyalarm ed atthe new s from Kolhapur . Many res i dents placedthe ir fam il ies for safety on the ship s in the harbour

,

and volunteer hor s e patrolled the s tr ee ts atn ight. The

anx iety was notles s ened bythe factthatM r . For jett,theenergetic s uper intendentof police , had di s covered s om e of

the s epoys in Bom bay to be untru s tworthy . B utLordE lphins tone, w ith adm irable uns elfishnes s , would notde ta introop s forthe defence of Bombay when they were more

urgently wanted el s ewhere . H e des pat chedtwo detachment s of the 2nd Europeans by s ea to R atn z’tgiri , a

feathi therto unat tem pted in the teeth of the mons oon ;

a nd he directed them , after tak ing whatmeas ures mightbe needed to deal w i ththe de tachm entattha t s tat ion ,tom ar ch upthe Ghat s to Kolhapur . A further detachm entw as s entby s eato Goa, and or dered to march thenceto

VTHE M UTIN IE S IN BO M BAY . 365

Belgaum . A nd Colone l George L e Grand Jacob , a s old ierpolitic ian of greatexper ience , who had j ustr e turned withOu tram from Per s ia , w as depatchedto Kolhapurto r es tor eor der , w i th full au thor ityto acton his ow n j udgem ent .

Jacob s tar ted atonce ; and, after a journey of ex traor d inarydifli culty, i n tor rent s of rain

,thr ough a country which

then had no road s , he r eached Kolhapur on the1 4 th of Augu s t . Or der he found had been r es tored bu tthe mut inou s regim ent w as s t i l l unpuni s hed . A day or

two later the European troop s arr i ved from the coast.They had mar ched over w ild moun tains , they had cros s eds wol len river s

,and plodded through deep mud . Their

c lothes were worn to r a gs . Some hor s e ar tillery al s oarr i ved from Satara, and Jacob determ ined onthe 1 7th tod is armthe native regim en t . H e m ade his arrangementsadm irably . The mutinou s 2 7th w as drawn up on theparade-groun d w ith the Europeans and loyal natives on

two S i des of them . Jacob then addr es s ed the sepoys ,appeal ingto every motive that cou ld lead themto reproachthem s el ves for their conduc t , and as s ur ed them thatnonewould be punis hed butthos e whos e gu il t s houl d be provedon a fair tr ial . B efor e he had fin i shed s peak ing he Oh

s er vedtear s onthe faces of s om e ofthe s epoys , who ar e , as

he him s e lf s tates , butch ildr en of a larger growth . The

Or der was then g ivento pi le arm s,and af ter a s lightbu t

ominous pau s e itwas obeyed . Cour t-m ar tials wereprom pt ly held . The next day twenty-one pr is oner s wereconv ic ted

, of whom e ightwer e blown from gun s , elevens hot , and two hanged . Itw as s ub s equent ly d is coveredthatthe r egim enthad been in c los e cor res pondence w iththe Bengal s epoy s andthatthe Bom bay regim entw as in

deadly fear les t the obnox iou s cartr idge—thatpower ful

H I S TOR Y OF”

TH E BO M BAY I‘R I I S I D E N C Y .

ful cr um u s ed bythe m over s ofthe r e vol t— s hould be ser vedouttothem .

The new s of the mutiny atKolhapur w as telegraphedto Belgaum , and S O was knownto Seton-Karr before itw as tothe s epoys atthats tat ion . Ther e had been greater

an t ic ipat ion of danger atBelgaumthan atKolhapur ; butS e ton-Karr was wel l ac qua inted w ith the des igns of thes epoys , and know ingthata certa in m an had been s electedas leader , he s enthim off on S pecial duty to a di stanttown . The ab s ence of their leader paralys edthe s epoys

,

and no outbreak occur red . The detachmentof Eur opeans ,des patched by the car eful fore thoughtof Lord E lph ins tone by way of Goa , ar r i ved on the l 0th of August, liketheir bre thr en atKolhapur

,intatters , s hoeles s , and near ly

kitles s . S eton-Kar r and General Lester then feltthems el ves s trong enoughto arr es tthe cons pirator s , of whos e

gu iltthey had s ufficiente v idence to br ing them to tr ial .The chief of thes e w as a m uns hi

,a favour ite am ongstthe

oflicer s , whom be instructed in Hindu s tani . H e w as a

d i s c iple of the head of the Wahab i s ectin Wester n India,

who l i ved atPuna . Le tter s w ere found , wh ich s howedthe ex istence of a w ide-S pread Muham m adan des ign for a

r is ing in thatpartof the country , and com municationsw ere inter cep ted between the 29th Bom bay NativeInfantry and the 74th Bengal Regim ent. The plotw as mainly broughtto light by the Faujdar , or nat i vehead of the Belgaum pol i ce, whos e s er vices w ere rewar dedby the gran t of a v illage . Jacob

,m eanwhi le, r emained

atKolhapur,where there wer e vague r umour s of

com ing d is turbance ; and the s trange movemen t of themutineer s onthe n ight of July 31 sttothe town was yetunaccoun ted for .

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368 H I S TOR Y OE TH E BO M BAY PR ES IDENC Y .

s coundrels ofthetown were s o alarm ed atthes e mys ter iou sarre s ts , which s eem ed to S how thatthe authorities knewe verything, thatthey r em a ined quie t . B utclos e attheend of the Moharam ,

a dr unken Chr is tian dr ummer be

longingto one ofthe s epoy r eg iments ins ulted a re lig ious

proces s ion of H indu s,and knocked down a god that they

wer e es cor t ing . H e was atonce arr ested and placed incu s tody ; butthe m en of his regim ent, incens ed attheac t ion of the pol i ce , whom they de tes ted on account of

Forj ett’s hosti l i ty to them s elves , hurr ied to the lock-up,

r es cued the drum mer and took him w i th two policemen

to the ir l ines . A European constable and four nati veswentatonceto dem andthattheir com rades s hou ld be r e

leas ed andthe dr ummer gi ven up . They were r es is ted byfor ce ; a struggle en s ued , andthe pol ice fought their w av

out,leav ingtwo s epoys for dead . The s epoys were in the

utmostfury and exc i tem en t, and For jettwas s umm onedby his police . Forjettw as equaltothe em ergency . H e

ordered his Eur opean pol i ceto fol low him , and gal lopedtothe s cene of the mutiny . H e foundthe s epoys trying t0 ~

force the ir w ay outofthe lines , and the ir Officer s w i th drawns wor ds w ith d ifficul ty r es tra ining them . On s ee ing For

jettthe ir fury could har dly be cont-rol led .

“For God ’

s .

s ake, M r . Forjett, ” cr ied the Officer s , go away I” “I f

your m en are benton mis chief,”he r eplied ,

“the s ooneritis overthe bet ter .

”The s epoys paus ed while For j ett

s aton his hor s e c onfront ing them . Soon his a s s istan tand fifty-four E uropean cons tables ar rived

,and Forjett

cr ied ,“Throw Open the gates— I am r eady for them"”

The s epoys wer e notprepar ed for thi s prom p t ac t ion and:

inthe face of the Europeans judged d i s cr et ionto bethe ;

better par t Of valour .

TH E M UTIN I E S IN BO M BAY. 369

A few days later , Forj etterected a gal low s near thepol ice-office , s ummonedthe ch ief c i tizens whom he knew

to be dis afi ected, and pointi ng tothe gibbettold themthatonthe sl ightests ignthatthey med itated an ou tb reakthey would promptly be hanged . The hintw as taken .

B utthere w as stil l danger fromthe s epoys . For jettlear ntthata number ofthem w ere systematical ly hold ing s ecretm eetings atthe house of one Ganga Prasad . H e imm e

«diately hadthi s man ar re sted , and i n duced himto confes sw hathe knew . The nextevening he wenttothe hou se, andthrough a hole inthe wal l gathered from the sepoy s ’ con

ver sat ionthatthey m eantto mut iny dur ingthe H indu festival Ofthe D iwal i in October , pillage the c i ty and thenleavethe i sland . H i s reportof thi s to the Officer s was

r eceived w ith incredu l i ty ; butFor j ettper s uaded MajorB arrow ,

the commandantof one ofthe regiments ,to gowithhimtothe hou s e , and he was aghas t ats eeingthere hisown m en whom he tru sted .

“M r . Forj etthas caughtusatlast

,

”s aid Brigadier Shorttwhen this w as tol dto him .

Court-martial s wer e hel d, the two r ingleader s execu ted ,and s ix accompl ices transporte d for l ife . The Diwalipas s ed off quie tly ; and, bythe pres c ience and per s is tenceofthe s uperintendentof pol ice, Bombay was saved .

B uti n var iou s par ts of the Pres i dency there w as s t il loccas ion for anx ie ty . In September , plots to mutiny atAh m adabad

,and B ydar -Jihad in S i nd , wer e n ipped i n the

bud and atKarachithe 2 1 stBombay Nat i ve Infantry and

three Oudh recruited r egiments s howed a mutinou s s p ir itandw ere d is armed . Apartfromthos e ment ioned ,the Bombayreg iments rem ained staunch dur ing the cri s i s ; those inthe ir ranks who

,havi ng been recru ited in H indus tan ,

mighthav e l iked to aid their brethren of Nor thern Ind ia being

24:

370 H I s TOB Y O F THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

we ighed down by the-

loyalty of the Marathas . B utatKolhapur , andthr oughoutthe S outher n Maratha country,where the Inam commis sion had caused w ide-s preaddisaffection amongstan armed population

,ther e w as for

m idable danger . AtKolhapur Jacob w as on the alertfor coming d i sturbance . The Raja was loyal , butindolent.H is younger brother , Chima Sahib , was a m an Of energy,w iththe sp ir itas wel l as the blood of S hiwaj i in his veins ;and emi s s ar ies from Nana S ahib stimulated histhoughts ofr ebel l ion . On No vember 15th the Raja acqua inted Jacobw ith a r umourthatthere was an intention Of attack ing thecamp, and patr ols and pickets were doubled . The Eur opeanforce ,too, had bythistime been increas ed . On the n ightof

,the 5th of December , Jacob was r oused from s leep bythe clatter of hor s es ’ hoofs . Rushing outhe m ettheR is saldar

,or native Officer , in c ommand of the Souther n

Maratha Hor s e, whotold him thats us piciou s on es had

been heard in the town . Jacob d irected the R i s saldarto s weep r oundthe c ity and if poss ible s ecur e one of thega tes , while he him s elf galloped into the camp and

s ounded the alarm . S oon after the troop s had

as s embled , the R i s saldar r e tur ned to s aythatthe townw as in hostile pos sess ion and the gates closed aga instthe Engl i sh . Al l the gates had evidently fal len intothe enem y ’

s han ds w ithoutopposition ; and Jacob concluded thatthe younger Raja atleastwas implicatedinthe plot, andthatthe camp would be imm ediately attacked . H e determinedto fores tal lthe attem pt. Leav ingthe 2 7th under s urveil lance, he movedto the ci ty w ithall available for ces . A storming-party was formed . Bydawn of day one ofthe gates was gallantly b lown in, and

w ith s l ightr es is tance the p lace was in Jacob ’

s hands . B ut

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372 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S ID ENC Y .

its elf . Under Baba Des ai , who had beenthe p r ime mover inthe former ins urr ec t ion , they br oke into revoltin Febr uary1858, har ried the country and lev ied war inthe name of

the PeshwaNana Sahib . B utthey were hot ly pursued , andthe ir depredations confinedto a smal ltrac t of country . The

p ol ice inthis , as in other operations throughoutthe Pres ideney , gave mostvaluable and effic ientas s i stance . Atano u tpostatTalliwéra , near the Portugues e fr ontier , a

pol ice s ergeantandtw el ve con s tables defied s ucces s fully anattac k by a large body of rebels , who actual ly se i zed the irfamil ies and s wore thatthey would mur derthem unles sthe place s urrendered . The only r eply w asthatthe B r i t i s hGovernmentwould avengethe ir deaths , andthethreatwasnotcar ried out. In the S outhern Maratha S tates a succes s ion of pet ty o utbreak s occurr ed in the col d weather Of1857-58, owingtothe d is arming ofthe people neces s itatedby the ir att i tude ; and Governmentdeem ed i t advis ableto place under one m an the turbulentpopulat ion ofthes e veral d istricts and states . Jacob was accor dingly placedin char ge of the whole in M ay 1858, as Commis s ioner

of the S outher n Maratha Country ; and Char les Mans on ,who had been ass istantto Se ton-Kar r , w as appointed toactunder Jacob . Man s on had been connected w i th theI nam comm is s ions and s o was r egar ded w ith s us p ic ion by

the nati ve chiefs who wer e up in arm s atthe as s umed r ight

of our Governmentto d is al low s ucces s ion by adoption .

H e w asthus identified w iththe hars her features ofthe policyof the Br i t is h Go vernm ent . The pr inc ipal s tates wereSangli , Miraj , Kurandwar and Nargund ,the las t of whichwas annexedto Dharwar atthe clos e ofthe mutiny . The

fami l ies of M iraj , S eingli and Kurandwar were B rahm ans ,

and related by marriage w ith Nana Sahib . The ables t chief

THE M UTIN IE S IN BO M BAY . 373

was Baba Sahib of Nargund , and he cons ider ed h im s e lf

grievou s ly wronged by the I ném commi s s ion . O ther sm ightbide the ir timetillthey coul d s ee who was w inning ;he

,mor e dar ing, threw him s elf intothe in s urrec t ionary

m ovementwhen its chances of s ucces s wer e ata m inim um .

Onthe 26th of M ay, a few hour s af ter Man s on had leftJ acob atKolhapur on his wayto v i s itthe nor thern states ofthe coun try

,new s of the outbreak of the Nargund chief

r eached the com mis s ioner . Jacob immediately s ent a

mounted mes s enger to Man s on w ith the new s . H e

i nform ed him thathe had telegraphed to General Les terto s end a for ce to Nargun d and he r ecommendedMan s onto return to Kolhapur and con s ultw ith hims elfbefore join ing the forces , w ith which his proper pos itionwoul d now be . B utMans on was bl indly confidentinhis own influence , and repl ied thathe woul d has ten toNargund and n ip the . r evoltin the bud

, or atany rates ave Baba Sahib ’

s brother , the ch ief of Ram drug, fromjoin ing i n i t . H e w roteto Colone l Mal colm ,

comm and ingatKaladgi , r eques ting aid ; but Malcolm had gone offtoquel l a r is ing e ls ewhere, and s o Man son r eached Ram drugw ith only twe l ve wear ied troopers . Her e he foundthathe had ar r ived too late . The Nargund chief hadcommitted him s elf pasthope of r ecovery . B uthe s avedthe chief of Ramdr ug, who s howed him his brother ’

s

le tter s urging co-operat ion . H e urged Man s on notto goto Nargund , as in thatcas e he could notans wer for hisl ife ; so , af ter wr iting to Jacob to thr ow a garr i s on i ntoM iraj , or Sangl i , Mans on wentofito joi n Mal colm . H e

s tarte dthateven ing, M ay 2 7th , and halted ata v i llage on

the way, he and his m en al ike wear ied outw ith mar ching .

I nthe nightthe Nargund ch ief s al l ied outw ith 700 or

374: H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S ID ENCY .

800 follower s , k illed the s entry on guar d , and rush ingupon Mans on—who hadtimeto wound one of his as sa ilantswi th his revol ver— kil led him and cutOff his head , whichthey s uspended o ver the gateway atNargund . BabaSahib ’

str ium ph was s hort. M al colmtur ned back fromther ebels inthe south, who were di s po s ed of by a Madras for ce,and w ith s ome artil lery and infantry from Dharwar attacked Nargund on June 1 st, defeated Baba Sahib ’

s for cew ith gr eatslaughter , and car r ied the town by assaul t .The nextday they s eized the c itadel , a strong place of

r es i stance, buton for c ing the gates itw as found deserted .

The chief had es caped dur ing the n ight. H is track wasfollowed up w ith e xtraor d inary energy, per s everance and

s k i l l by M r .,now S ir Frank Souter , Commis s ioner

of Police in Bombay , and in sp ite of his var ious devicesfor thr ow ing the pur s uer s off the s cent

,w as d iscover ed

the s ame even ing w ith S i x of his pr inc ipal fol lower s ,d isgu is ed as pilgr im s . H e w as soon afterwardstr ied , condem ned, and executed . On hear ing ofMans on ’s death , J acobthrew an Engl i s h garr i s on into Sangli ; and by a s k i l

ful negociation i nd uced Baba S zihib, ch ief of M iraj ,to giveup his mun iti ons of war , which consi sted of ele ventons of

gunpowder and rockets , w ith arm s and car tr idges for m any

thous and soldier s . Partof his fortification s ,too, whichwere of gr eatstrength, were d i smantled . M r . Mans onwas

s ucceeded in his postby Captain Fr eder ick S chne i der .

B es i des the places already refer redto,there was cons i derable d isturbance in the hills of Ahmadnagar and ite xtended more or les s intoNas ik and Kh zindesh . A m an nam ed

B hagoj i Na ik, who had been d ismis s ed fr om the Ahmadnagar pol ice , gathered together a number of Bhils and took

up an offens i ve pos i tion in September 185 7 . In O c tober , his

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XXVI .—EXPLO ITS OF THE B OMBA Y ARMY .

T is nowtime to r elatethe doings ofthe Bombay armyunder S ir Hugh Ros e , w hich Lord E lphin stone in

s pite ofthe danger in his own Pr es idency nobly s entofitoCentral Ind ia . The plan for the r esto ration of or der inCentral India, appr o ved by S ir Col in Cam pbel l

,the C om

m ander -in-Chief , was thata Bombay column s hou ld startfrom M an and mar ch by w ay of Jhans i to Kalp i , while a

Madras column star t ing fr om Jabalpur s hould m ar chthr ough B andalkand t o Banda . The two columns —wereto s upporteach other , and form par t of a general combination

, and,bes ides pac ifying Central Ind ia, draw off the

pres s ure of the Gwal i or contingentand other r ebe l for ces

from S ir Col in ’

s own army . The Madras col umn was

c om manded by General Whi tlock .

S ir Hugh Rose was a s ol d ier of thi rty-s even year s ’ d i stinguished s ervice . N or had his career been solely a mi l i4

tary one . Bes ides fighting atthe A lma, atInkerman, and

befor e S ebas topol , he had proved him s elf a s tates man of

keen for es ightand r ipe judgementatB eyroutand as

chargé d’

afiair es atConstantinople . Dar ing inthe fiel d , he

was a m an of pol is hed m anner s , foremost alike in soc ietyand w ar . But in India he had nots er ved , andthere weres ome who doubted if he would s ucceed inthe condi t i ons ofInd ian warfare . By Chr is tmas 1857 , he was atM an, and

he r esol ved to begi n his march ear ly in January . H is

E XPLO IT S OF THE BO M BAY A B M Y . 377

operation s hadto be conducted in one ofthe mostruggedportion s of India . H e had to traver s ethe dens e j unglesand impenetrable m ounta ins and rav ines ofthe W indhyarange, and the fas tne s ses of B andalkand

,whos e har dy

popul ations had for cen turies defiedthe effor ts of M uham

madan em peror s . S ir Hugh’

s arm y w as div ided into twobrigade s the fir s t un der S tuartatM an ,

the s econd underStewartatS ihor . Ther e w ere altogether two regimentsof European Infantry, one of Cavalry, four of Nativ eInfantry and the s ame number of Cavalry

,w ith A r

ti llery , Sapper s and M iner s, and a s iege-tra in . H is fir sttask was t o rel ieve the garr is on of Sangar , which was

har d pres s ed . S end ing the fir s t brigade again stChandar i in S india ’

s dom in ions , he started for S ihor w ith S irRobertHami lton as pol i t ical officer . On the l 6th of

January he m ar ched outof S ihor w iththe s econd br igade ,and af terto i l ing for a week acros s r iver s , hills and j unglethefor ce arr i ved atR athgahr , a for t inthe S angar d is trict, andatonce pr oceededto bombar d it. Onthe 28th ,

whi le theguns wer e s t i l l thunder ing atthe wall

,a large force of

r ebel s was s een approach ing, andthe army ofthe Raja of

Banpur mar ched upto rel ievethe garr i s on . Withoutinterruptingthe bombardm ent, S ir Hugh s enta detachmentto cru s h his new opponents . Cavalry and artillery das hedagain stthem ,

and the Banpur troop s flung down the irm us ke ts and fled forthe ir li ves . Bythe eveningthe breachs eem ed practicable, bu t e rethe as s aultcouldbe del i vered inthe morningthe gar r i son had letthem s el v es down by r opes ,and e lu ded thetr oop s thatshould have inter ceptedthem .

The fortwas demolis hed . Whi lethe siege w as s til l going on ,

S ir Hugh h ear dthatthe r ebel s had ral l ied ata place calledBarod ia, some fifteen miles off . A portion ofthe force was

3 78 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S ID EN CY .

d eta ched againstthem and, after a difli cultmar chthr ougha dense fore st,they scatter edthe enemy and r etur ned toR athgahr . Onthe 3rd of February, w ithoutmeeting any

further oppo s it ion,he s ucceeded in r eliev ing Sangar . The

d istrictwas sti l l , howev er , threatened by the m utineer s ,who hadtaken upthe ir pos ition in an almostimpregnablefortatGa-rakota . B utthey dared noteven here awaittheEnglish ; the fortwastaken , butthe garr is on e s caped .

The general’

s objectw asto pres s on w ith all s peed toJ hansi

,wherethe r ebel l ious Rani had notyetbeen inter

fered with . A f ter s ome delay , forthe collection of s uppliesand for awa iting new s of the Madras colum n

, S ir Hughr es umed hi s mar ch on the 2 7th . H is route had to liethr ough one of two pas s es , Narator Madanpur . B el ievingthathe would choos e

‘the fir st,the Raja of Banpur occu

p ied itw ith the greater partof his for ces , butbothpas s es were str ongly defended . Making a feintatNarat, S irHugh made his r eal attack on Madanpur . Atfive o ’clockonthe mor ning of 4th Mar ch he moved againstthe pas s ,and after a few miles ’ mar ch entered a deep wooded glenwhich lay beneath it. In stantlythe r oar Of artillery was

hear d from the gorge, and a des perate res istance was madetothe Bombay colum n . S o str ong wasthe enemy’

s pos ition ,and s o s tubbornly didthey fight, thatitrequired all theefforts of the Br iti s h for ce to d is lodge them . B utthefury of the attack was morethanthey coul d endure

,and

atlastthey fled, v igorously pur s ued by the cavalry . The

e ffect ofthis act ion was so cons iderable thatnone of theforts

,nor the r iver B etwathatlay betweenthe Bombay

column and Jhans i, were defended . Onthe 17 th of Mar chthe column cr os s edthe B etwa . The nextday news came

thatthe fir stbr igade, under General Stuart, had captured

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380 H I S TO RY OF THE BOM BAY PR E S IDEN C Y .

nowto confr ontnoton ly des perate rebel s in one

of the mightiestfortres ses i n Ind ia, led by the ir RaniLak s hmi B ai , a woman of u nbending w ill and re lentles scr uelty , butals o an army of m en led by a com

mander who had defeated a Br iti s h general atCawnpor eandtakenthatc ity fr om h im . Fewthings inthe annal s ofthe Br itis h army ar e more S plendi dthan S ir Hugh Rose ’

s .

achievem ents atthi s cr is i s . The bombardmentwas

keptup mor e v igorou s lythan ever , butall the m en thatcould be spared were col lected fr om the two brigadesto attack Tantia on the nextday. Tantia had de

tached a por t ion of his for ce to r el ieve the c ity on

the nor th ; the main body w as on the r ightflank of theBritish , and between them and the r iver B etwa . The

E ngl is h general al s o div ided his s mal l for ces andthe fir stbrigade m ar ched outafter itw as dar k , and lay downto restunobs er ved onthe r ightflank of the enemy. The secondbr igade r emained in camp . The enemy s warmed near theEngl i sh l ines , andtook up a threatening pos i tion . The ir

s entr ies kep ttel l i ng the B rit is hthaton the mor r owtheywould all be s entto hel l , while the gar ris on s houted , fir eds al u tes and beattheir dr um s . Onthe mor ning of I stA pri l ,whi lethe w or k of bombar dmentwenton as u s ual i n sp iteof volley upon volley of m u s ke try fromthe wall s ,the battlebegan . The Br i t is h infantry were or der ed “to lie down ,andthe artil lery opened fir e onthe advanc ing enemy . B utthe fi re was ins uffic ientto check them . S ee ing th is , S irHugh s enthis hor se ar t i l lery and some dragoons againsttheir r ight flank , and him s elf ledthe charge of his r emaining cavalry aga instthe left. The flanks gave w ay before

the fier ce on s laught; the centre hal ted in bew i l derment;the Briti s h infantry leapedtotheir feet , fired a vol ley, and

E XPLO IT S O F TH E BO M BAY AR M Y. 381

putthe whole ofthe fir stl ine t o fl ightw ith the bayonet.A momentlater , andthe force which Tantia had detachedthe n ightbefore came ru s hing back , pur s ued bythe fir stbrigade , and the rebe l arm y was in full re treat. E venthen Tantia d is played his genera lship . H e s etfire

to the jungle to hin der pur s u it,

and took his tr oopsacros s the B etwa , covering their r etreatby an artilleryfir e . But the Br i tis h cavalry and hor s e ar t illery das hedthr ough the flames , gal loped through the r i ver

,

and when ats unsetthey r etur ned from the pur s u itthey had captured twenty-e igh t guns . I n the day ’sfighting ofthe enem y per is hed . The nextday thebreach in the wal l was reported practicable ; and onthe3rd, atthree o ’ clock in the mor ning ,

the m en were in

their places forthe as s au lt . Atleng th the order to ad

vance was gi ven . Bu t s i lently as the ir movements hadbeen executed

,the gleam s ofthe ir weapons i nthe pale moon

l ightbe trayed them ; the garris on was prepared , and fier ces hower s of s hot, bullets , and rocket s were poured dow n uponthe as s aul t ing columns . A sthey drew nearto the walls ,.tr ees , block s of wood , stones , and pots full of pitch werehur led dow n w ith fear fu l eflect. For a m om entthetr oop s wavered , butthe s torm er s aga in pres sed on, c lim b ingthe ladder s which the s apper s plan ted . Three of thelad der s s napped , butthe check w as only mom entary .

Lieutenan ts D ick and M eiklejohn , ofthe Engineer s , s prangontothe wal ls . Their m en fol lowed , and das hed intother ebels ; butD i ck and M eiklejohn fel l dead . Wh i le theenemy were va inly endeavour ing to r epe l this at tack ,another par ty foughttheir w ay in on the left; the two

.bodies j o i ned onthe ram par t s,andthe mutineer s fel l bac k .

A te rr ible s truggle thentook place forthe posses s ion ofthe

382 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY PR ES IDENC Y .

town . The infur iated s old ier s foughttheir way through an

obstinate r es istance tothe fort, fr om wh ich a cannonadew as s t i l l keptup , and putevery m an in itto the sword .

By ne xtmorn ing of the r ebels wer e s lain ; for , re

m ember ingthe mas s acr e ofthe Englis h ,the s old ier s gave

no quarter . B utthe Ran i es caped on hor s eback,w ith a

small es cort, and joined Tantia Top i atKalp i .The r ebel arm y atKalpi again concentrated , and num

bered m en . Th ey hadthrown up str ong intrenchments on the r oad fr om Jhans i , ata place cal ledKunch .

’

Kalpi , ther efore , mu s t be taken . B utfier ce as

the r ebel r es istance had been,the Br i t ish tr oops had

a deadl ier enemy in the tropical s un atthe s ummer

sol stice andthe har ds hips ofthe cam paign had fi l led thehos p ital s . For near lythree week s S ir Hugh had to r e

m ai n atJhans ito r ecruithis m en , and col lects uppl ies and

am mun ition . Onthe 2 5th he s etoutfor Kal p i , leav ingJhans i i n charge of s ome re infor cements thathad come

fr om Rajputana . Befor e daybr eak , onthe 6th of M ay, he

began his mar ch again stthe stockade atKunch . The

m en were w ear ied outby wantof s leep ; and,as the

s un r os e higher and higher in his fiery char iot,they

cr ied hyster i cally for water and almostbroke dow n w ithe x c i tementand nervou snes s . Atlength , af ter mar ch ing four

teen mi le s ,they haltedtwo miles off Kunch, and r ecru i ted

the ir flagging s tr ength w ith food and r est. Their s trengthr ev i ved , and inthe battlethatfollow edthe infantry compelledthe enemyto retire the cavalry and hor s e ar ti l lery s hatteredtheir ranks ; andthe 52nd Bengal I nfantry , which hadmut i nied in September , w as a lm ostannihilated . The

m en had mar ched and foughtfor s i x teen hour s w i th thetherm ometer at1 1 5° i n the s hade . More were s tr icken

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384 H I S TO R Y OF THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENCY .

ofthe Ganges w as br oken . Throughoutthe nightKalp iw as s he l led by Maxwel l ’s artillery ; and when on them or ning ofthe 2 3rd S ir Hugh ’

s for ces enter ed the city,p igs and dogs were fighting over corpses in the streets ,butnota s ign of the enem y could be s een . Fifty gunsand a large amountof stores and ammunition were foundinthe r ebel ar s enal . The enemy w ere pur sued and overtaken bythe cavalry ; the s epoys cutdown by hundreds,and alltheir r em a in ing guns captured .

S ir Hugh Ros e had fulfil led his instr uctions u naided bythe Madras colum n, which arr ived a few days later ; and,

deeming that his labour s were over , he is s ued a farew ellor derto hi s army . S oldier s ,

”itsaid

, you have mar chedm orethan a thousand miles

, and taken m ore than a

hundr ed gun s , you have for ced your w ay thr ough mountain pas ses and intr icate j ungles , and o ver r i ver s ; youhave captur edthe str ongestforts and beatthe enemy, no

m atter whatthe odd s , wherever you m ethim ; you haver estored exten s ive d istricts to the Government, and peaceand or der now re ign wher e before, fortwe l ve m onths , wer etyranny and rebellion ; you have done all this , and you

have never had a check . Ithank you w i th al l my s incerityfor your bravery, your devotion , and your d is c ipl ine .

When you fir stm ar ched , I told you thatyou, as Br i tish

s oldier s , had more than enough of cour age forthe workwhich was before you, butthatcourage w ithoutd is cipl inewas of no avai l ; and I e x hor ted youto letdis c ipline be yourwatchwor d . Y ou have attendedto my or der s . I n har ds hip s

,intem ptat ion s

,and in danger s you have obeyed

your general , and you have ne ver leftyour ranks . Y ou havefoughtagainstthe strong, and you have defended ther ights ofthe weak and defenceles s, of foes as wel l as fr iend s .

EXPLO I TS OF THE BO M BAY AR M Y . 385

l . have s een you ,in the ar dour of com bat , pre s er ve and

place children outof harm ’

s way . This is the d i s ciplineo f Chr i s tian s ol dier s ; and itis th i s w h ich has broughtyoutr ium phantfrom the s hores of Western India tothew ater s of the Jum na

,and e s tablis hed , w ithoutdoubt,that

you w ill find no placeto equa lthe glory of y ou r arm s .

The order was i s s ued onthe 1 stof June . Onthe 4th,

S ir Hugh was astounded by the new s thatTantia Topihad formed a new and unlooked -for com bination by whichto re tr ieve his fortune and prolong the s truggle . Makingforthe for tres s of Gwal ior

,w i th the Rani and R ao Sahib

,

lhe stirred S india ’

s m en to r evol t . S ind ia marched outto attack the arm ie s thatthe thr ee leader s brought in tohis dominions , buthis whole arm y ,

if w iththe excep tion of

his body-

guar d , w entover tothe enem y , and he him s elffledto Agra . H is c ity and for tre s s fell into the hand softhe mu tineer s , who once m or e proclaim ed Nana Sahibunder the title of Pes hwa . The actw as notonly of

unexpec ted dar ing, butof cons umm ate m ilitary s kil l .Tantia had cutintwo the l ine of comm unica tion betweenBombay and Agra , gained imm ens e s tor es and m unim ent sof war , and ra i s ed his pr es t igeto an unpr ecedented height .Fully r ecognis ing the magn itude of the emergency , S irHugh m ade his preparations ins tantly to r es um e thec am paign . Onthe 6th of June he leftKalpi

,and, mak ing

for ced m arches , ar r i ved inten days atthe Cantonm entofMorar , near Gwalior , and onthe day of his ar r ival fought

.another br illian t engagem entw hich made him m as ter of

thatplace (June l 6th) .

The nextday, June 1 7th , S ir Hugh Ros e learnt that‘75 This w a s S india

’

s own arm y , di stinctfrom the Gwalior con

tingent, which had long S ince r cvolted .

2 5

386 H I S TOR Y OP THE BO M BAY PR E S ID ENC Y .

General S m i th ’

s colum n , w hich had been hol ding Jhan s i,

w as advanc ingto r einfor ce him . Sm ith ’

s ad vance was s t ub

bornly r es isted , and an obstinate engagem en t w as fough t

atKota-ki-Serai , s ou th of Gwalior . I nthe las t charge bythe 8th Hus s ar s . atrooper c ut down a w om an dres s ed inm ale at t ir e , who w as no otherthanthe dar ing Lak s hm iB ai

,Rani of Jhan s i , whom S ir Hugh es teem ed as

“the bes tand bravestm ilitary leader of the r ebel s .

”

Onthe 18th ,S ir Hugh m ar chedto join Sm ith

, w ho had

cam ped notfar from Gwalior , leav ing General RobertNapier , now Lor d Nap ier of Magdala, who had s ucceededto ,

the com mand of his 2 ud B r igade , to hol d the Morar

cantonm ent. Late inthe even ingthe troops halted near

Sm ith ’

s pos i tion ,after a m ar ch of twenty m ile s , in w hich

in one r egim ent a lone the s un s tr uck dow n no few er

than e ighty . S ir Hugh determ ined to attack the enem y

onthe 2 0th . But ear ly onthe 1 9 th he s aw them mov ingoutfrom Gwalior agains t him , and a ccor ding to his u s ua lcu stom he attacked them fir s t . The charge was or der ed

,

and the ever -v ictor iou s armv hur led the r ebel s back in

conq Ion on the c ity and V igorous ly follow ed up the irs ucces s . That very dav Gwal ior w as r econquered , and

an order s en tto Napierto pur s u ethe flee ing enem y . B utthe mighty fortr es s of Gwal ior , the G ibraltar of I nd ia,thatloomed 300 fee t above the city

,s til l he l d out

,and

its gun s r e -Opene d fi re . Hearingthe fire , Lieu tenan t Ros eOf the 28th Bom bay Native Infantry and LieutenantW aller , a brother -offi cer , determined on a dar ing deed .

Tak ing a black s m ith and a few s epoys ,they crepts ilent ly

tothe fir s t gateway , bur s t itOpen and pas s ed five more in

the s ame manner . A t las tthe alarm w as g iven, and a fier ce

s tr uggle took place . Thetwo officer s gather ed their men

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388 H I S TOR Y or THE BO M BAY P R E S I D E N OY .

thank s gi v ing—“A humble offer ing of gratitu deto A lm ighty

God forthe many m ercies vouch s afed .

”

B utlong befor ethis , people in England m ade up their m ind s thattheGovernm entof the Com pany m u s t ceas e . The Companyhad had a unique his tory, and under ithad been builtup a vastem p ir e . B utthe m utiny had s hown thattheempire was too vastto be ru led by a body of mer chant sand on the l stof Nov ember 1858, a proclam ationw as r ead i n ev ery Station in Ind ia

,in the Englis h

and the native languages , thatthe Com pany w as

abolished and Ind ia brought u nder the d irect ru le of

the Br i tis h Crown . From the s teps of the Town Hal l inBom bay the proclam a tion w as r ead outto thousand sandthou s and s , who l i stenedto itw i th dem onstrati ve enthus iasm . I n the Bom bay Pres i dency the s pir itof theproclam ation w as car r ied outfir stby Lor d E lph ins toneand then by S ir George Cle rk , who for a s econd time

becam e Governor . Rebellion was pardoned and des pairingchiefs al lowedto adopts ons . I n thi s way the prophecyw as fulfil led which foretoldthe extinc tion ofthe Com pany ’

s

R aj . Lord Cann ing,the Governor -General , becam ethe fir stV iceroy of India . A l l ex i sting dign ities , r ights , us agesand treat ies were confirm ed

,andthe people wer e as s ur ed

thatthe B r itis h Governm enthad ne i ther the r ightnorthe des iretotam per w ith the ir r e l igion or cas te . W i ththe exception of thos e who had been im pl icated in themur der s , an am nes ty w as grantedto all mut ineer s . A nd

s incethe m utiny, no S tate w ith in the lim i t s of India has

been annexedtothe Br itis h crown,thoughOccas ions , wh ich

under the ,old r égim e would have been promp tly followed

by annexat ion,have notbeen wan t ing . The pr es entH igh

Cour ts ateach Pres i dency were cr eated bythe amalgama

EXPLO IT S OF‘ THE BO M BAY AR M Y. 389

tion of the Com pany ’

s Courts of Sadar Adalatw ith theSupr em e Cou rts , w hos e j udges w er e s en t outfrom England .

The wis dom of one s tep that w as taken i n connectionw ith the trans fer of the Governm en t to the Crownhas been k eenly debated . The Company pos s es s ed a

E uropean arm y of s eas oned v eterans , Thes e m en

w ould have gladly r e-enlis ted inthe Q ueen ’

s arm y for a

s m al l bounty butthey weretrans ferr ed from one s er v iceto the other w ithou t any reference to their w i s hes , as

they them s e l ve s expres s ed i t,like s o m any cat tle . They

evinced s er iou s d i s conten t ; and one r egim ent, the 5thBengal Fu s i lier s , br oke into open mu tiny . For tunatelyth i s d is turbance w as s oothed w ithouta r es or t to for ce .

B utthey all dem anded the ir d is charge, and w er e s enthome to England w ith a free pas s age . Ther e , how ever ,they were mostly abs orbed in to n ine new r egim ent s of

royal infant ry , thr ee of cavalry,and addi t ions to the

engineer and ar t i llery corp s .

I t has been s een thatthe or igin ofthe mut iny m u s t bea s cr ibedto a com b inat ion of cau s es and notto any one

cau s e in par ticu lar . It cannoteven be s aid how far i tor ig inated w i thinthe rank s of the arm y, or how far itw as

dueto pol i tica l intr igues , which w or ked on m en alr eadyd is loyal . The inhabitants of Ind ia as a general rule , excep tin Oudh , were neutral . The rebel l iou s pr inces and chiefsamong whom w erethe Emperor of Delh i and his fam ily ,Nana Sahib

,the R an i of Jhans i andthe Raja of Banpur

w er e altoge ther in the m inor i ty com pared w ith thos ew ho r em ained loyal

,includingthe great Maratha ch iefs ,

S india, H olkar,and the Gaikwar . England had pas s ed

tr ium phan tlythr oughthe fier ces t ordeal thather arm s had

ever m etw i th inthe Eas t . The loyal clas s es , ifthey w an ted

390 H IS TOR Y 0 1‘

TH E BO M BAY PR E S ID ENC Y .

any further proofs ofthe benefic ial nature of Engl is h r ule,

had an am ple dem onstration of whatthe rule which its upplanted was l ike , inthe ins ecur ity for l ife and propertythatatonce S prang up wher ever her author ity for a

t im e ceas ed to be . The old c las s of hereditary robbeand mar auder s helpedthe propertied clas s es to r ealis e what.they gained from the P an: B r itannica . Shatter ed as w a s

the hostile com bination by the iron hand of the Super ior race , s igns wer e notwanting thats ucce s s would haves ever ed its di s cordantelem en ts as s ur ely a s failure . The

Muham m adan s longed to r estore the m agnificence of

the emp ire of A urangz ib, and the s tandar d of Bahadur

Shah w as a u s eful rallying-pointfor all who w is hed toshake off a for eign yok e . B utNana Sahib had his own

ends in v iew , the s ucces s ful accom pl is hmentof whichwould have s oon br oughthim into confl i ctw iththe r epr e

s entative s of Akbar . N or w ith the r ev ival of S hiwaj i’

s

em pir e coul d the H indus of Northern Ind ia have thes lighte sts ym pathy . The ir hi stor i cal as s ocia tions r eturnedtothe old condition of things , befor e Muhamm adans hadinterfered w iththe Aryan race in India . The les s er Rajasm erely wan ted an overthr ow of the s y stem wh ich prevented them from indulging the ir taste for tyranny and

plunder . The inhabi tan ts of India are s ingular ly wantingin a hi stor i cal s ens e , and they looke d for the r es toration

of an imag inary golden age which, as far as is known tou s , w as a d ismal era of aggres s ion, v iolence and mur der .

N ote ven under the far -reach ing tolerance of Akbar w as

there anything l ike a national adminis trat ion ; nor d id

e itherthe ruler s or the r uled ever con template the ex is

t ence of a Governmen t for the benefitof the people .

Splendi d palaces and for ts w ere bu i l t,

and road s w ere

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( 39 2 )

XXV I I .

~ —INTERNAL ADM IN I STRATION .

N 1830, S ir John Malcolm wrote, “I do hope thissteam nav igation w il l be pus hed through .

”B ut

the Bom bay Governm ents eemingly d id notagr ee wi thits chief a s to the .value of thi s comm unication . The

promoter w as inform ed that“the Governm en t did notlook for s im ilar ad vantage s fr om his s ucces s as the oth erpr es i denc ies .

”B utthe open ing of s team nav igation

has m ade Bom baythe pr inc ipal com m er c ia l ci ty in Ind ia .

I n 1838, m onthly comm uni cation be tween Bom bay and

England , bv the over land route , w as establ i s hed ; bu tthesteamer s of the Ind ian Mar ine , that car r ied the m ail sbetween Bom b ay and Su e z , wer e often irregular . . Thisar rangem ent continuedtil l 1 855 , w henthe Penin s ular and

Or iental Com pany enter ed into a fortni ghtly contrac t forthe s er v ice . I n 1868 Bom bay w as m ade the por t of

ar r ival and departur e for the Englis h m ail s for all India ;and S ince the Opening of the Sue z Canal in 1869 , al l

Governm en t troop ship s w ith r eliefs from England for

India d is embar k their m en atBom bay . I n 1865telegraphic comm un i cat ion w as establis hed be tween England and

Karach i by way ofthe Per s ian Gulf, and in 1870 betweenBombay and S ue z . Importantas com munica t ion w i thEngland was , internal commun i cations were s car cely, ifatall, les s s o . I n the Maratha war s the d ifficulty of

marching through the Konkan and upthe Ghat s i ntothe

INTE R NAL A D M I N I s I R ATI OX. 393

Deccan w as almos t insu rm ountable . I n 1803 Genera lWe lle s ley m ade a rough track upthe Bhor Ghatto Khandal la , but itw as s ub s equent ly pulled up bythe Pes hwa . I n

1830, S ir John Malcolm opened an excel lentr oad upthe

s am e Ghat , and tha t and his dis covery of M ahableshwar

ar ethe pr incipal achievem ent s of his ru le . I n 1863 S ir

Bartle Fr ere,Governor of Bom bay , atthe opening of

the Bhor GhzitRa i lw ay incl ine—which for fifteen m ile s

takes the locom otive up near ly feet,by a s er ies of

v iaduct s and tunne l s,th rough w il d and beautifu l s cenerv

quoted S ir John Malcolm ’

s congra tu latory addres s

on the com ple tion of the road,and s aid When I

firs t s awthe Ghat, s om e year s later , w e w er e ver y proud in

Bom bay of our m ail -car tto Puna ;the fir s t,and atthatt im e

I believe the onl y one running in Ind ia ,but itw as s om e

year s later befor ethe road w as general ly u s ed for w hee led

carr iage s . I r em em ber that w e m ethar dly a s ingle cartbe tween KhaI I dalla and Puna long drov es of pack -bul lock shad s t i l l ex clu s ive pos s es s ion of the road ; and probablym ore car t s now pa s s up and dow n the Ghzitin a w eekthan w er ethento be s een on itin a w hole year . B utthedays of m ail -car t and bul lock -car t , as w el l as the B r injar ipack-bu llocks , are now draw ing to a clos e . Bom baycan boas t that s he took the lead in introduc ing railw avs

into India . The Gr eat Indian Penins ula Railway was pro

j ected in 184 4 . The fir s t tw enty m ilesto Thana were Openedin 1853 ; and in the mutiny Jacob w as ableto trave l byrai l to the foot ofthe Ghats below Khandalla . Throughcomm un icat ion w as e s tablis hed w ith Calcutta in 1 870, andw i th M adras in 187 1 . Bythe Bombay ,

Baroda and C entralIndia Railwaythere is through comm unication with De lhiand fr om Karachi

,bythe Indu s Val ley State Rai lway , w it h

394 H I STOR Y OF THE BOM BAY P R E S I D E N OY .

‘the Panjab ; w hile ra i lway enterpr i s e i s bu s y i nthe Kath iawar Penin s u la, the Que tta ter r i tory , and the Deccan .

E xcel len t or d inary road s cover the coun try . The s epoy so f the Bom bay arm y

,un like that of B engal , have ne ver

been unw illing to cros s the s ea . They have di stingu is hedthem s el ves in many an expedi t ion abroad , whe ther in

C hina , atAden,in Abys s inia , Burm a or Egyp t ; while for

its extr aor d inary prom ptnes s in des patchingtr oop s f rom itsd ockyard s , atalm osta mom en t ’s not ice, Bom bay has

achie ved no sm al l r eputat ion .

Bom bay i ts elf has grow n into a c ity of which its citi z ensm ay wel l be proud . Its beau tiful natural pos ition has

been em bel lis hed by m ag nificent public build ings,and

s ub stantial pr iva te dw e lling-hou s es . The v iew fr omMalabar Hil l overthe water s of Back B aytothe For t hasbeen com pared to Neapol itan land s capes

,and B is hop

H eber ’

s l inesThytowe r s ,they s ay , gleam fair , B om bay ,A cros s the brightblue s ea

,

”

pay a graceful com pl im enttothe beautiful outl ines . The

populat ion of Bom bay i s about and is rapidlyincreas ing . I t form s a cosnI Opolitan s ocie ty of the mos ts tr i k ing var ietie s of race

,nat ional i ty and r eligion . Of

the total num ber there ar e Par s i s , and

Europeans ; the lat ter , howev er , inclu d ing m any who are

har dly l iterally entitled to thatde s ignation . The P ar s I s

a r e an enter pr is ing com mer cia l race . They are s prungf romthe fire-wor s h ipp ing Per s ian s , who lefttheir countryinthe s eventh cen tury on its conquestbythe Muhammadan s .

They fir s t took r efuge atOrm u z,in the Per s ian Gulf ,

and af terw ar d s m igrated to the Kath iawar Penins ula and

thence to Gu z arat. Settling inthe country, they adop ted

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396 H ISTO R Y OP THE BO M BAY P R E S IDEN C Y .

duty ofthe Col lec tor to keep him s elf inform ed , and to»

w atchthe operatio n . The v ic is s i t u des oftrade,the stateofthe cur rency, the adm in is tration of c iv i l j u sti ce ,thep rogres s of pub l ic work s , mustall affectm ostmater ial lythe interes t s ofthos e clas s es of whom he is the con sti tutedguar dian .

Whatthe d is tr ictistothe State ,the v i llage is to the distr ictand ther e i s a com ple te s er ies of l ink s fromthe v illagepatil , or headman , to the Col lector . A cer ta in num berof v illages , s ay 2 00, con s titute a taluka ,

which is underthecharge of a native officer cal led a Mam latdar , who hasr evenue and m agis ter ial pow er s , and in his sm aller s pherepos s es s e s inthetalukathepos i tionthatthe Collector hol d sinthe d istr i ct. A distr i ctgeneral ly conta in s ninetotwel vetalukas . Three or fourtalukas form a sub-div is ion (ofthedis tr ic t) and ar e admini s ter ed by an as s istantor deputycol lec tor . The var iou s depar tm en t s ar e r ep res ented in

each distr i ctby officer s,who wor k under the d irection

or in co-Operation w i ththe collector , but ar e yetcontrol ledbythe heads ofthe ir own departm en t

,The pol ice ar e

in charge of a D istr ictSuper intendent,w ho is r es pons ible

to the D i s tr i c t Magi s tr ate for the effic iency of his for ce ,and i s l ikew is e in m ore profes s ional m atter s under theor der s of the Ins pector -General of Pol i ce for the wholePres i dency . The fores t s are in charge of a D i str ictFor estOfficer

,who has s im i lar connections with the

Col lector and the Cons er vator of Fores ts . S o w ith thePublic Work s Depar tm en t

,ther e is an E xecut i ve Engi neer ,

w ho is r es pons ible for publ i c build ings , r oad s and

br idges ; and s ome t ime s a s eparate Officer for irrigation .

The E xecu tive Engineer is controlled in te chnical m attersby the S uper intend ing Engi neer, and In general mat ter s

INTER NAL AD M IN I S TR ATI ON . 39 7

bythe Collector . The heal th of the d i str ictis lookedafter by a Civ il Surgeon, w ho is contr olled by theS urgeon -Gen era l w i ththe Governm entof Bombay . The

Educat ional D epar tm en t has a Deputy -Ins pe ctor , who

w ork s w i ththe Col lector , and yetunder the D ir ector of

Publ ic Ins truct ion ; and s o w ith other departm ents, s uch as

the Sal t, Telegraph and Pos t-office .

The system of land tenur e has already been r efer red to( page I t is founded On the ex is t ing nat i ve s ys tem ,

bu t broughtinto a mor e r egular and uniform Shape bytheS ur vey Depar tm ent . The Sur vey S ettlement was begunin 1836, andten year s later the var ious ex isting s ur veyswere system at i s ed in a r egular and definite form . In 184 7a JointS ur vey Reportwas made by M r . Goldsm id of theCiv i l Ser v ice , Capta i n (now S ir George) W ingate , and

Captain D . Dav id s on, and thes e joint r ules , w hich wereex trem ely conc i s e and s im ple, rem ainedthe au thor ity 0 11thes ubjec tti l l 1865 . I n that yearthey were aga in is s ued , butwith cons iderable modifications ; and under the pr es entLand R e venue Codethe s ys tem has becom e m ore intr icateand e laborate . Alm os t the whole of the Pr es i dency hasbeen m easured outby the depar tm entinto “Sur veyNum ber s ,

”and boundary m arks , w hich are carefully pre

s er ved , s etup between each ind iv i dual fiel d , and m ap s of

each v il lage prepar ed in de tai l . The land hav ing beenmeas ured out, itis clas s ed accor dingtothe author is ed rulesw ith refer ence to s oil , pos ition and other cons i derations

,

and its as s es sm entthereby fixed for aterm ofthir ty year s .

The For es t Departm en t is of later or igin . The fir stC ons ervator of Forests w as cr eated in 184 7 , butno staff wasappointed for many year s later ; and the departmentp ract i cally date s from 1865

,when itwas handed over from

398 H IS TOR Y OF TH E BO M BAY P R E S I D E N OY .

the M i l itary B oar dtothe R evenue Departm ent. W i ththeincr eas e of population and the clearance of land for cu l

tivation , itwas found thatthe was teful us e Of wood and

the indis cr im inate cutt ing down of tr ees by the landholder s and v i llager s was denud ingthe country of forests ,and e ven affecting the cl im ate . Forests ar e now stringently pr es er ved , andthe check onthe form er lav is h was teof wood has created cons iderable d is content. The pr inciples of the departm enthave been thu s la i d dow n byGovernment The tr ue Objects for which the Fores tDepartm enti s organ ized and m ai ntai ned are

(1 3 25) To guard and pre serve from wasteful destruotion thetim ber growm g on definedtracts of land , which

m ay proper ly be w ithdrawn from pr ivate occupation and

by good management to ens ure the supply from thos etracts i n time to com e of thetim ber needed to m eetthewants ofthe country .

(2nd .) To combine w i ththe above the r eal i zati on, byreasonable m eans , of s uch a r evenue as the Governm entisfair ly entitled to expectfrom its pos s es s i on of s uch valu

able property .

“B utin s tr i v ing to atta i nthes e end s , Governmentarebound to pay due r egar d to the hab i t s and want s of

perhap s the poores t c las s of the populat ion ; and theys trongly depr ecate v exatious and exces s ive inter fer encew iththe ir daily l ife, forthe purpos e of enfor c ing in pe t tydeta i ls the s o-cal led r ights ofthe Fores t Depar tm ent .

The for es ts now br ing in a hand s ome r evenueto Govern »

ment.Wherever Engl is hmen govern they w ill m ake roads and

bridges , and nowhere w as there more needed in th is w ay

than inthe empire thatw e won fromthe Pes hwa . Publ ic

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4 00 H I S L‘OR Y OF THE BOM BAY PR ES IDEN C Y .

of one annato a rupee ofthe as s es sm ent, andthattwo-third softhi s s hould goto roads and one-thirdto education . Otherfund s ,too, w ere added , s uch as the s urplu s from tol l andferry and catt le-pound fund s , andthe managementof thes ew or k s handed over to the Local Fund Com mi ttee . The

sys tem has now developedto large propor tions .

While s elf-governing v i llage comm unities have ex is tedin Ind ia from tim e imm em or ial , the un itunder nati ve r ulenever ceas ed to be the v i llage . B utbes ide s the sys tem

of Local Fund Comm i ttees ,the Br i tis h Go ver nm enthascreated Munic ipal ities in all towns above a certain s i zeforthe managem ent by the c i t izens in conj unc tion w i th

the d i str ictauthor i t ies Of the local affair s of the town ,

s u ch as r oad s , education, water -s upply , and s anitary ar

rangem ents .

I n orderto en s urethe proper work ing of this elaborate

s ystem of adminis tration, the Bom bay Governm entins istson D istr i c t Officer s s pending a large partof each year on

tour . The Col lector is ontour in his di str ictfor atleastfour mon th s annually ; butd irec tlythe dry weather of eachyear isthoroughly es tabl i s hed atthe end of October

, eachA s s istantCollec tor , S uper intendentOf Pol i ce, ForestandS urvey Officer moves into cam p , and lives intents ti l l thefol low ing June , whenthe ra ins dr ive him intothe s tat ion .

Pitching his cam p in one v i l lage after another,talk ing to

the people and l i sten ing to the ir gr ievances , each D is

tr ictOfficer get s a thorough acqua in tance w ith the want softhe country , andthe s tate of feeling of the people . H e

makes the acquaintance of the influent ial inhab i tant s of

the country, andthe lower and m ore ignorantclas s es haveeasy ac ces s for the purpo s e of m ak ing knowntheir complaints . E ven when the gr ievance is an im aginary one

INT E R NAL AD M IN I S TR ATION . 4 01

and itcannotbe rem edied , itg ives imm ens e gratificationtothe s im ple ryotto be ableto te l l hi s s tory to the Sah ib

in his own language , and Obtain a patien t hear ing . Thu sEnglis h officials go everywher e and s ee everything ; theyac tual ly live am ongthe people , and s ee them in their m osta t trac tive gu is e when carrying on the ir agr icul tura l operat ions inthe ir v il lage s , and notby any m ean s only whene x erci sm g the ir inim itable talent for sw ear ing thatblacki s wh ite in our law courts .

H ow farthe Br it is h s ys tem of Governmenthas r eally(affected the m as s of the people and taken a hold upon

them , w hetherthey are thr i v ing and happy, or poor and

m is erable under ou r rule,is a va s t s ubject, and one thatcan

hardly be ans w ered in a m om ent . Ithas been r eiteratedover and over again of late year s

,by thos e w ho das h

.through Ind ia in a fly ing col d w eather tour , or who s eek

to gain a notor ie ty by s ens at ional w r iting,thatthe condi

tion of the people is ge t ting w or s e year by year ; tha tunder Br itis h r ule they w i ll s oon be all r u ined ; that theyar e atpr e s ent undergoing m is er ies which are butprem oni

toryto ab s olu te bankr up tcy, and tha t our s y s tem is whollyal ien to the i r wants and r equir em ent s . Unfortunately ,

w ri ter s Of this clas s general ly p rove too m u ch ,and the

m ere continued exis tence of the Anglo-Ind ian system in

s pite of the ir prophecies is enoughto dem olis h their ca s e .

B utw e w ho l ive am ongthe people , and w eek after w eek

never s ee the face of a fel low -countrym an ,m ay atall

e vents ha ve a claim to be hear d as to w hatw e are

doing .

To com pare the pos i tion of the ryots and culti vatingc lass es in general w ith tha t of corre s ponding clas s es in

E urope is neces s ar i ly futi le . They belong to different

402 H I S TOR Y OF THE BO M BAY P B B S I D E N OY .

wor ld s . An Englis h labour er is extrem ely badly Off

on tw o s hi ll ings a day . But a labour er in Ind ia is w e llofi on three or four pence . Food is cheap and p lentifulc lothes , beyond a gir dle r ound his loins for the gr eaterpartof the year , ar e s uperfluou s encum brances . Fromthe phys ical conditions of the country, the rate of wageshas been from the ear l ies t tim es e xtrem ely low andthelabour m arke t abundan t , while interes t and r entw ere

alw ays high . A nd s o, f rom the fir st, the w eal th of theupper c las s es w as e x ces s i ve ; the poverty of the low estgr eat. Thatthe cu l t ivator can e ver be ac tually w ealthy isim pos s ible

.Gov ernm entcannotalter the natur al cond i

tion of things . B utitnever theles s can do, and has done

no l ittle forthe ryot . Ithas given him an abs olutely fixed ;

tenure , w i th freedom over his land,s u ch a s exi s ts in no

other partofthe w or ld ; itaccepts a m oderate r ent , w h ichi s as s es s ed forthirty year s in advance ; a r ent w hich in fair

s eas ons leave s an am ple profit,and in poor s eas ons enough

to l i ve on . I n bad s eas on s,in or derto pr e ventbor row ing

athigh inter estfromthe m oney -lender, Governm entm akes ;

loans tothe ryots forthe purchas e of s eed and cattle , andfor as s istance under particular dis tr e s s ; and atanytim e

advances m oney forthe cons tru ction of w e l l s and im prove

m entof land . I f by death, or otherw i s e, a s ur vey num ber

ceas es to be occupied,the re is alway s con s iderable com pe

tition for its leas e ; and the r entbe ing fi x ed and unal ter

able ,the r ightof occupancy is putup to auc tion for a

l um p s um ,the land atthe as s es s ed rentpas s ing tothe

highestb idder . Judgingthem bythe phys ical condi t ionsof the coun try, and tak ing into cons idera t ionthe l im itede xtentO f their r equ ir em ents

,and notlos ing s ight of their

impr ov identhabits , no one who has l i ved among and

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4 04 H IS TO R Y or THE BO M BAY PR E S IDENC Y .

upon as a m at ter of cour s e . There is no golden road bywhichto r em edy this di s ea s e . Im provementm ay com e in

t im e bythe s pread of education , butthe proces s i s neces

s ar ily s low .

‘Thu s wh ilethe s tandard of pros per ity cannotbe very high, yetwhen food is cheap , cloth ing har dly needed ,hou s es am ply s uited to the cl im ate builtats l ightlabourand cost, where im prov idence r eckles s ly s quander s naturaladvantages ,the population are

,cons ider ing allthings , we l lto

do, and m ostas s ur edly do notlooked starved or unhappy .

The people ofthe roughestland s inthe Deccan contrastfavourably in appearance w i th the peas antry inthe r ichpla ins of B engal under the perm anents ettlementandzem indar i s ys tem .

Tha t thes e people have the s l ightestam b ition for any

th ing beyond hav ing enoughto eatand dr ink and giv ingtheir s ons and daughter s in m ar r iage is a s uppos itionw h ich ,

if enter tained atall, i s altogether im aginary . WhatS hiwaj i and the S ind Am ir s thoughtOf the comm on

people has‘

been r ecorded . They have always coun ted for

nothing ; the idea of the ir ever hav ing a voi ce i n themanagem entof the state or even of the affa ir s Of their

ow n distr ict, always excepting the ir v il lages , would haves eem ed lud icrou s and ab s ur d . They have for century

after century toiled and obeyed, giving al legiance to the ir

r uler s whoever they m ightbe , and taking little in ter estin whothey w er e . Therefor e, any compar i s on ofthem w i th

the Engl is h peas ant, who w ear s boots and clothes , r ead s thenew s paper s and recor d s his v ote for his county or borough ,

i s ut ter ly im pos s ible and m i s lead ing. In real tr uth ,the

condi tion Of the ryothas steadi ly im proved and is

s t il l im prov ing . Whether he r ealis es thatfac t is qu i te

another th ing . The nati ve of Ind ia has l ittle his tor ical

INTER NAL AD M INI S T R AT ION . 405

s ens e or recol lec tion ; and, while he forgets all abouttheP indharis , he m aytalk of the good oldtim es , w hich ex istonly in his im agination . There ar e plenty of de s igningpeople who are r eady to te l l him that never beforew as he s o badly Off

,and that his m is ery is entirely

due to a foreign Governm ent . Natives of the higher and

more educated clas s es are found who,to s ecur e polit icalad vancem ent , journeyto England and prate to audiences ,who have no m ean s of ver ifyingtheir s tatem ents

,of their

beingthe repres entat i ves of 2 50 m il lion people , and incitep i ty for the w re tched peas antwho only earn s three pencea day and wear s only a cloth round his loins . Tha t on

three pence he can s upporthis fam i ly, and that mor e

cloth ing would m erely be trouble s om e, they om it to m en

tion . To rais e the burden of cas te s uper s t ition and

pr ies tly tyranny thes e s elf-dubbed advocates l if t nots om uch as the ir l itt le finger ; and they could not

,w ithou t

be i ng defiled, touch thes e people whom they profes s torepres ent.That s hor tcom ing s are nece s s ar i ly inc idental to a

fore ign rule need s no dem ons tration . The m anner s of

E uropean officials m ay notalways be in cons onance w ithH indu tas tes , bu t any w ish to offend in s uch a

w ay is a thing alm ostent irely unknown The Br itis hGover nment

,

”a Muhamm adan gentlem an writes , andthe

E uropeans employed in carrying iton are foreigner s ,

between whom andthe nat i ves there is no s ocial s ympathyand fel low feel ing . But i s that Governm enttyrannical , orar e its s er van t s tyran ts ? as s om e per s on s as s ert. This

ques t ion can only be answered com paratively . A com pa

r i s on ins t i tuted between the Br i t is h and native r ule is

very muchtothe advantage ofthe former . I know a great

406 H I STOR Y O F THE BO M BAY P B E S I D E N OY .

deal of the Br i tis h r ule, and als o of the adm inistration of

s om e native state s . W e know whatthe pol i t ical , moral,

and m ater ial cond ition of India w as befor e the B r i tis hr ule . Does any One pr etendto s ay thatthere w ere goodlaw s , thatther e w as pr otection of per s on and proper ty,thatthe poor had any r em edy againstthe gr eatand ther i ch ,thatthere w as l iberty of action and opin ion

,that

there w as peace, thatedu cation w as pr ov ided for thepeople“The adm in istration of many Nati ve States in Ind ia

has con s iderably im proved of late . But to whom is

th is due ? Sure ly to the Br iti s h Governm entandthe irPol itical Agents . I per s onally know thatin cer ta in s tatese ven s uch im provem ents as good comm unicat ions , effici entpol ice , equal ju s tice , r em oval of oppres s ive taxes , Openingof a few s chool s , and s o on w er e adopted bythe ch iefsafter year s of pre s s ing from the Governm entand its agentsand atlastthey w er e adopted to pleas e the B ri tish

Gov ernm ent.“Itis tr ue thatthe m as s es of people in India, both in

B r iti s h India and inthe Nat ive States , ar e poor , ill-fed and

ill-clad . B utwho can s ay thatthis I s duetothe Br it is hr ule ? Their condition w as never better ; itwas perhap s

wor s e before .

”

A few points m ay be noticed which dem on stratethe impro ved condit ion of the people . M en have per i s hed in

m as s es in India from fam ine,atthe v erytim e when in other

par t s ofthe country there w as a s uperabundance of food

which could notbe broughtto them . N ew r ailways pou r

grain by tons into starv ing d is tr i c t s , and wher e fam ine

raged a few year s agother e rema ins no s ign ofthe mi s erythatwas undergone . B utof a gr eatfam ine thatoc cur red

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4 08 H I S TO R Y or THE BO M BAY P R E S I D E N OY .

s tanding of what-is bes t for India, but by a clo s e s tudy of its »

pasth istory andthen by s etting our s el ves down, each inhis own s pher e , and honestly w orking outthe detail s of

a code honestly and ably pr epar ed , nots hifting and changing from dayto day , butfounded on exper ience and s u it

ableto a rude and s imple people who, l ike all people under

the s un,prefer J usticeto L aw

TH E E N D .

I N D E X .

PA GEA bdulla S yad 130

A bercrombie, G ene i al 194

10

A den captured 308

A dil Shahi

A f z ul Khzin

Ahm ad sumAhm ad Shfih A bdaliAhm ad Shah , E inpe r '

AOI

Ahm adIii d , 44 ; taken bytheMarathas , 148 ; bythe E nglish 179

Ahm adnagar , 54 end of thekingdom ,

98 W elles ley at

A lamgir , A urangz ib

A lam gir II .

A lbuquerqueA lex ander . .

A libagA li Muraid of H ydari bzidA li Murad of KyrpurA l ington ,

C aptainA liwardi Khsin

A lla . ud-din,00 11u 1 0 1 of the

'Deccan 40

A lm eida 62

A mherst, Lord 275

A m ir KhIin 234,

“262

A m ir s of S ind 296

Anand R ao G ais ir 2 13,226

A nders on,M 11 , envoyto S india . 184

Angli a—Kanh oj i ,Tukaj i , 126 ; TuL

‘i-j i, 154 ,R aghoj i

:i

bt

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

A pa S Iiheb , regentof B ararA ras

,battle of

A rcot,s iege of

Argaum ,battle of

A r ikera,battle of

A shta,battle of

A s irgahr

A s okaA s say ,e battleOfA uckland

,L oI d

A ungier , GeraldA urangzibad , 96 ; battle of

1 71

14 7

1 94

2 60

4G

28.

19

29 1

1 1 ;

163 .

A urangz ib , Viceroy ofthe D ec

can,96 ; u su ip s the throne

101 war inthe DeccanA z im U lla KhIin

B Iiba Des ai of S IiwantwarIB abar "B al iédur ShahOf G uZIi 1 IitB ah Iidur ShIih , E m perOI

B ahIidur S hIih , lastE m pei 0 1 , 34-3, 3 ’

f’ .

B ahmani,kingdom ofthe Deccan 42

B ahrim KhIin

B aillie , C OL , his defeatB aird, S ir Davi d

7 1

182

2 14

4 1 0

PAGEB airu Pant

,Peshwa

B zij i R ao (1)B aj i R ao 201 flighttoB ombay, 2 1 1 treaty Of B as s ein ,

2 12 ; battle of Khirki , 253 ; surrender sto Malcolm

,2 64 s ent

to C awnpore,265 ; death 323

B akar,fortof 296

B ziliij i B Iij i R ao,143

,149 ; death .

1 60

B alaj i JanIirdin (N Iina Fam riw is 159‘

B IilIij i VVis lIW IinIith 131

‘B Iinkot, or FortVictoria 155

B alance of 231

B a’pu Gokla 250, 254 , 257

B arar , 53, 138 ; cededtotheNiz am . 224

B arlow, S ir George 231

B aroda,3 ; taken by 2 13

B as s ein, 70 ; taken bythe E ng

lish,181 treaty of

B as sora

B ednui

B ell,M r . R os s . .

B entinck,Lord William

,233

G ovem or General,281

,etc .

m eeting w ith R anj itS ing, 291 ;335

, 337

188

87

B hIigoj i N aik

B hagwaB hartpur , s iege of 229 , 276‘B hi ls

,1 1 , 237 ; pacification of 273

B hopal,anarchy 289

‘B hor 1 77

B idai . . 42 , 44 , 53

56‘B ii pu I , 52 , 55 ; its bui ldingtaken by A uiangz ib

INDEX.

B lack Hole of C alcuttaB lake

, M I 1 , murderedB olan Pas sB om bay , ceded by P OItugues e ,1 10 propos alto rem ove f rom

to J anjira , 1 14 ; becom es Pres i

deney , 12 1 growth ofthe city 394B oone

,Governor 135

B ourchier , G overnorB ourquin ,

Louis

B riggs , C aptB ritish S uprem acy

B reach,taken by the E nglish

169 givento S indiaB rowne

,C ol

B rydon, D r

B uddh aB urh Ii npur

B ur mes ew ar

B urnes , A lex anderB urr , C ol

B u s sy

B y field,M r

C abralC al cutta foundedC am ac

,C 0 1 183 198

C am pbell,C apt. 180

C ampbell , S ir C olin 353

C anning, M r . 24 7 , 255 , 2589

C anning, Lord , 328,34 1 be

com es firstViceroyC arnac , M L

,177 dism is s ed

C arnac, S ir Jam es

C arnaticC asteC hIind B ibi

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4 12 INDE N .

PA GEE lphinstone , Mountstuart, 220,2 23 ; res identatPuna, 238, 252 ;atbattle Ot iTki

,253 ; com

mi s s ioner Of the Deccan ,258 ;

Governor of B ombay, 269 ; hislove of sport, 272 policy and

view s,279 ; retirem ent 280

E lphin stone,Lord 346

,359 , 364

E uropean army ofthe C ompany . 389

E uropean official s,their pos ition, 283

Falkland,Lord 323

.407

F aroks ir 130,135

Fatte S ing G ais ir 1 71 , 199

Feroz,Prince 387

Fitz gerald, C apt. , atS itabaldi 260

Ford,C apt 239

Forde,C OL , defeats French and

158,159

ForestDepartm ent 397

Forj ett, M r

Francis , M L ,his view s On

Free pres sFreetradeFrer e

, S ir B artle

G angadhar Shzistri77 , 222 , 223

Gell,General

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Harcourt,C ol .

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Ghatge, Shirj i R ao

Ghaz nevide dynastyGhaz niGheria

,135 C live at

GhOlIim KhadirGoa , 63 ; garr is oned by B ritishtroops

Goddard, C ol ,

G okla (s ee B apu)G OlIiw li , action atG oldsm id , M r .

Golkonda 53 :takenby A urang

z ib

Gordon,C apt.

Gordon,Major

G ow ind R ao G ais ir

Grant, S ir John Peter

Grantham, S ir Thom as

Gunir ia , battle ofGuj IirIit, 3 ; becom es a M uhamm a

dan kingdomGujarati language

H

Harris,General

Hartley, C apt. 177 , 194 ,

Hastings , Marquis of 24 1,

Hastings , W arren,1 73, 176, 179,

etc. retir esHavelock , S ir HHaw kinsHeber

,B ishop

Hemu

H eneiy I s landH emy ,

LieutHerat

,s iege of

2 17

322

206

207

268

INDEX . 1 3

HindustanHindu stani LanguageHimp

, S ir Thom as 248; at

B olkar,or igin of

Tui j i

Y eshwantR ao,202

,2 10

,

W ituj i , 202 ; 2 1 1

A m ratR ao 2 15

Malhar R ao 26 1

Tuls i B ai 2 3 ) 26 1

Holland , Governor 193

Hornby, GovernOI , 169 , 175 , 178, 180Horne

,John 140

“Hugh Linds ay , ”theHughes , A dm iralH um Iiyun . .

Hus s ein A li of MysurHus s ein A li , Syad ,H ydar A li , 163, 182 ; deathH ydar Kuli Khan

I m Iimgahr , Napier ’ s m archagainst

Inam C omm is s ion

Jacob, C apt 313

Jacob, 370, 372

Jahangir , 83, etc. treatyw iththeE ngli sh

JagatShetJains

Jam es,C omm odore”

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Keane , S ir JohnKeating, C ol .

Keigw in’s

Kennedy, C ol .Keir , Lieut.

J anj i ra , 99 attached by S hiwaJ I1 14 never conquered

Jari PatkaJ ay S ingh , General 1 13

Jayp Iil , King 37

Jaz ia 80,83

Jenkin s , M r, 260

,26 1

tins i, R ani of

,351

,378, 386 ;

s iege of

Kabul , capitulation atKachh

,3 ; ex p edition against

KairaK IilikatKallora

,in S ind

K Iinara

K inares e languageKanhoj i (s ee Angria . )Kanichi ,takenKaranja

,taken

Karim,P intiri

Karrak,ex peditionto

Kas im conquer sKatak

,Maratha fortat

4 14 INDEX.

PA GE. 177 , 182

KhIinderi (Kenhery) . 1 15

Khzindesh , 4 ; M us s almIin kingdom of

,46 reclam ation bythe

B ritishKhIin JahIin LodiKhardla

,battle Of

Khiz r Khan .

KolIiba , 132 ,annexed

Kolhapur , R Iij a of,129 a s epa

rate state,144 ; war with

Koli ri s ing .

K orygaum ,battle of

Kota-ki -S erai,battle of

KulbargaK ulkarnis

Kutab-ud-dinKutab Shahi

Lake,General , 2 17 atLaswari ,

2 2 1 w ar w ith H olkar

Lancaster , C apt. 84,85

LandtenureL asw ciri , battle of 2 2 1

Law rence,C ol . George 359

L aw rence, S ir John 355

Lawrence , S ir Henry , his view s . 407

Les lie,C ol 177

Lester , 373

L ingayatsLocal funds

M

Macgregor , C apt.Mackintosh , S 11 Jam es

Macleod , Gener .a1

M acpher s on , M 1 ., G overiiOI -Gene

Madanpur , battle of

Madras,founded

0 0 0 0 0

378

95

13

M ItibleshW Iir 4,285

M Itidaj i S india, 15 1 (s ee S india) .M Itir Iijpur , battle of 320

M Itir Iishtra 7

M Iihdu R ao Peshw a 162,167 , 201

M Iilai r 3

Malcolm,S ir John

,223

,

atMehidpurGovernor Of B ombay 281 , 393 .

M alcohn,C 0 1, 373, 374

285

Malet,M r . 192

M Iilegaum ,s urrender of 2 63

M I’

I lik Ahm ad 54.

M Iilik Ambar 7s

M Iim latdIir sM andis ur

,battle of 361

Mandu ,fort 90;

Mangalur , s iege of 189 ; C onvemtion of 190

Mans on, 372 ; m urdered 374

M Iings

M ann,institutes of

Marathi languageMarlborough, E arl of 1 10

°

M athew s,G enera1 189 m urdered 190.

Maughan , C ol . 363

Max w ell,C ol . 383

Medicine , college of , atC alcutta . 288

Medow s,Gener al 194 .

Megadha 28~

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4 1 6 INDEX,

0

Ochterlony, C 0 1,

Outram ,S ir Jam es

,2 74 , 302 his

w ar W ith Kolhapur ,32 1 : in P ers ia

,346 : atLucknow

O x enden ,S ir George

O x enden ,Henry

P

Paget, S ir E dwardPalm er , C ol .

Panipat, battle s of

Panniar , battle of

P anw el ,E ge1ton ’s advance from

1 77 Goddard’ s r etreatto 183

201

P arbati 160

Pariahs 1 7

P ar saj i B hons le 247

Pars ees 394

P atil s 32

Pattle , C apt 314

Peninsul ar andOriental C om pany 3922 14

,22 1

Per s ia,ex peditions to, 2 77 , 294 , 346

Per s ian A mbas s ador killed in

Per s ian

Peshwa , origin of the dynasty,138 ; rendition of the Governm entto

P 1lgn'

m ships of A urangz ib

s eiz ed by Shiwaj i , 1 13 ; bytheE nglish .

P indharis

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Pirates, 154 ; stamped out, 239 ;in

P e l s ian Gulf, 2 77 (s ee A ngr ia)

Pla s s ey . . 1 57

Police,blavei'yatTalliw ’

am 372

Pollock,Gene1 al 338

Popham, C apt. 180

Porto Novo,battle of 1 83

Porus

Pottinger , C apt. , 266, 291 , 297 ,301 302

Pottinger , E ldred 293

Pratap S ing, R aj a of S at11 a 322 , 323P 1 itz ler

,G eneral . 258

Prophecy aboutthe mutiny 345

Frother, C 01. 2 55 259

P ruen,Lt, , andthe R anger 190

Puna, becom esthe capital oftheMarathas , 148 ; burntby theNizam , 139 :taken by H olkar , . 21 1

Purandhar , 99 ;treaty of 1 74.

R

R aghoba , 1 43, 1 62 ; his unpopula

rity , 1 72 , 174 ;his s u1r ender 1 78death

R aghoj i B hang n'

a

R aghoj i B hon s le 139 , 146, 149°

hi s alliance w ith E nglishR aghonath R ao

R ailways

R ais Pagri of S indB i japurR ajaram ,

s on of Shiwaj i

R aj 111-am of Kolhapur

R ajgahr

R am a KumptiR am oshis

,ris ing

INDEX.

R anger ,”

action w ith Marathafleet

R anj itS inghis m eeting W ith LordW illiamB entinck , 291 , 298 ; death 305

R ango B apuj i 362

R ao Séhib 383 , 387

133

R athghar , action at 377

R aygahr109 , 259

R aym ond 200

283

R evenge , the 1 72

R evenue , Maratha system 1 33

R oberts on ,C apt. 2 66

R oe , S ir Thom as 89

R ohill as .150, 160

R os e , S ir 376 , etc .a

386

R os e,M r 362

R us s ian aim s 294 299

R yots , condition ofthe 401

R yotwartenure 30

SabuktaginS aharanpur , Maratha fortatS zihu (Shiwaj i) s on of S am

129, 143

167

S alabatJang 147

184

Sals ette , 65 ,taken by the E nglish, 170 ; l etained .

Sambhaj i , s on of Shiwuj i, 113;

his des ertiontothe S idi, 1 1 7 ;war

w ith Portuguese , 1 20 ;S ambhaj i, son of

2 7 4

0 0 0 0 0

4 1

PA GE148

8

S aringapatam ,s iege of 166 , 182

S atara , R aja of 258, 265 ; ex iled292 ; annex ation ofthe state 323

285

S aw arndr ug, fightat 155

S cotch E a stIndia C ompany 122

S chneider , C apt. John 363 366

S chneider , C apt. Frederick 374

S eleukos 28

Sepoy regim ents,

fir strai s ed 1 46

S eton-Karr,M r

150

Shah B eg Arghun 53

Shah91

Shaj l B hons le 90, 93

Shah Suj a , 292 , etc.his claim s

on S indSham sher J ang,” destructionofthe 1 72

S hastri , Gangadhar 242

Sher Shah Sur , or SherKhan 68, 69

104

Shipm an , S ir A braham 1 10

Shiwaj i , 94 , 96 , etc .

,coronation

,

1 16 ; death "Shiwaj i , s on of Rajarar

n: 1 26 ,

Sholinghar , battle of .

Shore , S irShortt, GeneralShuja

4 18 INDEX.

PA GES ind 2 , 36 ;the A m irs of 277 , 291 Syads ,theetc ; annex ed . .

S ind controver syS indi languageS indi a , origin of

S india

B anoJ l

J yapa

M ahadaj i 1 51 , 167 , 191 de

m ands chauth from E nglish ,192 ; atPuna 197 ; death andcharacter 198

DaolatR ao 200, 203, 248

J ankoj i 289 319

S ion

ShN a

S lave dynastyS leem an

,S ir W ill iam

Sm ith , C ol ,

S outer , S irSpencer

,M r

.

Staunton, C apt.

Steam NavigationStevens on

,

Stewart,General

Stuart, GeneralStuart, GeneralS uffrein

,A dmiral

S unnis .

S upa,battle of

S urat, Hawkins at, 83 plundered

by Shiwaj i , 1 12 ; castletaken Vby E nglish , 161 citytaken 2 12

0 0 0 0 0 0

U nderi I s land

S uraj -ud-daul a, 1 57Vaughans , murder of

S urvey system 397Vedas (s ee W eds ) .

4 7

Talegaum ,retreatfrom 1 77

Talner , s iege of 262

Talpuris in S ind 295

Tam erlane 4 7

Tantia 351 , 356, 379 , 385 , 387

Tapti 4

Tarabai , wife of R ajaram 1 2 6, 129

Tatta , factory at. 296

Taylor , M r . ,s entto C alcutta 1 73

Tew ,C apt. 313

Thags , repres s ion of 286

Thana , 65 ; taken by Marathas1 40 ; by E nglish

Tim oj a}of KanaraTipu S ultanTodar M al

Toghlak dynastyTonk R ampura, fortofTorna

TravancoreTrimbakj i D ainglia

TripartitetreatyTul s i B ai H olkar

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