C O N T E N T S .

THA’

NA .

Chapter VIL—Histo

‘

ry.PAGE

Early H istory 225 -113 . 1290)

Introduction ; A shok’

s Edict'

Buddhism ;

Legend of Purna ; Andhrabhrityas Foreign Trade

25 - A.D. 150) Nahapan (Ad ) . Parthians 225 -A.D.

Palhavs (A.D. 120 Ptolemy (A.n. 135 - 150)Foreign Trade (A.D. Sandanes (A.D. Trade

(a n. 250) Trikutakas (A.D. 420) Rashtralm tas (AA) .400)Trade (A.D. Mauryas (A.D. 550) Arabs and Parsis

(a n. Silabaras (A.D. 810 Trade Centres,Merchants , Ships, Pirates , Balharas ; G ujarat Solankis

(Ad) . 943 -1150) Devgiri Yadavs (A.D. 1270 -1300) 403

T h e Musalma'

ns (A.D. 1300»1500)Musalmans Trade 438 4456

T h e Portuguese (Ad) . 1500 -1670)Portuguese ; Army ; Navy ; Administration ; Land System °

Reli

gion ; Trade ; Ships ; Bombay (1664)T he M ara

'th a’s (AD . 1670 - 1800 )

The Marathas ; State of the Country (1675) Shivaji’

s Con

quests (1675 -1680) Shivap and the Sidis (1675-1680)Sambhaji (1680) Bombay (1682 - 1690) Sir John Child

(1687- 1690) Bombay (1690- 1700 ) Portuguese Thalia

(1690 Trade (1660 Merchants ; Ships ,

Pirates Bombay The PortugueseThe Marathas attack the Portuguese

Fallo f Bassein Fate ef the PortugueseBombay The Marathas Fall of Angrie(1757) State o f West Thana (1760) Bombay(1760 English take salsette Bombay(1775) English and Marathas ; English advance on Poona

(1775) English defeat (1779 ) f; Goddard’

s March ( 1779 )Negotiations with Poona War in the Konkan

‘

u CONTENTS.

(1780) Battle of Dugaa (1780) Goddard’

s retreat P46 5

Treaty o f Salbai (1782) State of Thana (1780

and sulse tte (1790 - 1800) 475 - 511

The English (1800 - 1882)Treaty of Bassein Famine Trade (1800

1812) Bumbay (1800 Bombay Trade (1800 - 1810)Warwith the Peshwa (1817 -1818) State of Thane. (1818)Koli R obbers (1820 -1830) Bhiwndi Riots (183 7) The

Mutinies (1857) Income Tax Rio ts (1860) Gang

Robberies (1874) Trade 512 -526

Chapter VIE —Land Administration.

Acquisition (1774-1817) Changes (1817-1869) ; Stafi‘

(1882)

Sub-divisional Officers Village Officers ; V illage 527 529

Tenures :

Tenures Suti Pandharpesha ; Inam V illages Vatan Settle

ment ; Shardkati V illages ; Izafat ; Shilotri ; Leasehold

V illages Chikhal Gatkuli and Eksali 530 549

History :

Early H indus ; The Musalmans (15th and l6th Centuries)The Portuguese ; The Musalmans (17th Century) ; The

Marathas 550 - 561

British M anagement

Salsette (1774-1819 ) Tenures (1817) Forms of Asses smentCesses Changes (1818-1820) Survey (1821-1828)

Hereditary Officers ; Talatis ; Patils ; Madhvis ; Mbare ;

Bara Balutis Assessment ; Cesses Superintendence ;Revenue Sys tem (1828) TerritorialChanges (1830) V illageLeases (1830 - 1835) A ssessment Revision (183 5 - 1842)Nasrapur Panvel Murbad Bassein

,

Mahim,Kalyén, Bhiwndi (1887 -1841) Salsette ; Results

(1836- 1841) Ko lvan (1842 ) Nor th Thana (1845)Bassein ; Mahim (1845) Sanjan Kolvan Bhiwndi ;Cesses (1844) ; Census (1846) ; Territorial Changes (1850)Revenue (1837 -1853 ) Sur vey (1852 - 1866) Survey of

Nasrfipur (1855 - 56) Khalapur (1855) Panvel (1856)Kalyan (1859 ) Taloja (1850 ) Murbad (1860) Bhiwndi

Salsette Bassein (1862) MahimUmbargaon (1864) Kolvan (1865) Sanjan (1866) Uran

Survey Effects ; Survey Results (1854 -1878)Development (1846- 1880)

Season Reports (1851-52 1880-81) Revenue Statis tics

Chapter IX.- Justice.

Salsette (1774) North Konkan (1817) Civil Suite (1828)Civil Courts (1850 1880) Arbitra tion Court ; Regis tra

CONTENTS.

tion (1878 Magistracy ; Crime ; Ko li Raids (1820 PAG EGang Robberies (1827-1834) Pirates (1829-1837)

Raghop Bhangria (1844 Honia (1874Vasudev Phadke (1877 Criminal Classes Police ;Ofiences ; Jails -630 640

Chapter X.—Revenue and Finance.

A ccount Heads ; Land R evenue ; Excise ; Balance Sheet ;Local Funds ;

‘

Municipalities 641 654

Chapter XI. Instruction.

Schools ; Cost ; Staff ; Instruction ; Private Schools ; Pro

gress ; G irls’

Schools ; Pupils by Cas te and Race ; School

Returns Town Schools Village Schools Libraries ;Reading Rooms Newspapers 662

Chapter XII.—Health.

Climate ; Diseases ; Hospitals ; Dispensaries ; The Infirm ;

V accination ; Cattle Disease ; Births and Deaths - 670

Chapter XIII.—Sub-divisions.

Boundaries Area ; A spect Climate ; Water ; Soil Ho ldingsRental , Stock ; Produce ;

Jawhar StateAppendixA.

—Th8.ua Boats"

Early Sailors ; Hindus Arabs

Phcnnicians ; Names o f Seamen Names of Vessels Parts

of Vessels Mariner’

s Compass

Appendix B.—Four teenth Century Chris tians

Appendix G—Po rtuguese Land R evenueAppendix D.

—The name Silabara

INDEX

Konkan.]

C H A PT E R V I I.

H IS T O RY .

THANA history may be divided into four periods, an early Hinduperiod partly mythic and partly historic, coming down to about A .D.

1300 ; a Musalmén period lasting from 1300 to about 1660 ; aMaratha period from 1660 to 1800 and a British perio d since 1800.

The chief interest in the history of the Thane. coast is that, withcomparatively few and shor t breaks, some one o f its por ts, Sopara,Chaul

, Kalyan, Thana, Sanj-an

,o r Bombay, has, from pre-historic

times, taken a leading part in the foreign commerce of WesternIndia . From re -historic times the Thane coast has had relationswith lands beyond the Indian Ocean. From 2500 to 500there are signs of trade with Egypt, t nicia, and Babylon . from

250 to A .D. 250 there are dealings with, perhaps settlementsof , G reeks and Parthians ; from A.D. 250 to A .D. 640 there are

Persian alliances and Persian settlements ; from 700 to A.D. 1200there are Musalman trade relations andMusalman settlements fromArabia and Persia ; in 1530 there is the part conquest by thePortuguese ; and in 1664 the settlement of the British. The share ofthe Hindus in these dealings with fo reigners has by no means beenconfined to providing in India valued articles of trade . A s far backas record remains, for courage and enterprise, as traders , settlers,and travellers bo th by land and by sea, the H indus ho ld a highplace among the dwellers on the shores of the Indian Ocean.

l

The openings through the Sahyadris by the Ta], the Nana, theMalsej, and the Bo r passes , have from the beginning of lo cal history

225) caused trade to centre in the Thana ports . During thesetwo thousand years the trade of the Thane ports, from time to time ,has varied from a great foreign commerce to a local traffic. The

trade has risen to foreign commerce when the Thana coast has beenunder a power which ruled both the Konkan and the Deccan ; ithas shrunk to a local traffic when Thana and the Deccan havebeen under difierent rulers.

1 Of the Hindu share in the early navigation of the Indian Ocean 8. no tice is givenin AppendixA . Authorities in favour of early Hindu settlements on the coastsof Arabia and the PersianGulf are cited in footnote 3 p. 404. The followingins tances,taken from one of Wilford ’

s Essays (As . Res. X. 106, point to a stillwiderdistribution of the early Hindus ; at the same time the vague use of India andIndians among G reek and Roman writers makes the application of some of thesereferences to Hindus somewhat doubtful. Wilford notices Hindu seers in Persiaand in Palestine 700 years before Christ ; Hindus in the army of Xerxes 480 ;Hindu ele hant-drivers among the Carthaginians 300 , and among the Romans3 .0 . 250 ; Rindu male and female servants in G reece ; and Hindu merchants inG ermany perhaps in England.

EARLY Hisroar .

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

The earliest known fact in the history of the Thane coast belongsto the third century before Christ It is the eng

rav mg of

Ashok’s edicts on basalt boulders at Sopara about six miles north of

Bassein. Separa must then have been the capital of the country and

probably a centre of trade . The history of Sopara may doubtfullybe traced to much earlier times . According to Buddhist writingsSopara was a royal seat and a great centre of commerce dur ing thelifetime of GautamaBuddha But the story is legendary,or at least partly legendary, and there is no reason to suppo se thatGautama ever left Northern India. A passage in the Mahabharat

descr ibes Arjun stopping at the mo st ho ly Shurparak on his wayto Somnath Pattan or V eraval in South Kathiawar, and gives an

account of Arjun’s visit to a place full of Brahman temples,

apparently at or near the Kanheri Caves.”

This early Buddhist and Brahman fame, and the resemblance of

the name to_Sofer or Ophir, have raised the belief that Sopara is

Solomon’s Ophir, a famous centre of trade about a thousand years

before Christ. This identification leads back to the still earliertrade between Egypt and the holy land of Punt 2500 - 1600)and this to the pre

-historic traffic from the Thana coast to Persia,Arabia, and Africa.

3

1Burnouf’s Introduction, A l’Histoire du Buddhisme Indien, I. 235 - 270.

2 Mahabharata (Bom. Vanaparva, cap. 118. This passage may be an interpolation. By passages such as these the revivers of Brahmanism (A .D . 600 1000) efl

’

aced

the memory of Buddhism. The Buddhist cave temples became the work of the

Pandava, and the two colo ssal rock-cut Buddhas in the great Kanheri cave became

statues ofBhim the giant Pandav. At the same time the story of Purna given below

(p.

£36)1g

seems to s how that Kanheri was a Brahmanic centre before it becameii is

3 Vincent (Commerce of the Ancients, II. 45 , 281, Heeren (Hist. Res .III.and Reinaud (Abu-l-fida, clxxiv. and Memoir Sur. l

’Inde , 221) hold, that by the help of

the regular winds Hindus and Arabs have frompre -historic times traded from WestIndia to Arabia , A frica, and Persia. This belief is supported by the mention inG enesis

1700, cap. xxvui. ) of Arabs trafficking in Indian spices ; by the early use of

Indian articles among theEgyptians (Wilkinson’s Ancient Egyptians, Popular Edition,

II. 237 Rawlinson’s Herodotus , II. 64, 275 Mrs . Manning

’s Ancient India , II .

349 Las sen’

s Ind. Alt. II. 602 , Ed. 1874 J. Madras Lit. and Seien. 1878, 202 ) and,according to W ilford (A s .Res . X. and Lassen hy the Hindu colonization of Socotraand of the east coast of A rabia. It is also supported by the mention in later times200 Ind. Alt . II. 586) of settlements o fAdenArabs on the Indian coast and of colonistsin Soco tra who traded with India (Agatharcides , 177 , in Vincent, II. 38 ; andG eog. V et. Scrip . I. 66) by the Arab form of Pliny

’s (A .D. 77) Zizerus or Jazm ,

ando f Ptolemy

’s (A .D . 150 ) Melizygerus on the Konkan coas t by the correspondence of

Sefareh -el-Hende and Sefareh -el-Zinge, that is Sofala or Separa in Thalia and Sofalain Africa (Vincent, II. 281, 422 ) and by the statement in the Periplus (Vincent,II . 423 ) that the trade between India, A frica , and A rabia was much older than thetime of the G reeks .Whether the early Egyptians traded to the west coast of India is doubtful.

The holy land of Punt,.

to which as far back as 2500 the Egyptian kingSankh-ha

:ra sent an expedition, was formerly (Campolion’

s L’Egypte , I. 98) su posed

to be India, but later writers place it nearer Egypt Brugsch (Egypt Under thePharoah s

,.

I. 114) on th? Somali coas t and Duncker (Histo ry of Antiquity , I, 150,157 , 3 14) in South Arabia. A s early as 1600 the Egyptians had many Indianproducts , agates , haematite , the lotus , indigo , pepper, cardamoms , ginger , cinnamon,and Indian, muslins (W ilkinson

’

s Ancient Egyptians , Pop . Ed. ,II

. 237 Rawlinson’

s

gg’

pdomfli 11 64, 168, but it is doubtful whether they traded direct to1) ia .

Of the Phoenician connection with Ophir or Sopher 1100 dunder Separa. The

'

chief exports from Ophirwere gold, tin,etails are given

sandalwood, cotton, nard,

THANA .

The question of the identification of Sopara with Solomon’s Ophir

is dis cussed in the account of Sopara given under Places of Interest.A s far as information goes, the identification, though not unlike ly,is doubtful, and the carving of "A

'

shok’s edicts 225) remains

the ear liest known fact in the history of the Thane coast. The

Mahawanso mentions that Ashok sentDharmai'akshita, a Yavan or

G reek, to preach Buddhism in Aparanta or the Konkan, and thathe lectured to people, of whom 1000 men and more than1000 women, all of them Kshatriyas, entered the priesthood.

l It

bdellium, s ar, cassia or cinnamon, pepper , eacocks , apes, rice, ebony, andivory (Max tiller

’

s Science of Language, 190 ; aldwell’s Dravidian Grammar,The imports were probably wine, slaves , clay and metal dishes, ornaments, arms,

gfi-

pggipl

gbgass, silver , and embroidered and woven stuffs (Duncker, II. 70, 72, 73,

r

The connection between India and the Persian Gulf seems to pass even furtherback than the connection with Arabia and with Africa. The voyage is shorter,sailing in the Persian Gulf is eas ier, and the inland route is less barren. Babyloniantradition o ens with a reference to a race who came from the southern sea, a peoplewho brong t the Babylonians their gods, and who taught them the arts. Accordingto one account these teachers came from E pt ; according to another account thechief teacher was Andubar the Indian eeren

’s His to rical Researches , II. 145 ;

Rawlinson in J. R. A . S. [New Series] XII. 201-2 18, Rawlinson holds that fromvery earl times , Gertha, on themainland close to Bahrein island on the wes t shoreof the Was an emporium of the Indian trade , and identifies Apir an old namefor G errha with Solomon’

s Ophir (Ditto, The original traders seem to havebeen Phoenicians,who , acco rding to ancient accounts , moved fromBahrein north -westto the Mediterranean coast (Rawlinson

’s Herodotus , IV. 241 Lassen

’s Ind.Alt. II.

589 ; Rawlinson J. R. A . S . XII. N. S.The head of the Persian Gulf seems also from very earl times to have been

connected by trade with India. In the ninth century before hrist, Isaiah (xliii. 14)described theBabylonians as rejoicing in their ships , and, at the close of the seventhcentury, Nebuchadnezar 606 - 561) built quays and embankments of solidmasonry on the Persian G ulf, and traded with Ceylon andWestern India (Kawlinson

’s H erod. I. 513 ; Heeren, II. 415 sending to India fabrics of wool and

glass, jewels , lime , and ointment, and bruising back wood, spices ,

precious stones , cochineal, pearls , and go (Heeren’s Historical

209 , 247 ; Duncker, I. In the sixth century before Christ themen c

i5l

)) odan or Bahrein brought ebony and ivory to Tyre 588 ; Ezekiel,

xxvn .

The Persians (3 .0 . 538 - 330 ) despised trade and seem to have blocked the mouthsof the Ti ris (Lassen

’s Ind. A lt. H . 606 Rooke

’s Arrian, II. 149 ; Heeren, II. 247-249 )

and in ndia a trade-hating class rose to power and introduced into Mann’s Code

300) a rule making seafaring a crime (Ind. Ant. IV This claus e iscontrary to other provis ions of the code (Heeren

’

s Hist. Res. III. 849 , 350 , 359 )and to the respect with which merchants are spoken of in the Ri ved and theRamAyan, and in later times by the Buddhists . (For the vi r of do trade inearly Vedic and RAmAyan times, see Wilson

’s Rigved, I. 52 ; Lassen

’

s Ind. Alt.II. 581 ; Mrs . Manning

’s Ancient India, II. 347 ; Caldwell’s Dravidian G rammar,

122 H eeren’s Hist. Res . HI. 353 , 366, 381.

-For the Buddhist respect fo rmerchants,see Burnouf

’s Introduction, 250 ; RhysDavids

’BuddhistBirth Stories , I. 138, 149 , 157and Mrs . Manning, II. This Brahman and Pers ian hate of trade , es ecially oftrade by sea, perhaps explains the decay of foreign commerce before t e time ofAlexander the G reat (3 .0 . In spite of all his inquiries in Sindh , and in spiteo f the voyage of Nearchus from Karachi to the Persian Gulf, one vessel, laden withfrankincense , seems to have been the only sign of sea-trade at the mouths of theIndus , in the Persian Gulf, o r along the east coast of Arabia. Roche

’

s Art ian, II.262 , 282 , 285 ; Vincent, II. 380. The Buddhis ts (perhaps about 250 ) arementioned as increasing the trade to Persia (Ind. Ant. H . In the second andfirst century before Christ the old Bahrein trade revived

, Gerrha on the mainlandhaving much trade with India (Heeren. II. 100, 103 , 118, 124 Amon the chiefimports were cotton and teak. These were supposed to growat Bahrein, ut almostcertainly came from India (Heeren, II. 2371 Tum our

’s Mahawanso, 73 ; Bigandet

’s Life of Gaudama, 388 ; Cunningham

’

s

Bhilsa Topes , 117.

Chapter VII.

EARLY HISTORY.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

is not.knownwhether at the time of the mission the Konkan formedpart of A shok’s empire, or was under a friendly ruler.1

The Buddhist legend of Purna of Sopara belongs, in its presentform, to the late o r Mahayan Schoe l of Buddhism (a n. 100

and is so full of wonders that it is probably not earlier than the

third or fourth century after Christ. Its descriptions cannot betaken to apply to any particular date . They are given here as

they pro fess to describe the introduction of Buddhism and the state

of Separa at, that time, and as several of the particulars agree ,

withrecent discoveries near Sopara .

In the legend of Purna, translated by Burnouf fr om Nepaleseand Tibetan sources apparently of the third or four th century afterChrist,2 Sopéra is described as

'

the seat of a king, a citywith severalhundred thousand inhabitants, with eighteen gates and a temple ofBuddha adorned with friezes of carved sandalwood. It covered a

space 1000 yards in area, and its buildings and towers rose to a heightOf 500 fee t. Itwas a great place of trade . Caravans of merchantscame from Shrawa sti near Benares, and large ships with

‘500’

(the stock phrase for a large number) merchants, bo th local and

foreign, traded to , distant lands. There was much risk in thesevoyages. A safe return was the cause o f great rejo icing ; two or

three successful voyages made'

a merchant a man of. mark ; no one

who had made six safe voyages had ever been known to temptProvidence by trying a seventh. The trade was in cloth, fine and

coarse, blue yellow red and white One of the most valuedarticles was the sandalwood known as gosh

/halo, or cow’s head,

perhaps from the shape of the logs. Th is was brought apparentlyfrom the Kanares e or Malabar coast. The coinage was go ld andmany of the merchants had great fortunes . A strong merchant,

guild ruled the trade of the city .

3

At this time the religion of the country was Brahmanism.

There were large nunneries of religious widows, monasteries whereseers or m

’

shis lived in comfort in fruit and flower gardens, and

bark- clad hermits who lived on bare hill- tops . The gods on whomthe laymen called in times of trouble were Shiv, Varuna, Kubera,Shakra, Brahma

,Har i, Shankar, and divinities , apparently mdtds

or Devis . Besides the gods many supernatural beings, Asuras,Mahoragas, Yakshas, and Danavewere believed to have power overmen for good or fo r evil.4~

Purna, the son of a rich S’

opara merchant and a s lave girl, whoseworth and skill had raised him to be one of the leading merchantso f Separa, turned the people of the Konkan from this old faith toBuddhism? Sailing with some Benares merchants to the land of

l Agp

arentl’

y Ashok ad dressed his edicts to countries where he did not rule . One

copy 0 the edictswas addressed to the people of Chola, Pida, Kerala, and Tambapam.

Tennent’s C eylon, I. 368.2 The wonders worked by Buddha and the furniture of the monasteries , seats

tapes tries figured cushions and carved pedestals , point to a late date .

3 Trading com anies are mentioned in Yajnavalkya’s Code, B.c. 300. Oppert in

Madras Journal ( 194.4 Burnouf, 256, 264.

5 It is interesting to note that, though at first despised as the son of a slave girl,When Puma proved himself able and successful, the merchants of Sopara sough

t himinmarriage for their daughters. Burnouf, 249.

Konkan]

THANA .

the sandal tree, Purna was delighted by the strange songs whichthey chante d morning and evening. They were not songs, the

merchants to ld him, but the ho ly sayings of Buddha . On his returnto Sopara Purna gave up his merchant’s life and went to Benares,where Gautama received him into the Buddhist priesthood. He

urged that he might be allowed to preach to the people of the

Konkan.

1 The people o f the Konkan had the worst name forfierceness, rudeness, and crue lty . Buddha feared that the patienceo f so young a disciple might not be proof against their insults.Purna, he said, the men of the Konkan are fierce, cruel, andunmannerly. When they cover you with evil and coarse abuse,what will you think of them If the men of the Konkan cover mewith evil and coarse abuse, I shall think them a kindly and gentlepeople for abusing me instead o f cufing o r stoning me . They are

rough overbearing fellows tho se men of"the Konkan. What will

you think of them, Pum a,‘if they cuff you or stone you? If they

cufi me or s tone me, I shall think them kindly and gentle fo rusing hands and stones instead of staves and swords . They are a

rough set,‘ Purna, tho se men o f the Konkan. If they beat you

with s taves and cut you with swords, what will you think of them iIf

,

they beat me with staves o r cut me with swords, I shall thinkthem a kindly people for not killing me outright. They are a wildpeople, Purna, if they kill you outright what will you think of

them ? If they kill me outright, I shall think the men of the

Konkan kindly and gentle, freeing me with so little pain from thismiserable body of death . G o od, Purna, good, so perfect a patienceis fit to dwell in the Konkan, even to make it its home . G o Purna,freed from evil free others , safe over the sea of sorrowhelp o thers tocro ss , comfo rted g ive comfort, in perfect rest guide others to rest .9

Pum a. goes to the Konkan, and, while he wanders about begging,he is met by a countryman who is s tarting to sho ot deer . The

hunter sees the ill-omened shaven-faced priest, and draws his bowto sho o t him. Purna throws o f? his outer robe and calls to the

hunter, ‘Sho o t, I have come to the Konkan to be a sacrifice .

’ The

hunter, struck by his freedom from fear, spares his life and becomeshis disciple. The new religion spreads . Many

'

men and womenadopt a religious life, and 500 monasteries are built and furnishedwith hundreds of beds, seats, tapestri es , figured cushions, and

carved pedestals .

Pum a becomes famous. A body of merchants in danger ofshipwreck call on him for help, and he appears and stills the sto rm.

On their return the merchants build a Buddhist temple in Separa.

1 The word used is Shron-Aparanta or Suna aranta. Aparanta, the behind orwesternland , is admitted to be the Konkan. The fol owing suggestionis offered in explanation

of Shron. The fact of a Greek or Yavanelement in the coast population seems probable ,from the Greek trade with the country ,

from the mention of Yavans in several of the

West Indian cave inscri tions , and from the fact that the Apostlewhom Ashok choseto preach Buddhism in t e Konkan, and his Viceroy in Kathiawar (Ind. Ant. VII.

were Yavans. _ Shron may then be Son Or Son‘

ag‘

, a.word for Yavan still in use

in Southern India (Caldwell’s Dravidian G rammar, and ofwhich Son the name

for the coast and part -foreign Kolis of Thana may be a trace. Hardy (Manual

ofBuddhism, Sec. Ed. seems to think Son was a later name, and that the

correct formwas Yon and -i s connectedwith Hun.

2 Burnouf’s Introduction, 254.

EARLY His'romr.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

Purna asks Buddha to honour the temple with his presence. He

comes, with his chief disciples, flying through the air . On his

way, apparently near Sopara, he stops at several places. At one of

these places live 500’ widows, whom Buddha visits and converts . In

answer to their prayer he gives them some of his hair and his nails,and they build a mound o r s tup a. over them . The spirit of the

Jetven wood, who had come with Buddha f rom Benares, plants abranch of the vakul or Mimuso s elengi tree in the yard near the

s tup a, and the stup a is worshipped, by some under the name

of the Widows’‘

Stupa, and by o thers under the name of the Vakul

stupa . This second name is interesting from its resemblance tothe Vakal or Brahma Tekri, a holy hill about a mile to the south

of Sopara , which is covered with tombs and has several Paliinscriptions of about the second century befo re Christ.Accompanied by the 500 widows Buddha visited another

hermitage full of flowers , fruit, andwater , where lived 500 monks.Drunk with the good things of this life these seers or rishis thoughtof nothing beyond . Buddha destroyed the flowers and fruit, .driedthe water, and withered the grass . The seers in despair blamedBhagavat for m ining their happy life. By ano ther exercise of

power, he brought back their bloom to the wasted fruits and flowers,and its greenness to the withered grass . The seers became his

disciples , and with the‘5 00 widows of Vakul passed with Buddha,

through the air, to the hill of Musala. On Musala hill there lived aseer or right, who was known as Vakkali or the bark-robe wearer.

This right?sawBuddha afar off, and, on seeing him, there ro se in his

heart a feeling of goodwill. He thought to himself, shall I come downfrom this hill and go to meetBuddha, for he doubtless is cominghereintending to convert me . Why should not I throwmyself from the topo f this hill The seer threwhimself over the cliff, and Buddha caughthim, so that he received no hurt. Hewas taught the lawand becamea disciple, gaining the highest place in his master’s trust. Thispassage has the special interest o f apparently referring to the sage

Musala, who lived on the top of Padan rock near Goregaon station,

about eighteen miles south of Sopara .1 From the Musala rock

Buddha went to Sopara, which had been cleaned and beautified,and a guard stationed at each of its eighteen gates . Fearing too ffend the rest by choo sing any one guard as his escort, Buddha flewthrough the air into the middle of the city. He was escorted to thenew temple adorned with friezes

'

o f carved sandalwood, where hetaught the law and converted hundreds of thousands .

’ While inSopara Buddha became aware of the approach of the Naga kingsKrishna and Gautama. They came on the waves of the sea with500 Nagas . Buddha knew that if the Nagas entered Sopara the

city would be destroyed. So he went to meet them, and convertedthem to his faith .

2

1 Details are given in Places of Interest, Ghoregaon, and A pendix, Padan.

2 Burnouf’s Introduction, l’Histoire du Buddhisme ndien, 234 - 275 . Purna

rose to the highest rank. H e became a ,Bodhisattva or potentialBuddha, and infuture times will appear as Buddha. Perhaps , but this is doubtful. he is Maitreya or

the next Buddha (see Appendix to Place s of Interest). Purna’s story is givenwith

much the same details as by Burnouf inHardy’

s Manual of Buddhism,58, 267 and in

St. Hilaire’

s Buddhism, 152 -154.

Konkan]

THANA .

The relics found in the Sopara mound show, that in the secondcentury after Christ- Sopara had workers of considerable skill andtaste , The br icks are of excellent material and the large stonecoifer is carefully made, the lines are clear and exact, and the

surface is skilfully smoothed. The .crystal casket is also prettilyshaped and highly finished. The brass gods are excellent castings ,sharper and truer than modern Hindu brassware . The skill of the"

gold and silver smiths is shown in the finely stamped silver co in, inthe variety and grace of the go ld flowers, and in the shape andtracery of the small central gold casket.Short Pali inscriptions found on the Vakal or Brahma hill, about

two miles south of Sopara,’

seem to show that about 200 the

tribe of the Kodas or Ko ttas, who seem about that time to havebeen ruling near Mirat and afterwards (A.D. 190) near Patna, had a

Settlement at Sopéra.

1

Under A shok the west coast of Indiawas enriched by the openingof a direct sea- trade withEgypt,and apparently eastwards with thegreat Deccan trade centre of Tagara. But the direct trade withEgypt was never large, and it centred at Broach, not at Separa .

2

The next dynasty known to have been connected with the Thanacoast are the Shatakarnis, Shatavahans, or Andhrabhrityas, whoseinscription in the Nana pass makes it probable that they held theKonkan about Dur ing their rule the Konkan was

1 Pandit Bhagvinlél Indrangives the following note on the Kodas or Kottas. ThemscriptiOns found on the Brahma hill seem all to belong to Kodas (Ska Kottas) , andthe h ill apparently. was their burial-ground. One of the inscriptions reads , Of

Relevada a Koda.

’A coin from Saharanpur near Mirat has Kadasa, that is Of

Kada,’on both sides , in letters which elessl resemble the V akal hill letters.

Skandagupta’s inscription on the Allahabad il er , in A .D. 190, states that, . while

plafing inPushpavhaya (Pataliputra or Patna),

ph punished a scion of the Kods family.

0 Kods are one of_ma.ny historical tribes whose names survive in Matatba

surnames . In_Kelva-Mahim there are twenty or thirty houses of Kods who

are husbandmen, holding a lower position than Marathas or Kunbis , about .thesame as Kolis , and higher than Varlis. They eat animal fo od except beef, burn theirdead, and do not differ in their customs from other Thane.Kunbis or Marethas. Theydo not marry with y cas te exce t their own. They are also found inNasik. Amiserable remnant o the same tn e , or of a tribe of the same name, also o ccurs

on the Nilgiri hills . They number about 1100, are rude craftsmen, very dirty intheir habitsg and much avoided. They speak a rude Kanarese. Caldwell’s Dravidian

Int. 37, App . 512 . There were Kotta chiefs in Ceylon in 1527, butKotteh seems to have been the name of their town. Tennent

’s Ceylon, II. 11. Kods

seem to be also a Telugu tribe. Further vdetails are given under Places of Interest,Sopéra, p . 325 and in tt ppendix.

2 Duncker’

s AncientHisto ry , IV. 528 ; Wilford in As. Res. I. 369 ; G rant Duff’ sMarathas , 11. The second Ptolemy Philadelphus 270 ) made a harbour inthe east of Egy t, and joined it with Coptus on the Nile nea

’

r Thebes. Lassen’s Ind.

A lt. II. 594. he E yptian shi s started from Berenike about half way down the

Red’

Sea, passed by ocha and don, coasted eastern Arabia, cro ssed the mouth ofthe Persian Gulf to near Karachi, and from Kamchi sailed down the Indian coast.

Chambers’ Ancient History, 269 . G o ld and silver plate and female slaves are noted

among the imports from Egygt . The direct trade to Egypt was never great. By

the second century before brist the trade between Egypt and India . centred mAden. Agatharcides in V incent, II . 33 .8 The Shatakarnis are supposed to have had their original loapxtalo

at Dharnikot in

G antur near the mouth of the Krishna, and to be the Andrei of Pliny (Ad ) . 77) andof the Peutinger Tables (a n. They are said to be

.

the first Telugus whoadmitted a '

Sanskrit element into their language, Muir’s Sanskrit Texts , II. 438. They

are described in early Hinduwritings as a border tribe (Ditto , I. 358) and as Dasyus of

Andhrabhrityaa.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

enriched the great deve lopment of the western trade, which'

followed establishment of the Parthian empire underMithridates I. 174 - 136) and the Roman conquest of Egypt in

‘~Under the Romans the direct trade between Egypt and

India gained an importance it never had under the Ptolemies . In

a fewyears 25) the Indian fleet in the Red Sea moreased

from a‘fewships to 120 -sail. The Romans seem to have kept to .

the old Egyptian coasting r oute across the Persian Gulf to Karachi,till Hippalus d iscovered the monsoons about A.D. 47. The monsoon

was first use d to carry ships t o Zizerus (Janjira and afterwards toMusiris , probably Muriyi-Ko tta on the Malabar coast.2 The Romanpassion for spices probably made the Malabar trade ‘

the more

important branch .

3 But the trade to the Konkan was in some waysmore convenient than to Malabar

,

4and there was a well-knownroute

along the A rab coast to Fartak Point, and from Fartak Point acrossto the Konkan .

ts It is doubtful which of the Konkan ports wasthe centre of the Egyptian trade the references seem to point toSimulla or Chaul and to Zize rus , perhaps Janj ira o r Rajapuri.

6

Little is known about Parthian rule in Persia» 255 - 113 .

They are said to have been averse from sea -

go ing and opposed tocommerce .

7 But,according to Reinaud, under the Arsacidm or

Par thiandynasty the Persians to ok a great part in oriental navigation.

8

There was a considerable Indian trade up the Per sian Gulf and byland to Palmyra, and it seems to have been under Parthian influencethat the Persians overcame their horror of the sea and rose to be the

Kshatriya descent (Ditto , II. Their Puranic name, Andhrabhrityas orAndhraservants, is

'

supposed to be a trace of an original dependence on the Mauryas .

The date of their rise to power is doubtful, because of the difficulty of decidi

whether the dynasties reco rded in the Put-Ans as succeeding the Mauryas follow'

e

each other, or ruled at the same time in difl’

erent arts of India .

1 Strabo 25) in Vincent, II. 86.9 C dwell’s Dravidian G rammar, 97 5

3 There was a. street of spice shops insome in the time of Augustus 36-A.D

‘

.

and Nero is said to have us ed a whole y ar’s crop at the funeral of Popaea. Robertson’

s

India, 56-57. Heeren’s A s . R es . II. Ap . ix. 455 . Accordin to Pliny, India drained;

R ome of (Sesterces 8 year (Hist. at. XII. V incent"

(II. 48) calculates the amount at4 If you are going to Breach , says the Periplus (McCrindle , you are not kept

more than three days at themouth o f the Red Sea. If you are going to the Malabar“

:

coast, you must often change your tack.

5 According to Piin (A .D . 79 ) the practice of ships engaged in the Indian tradewas to start from no s H ormus , at the . mouth of the gulf of Suez, about thebeginning of July, and slip about 250 miles down the coast, to Berenike in the modernFoul Bay . T o load at Berenike and sail thirty days to Okellis the modern Ghalla org ;Cella a little north ofGuardafui. From

’

Ghalla to coast along east Arabia to near Cape;Fartak ,

and, in about forty days make the Konkan, near the end of September."

T o stay in the Konkan tillthe middle of December or the middle of January,'

reacli

the Arab or the African coast in about a month,'

wait at Aden or some other ort tillabout March when the south wind set in, and then to make for Bere e. To

unload at Berenike and pass on to Muos Hormus'

at the mouth of the,If of Suez .

V incent’

s Commerce, II. 319 , 474 . Pliny’s Natural H istory, .Bk. VI. 0 ,

‘XXIII.Pliny (A.D. 77) has (McC'rindle

’

s Megasthenes, 142) a Perimula , 8. ca andtrade centre about half way between Tropma or Kochin and Patala or Hai badin Sindh . This osition answers to Symulla or Timulla , that is probably Chaul(compare Yule in nd. Ant. II. Zizerus Pliny

’s other mart on the Konkan coast

seems to.

be Jan a.

or Janjira . But‘

this again is made doubtful by the formsMilizegeris andMehzei ara which appear in the better informed Ptolemy and Periplus

‘

f7 B

_

earan’

a As. Res . I. Ap . IX. 445 Lassen’s Ind. Alt. III. 76 (Ed.

3 Reinaud’s Abu-l-fida, lxxvii.

Konkan]

THANA .

greatest sea-traders “

in the east.1 The trade connection between theThana coast and the Parthian rulers in -the Pers ian Gulf has a specialinterest at

” this period, as, in,the latter part of the first century

after Christ, the Shatakarnis o r Andhras Were driven from the

Konkan and North Deccan by foreigners, apparently Skythians or

Parthians from No rth India. The leader s of these foreigners wereNahapan and his son-ih -lawUshavdat, who, under Nahapan, seems

to have been governor of the Konkan and of the North Deccan .

Nahapan seems at first to have been the general of a greater ruler inUpper India . He afterwards made himself independent and was thefounder of the Kshatraps ,

‘

a Persian title meaning representative,agent, or Viceroy . This dynas ty, which is a lso called the Sinhdynasty, ruled in Kathia’war from A.Dl 78 to AD . Ushavdat

and his family had probably been converted to Buddhism in UpperIndia. Soon after conquering the Andhras, they ceased to be

foreigners, married Hindus, and gave up their foreign names . Theydid much for Buddhism, and were also liberal to Brahmans .

3 The

1 See Reinaud’

s Abu-l-fida, k m . The Parthians sent silk and spices to R ome .

Rawlinson’s Ancient Monarchies , VI. 425 . The men of G errha on the west coast

of the Persian Gulf received cotton, spices , and other Indian articles; and sent them

partly up the Euphrates and partly on camels across Arabia to Palmyra. This trafi c

is noticed by Agatharcides , 177 , Strabo 30, and Pliny A A) . 70, and in the

Periplus A .D. 247. Vincent’

s Commerce, II. 361-362. Plin has several references toParthian trade and riches . Bk. V . ch. XXV . Bk. VI. ch. XV . and XXVII.2 Accordin to Rawlinson (Anc.Mon. VI. the oldest form of the Parthians ’

nameis Parthwa . he early Hindu form is Parada, and the Paradas seem to have beenknown to Hindus as rulers inMerv and Baluchistan,

and to have beenclosely connectedwith Hindus, as far back as 500. Lassen

’

s Ind. Alt. 111. 593. Though they hadArian and Persian names , .and affected Persian habits and liked to be thought Persians ,Rawlinson considers that the Parthians were of Skythian or Turanian origin.

Rawlinson’s Anc. Mon . V I. 21- 28. Besides as Parades the Parthians are supposed

to have been known to the Hindus as Tushuranas (Wilford , As. Res . IX. and

perhaps as Aranha. Nasik Inscriptions , h ails. Sec. Int . Cong. 307, 309 . Cunningham,

who considers them closely connected with the Sus or Sakas (Arch . Survey , II. 46places Parthians in power in North .west India from the second century before Christ.Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, 33 6-338, 340) assigns the Indo -Parthian dynasty to the firstcentury after Christ. Their

_date is still considered doubtful. Thomas ’ Prinsep ,II 174. A passa e in the Peri lus (V et. G eog. Scrip . I. 22 ) speaks of rival Parthians

ruling in Sindh a cut the middle of the third century after Christ. Early Hinduwritingsmention the Paradaswith thePalhavs as tribes created by the sage Vasishtha

’s

wonder-workingcow. See below 413 note 73 There are six inscriptions

‘

of ahapan’s family in Cave VIII. at Nasik, one at

Karli, and one by Nahapan’

s minister at Junnar . Bes ides smaller grants to Buddhistmonks, Ushavdat, who seems to have governed in the Konkan and North Deccanunder Nabapan, records 100 ) the building of quadrangular rest-houses andhalting places at Sopara and the making of

' ferries acro ss the Pardi,'

Daman, andDahanu rivers. Trans . Sec . Int. Cong. 328 , 333 , 33 5 , 354 ; Arch . Sun‘. X. 33 , 52 .

A curious instance of their liberality to Brahmans is reco rded inNasik Cave XVII.(Trans . Sec. Int. Cong.

’

This grant consisted of the gift of eight wives toBrahmans, the word used, bluiry a or a wedded woman instead of Maya. or a maiden

,

seeming to show that the women were chosen out of the king’s household . (As

regards the loose marriage rules of the early Brahmans compare Muir’s Sanskrit

Texts, I. 131, 132 ; footnote 136-137 282 ; 407 ; II . The admis ion into Hinduismof Nahapan

’s famil and similar admissions in the Panjab (Lassen

’s Ind . Alt. II.

806 -832) support VVilford ’

s remark .(As. Res . X.

’

90 -91) that there is nothing in the

theory or raetics of H induism to prevent foreigners , who are willing to conformto the H

'

11 religion and manners , being admitted to be Hindus. Two instancesinmodern Konkan histo ry illustrate the process by which a foreign conqueror may.become a Hindu, and may be raised to the highest place among Hindu warriors .

In 1674 on Baigad hill in Kolaba, b lavish bounty toBrahmans and by scrupulous

o bservance of religious ceremonial, hiva'

i was , by Gagabhatt a learned BrahmanfromBenares (who cannot have thought S ivajimore than a.Shudra), raised to the

Chapter VII.

ass has.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

North Konkan seems to have remained under Nahapan’s successors

till, about the *middle of the second century the greatShétakarni Gautamiputra drove the Kshatraps from the Deccan 'and

Konkan, including the holy Krishnagiri or Kanher i hills:l The

greatwealth of the Konkan“during the rule of the Shat-akerni kings

is shown by many -wonderful remains, theKanher i caves in Salsette,the Nasik caves on the route through the Tal pass , the works on

the Nana pass, the Bedea, Bhaja, Kaf‘li, and Kondane caves alongthe Bor pass route, the stupa at Sopara and perhaps those at

Elephanta and Kalyan. These remains prove great wealth . bothamong the ruler s and the traders, and show that the architectsand sculptorswere men of skill, and were probably foreigners. The

chief cause of the greatwealth of the Konkan.

was that the ‘

powero f its rulers stretched across India to the mouth of the Krishna, andenabled them

'

to bring to the Thane ports, not only the local inlandtrade, but the rich products of the coast of Bengal and the far east,through Masulipatam, Tagar , and Paithan.

2

Westwards there ‘were special openings for a r ich commerce.

The Parthian emperors 255 -A .D. however rude they mayonce have been, had grown r ich, luxurious, and fond of trade . Thiswas already the case in the time of Strabo and in the earlypart of the second century after Christ, during the forty years of

rest (Am. 116- 150) that followed Hadr ian’

s peace with Chosroes,the exchange of wealth between the Parthian and the Romanempires greatly increased.

3 The markets of Palmyra were suppliednot only from G errha near Bahrein acro ss Arabia,

'but from the headof the Persian G ulf up the Euphrates by Babylon and Ktesiphon

to the new (an) . 60 ) mart of Vologe socerta . Palmyra inscriptionsof the m iddle of the second century (a n. 133, 141, 246) show that.merchants had a safe pass through Parthia, .and that one o f the

main lines of trade lay through Vologesocerta . The details of thistrade

, perfumes, p earls, precious stones, cotton, r ich silk, famous

silks dyed with Indian purple and embro idered with go ld and

highest.place amon

glKshatriyas . Grant Dunj, 177 . About the same time

success 111 two sea ghts enabled the andfather of Kanhcji Angrie, who was a

Musalman ne from the Persian G to become a Hindu and to . . marry theda ter of a aratha chief. G rose

’s Voyage, H . 212 .

1 rans . Sec. Or . Cong. 311.2 G autamiputra I (A .D. 124) built the G reat Chaitya Cave No . III. atNasik ; at

Karli two inscriptions , in the Great Chaitya and in Cave XII. are dated theseventh and twenty

-fourth ears ofVashishthiputra Pulumavi (A .O . 140) 3 and thereare three inscriptions of ajnashri Shatakarni G autamiputra (A.D. two inKanheri Caves 3 mid 81, and one in Nasik Cave XV . Trans. Sec. Or. Cong. 311, 339 ;Arch .

_Sur . X. 34, 36 Places of Interest, Kanheri Caves . The . frequent mention of

Dharnikot (p henukakata) as the residence of donors and others connectedwith thePoona , Nasik, and ThAna caves (five in Karli,Burgess

’

Arch. Sur .Report , X. 29 - 33 ;one in Namk, Sec. Int. Cong ; one in Shailarvadi, ditto 38 and one inKanheri

,Bombay

G azetteer , XIV . are evidence'

of the close political and commercial connectionbetween the east and thewest coast.8 Heeren, III. 483 3 After the fall ofBabylon and Ctesiphon, Trajan sailed down

the Tigris to the Persian Gulf , embarked on the south sea, mad e inquiries about India,and regretted he could not go there. Dio Cassius in Rawlinson’

s AncientMonarchie’

s ,IV . 313 . Accordmg to another , but incorrect , account Trajanwent to Zizerus. ' Kerr

’s

V oyages , II . 40. Rawlinson (Anc. Mon. VI. 383 ) describes the Parthians as

luxurious and fond ofwms anddancing.

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[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

Besides with the PersianG ulf, during the rule of the Shatakarnisor Andhrabhrityas, the Konkan po rts had a great trade With theRed Sea.

The Konkan is the part of the west coast, (

which was bes t knownto the Greeks at the time of theg eographer Pto lemy (A .D. 135

It was from G reeks , .who had fo r many years traded to Symullaor Timulla, probably Chaul, that Ptolemy gained much of his

information about Western India .

1 And from the mention of giftsby Yavans to the Kanheri, Nasik, Kar li, and Junnar caves , some of

the G reeks seem to have settled in the country and becomeBuddhists .

2 So , also , Indians seem to have gone to Alexandria,and perhaps gave Pto lemy his surprising knowledge of places of

Hindu pilgrimage.

3 Pto lemy had the mistaken idea that the Indiancoast stretched east and west instead of north and south. Thisconfuses his account, but his knowledge of names is curiouslyexact and full . H e divides the west coast into Surastrene

o r Saurashtra, corresponding to Catch, Kathiawar, and NorthGujarat ; Larike , that is Lat Desh, or South Gujarat ; Ariake or

who were forced to wear beards . Ditto, I. 482 - 484, 488. As a Deccan dynastythe head -

quarters of their power was in the east, near Masulipatam (Ind.

Ant. VI. 85 ) and Kanchi or Konjiviram, where they were great builders (Ind.

Ant. VIII. Though the Palhavs\are best known in the east, they must

either have spread their power to the west or a branch of them must have reached

the west coast by sea. In the second century after Christ, a Palhav, withthe Sanskrit name Suvishakh the son of an un-Sanskrit Kulaipa, was viceroyof Gujarat and Kathiawar under the Sinh king Rudradaman (Ind . Ant. VII.the Brihat-Sanhita (A .D . 500) puts the Palhavs in the s outh-west of India (J . R. A . S..

New Series , V. 84) and G eneral Cunningham (Ancient G eog. 319 ) notices a

Palhav prince of Kathiawar in A .D . 720. The surnames Palhav and Palhav are stillnot uncommon among the Marathas and Kunbis of the Konkan coast . The cldse

connection.between the Palhavs and the Parthians and Persians , the Parthian

immigration from Upper India which has been noticed above , and the relations,

by_

sea between the Thana coast and the Persian Gulf, support Wilford’s belief (As.

Res . IX.

’

156, 233 X. 91) that there is a strong Persian element in the KonkanasthBrahmans and in the Marathas . The history of the Parsis , who for a time lost mosto f their peculiarities (see Population Chapter , p. shows how easily a settlementof Persians may embrace Hinduism. PanditBhagvanlal also notices the Parajias , a classof Kathiawar craftsmen, whose name

, appearance , and peculiarities of custom and

dress seem to point to a Persian or a Parthian origin. It is_worthy of note, that in

modern times (1500 1680 ) one of the chief recruiting grounds of the Bijapur kingswas Khorasan, the ancient Parthia, and that the immigrants entered the Deccan

mostly, if not entirely , from the Persian Gulf through the Konkan ports. See

Commentaries of Albuquerque, III. 232, 249 ; and A thanasius Nikitin (1474) India inXV. Century , 9 , 12 , 14 .

1 Ptolemy , I . xvii Bertins ’ Edition 17. The geographer to whomPtolemy admitsthat he owed most (Book I. chap. VI.VII.) was Marinus of Tyre.

2 Lassen’s Ind. Ant; IV. 79 . In the first century after Christ, Dionysius, a wise

ntan, was sent (J. As . Soc. Ben. VII. [1] 226) from Egypt to India to examine thechief marts, and in 138 Pantaenus the Stoic of A lexandria came to India as a Christianmissionary and took back the first clear ideas of the Shramans and.Brahmans , and of

Buddha ‘whom the Indians honoured as a god , because of his holy life.

’

Hough’

s

Christianity, 1. 51. Compare A ssemanni in Rich’s Khurdistan,

II. 120, 122.

3 Ptolemy cdnversed With several Hindus in Alexandria. Wilford in As . Res. X.

101, 105 . As early as the first century Indian Chris tians were settled in Alexandria.

H ough’

s Christianity in India, I. 44. In the time of Pliny (A .D . 77) many Indianslived in Egypt . Dion Chrysostom mentions Indians in Alexandria about A .D. 100,and Indians told Clemens (192 - 217) about Buddha. J. R . A . S. XIX. 278. Brahmansare mentioned in Constantinople. Oppert in MadrasLit. and Scien. J1. 1878, 210 .

Itwas about this time (A.D. 24 - 57) that according to one account Hindu familiescolonised Java (Rafi es

’ Java , II. 69 ) and Bali. Crawfurd As . Res. XIII. 155 -159.The date is nowput as late as A.D. 500 . J. R.A. S. NewSeries, V III. 162.

Konkan]

THANA .

the Maratha-speaking country, the Marathas are still called Amby the Kanarese of Kaladgi ; and Damurike, wrongly writtenLymurike, the country of the Damila or Tamils .

1 He divides hisAriake or Maratha country into three parts , Ariake proper or theBombay-Deccan, Sadan

’s Ariake or the North Konkan, and Pirate

Ariake or the South Konkan.2 Besides Sopara and Symulla o r

Chaul on the coast, Nasik near the Sahyadris, and the great inlandmarts of Paithan and Tagar, Ptolemy mentions seven places in or

near Thane , which can be identified.

8

Ptolemy gives no details of the trade which drewthe Gr eeks tothe emporium of Symulla . But from the fact that the Shatakarnisruled the Deccan as well as the Konkan, there seems reason tosup ose that it was the same trade which is described by the authorof t e Periplus as centering at Broach about a hundred years later.

4

Damurika appears in Peutinger’s Tables, A .D. 100 .

3 The meanin of Sadan’s Ariake is doubtful. The question is discussed later

I

on, p. 417. Per aps because of Pliny’s account of the Konkan

ngrates, Ptolemy

’

s

hrase A riake Andron Peira ton has been taken to mean Pirate A e. But Ptolemyas no mention of pirates on the Konkan coast, and. though this does not carry muchweight

'in the case of Ptolemy , the phrase Andron Peiraton is not correct G reek forpirates . This and the close resemblance of the words suggests that Andron Peiratonmay ori y have beenAndhra-Bhrityon.

3 These are Nausari, Nusdxi'ip a ; the Vaitarna river , called C oeris from the town

G oreh about forty miles from its mouth Dun a, either Tungar hill or Du ad near the

Vajrabai s rings ; the Binda or Bassein cree apparently from Bhayn ar OppositeBassein t e cape andmart of Symulla, the cape apparently the south point ofBombayharbour, and the mart Chaul. South of Symulla i s Balepatna, the city of P211 near

Mahad with Buddhist caves , and not far from Pal is Hippokura, a

pparently a. G reek

formof Ghodegaon in Koléba. Ptolehxy notices that Paithanwas e capital of SiriPolomei, probably Shri-Pulumayi (A.D. and mentions NAna-Guna which hethoughtwas a river , but which apparently is the Nana Ghat the direct route fromPaithan to the coas t.

4 McCrindle’

s Periplus, 125. G oods passed from the top of the Sahyddris eastwardinwagons across the Deccan to Paithan, and, fr om Paithan, ten days further east toTagar, the greatest mart in southern India. At Tagar go ods were collected from the

arts'

along the coast, that is apparently the coast of Bengal . There seems reason to

believe that this was one of the lines along which silk and some of the finer spicesfound their way west fromthe EasternArchipelago and China. (Compare Heeren,III. Near the mouth of the Krishna, Ptolemy has a Maisolia, ap arently the

modernMasulipatam, and close byan Alosyque, the place from whichvessels - set

sail for Malacca or the G olden C ersonese fBertius’Ed . , Asia Map X. and

“ XI. 80

important was the town that the Godavariwas known to Ptolemy as the Maisolos river

(Ditto) . The Periplus has also a Masalia on the.

Coromande1 coas t, where immens equantities of fine muslins were made.

.

McCrmdle , 145 ; Vincent, II. 523 . Itseems probable that malockénon the Periplus name for one of the cloths whichare mentioned as comin

g.to Broach through Tagar from the parts along the coast,

is , as Vincent suspects a mistake (Commerce, II. 412, 741-742) and should be

Masulinon or Masuli cloth. McCrindle, 136 Vincent, II. 412. This and not

Marco Polo’s Mohso l near Nineveh (Yule’s Edition, I. 59 ) would then be the origin

of the English muslin. Ma/ueilina the A rab name for muslin (Yule, I. 59 ) favoursthe Indian origin, and in Marco Polo

’s time (290 ) Mutapali near Masulipatam was

(Yule, II. 296) famous for the most delicate work like tissue of spider ’s web . Thetrade in cloth between Masuli atam and Thana was kept u

gitill modern times .

In the middle of the seventeent century , Thevenot notices arris, II. 373 1384)howchintzes and other cloths fromMasulipatam came through Golkonda by Chandor,Nuik , and the T a] pass to the Thana ports. And about the

.

same time Baldaeus(Churchill, III. 589 ) describes Masulipatam as a very populous ci ty where the tradeof Europe and China met, and where was a great concourse of merchants fromCambay , Surat, Goa, and other places on the wes t coas t. It is worthy of note thatthe dark spo tted turban cloth nowworn by some Bombs Prabhus , Musalmans ,and Parsis , which was probably adopted by them from the o (1HinduThana traders,

I

Chapter VII.

EARLY Hrsronr.

A sp . 150.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

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The chief trade was with the Red Sea and Egypt in the we st,and, ap arently, inland by Paithan and Tagar to the shores of theBay of engal, and, acro ss the Bay of Bengal, withMalacca or the

G o lden Cher sonese and China. The chief exports to Egyptwere, ofarticles of food, sesamum, oil, sugar, and perhaps rice and ginger ;of dress, cotton of different kinds from the Deccan, and from the

eastern coast silk thread and silk ; of spices and drugs,'

spikenard,co etus, bdellium, and long pepper g

-

oi dyes, lac and indigo ; ofornaments, diamonds, Opals, onyx stones found in large quantitiesnear Paithan, and perhaps emeralds, turquoises, and pearls -1

- ofmetals, iron or steel, and perhaps go ld.

2 The imports were wineso f several

‘

kinds , Italian, Laodicean, and Arabian ;3of dress

, clothand variegated sashes ; of spices and

“

drugs, frankincense, gum,

stibium for the e es, and storax of metals, brass or copper, tin,and lead,4 also goldand silver coins ;5 of ornaments, coral, costlysilver vases, plate,

6and glass ; and of slaves, handsome young

women for the king of the country.7

The merchants of the Thane. ports were Hindus, Buddhismfavouring trade , and owing many of its finest monuments to the

comes from Masulipatam and is known as Bandari, that is Masulibandari, cloth.The close connection cbetween the Thana rock temples and traders from Dharnikotnear the mouth of the Krishna has been already noticed.

l -Pearls which Pliny (A.D. 77 mentions as One of the chief exports from Perimula,that is apparently Simulla or Chaul (Yule in Ind . Ant. H . and which in thetwelfth century (Idrisi in Elliot and Devison, I. 85 ) appear as one of the exports ofSepara, are still found in the Bassein creek (see above, p . Besides pearls theThAna ports seem for long to have sent westwards another precious stone, generallycalled an emerald, but which may bavp been a G olkonda diamond, or may haveincluded severalkinds of stone. In very early times (A.D. 500 ) »the Sopara stone wasfamous (Jour. R . A . S . NewSeries, VII) . Pliny has a Lithos Kallianos (Vincent, II.

whose name (though this is made less likely by the export of a Lithos Kallainosfrom Sindh in the Periplus Vincent, II. 3 90) suggests that it ma be the Separastone whose place of export may have chan ed to Kalyan. Masu

”s (913 ) Sanjan

stone , also described as an emerald (Prairies’

Or , III. 47, is perhaps stillthe sames tone or stones , the trade or theworkers havingmoved to Sanjan. Compare the ’

modernfame of Cambay stones , .most ofwhich come from long distances to Cambay. Camba

’

yStatistical Account, Bombay G azetteer, VI. 198 207.2 Indian steel was famous. The chisels that drilled the

, granite of the Egyptianobelisks are .said to have been o f Indian steel. Shaw’

s Egypt, 3 64. Indian steelismentioned in the Periplus and in Autonine 's Diges t:3 As regards the use of wine, drinking scenes are common in the Umravati,

sculptures (Ad ) . 400 ) and in the later A’

anta _ paintings (AJ ) . 500 Rawlinsonnotices (Anc. Mon. VI. 383 ) that the Part ians were fond ofwine, andH iwen Thsan

’

(640) notices that some of the Maratha soldiers were much given to the use 0

intoxicating liquor. Julien’s Mem. Occ. III. 150.

4 Pliny notice s that the Indians tookEd in exchan e for pearls and precious

s tones. The earliest known coins of the dhra kin cund both at Dharnikot atthe mouth of the Krishna and at Kolhapur, are of l

P

5 The silver denarius worth about 8d. (5 as . 4 pies) was exchanged for bullion:Vincent, II. 694 .

6 Polished plate was a large item . Vincent, II . 716.

7 G reek or Yavan girls were much in demand as royal attendants and concubines.In one of Kalidas

’dramas , Yavangirls salute the kingwith the word church, probably

the G reek xa‘

ipe or ball. Ind. Ant . II. 145 . The king in Shakuntala is accompanied byYavan

lgirls with bows.and bearinggarlands of wild flowers. Mrs . Manning

’s Ancient

India , 176. CompareBaldaeus in themiddle of the seventeenth cen (Churchill’s

Voyages, III. 515 ) Every Se tember the great ship of the SultanHa lley comesfrom the top of the Red Sea to o cha.‘ Besides divers commodities it is laden withslaves of both sexes generally G recians, Hungarians , or of the isle of Cyprus.

Konkan-l

THANA.

liberality of Konkan merchants .

1 Besides Hindus the leadingmerchants seem to have been G reeks and Arabs, some o f themsettled in India, others foreigners . Christian traders from the

Persian Gulf seem also to have been settled at Kalyan and Sopara.

2

Except as archers no Romans seem to have come to India .

3

The shipping of the Thana coast included small coasting craft,medium- sized vessels that went to Persia, and large Indian, Arab,and G reek ships that traded to Yemen and Egypt.

“ The G reek o r

Egyptian ships were large well- found and well-manned, and carriedarchers as a guard against pirates.5 They. we re rounder and roomierthan ships of war, and, as a sign that they were merchantmen, theyhung a basket from the mast-head . The hull was smeared withwax and was ornamented with pictures of the gods, especially witha painting of the guar dian divinity on the stern . The owners wereG reeks, H indus, and Arabs, and the pilo ts and sailors were Hindusand Arabs.

°

About the close of the second century (A .D. 178) Rudradaman,one of the greatest of the Kshatrap kings of G ujarat, has recordeda double defeat of a Shatakarni and the recovery of the northKonkan .

7 About the beginning o f the third century, according to theauthor of the Periplus of the Erythrean sea whose date is probablyA.D. the elder Saraganes , one of the Shatakarnis, raised

1 The Karli and Kanheri Cathedral caves were made by merchants ; and there are

many inscriptions in the Kuda , Kanheri, and Nasik caves, which record minor giftsby merchants . Arch. Sur . X. 16, 19 , 20, 21, 28 ; Trans . Sec. Or . Cong . 346, 347 andPlaces of Interest, Kanheri. As already no ticed, Hindus at this time seem to havebeen great travellers. In addition to the former references the author of thePeriplus notices Indian settlements in Socotra and at Azania on the Ethiopian coast.McCrindle, 93 .

2 Details of early Christian settlers are given in the Population Chapter and in theaccount of Separa . Their hi h priest or Catholicus had his head-

quarters atCtesiphon.

H eeren, III. 438, 442. See ilford’s As .Res . X. 81, and Ritter Erdkunde , VIII. pt. 2 ,

385 . Thomas the Apostle is said to have come to India about A .D. 50, and a secondThomas , a Manichean missionary , in the third century . Reinaud

’

s Memoir Sur. l’

Inde ,95 A ssemanni in Rich

’s Khurdistan, II. 120 , 121.

3 Egypt was directly under the Emperor and no Roman might go to Egypt withoutspecial leave (Vincent’s Commerce, II . Vincent writes , The merchants haveG reek names , Diogenes, Theophilus , and Sopater. I have not met a single R omannaime

’

(Vincent, II. 69 , 209 , According to W ilford (As . Res. X. 114) therewas a G reek colony in Kalyan. The fondness of the G reeks for founding trade colonies

(Heeren, II. and the mention in Peutinger’sTables (VIII. ) of a temple of Augustus

atMuziris favourW ilford ’s statement. 1

4 Vincent, II. 33 , 37, 38.5 Pliny

’s

_Nat. Hist , bk. VI. chap. 23 . According to one account the archers were

Romans according to another they were Arabs . Pennant ’s Views , I. 104.

6 Vincent,II . 56, 101 Lassen Ind . Alt. (Ed . III. 68-72 Stevenson’

s Sketch ,20. Lindsay (Merchant Shipping, I. 108) thinks that these G reek boats wer e like thegrain shi s, which plied between Alexandria and Rome, in one ofwhich St. Paulwasshi wrecked This vesselwas of considerable size , able to carry 276 passengersan crew, besides a cargo ofwheat. It was decked, had a high poop and forecastle,and bulwarks of battens . It had one main mast and

'

one large square sail, a small

mizzenmast , and a little pole at the bowwith a square sail. These ships went at a

cat pace before thewind, but could not make much way on a wmd.

ZInd. Ant. VII. 262.3 Reinaud

’s paper fixing the date o f the Periplus has been translated in the Indian

Antiquary of December 1879 . The_ detailed account of"

the Kathiawar and Gujaratcoasts

,compared with Ptolemy’

s scanty and confused notes , and the fact that theauthor corrects Ptolemy

’s great error about the direction of the west coast of India

support M. Reinaud’s viewthat the Periplus us later than Ptolemy.

B 310 - 53

EARLY Hxsronr'

.

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Kalyén to the rank o f a"

regular mart. When the author of thePeriplus wrote, the Shatakarnis had again lost their hold of the

Thana coast, and it had passed to a king . named Sandanes , whostopped all foreign trade . If G re ek vessels , even by accident, cameto a Konkan port, a guard was put on board, and they were takento Barugaza or Broach .

1

The Konkan places mentioned by the autho r of the Periplusare Sopara (Ouppam ) , Kalyan, (Kalliena) , Chaul (Semalla) , and

Pal near Mahad Though the direct commerce

with Egypt had been dr iven from the Konkan ports,~ there was

still a cons iderable trade . Coasting vessels went ' south to meetthe Egyptian ships at Musiris and Nelkynda on the Malabar coast,a

or fur ther south to Ceylon ; o r .on to por ts on the Coromandelcoast, chiefly to bring back the fine cloths of Masulipatam.

‘ Therewas an important trade with Gedro sia on the east coast and withApologo s, probably Obollah , at the head of the Persian Gulf. The

chief trade with G edro sia was in timber, teak, squared wood, and

blocks of ebony, with a return o f wine, dates, clo th, purple, gold,

1McCrindle’

s Periplus, 128. This Sandanes seems to be the family or

dynasty, which gives its name to Ptolemy’s Sadan

’s Aria,

’ which includes most ofthe North Konkan . What dynasty is meant is uncertain. Prof. Bhandarkarcontributes the following note Among

“

the western countries or tribes mentionedby Varahamihira , is one bearing the name of ,Shantikas (Brihat S. chap. xiv.

verse The first part of the name must in vernacular pronunciation havebecome Sendi, since at is o ften changed to ad in the Prakrits, as in Saundala forShakuntala, Andeura for Antahpura, and in other cases. As to the finalsyllable ka.of the word Shantika it is clearly a suffix; and this suffix is in later Sanskrit very

generally a

pplied to all nouns . When it is added to nouns endin in n as hastin an

elephant, t e finaln is dropped and thus ha stin becomes bastika . hantika therefore,without the suffix is Shantin, the nominative plural of which is Shantinah.

This Shantinah is Sandino in the Prakrits , and from this last form,that is ‘

the

vernacular ronunciation of the day, the G reeks mus t have derived their Sandines or

Sadinoi. e name Shantika occurs in the Markandeya Purana (chap. where,as well as in the Bt ibat Samhita , it is associatedwith Aparantaka or Aparantika,the name of ano ther western people living on the coast. Aparanta enerally meansnorthern Konkan, When the Kshatrapa Nahapan displaced the hatavahanas or

Andhrabhrityas in the Deccan, the Shantinah or sandino mus t have asserted theirindependence in the Konkan, and thus it was that their chief called Sandanes by theauthor

‘of the Periplus came to be master of Kalyan. It was probably to render his

independence secure agains t the victorious Kshatrapas , that he rohibitedintercourse between his territories and the Deccan, and sent away the G ree ships to

There could be no reason for such a prohibition in the time of the ElderSaraganes

’or Shatakarni, since he ruled over the country , above the Sahyadris, as

well as below.

Another suggestion may perhaps be o ffered. That Ptolemy’s Sedan and the

Periplus.

Sandanes stand for the Kshatrap o r Sinha rulers of Gujarat. The naturalexplanation of Sandanes

’

conduct in carrying the G reek ships to Breach is that itwasdone to force fore ign commerce to his s eaport of Broach . If theSedhans are theKshatraps , the word Se dan o r Sandanes would be the Sanskrit d hana , an agentor representative (see W illiams ’ Sanskrit Dict ionary ) , that is a translation of thePerSian Kshatrap . In support of the use

_o f the word sadhan as an agent may be

citedBardesanes ’ account of the Hindu embassy, which he met inBabylon on its wayto Rome about A .D . 218, where the headman, or ambassador , is called Sandanes,apparently d ham (J. R . A . S. , X IX . 290, The sug estion is supported bythe Ja mwork Kalakacharya Katha (J. B. B. R . A . s. .

ix. 13 which s sake ofthe Kshatra s as the Sadhan-Simbas . W ilford explains the word by sad an lord(AS R9 8

,1 76, He compares the phrase d lmn Engriz a polite term for

the English . 2 McCrindle , 128, 129 .

3 Musiris is identified with Muyirikotta and Nelkynda~

with Kannettri. Mc

Crindle’s Peri lus , 131.

McCrindle Periplus , 145 Vincent’s Commerce, II.

Konkan ]

THANA.

pearls, and slaves.

1 There was also trade'

in muslin, corn, oil,cotton, and female slaves with the east Coast of A rabia, Socotrawhere Indians were settled, Aden, and Moosa near Mocha .

2 And

there was a trade‘

to Zanzibar and the African ports, taking corn,

rice, butter, sesamum, cotton, sashes , sugar, and iron, and bringing.

back slaves, tortoiseshell, and cinnamon.

3 Lastly there was a

trade to Aduli,the sea-port of Abyssinia, the Indian ships bringing

clo th, iron, cotton, sashes, muslin, and lac, and taking ivory and

rhinoce’

ro s’ horns .

‘

A copper-

plate , found by Dr . Bird in 1839 in a relic mound infront of the great Kanheri cave (No . is dated in the 245th year

of the Trikutakas . From the fo rm o f the letters , wh ich seem to

belong i to the fifth century, Dr . Burgess ascribes the plate‘

to the

Gupta era in A .D. 176, and thus makes the date of the lateA.D. 421. Trikuta, or the three hills, is mentioned by K

' idas(a n. 500) as

“

a city on a lofty s ite built by Raghu when he

conquered the Konkan. The name is the same as Trigiri, the

Sanskrit form of Tagara, and Pandit Bhagvanlal identifies the‘

city with Juunar in west Poona, a place of great importance, on a

high s ite, and between the three hills o f Shivneri, Ganeshlena, and

Manmiodi.5 The discovery of two hoards of s ilver co ins bearingthe legend of Krishnaraja, one in 1881 in Bombay Island the otherin Mulgaon -in salsette in June 1882 , s eems to show that the earlyRashtrakuta king Krishna (AD . 3 75 who se coins have alreadybeen foundin Baglan in Nasik, also held possession of the NorthKonkan.

6

During this time the Sassanian dynasty ! (23 0 - 650) had risento power in Persia . They were on terms o f close friendship withthe rulers of Western India

, and became the leading traders inthe eastern seasz” In the beginning of the s ixth century (A.D. 525)the Egyptian merchant and monk Kosmas IndikOpleustes describesKalyan (Kalliana) as the seat of one o f the five chief rulers of

Western India, a kin who had from 500 to 600 elephants .8

Kalyan had much tra c with Ceylon, which was then the greatcentre of trade in the east, sending copper , steel, ebony, and much

1 Vincent, II. 378, 379 . The timber was chiefiynsed in boat-buildin2 Vincent, II. 296, 297, 346. McCrindle

’

s Periplus , 9 4, 95. Besides in cotra, thereis a

‘

mention of Indians settled in Armenia in the third century after Chris t. Beinend’e

Memoir Sur. l’Inde, 72 .

3 Vincent, II. 158.

4 Vincent, II. 116.'

5 Archwological Survey , X. 59 , 60.aMr . Fleet’s Kanarese Dynasties , 3 1, note 2 .

.

7 In proof of the close relations between the Sassanians and Indiamay be noticedBehram Ghor

’

s visit to the king of Kanauj (420 his marriage with an Indianprincess , and the introduction of Indian music and literature into Persia.

_There

were also the conquest of Sindh and embassies to the rulers of southern India underNaushirvan (531 and an embass of Khosro Parviz (591-628) to the king of

Badami, Pulikeshi JouriIt.A . S. X1. 165 . Itwas-

under the Sassaniansthat the Persians brou ht chess and the Arabian Nights from India (Reinaud

’sMemoir

Sur . l’

Inde, Wi ord (As . Res . IX. X . 91) traces the foreign elementin the Marathas and in the Chitpavan or Konkanasth Brahmans to Persian immigrationduri Sassanian rule. But it seems likely that if there is a Persian element in the

Marat as and KonkanasthBrahmans, it dates from before the time of the Sassanians .See above, p. 414.9 The other centres of power were Sindhu, Orrhata probably .

Surashtra, Sihorerhapsggp

é

im’

déld four pepper marts in the Malabar coast. Migne

fs Patrologwe

ans ,

Chapter VII.

History.

EARLY Hisroav.

EARLY HISTORY.

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DISTRICTS .

cloth, and bringing back silk, cloves, caryophyllum,aloes, and

sandalwood .

1 With the Persian Gu lf there was much trade to

Hira near Kufa, and to Obolleh . Of the exports to the PersianGulf, one of the chief was timber fo r house -building, alo el ,

pepper , ginger, spices, cotton cloth , and s ilk .

2 The trade withEgypt began to fall ofi about the close of the third century, and

by the sixth century it had almost ceased .

3 The traffic Wi th the

African ports was brisk and had deve loped an import of gold The

merchantswere Hindus, A rabs,Persians

,and perhaps Christians from

Persia fl' The Hindus s eem to have b een as great travellers as

during the times of G reek trade, and were found settled in Persia,Alexandria, Ceylon, Java, and China .

5

The chief of Kalyan described by Ko smas was perhaps either a

Maurya or a Nala as Kirtivarma (550 the firs t of the

Chalukyas who turned his arms agains t the Konkan, is describedas the night of death to the Nalas and Mauryas .

6 And

Kirtivarma’s grandson Pulikesi II . (610 under whom the

Konkan was conquered, describes his general Chanda -danda, as

a_great wave which drove before it the watery sto res of the pools,which are the Mauryas . The Chalukya general, _

with hundreds of

ships, attacked the Maurya capital Puri, the goddess of the fortuneso f the western o cean .

7 A stone inscription from_Vada in the

north of Thana of the fourth o r fifth century shows that a Mauryan

king o f the name of Suketuva rma was then ruling in the Konkanfi

1 Cosmas in J. R. A . S. XX . 292. H eeren’s Hist. Res . III. 403 and Ap . B. 439 .

Yule ’

s Cathay, I. clxvii.-clxxxi. Vincent, II . 505-511. Lassen’

s Ind . Alt . IV . 94, 99,100 Tennent

’

s Ceylon, I . 545 .

2 In 638 the Arabs found teak beams in the Persian king’s palace near Basra.Ouseley

’s Persia, II. 280 .

3 The mystic Loadstone‘

rocks (an index to the limit of navigation) had moved fromCeylon in 280 to the mouth of the Arabian Gulf in 560. Priaulx in J .R.

-A.S. XX. 309.4 Kosmas in Yule ’

s Cathay , I. clxx. An account of the Christians ofKalyan and their

connection with Persia is given in the Population Chapter. It seems probable thatthe settlements of Christians at Kalyan and Sopara had been strengthened by refugeesfr om Syria and Mesopotamia in the fifth century during the persecution of the

Nestorians by the Emperor of Constantinople . At that time Nestorian seemto havefied as far as China. R einaud

’s Abu - l-fida. cd. Rich

’s K'hurdistan, II. 112.

5 Hiwen Thsang (642 ) found colonies of Indians in the cities of Persia in the freeexercise of their religion . Reinaudfs Abu-l-fida , ccclxxxiv. There were two or threeBuddhist convents of the NarrowWay (Julien’

s Hiwen Thsang, III. An Indiantemple is mentioned about A .D . 400 at ’Auxume on the Red Sea . J. R . A . S.

' XX . 278,note 4. In 470Brahmans were entertained at Alexandria by Severus , aRoman G overnor.(W ilford

’s -A s. Res . X. 111 Lassen

’

s Ind . Alt. III. 378, IV . 907 ; Priaulx in J . R . A. S.

XX. In the beginning of the fifth century therewere said to be 3000 Indians inChina. Beal’s Fah Hian, xxix. Fah Hian (420) also mentions Brahmans in the shipbetween Java and China. Brahmans flourished in Java. Ditto, 168-169 .

6 Ind. Ant . V III . 244. A d ynasty of fifty-nine Chalukyas is said to have ruled

in Oudh . Then Jaising passed south , invaded the Deccan, and about A .D . 468defeated the Ratta chief Krislma (Jour . R . A . S. [Old Series], IV. 6, 7, For twomore generations their .power did not pass west of the Sahyadris .

7 Arch:Sur . Rep. III. 26. Puri has not been identified. See below,

-

p . 423 note 2.

3 Pandi t Bhagvandal Indraji. This stone , which may be readily known by a trident

mark at the top , 15 in the Museum of the Bombay A siatic Society . Details aregiven under Places of Interest , V‘ada. T races o f the Mauryas remain -in the surnameMore, which 18 common among Marathas , Kunbis , and Kolis , The two smalllandmg-plac es of the name of More , in Elephanta and in Karanja, are perhaps relicsofMauryan power . The only trace of the Nalas occurs in a local ste ry of a NalRaja, who ma rried h is daughter to the Malang or Arab devotee who gave his nameto Malanggad hill. (See Places of Interest, Malanggad) .Nal is still a Maratha surname.

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

810 -1260.

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goes, ruled in the North Konkan from about a s ) . 810 to A.D. 1260,

a per iod of 450 years .

1

Who the Silaharas were has not been ascer tained. The name 18

variously spelt Silahara, Shailahara, Shrilara, Shilara, and Silaraeven the same inscription has more than one form, and one

inscription has the three forms Silara, Shilara, and Shrilara.

2 Lassen

suggests that the Silaharas are of Afghan Orlgln, as_Silar Kafirs

are still found in Afghanistan.

“ But the southern ‘ending Ayya

o f the names of almost all their ministers and the nu- Sanskrit names

of some of the chiefs favour the viewthat they were of southern orDravidian origin.

‘

1As far as Thana Silabaraswas as follows

11 or the younger ,799, an. 853

(9)|Vajjadadev (IL) . (10) Arlkeshari (Shah 939 ,

lA.n.

Ohhlttara (18) Nhgarjun. (18) Mummuni (Shalei188,(s 948, 10 a) .

Anantdev (Shah 1ooajand 1010, A.n. 1081and

(15) Aparaditya (Shah 1060,

(16) naripsldev (Shah 1071, 1072, and 1pm, 1149, 1150 , and

(17) Mallikarjun (Slick1078 and 1082, a n. 1156 and

(18) Aparaditya (11 ) (sucknos?and 1109 , a n. 1184 and

(19) Keshidev(Shale 1125 and 1161, an. 1203 and

(20) Someshvar (Shale 1171and 1182, A.D. 1249 and

Besides the Thane.branch of the Silabaras, there was a South Konkan branchwhosehead-quarters are unknown and a Kolhapur branch whose head-quarters seem to

have been at Panhalgadh the modern Panhala (J. B. B. R . A . S. XIII. Fromthe single inscriptionwhich has been found, the South Konkan branch appears to

have included ten kings who ruled from about 808 to 1008, at first under theRashtrakutas and then under the Chalukyas . The Kolhapur branch , ofwhich eleven

inscriptions are recorded, had sixteen kings who ruled from about 840 (Y) , to 1190.

One ofthis d 1

?V ijayfirkdev (1151) is described as restoring the dethroned lords of

Thm and 30a. B. B.R. A . S. XIII.16.Mr. Fleet'

s Kanarese Dynasties,2 Ind. Ant. IX. 35 ; Jour. B. B. R . A . S. XIIL 2 , 3 , 5 .

3 Lassen’s Ind. Alt, IV . 113 .

4 It s eems probable that Silabara and Shailahara are Sanskritised forms o f thecomm on Marathi surname Selar . The story of .the origin o f the name is thatJimutvahan the mythical founderwas the son

'

of a s irit or V idyadhara, who undera curse became a man. At this time Vishnu

’s ea

ge, aruda , conquered the so out

king Vasuki and forced Vasuki to give him one 0.

his serpent subjects for his'

lyfood. After a time it came to the lot of the serpent Shankhachuda to be sacrificed.

H e was taken to a stone, shib , and left for the eagle to devour . Jimutvahan resolvedto save the victim, and placed himself on the rock instead of the se t. WhenG aruda came , Jimutvahan said he was the victim and Garuda devoure him ew’

his head. Meantime Jimutvahan’s wife came, and finding her husband slain, repr 4

ed Garuda, who restored him to life and at her request ceased to devour the serpents .For this act of self-sacrifice Jimutvahan gained the name of the Ro ck-devoured,Skildhdm . J. R. A .S. (old Series ) , IV . 113: Tawney

’s KathaSarit Ségara, I . 174-186.

A stanza from this story forms the beginning of all Silahara copper-

plate inscriptions .

Konkan ]

THANA .

The Silabaras seem to have remained under the Rashtrakutastill about the close of the tenth century, A .D. 9 97, when Aparap tassumed independent power .

1_

The Thana Silabaras seem to

have held the greater part of the present districts of Thana andKolaba . Their capital seems to have been Pur i,2 and their placesof no te were Hamjaman probably sanjan in Dahanu

, Thana (Shris thanak) , Sopara (Shurparak) , Chaul (Chemuli) , Louad (Lavan

’

atata)and Uran.

3 A s the Yadavs call themselves lords of the excellentcity of Dvaravatipura or Dwarka and the Kadambas call themselves lords of the excellent city of Banavasipura or Banavasi, so theSilaharas call themselves lords of the excellent city of Tagarapuraor Tagar. This title would furnish a clue to the origin of theSilaharas if, unfortunately, the site of Tagar was no t uncertain .

4

1 See below,p. 424. The early Silabaras, though they call themselves Rajas and

Konkan Chakravartis , seem to have been only Mahamandaleshvaras or Mahasamantadhipatis , that is great nobles . In twoKanheri cave inscriptions (Arch . Sur . X.

the third Silahara king Kapardi II . (A .D . 853 to 877) is mentioned as a subordinate ofthe Rashtrakutas . Of the later Silabaras Auantapal A.D . 1094 and Aparaditya A .D .

1138 claim to be independent. Ind. Ant. IX . 45.

2 The Silabara Puri, if, as seems likely, it is the same a s the Maurya Puri (Ind.

Ant‘

. VIII. Was a coast town . Of the possible coast towns Thana and Chaulmaybe rejected, as they appear under the names of Shristhanak and Chemuli in inscriptionsinwhich Purialso occurs (As . Res . I. 361, 364 Ind. Ant. IX. Kalyan and Soparamay be given up as unsuitable for an attack by sea, and to Sopara there is the furtherobjection that it

'

appears in the same copper -plate inwhich Puri occurs . (Ind Ant. IX .

There remainMan alpari or Magathan in salsette , Gharapuri or Elephanta , andRajapuri or Janj ira. fieither Mangalpuri (s

‘

ee Places of Interest, Magathan) norRajapuri has remains of an old capital, so that perhaps the most likely identificationof Puri is the Moreh landing or Bandar on the north-east corner of Gharapuri or

Elephanta, where many ancient remains have been found . See Places of Interest,Elephanta , and AppendixA , Puri.3 Other places of less note mentioned in the inscriptions are Bhadan, Padgha,

and Bahgaon villages, and the Kumbhari river in Bhiwndi, Kanher inBassein,and

Chanje (Chadiche) village near Uran .

4 Tagar has been identified by Wilford (As . Res . I. 369 ) with Devgiri or Daulatabadand by Dr . Burgess with Roza about four miles from Daulatabad (Bidar and Auran

gahad, Lassen and Yule place it doubtfully at Kulburga (Ditto ) ; Pandit Bhagvanlal, as already stated, at Junnar ; G rant Dufi

'

(Marathas,11) near Bhir on the

G o'

davari and Mr. J. F. Fleet, O .S. , (Kanarese Dynasties, 99 103 ) at Kolhapur . Prof.

Bhandarkar observes,The identification of Tagar with Devgiri is based on the

supposition that the former name is a corruption o f the latter. But that it is notso is proved ,

by its o ccurrence as Tagar in the Silahara grants (A .D. 997and in a Chalukya grant of A .D . 612, the language of all of which is Sanskrit.The modern Junnar cannot have been Tagar, since the G reeks place Tagar ten days ’journey to the east of Paithan. On the supposition that Junnarwas Tagar , onewouldexpect the Chalukya plate issued to a Brahman of Tagar to have been found

at or near Junnar . But it was found at Haidarabad'

in the Deccan. The author ofthe Periplus calls Tagar the greatest city

’

in Dakhinabades or Dakshinapath.

The Silabara princes or chiefs , who fo rmed three distinct branches of a dynasty thatruled over two parts of the Konkan and the

“

country about Kolhapur, trace theiro rigin to Jimutvahan, the Vidyadhar or demigod ,

and style themselves The lords

of the excellent city of Tagar .

’From this it would appear that the Silabaras were an

ancient family, and that their original seat was Tagar whence they spread to the

confines o f the country . Tagar therefore was probably the centre of one of the

earliest yan settlements in the Dandakaranya or‘forest of Dandaka, ’ as the Deccan

or Maharashtra was called. These early settlements followed the course of the

G odavari. Hence it is that in the formula repeated at the beginning of any religious

ceremony in Maharashtra , the place where the ceremony is performed is alluded toby giving its hearing from . the G odavari. People in (

Khandesh use the words‘G’oddm rya. uttam tire?that is

‘on the northern bank of the G odavari ,

’while those tothe south of the rive r, as far as the borders of the country, use the expression ‘Godci

varya Daksh'i/ne tire’ that is ‘

on the southern bank o f the Godavari.’ If then Tagar

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

Besides the Silahara references, the only known Sanskrit notice of

Tagar is in a Chalukya copper-

plate found near Haidarabad in theDeccan and dated A .D. A s has been already noticed, thereferences to Tagar in Ptolemy and in the Periplus point to a citycons iderably to the east of Paithan, and the phrase in the Periplus,

2

That many articles brought into Tagar from the parts along the coastwere sent by wagons to Broach,

’s eems to show that Tagar was in

communication with the Bay of Bengal, a nd was supported'

by the

eastern trade,which in later times enriched Malkhet, Kalyan, Bidar,G olkonda, and Haidarabad.

From numerous references and grants the Thana Silaharas seemto have been worshippers of Shiv.

3

Of Kapardi, the first of the Thana Silabaras, no thing is knownexcept that he claims descent from Jimutvahan . Pulashakti his son

and successor, in an undated inscription in Kanheri Gave 78,is

mentioned as the governor of Mangalpuri inthe Konkan, and as the

humble servant of (the Rashtrakuta king) Amoghvarsh . The thirdking, Pulashakti

’s son, Kapardi II. was called the younger, laghu.

Two inscriptions in Kanheri Caves 10 and 78, dated A .D. 853 and 877,seem to show that he was subordinate to the Rashtrakutas . Theson of Kapardi II. was the fourth king, Vappuvanna, and his sonwas Jhanjha the fifth king. Jhanjha is mentioned by the Arabhistorian

“Masudi as ruling over Saimur (Chaul) in A . D..

He must have been a staunch Shaivite, as, according to a. Silaharacopper-plate o f A .D. 1094, he built twelve temples of Shambhu.

5

A ccording to an unpublished copper-

plate in"

the po ssession ofPandit Bhagvanlal, Jhanjha

’

h ad a daughter named Lasthiyavva, whowas married to Bhillam the fourth king of the Chandor Yadavs .

6

The next king was Jhanjha’

s brother -G'reggi, and after him came

G oggi’s son Vajjaddev. Of the eighth king, Vajjaddev

’s son

Aparajit or Bir undakaram, a copper-

p late dated 99 7 (Shah 919 ) haslately been found at Bher, about ten miles north of Bhiwndi.7

was one of the earliest of the Aryan settlements , it must be situated onor near thebanks of the G od

‘

avari, as the ancient town of Paithan is ; and its bearing fromPaithan given by the G reek geographers agrees with this suppo sition, as the courseof the G odavari from that point is nearly easterly . Tagar must therefore be lookedfor to the east of Paithan. If the name has undergone co rruption, it must, by thePrakrit law of dropping the initialmutes , be first changed to Taaraura , and thenceto Tarur or Terur . Can it be the modern Darur or Dharur in

,the Nizam’

s dominions,twenty -five miles east of Grant Duff’s Bhir and seventy miles south-east of Paithan?l Ind. Ant . VI. 75 .

2 McCriudle, 126.3 The most marked passages are in a copper -plate of A .D. 1094, where the fifth

king Jhanjha is mentioned as having built twelve temples to Shainbhu, and thetenth king Arikeshari as having , by direction of his father, visited Someshvaro r Somnath , offering up before him the whole earth IX

. TheKolhapur Silabaras appear to have been tolerant kings as one copper -plate records

giants to Mahadev, Buddha, and Arhat (Jour. B. B. A . S. XIII. Comparer. Fleet’s Kanarese Dynasties, 103.4 Prairi es d

’

Or, II. 85 . 5 Ind. Ant . IX. 35.6 The text is ‘Bhd/ryd yasya cka. Jhanjha rdj atanayd 81m: A

short account of the Chandor Yadavs is given in the Nasik Statistical Account,Bombay G azetteer,XVI. 185.7 The copper-plate records the grant at Shristhanak or Thalia, of Bhadana village

about eightmiles east of Bhiwndi for the worship of Lonaditya residing in (whose

Konkan]

THANA.

It appears from this plate that during Aparajit’s reign, his

Rashtrakuta overlord Karkaraja or Kakkala was overthrown and

s lain by the Chalukyan Tailapa, and that Aparajit became indepenr

dent some time between 9 72 and 99

In a copper-

plate’

of A .D. 1094, recording a grant by the fourteenthking Anantdev, Aparajit is mentioned as havingwelcomed G omma,confirmed to Aiyapdev

‘

the sovereignty which had been shaken,and aiforded security to Bhillamammamanambudha The nextking was Aparallt

’s son Vajjadadev. The next king A rikeshari,

Vajjadadev’s b ro ther, in a copper

-

plate g rant dated A.D. 109 7, isstyled the lord of 1400 Konkan villages . Mention is also made of

the cities o f Shristhanak, Puri, and Hamyaman probably. Sanjan.

3

The e leventh king -was Vajjadadev’s son Chhittarajdev. In a

copper-

plate dated Shah 948 (A.D. 10 25) he is styled the rulerof the 1400 Konkan villages, the chief of which were Puri and

Hamyamam .

‘ The twelfth king was Nagarjun, the youngerbrother of Chhittarajdev. After him came Nagarjun

’s younger

bro ther Mummuni or who is mentioned in an inscriptiondated A .H. 1060 (Shah The fourteenth king was Mummuni orMamvani’s son

,

Anantpal or Anantdev, whose name occurs in two

grants dated A .D. 1081 and In the 1096 grant he is

mentioned as ruling over the whole Konkan 1400 villages, the chief

temple is in) Lavanatata (Louad ) , on the fourth of the dark half of Ashddh (June -‘

July )Shah 919 (A .D. as aDahshindyangift, that ista gift made on the occasion of the sun

beginning to pass to the south . Aparajita’s ministerswere Sangalaiya and Sinhapaiya .

‘

The inscriptionwas written by Sangalaiya’

s son Annapai. The'

grant was settled inThana, Tacheku, Shr isthcinahe dh

'ru'vam.

1 Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraj i.2 Ind . Ant. IX. 36: Of G omma and Aiyapdev nothing is known of the third

name only Bhillam the son-in-lawof Jhanjha can be made out .3 Asiatic Researches, I. 357 - 367. This grant was found in 1787 while digging

foundations in Thana fort . Arikeshari’s ministers were vasapaiya and Vardhapaiya .

The grant consists of several villages given to a family priest, the illustrious Tikkapaiya son of the illustrious astrologer Chchhinpaiya, an inhabitant of Shr isthanakk(Thana) on the occasion of a

_full eclipse of the moon in l.6d (October -November)

Shah 939 (am. 1017) Pingala Saxmvatsarot. The grant was written by the illustriousNagalaiya, the great bard, and engraved on plates of copper by V edapaiya ’

s son

Mandharpaiya.

4.Ind. Ant . V. 276 - 281. Hisministerswere the chief functionary Sarvddhihciri theillustrious Naganaiya, the minister for peace and war the illustrious Sihapaiya, and

the minister for peace'

and war for Karnata (Kanara) the illustrious Kapardi. The

grant, which is dated Sunday the fifteenth of the bright half of Kar i/5h (OctoberNovember) Shah 948 (A.D . 1026) Kshaya Samoatsam is of a field in the village of Nour

(the modern Naura two miles north of Bhandup ) in the tciluha of Shatshashthi

(salsette) included in Shristhanak (Thalia) . The donee is a Brahman Amadevaiya

the'

son of Vipranodamaiya, who belonged to the Chhandogashakha of the samved.

5 Jour . B. B. R . A .- S. XII. 329 -332. In this inscription; which is in the Ambar

nath temple near Kalyan, he is called Mamvanirajadev and his ministers a re namedVinta (paiya ), Naganaiya, Vakadaiya, Jogalaiya, Padhisena, and Bhailaiya. The

inscription records the construction of a temple of Chhittarajdev, that is a temple, themerit of buildingwhich counts to Chhittarajdev.

6 The A .D. 1081grant was found in Vehar in Salsette and the 1096grant in Khare

patan in Dévgad'

in the Ratnagiri district. The V ehar s tone was found in 1881 and

r ecords a grant by Anantdev in Shah 1003 the chiefminister being Rudra'

pai. The inscription mentions Ajapalaiya son“

of Mataiya of the Vyadika family and

the grant of some drammas to khu’

rasanmandh’

URPandit Bhagvanlal) . TheKharepatanco per

-plates were found severaly ears ago and give the names of all the thirteenS

'

ahara kings before Anantdev. Ind. Ant. IX . 33 -46.

13 310—54

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

ofwhich was Puri and next to it Hanjamana probably Sanjan, andas having cast into the ocean of the edge of his sword tho se wickedheaps of sin, who at a time of misfortune, caused by the rise to

power of hostile relatives, devastated the whole Konkan, harassinggods and Brahmans .

1

The names of six Silahara kings later than Anantdev have beenmade out from land-grant stones . A s the se stones do not givea pedigree, the order and relationship of the kings cannot bedeterm ined.

The first of these kings is Aparaditya, who is mentioned in a

stone dated AD . 1138 (Shah The next king is Haripaldev,who is mentioned in three stones dated 1149 , 1150 , and 1153 (Shah1071, 1072 and

The next king is Mallikarjun, of whom two grants are recorded,one fr om Chiplun in Ratnagiridated 1156 (Shah, the o ther fromBassein dated 1160 (Shah This Mallikarjun seems to be the

Konkan king, who was defeated near Balsar by A’

mbada the generalof the GujaratkingKumarpal So lanki (A .D. 1143 Next comes

I This account refers to some civil strife ofwhich nothing is known (Ind . Ant. IX.

Anantdev’s ministers were the illustrious Nauvitaka vasaida, Rishibhatta, the

illustrious Padh isenMahadevaiya prabhu,and Somanaiya prabhu. The grant is dated

the first day of the bright half of Mdgh (Jannary -February ) in the year Shah 1016

(A .D . Bhav Samvatsara . It consists of an exemption from tolls for all carts

belonging to the great minister the illustrious Bhabhana shreshthi, the son of the greatminister Durgashreshthi of Valipavana , probably Palpattana or the city of Pal near

Mahad in Kolaba, and his bro ther the illustrious Dhanamshre shthi. Their carts mayedme into any of the orts , Shristhanak, Nagapur perhaps Nagothna, Shu arak

,

Chemuli, and o thers included within the Konkan 1400. They are also free fromthe toll on the ingr ess or egress o f those who carry on the business of noriha

'

3 This stone , which was found in 1881 at Chanje near Uran in the Karanjapetty division,

records the grant of a field in Nagum, probably the modernNagaon about four miles west o f Uran, for the merit of his mother Liladevi ; andanothe r grant of a garden in Chadija (Change ) village . This is the Aparaditya kingo f the Konkan,

’ who is mentioned in Mankha’s Shrikanthacharita. (a book found

by Dr .Buhler in Kashmir and ascribed by him to A .D 1135 - 1145 ) as sendingTejakanth from Shurparak (Sopara) to the literary congress held at Kashmir, of whichdetails are given in that bo ok. Jour. B.B. R . A . S. XII. ExtraNumber, 51 cxv.

3 The 1149 stone is built into the plinth of the back veranda of the house of oneJairam Bhaskar Sonar at Sopara. It records a gift. The name of the king is doubtful.-It may be also read Kurpaldev. The 1150 stone was found near Agashi in 1881.It is dated lstMdrgshirsh (December-Jannary ) , in the Pramoda Samvatsara , Shah 1072(A .D . H aripal

’s ministers were Vesupadval,Lakshman rabha , Padmashivraul,

and Vasugi nayak. The grant is of the permanent income of Shrinevadi in charge ofa Pattakil (Patil) named Raja, to the family priest Brahmadevbhatt son of Divakarbhatt and grandson of G ovardhanbhatt, by prince Ah avamalla enjoying the village ofV attarak (V atar ) in Shurparak (So

pIara) . The witnesses to the grant are

“

RisiMhatara, head of Vattarak village, aguji Mhatara, Anantnayak, and ChangdevMhzi tara. Pandit Bhagvanlal. There is another inscription of Haripaldev on a stone

found in Karanjon in Bassein. The inscription is of thirteen lines , which are veryhard to read . In the third and fourth lines can be read very doubtfully the illustrions Haripaldev, the chief of the Mahamandaleshvaras , adornedwith all the royal

titles . The 1153 stone was found near Borivli station in 1882 . The inscription is in

fine lil

li es , and bears date Shah 1075 , Shrimukh Sa/mvatsam and the name of king

eripa4 The Kumarpal Charitra (AD . 1170) which gives details of this defeat of

Mallikarjun (see below p. 436) describes Mallikarjun’s father as Mahanand, and his

capital es Shatanandpur surrounded by the ocean’

(Shatdnandapure j ala dhiveshtz’

te

Mahdnando rdj a ) . Mahanand is an addition to the Silabara table, but the form appears

doubtful and does not correspond with the name of any of the preceding or succeedingkings . Surrounded by the ocean

’

might apply to a town either in salsette or on

Sopara island. But the epithet applies much better to a town on Elephanta island

Konkan.)

THANA.

Aparaditya II., of whom there are four land-grant stones, three of

them dated, one in 1184 (Shah 1106) and two in 1187 (Shahand one

‘

undated.1

The next king is Keshidev, son of Aparérka (Aparéditya II.

two of whose land-grant stones have been found, one dated 1203

(Shah 1125) the o ther 1238 (ShahThe next is Someshvar, two of whose land-grant stones have

pign

fgund, one dated 1249 (Shah 1171) the other 1260 (Shah

2

and the similarity in name suggests that Shatanandpur may be Santapur an old

name for Elephanta . See Places of Interest, 81-82 = Mallikérjun’s Chiplun stone .was

found in 1880 by Mr . Falls , of the Marine Survey, under a wall in Chiplun (Jour .B. B. R. A . S. XIV . p. xxxv. ) It is now inthe museum of the Bombay Branch of

the Royal Asiatic Society . The writing gives the nam e of Mallikarjunand bearsdate Shah 1078 (A.D. His ministers were Nagalaiya and Lakshmanaiya

’s son

Anantugi (Pandit Bhagvanlal). The Bassein stone styles the king Shr i-SilabaraMallikhrjun

’

[and th e date‘

ven is Shah 1082 (an) . V ishva Samvatsara , his

ministers being Prabhakar ugl

yak and Anantpai prabhu. The grant is of a or

garden (I) called Shilarvamk in Padhalasak in Katakhadi by two royal priests, forthe res toration of a temple .

- Pandit Bhagvanlal.1 The 1184 (Shah 1106) stone was found inFebruary 1882 about amile south-wes t of

Londd inBhiwndi. Of the two Shah 1109 (AJ ) . 1187) stones , one found near G overnment Hous e, Pare] , records a grant by Aparaditya, the ruler of the Konkan, of 24dramma co ins after exempting o th er taxes, the fixed revenue of one oart in the

village of Mahuli (probably the modern Mahul near Kurla) connected withShatshashthi, which is in the possession of Anantapai rabbu, for performing theworship by five rites of (the god) Vaidyanath , lord of lgarbhavati. The last lineof the inscription shows that it was written by a Kayasth named Valig Pandit (Jour .

B. B. R . A . S . XII. The second Shah 1109 (A .D . 1187) stone is in the

museum of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. It is dated Shah

1109 (AJ ) . 1187) Vishvavasu Samvatsara , on _Sunday the sixth of the bright half o f

Chaitra (April-May ). The grantor is the great minis ter Lakshmannayaka son of

Bhaskarnayaka , and s omething is said in the grant about the cd Somnath of

Surashtra (Ind. Ant. IX. The fourth stone ,which bears no to, was foundnear Kalambhom in Bassein in 1882. It gives the name of Aparaditya, and from the

late form of the letters probably belon to this king. A fifth stone has recently beenfound near Bassein. The date is d

go

'

s

ubtful ; it leeks like Shah 1107 (A.D.

.PanditBhagvanlal.2 The Shah 1125 (Ad) . 1203) stone was found in 1881near Mandvi in Bassein. It

records the grant of something for offerings , e dya , to the god Lakshminarayan inthe reign of the illustrious Keshidev, PanditBhagvanlal. The Shah 1161 (a n. 1238)stone was found near Lonad villa e in Bhiwn

‘

di in February 1882. It bears date thethirteenth of the dark half of fidgh (February -March ) and records the grant byKeshidev the son of Apararka of the village of Brahmapuri, to one Kavi Soman;

_

devo ted to the worship of Shompeshvar Mahadev. The inscription describes

Brahma uri as ‘pleas ing by reason of its Shaiv temples.’ A field or hamlet called

majas in Bapgram, the modern 3 4a near Lonad, is granted by the same

inscri tion to four worshippers in front of the image of Shompeshvar . Apararka‘

,

Keshidev’s father

, is probably the A dditya (arha and aditya bothmeanin the sun)the author of the commentary Apardrha on Yajnavalkya ’

s law ook the

Mitakshara. At the end of the commentary is written : Thus ends the Penance

Chapter in the commentary on the Hindu law of Yajnaval'lgia made by the

illustrious Aparaditya of the family of Jimutvahan ,the Shil

'

ara king of t he

d

Nynasty of the illustrious V idyadhara.

‘ Jour. B. B. R. A S . XII. 335 and Extraumber

, 52. Apararka is cited by an author of the beginning of the thirteenthcentury. Jour.B.

'

B.R . A . S. IX. 161.3 The Shah 1171 (A.D. 1249 ) stone was found in Ranvad near Uran. In this

stone the Silabara king Someshvar grants land in Padivase village in Uran to‘

purify him from sins .

“

The Shah 1182 (A.D. 1260) stone was found in Chenje als onear Uran. It records the grant by the Konkan monarch Someshvar of 162

pdruttha (Parthian dram/mu coms,beingthe fixed income of a on inKonthalesthanm Chsd iche (Chanje) village in Uran, to Uttareshvar Ma dev of Shri-SthAnaK(Thane ). The boundary on thewest is ‘the royal or high road, rdjp ath. Someshvar

’

s

ministers were'

~Jhampad rabbu, Mainaku, Bebalaprabhu, Peramde Pandi t, and

Ptdhigovenaku. PanditBhagvénlal.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

Though, with fewexceptions, the names of the Thana Silaharasare Sanskrit the names of almo st all their ministers and

_

of many of

the grantees po int to a Kanarese or a Telugu source . They appearto be southerners , and aggas o r high - caste Dravidian Hindus seem

to have had considerabh influence at their court 1 Kayasths,probably the ancestors of the present Kayasth Prabhus, are alsomentioned.

Though their grants are written in Sanskrit, sometimes pure

sometimes faulty, from the last three lines of one of their stone

inscriptions, the language of the country appear s to have been a

corrupt Prakrit, the mother o f the modern Marathi .2 The same

remark applies to the names of towns . For , though inscriptionsgive such Sanskritized forms as Shr i Sthanak, Shurparak, and

H anjaman or Hamyaman,the writings of contemporary Arab

traveller s show that the present names Thana, Sopara, and Sanlan

were then in use.

3

On the condition of the Silabara kingdom the inscriptions throwlittle light . The administration appears to have be en carr ied on bythe king assisted by a great councillor or great minister, a greatminister for peace and war , two treasury lords , and sometimes a(chief) secretary . The subordinate machinery seems to have consistedof heads of distr icts frdshtm s , heads of sub -divisions m

’

shayas , headsof towns , and heads of villages .

“ They had a king’s high road

,

passing to the west of the village of G omvani a'

little‘

north

o f Bhandup, following nearly the same line as the present road fromBombay to Thana and there was another king

’s high- road near

Uran . A t their ports , among which Sopara, Thana, Chaul, andperhaps Nago thna are mentioned, a customs duty was levied. The

dram/ma was the current co in .

5 The Silaharas seem to have beenfond of building . The Muhammadans in the beginning of the

thirteenth century and the Portuguese in the sixteenth centurydestroyed temples and stone -faced reservo ir s

\by the score . The

statements of t ravellers and the remains at Ambarnath,Pelar,

1 Ind. Ant . IX. 46. This southern element is one reason for looking for Tagar inthe Telugu

-speaking districts . Ayya the Kanarese for master is the term in ordinaryuse in the Bombay Karnata]: fo r Jaugam or Lingayat priests . The

‘

SatrasvatBrahmans of North Kanara are at present passing through the stage, which the upperclasses of the North Konkan seem to have passed through about 500 years ago, of

discarding the southern ayya. for the northern rdo .

2 Jour . B. B. R . A . S. XII. 334.

3 Elliot and Dowson, I. 24, 27, 30, 34, 38, 60, 61, 66, 67, 77, 85 Masudi’

s

Prairies d’

Or , I . 254, 330, 381 III. 47.4 Asiatic Researches, I. 361 Ind. Ant . V . 280 and IX. 38. The name pattakz

‘

l

(modern p atil) used in stone inscriptions seems to show that the villages were incharge of headmen.

5 Drammas, which are still found in the Konkan, are believed .by . PanditBhagvanlal to be the coins of a corrupt Sassanian type which are better known as

Gadhia p aisa, or ass -money . Jour . B. B. R,A . S. XII. 325 - 328. The Pdm ttha

D ra/mmas mentioned in note 3 , p . 427, seem to be Parthian Drammas . Perhapstheyare the same as the coins mentioned b Abu -l-fida as Khurasani dirhems , and byMasudi

(Pralrles d’

or, I . 382 ) and Sulaimgn (Elliot and Dowson, I. 3 ) as Tatariya or

Tahlnyeh dirhems . G eneral Cunningham (Anc. G eog. 313 ) identifies these Tatarizadirhems with the Scythic o r Indo -Sassanian coins of Kabul and north-west Indiaof

_the centuries before and after Christ, and Mr . Thomas (Elliot and Dowson, I. 4)

watt

/ the Musalman dynasty of Tahirides who ruled in Khurasan in the n inthcen ury.

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

Silabaras .

Tradezo'

entres.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

Arabian coast ;1 dates from Shehr in Arabia '

and from the PersianGulf used locally and sent inland ;2 honey produced in Thana ;

3and

wine from Arabia and Pers ia apparently little used.

4 Of Spices,pepper, ginger, turbit, cinnamon, and clove s came from Jave.and Ceylon in Chinese ships and from the Malabar coast.5 Ofarticles of Dress, co tton was brought from Khande‘

sh and the

Deccan and either wo rked ‘ into clo th or sent raw to Ethiopia.

“

G ood co tton cloth of Konkan or Deccan weaving went to Ceylon,the Straits, and China ;7 and delicate and beautifulfabrics, probablythemuslins of. Burhanpur and Paithan,

went to Kalikaband probablyto Pers ia and Ar abia . Silkswere made locally and probably broughtfrom Persia and fr om China.

8 There was a large manufacture oflaced shoes in Sopara and SanJan, and a great export of excellentleather, chiefly to Arabia .

9 Of Precious Stones pearls were foundin the creeks near Sopara,1° and were brought from Travankor,fr om Ceylon, and from Sofala in Africa ;11 emeralds, equal to thebest in brightness and co lour but hard and heavy, were exportedfrom Sanjan ;12 coral was brought from the Red Sea ;13 and ivorywas brought from Sofala and Madagascar and used locallyand sent to the Persian Gulf .

14 Of Drugs and Perfumes, Thanawas famous for the drug tabashir, which was made from the innerrind of the bamboo and sent to allmarts bo th east and west ;15 brownincense , probably the res in of the guga l, Balsamodendron mukul,

perhaps the bdellium of the ancients, was gathered in the ThanaLforests and probably sent to Arabia and China 96 white incense wasbrought from the Ar abian coast ; sandalwood and ambergris came

from Socotra and the African coast ;17 and aloes, camphor, sandal,sapan or brazil wo od, lign aloes or eaglewood, and spikenard fromSiam

,Java, Sumatra, and Borneo , either direct or through Ceylon.

18

Of Too ls and House G ear, porcelain came fr om China for local use

1 Masudi (916) Reinaud’s Memoir Sur . l

’Inde, 230 Ibn H aukal (970) Elliot, I. 38 ;

Idrisi (1135 ) Elliot, I. 85 .

2 Yule ’s Marco Polo , II. 377. 3 Ibn Haukal (970) Elliot, I. 38.

4 Abu Zaid (880) and Masudi (915) Elliot, I. 7 20 .

5 Yule ’s Marco Polo, II . 325 .

6 Yule s Marco Polo , II. 330, 364.

7 Tennent’s Ceylon, I. 590, note 7.

5 Yule ’

s Marco Polo , I. 50, 57, 60, 86 II. 186, 189 .

9 Masudi (916) Prairies d’

Or , I. 253 Yule ’s Marco Polo , II. 328, 330.

10 Idrisi (1135) Elliot, I. 85 . Pearls are still found in the Bassein creek. Seeabove , p . 55 .

11 In 1020 it was believed that the Ceylon oysters had migrated to Sofala in Africa.

AIBiruni inReinaud’s Memoir , 228. In Marco Polo ’

s time the Ceylon fisheries had

!fig/

551. The chief of Lar, or Thana, was noted for his fondness for pearls . Travels,

12 Masudi Prairies d ’Or, III. 47. The Brihatsanhita (A .D . 500) mentions the Sopara

diamond. Jour. R . A . S. (N. S. ) V II. 125 .

13 Abu Zaid (880) Elliot, I. ll.14 Marco Polo , I . 101; II. 345 . Ibn Aluardy Reinaud

’s Abu-l-fida, cccv n.

15 Idrisi (1135 ) Elliot, I. 89. Tabdskir from the Sanskrit teak rind and kebir fluid,made from the inner rind of the bamboo, is a white substance like sugar or camphor.It was used as a medicine. In Borneo , in the fourteenth century, pieces of tabashir

ge

l

re I

f}; igog

nd

fvr

[fgfhskm

till) r

grake t

hii fbo

diywoundproof. Oderio in Yule ’

s Marcoo o , a ir is e st so 0 0 that the Thana Kolis16 Yule ’

s Marco P010,11. 3 30, 332.

give their children

17 Yule ’s Marco Polo , II. 342 , 345, 377 380.

18 Reinaud’

s Abu-l-fida, cdxviii“Yule s Marco Polo, II. 229, 325.

Konkan ]

THANA.

and for export to the Deccan,1 and swords from theWest throughPers ia .

2 Of articles used as Money, cauries came from the Maldivesand from Sofala in Afr ica,8 dirhams from Khurasan and dinarsfrom Sindh, gold-dus t from Sofala, and gold and silver from Malacca,Sumatra, and China .

4 Of o ther Metals, iron was brought fromSofala and made into steel ;5 copper was brought from Persia and

from China in large ( quantities as ballast,6 and lead and tin camefromMalacca.

’ Of Timber, teak and bambooswere sent from SanJanto the Pers ian Gulf and there used for house -building ;8 and fancwo ods , such as sandal and brazil wood, were brought from Kalain the Malay Peninsula .

” The chief trade in Animals was, towardsthe clo se ofthe period agreat,

import of horses from the PersianGulf and from Arabia . No ships came to Thana without horses, andthe Thane. chief was so anxious to secure them that he agreed not

to trouble the pirates so long as they let him have the horses as his

share of the plunder . This great demand for horses seems to haverisen from the scare among the Hindu rulers of the Deccan causedby the Musalman cavalry

'

. As many as horses a year are

said to have been impor ted.

10 Of Human Beings, women, eunuchs,and boys are said to have been brought by Jews through the Pers ianGulf,11 and slaves are mentioned as sent from Sofala in Africa .

12

The merchants who carried on the Thana trade were lo cal Hindu,Musalman, and Par si traders, and Hindus and Musalmans fromGujarat and from the Malabar coast. There were also foreignPersians and Arabs, Jews, Europeans , and perhaps a chance

Chinaman. The fact no ticed by several of the Arab writers of theninth and tenth centuries, that the language of the Thana ports wash im, seems to showthat, as is still the case in Bombay, the trade

tongue of the Thana ports was Gujarati, and the leading traders

1 Reinaud’s Abu-l-fida, II. 186, 190. 2 Reinaud’s Abu-l-fida, lviii.

3 Maldives A1 Biruni (1020) in Reinaud’s Abu-l-fida , ccclxxxviii. ; Sofala Ibn

Aluardy Ditto, cccvii.4 Reinaud

’s Abu-l-fida, cccvi. cdxv. Marco Polo, IL

5 Ibn Aluardy (950) Reinaud’s Abu-l-fida, cccvii.

6 Yule ’s Marco Polo , II. 3 25 , 330.

!Masudi (916) Beinaud’s Abu-l-fida, cdxv. ; Abu Mohalhal (940) Yule

’s Cathay,

excl .

8 IbnKhurdadba (900) Elliot, I. 15; Ouseley ’s Persia, I . 175. Biladuri, 850 (Elliot, I.

129 ) mentions that the largest teak tree ever known was sent from Sindan to theKhalif. But it is doubtfulwhether this Sindlm is not the Kutch Sanjan and theteak Malabar teak. Idrisi, 1135, (Major

’s India in XV . Century, xxvi. ) calls the

Konkan the land of teak, 84g, and notices,that teak was used for house building in

the Persian Gulf. Besides for house -building the bamboos were used for spear

handles . They were in great demand among the Arabs, and were kn own as

El-Khatif bamboos from the town of that name on the mainland near Bahrein island.

Like the Bahrein cotton and teak, which were famous in Persia and Arabia inthe century before Christ , these El-Khatif bambooswere Indian. See Rawlinson inJ . A . S. XII. (New Series ) , 225 .

9 Mohalhal (940) (Yule’s Cathay , cxcn.) has Saimuri wood brought to Sarmur or

Chaul for sale. This may be sandalwood from the Kanara forests, forwhich Sopara inearly times was famous . But the passage is doubtful. Itmay refer to Timur in the

extreme eastwhose sandalwoodwas also famous.10 Yule’s Marco Polo, II . 330. The horses came from Aden, Shehr, Dhafar, and

Kalat in east Arabia, and from the islands of Kish and Ormuz in the Persian Gulf..

Ditto 276, 377, 380, 381.

11 Ibn Khurdadba (880 ) Reinaud’s Abu-l-fida, lviii .

12 Ibn Aluardy (950) Reinaud’s Abu-l-fida, cccvu.

Merchants.

[Bombay Gazetteer,“

DISTRICTS .

were probably Gujarat vanias .

l The local Musalman merchants,settler s chiefly from

' the Pe rsian Gulf, held a strong po siti on. In

916, whenMasudi visited Chaul, there were Per sian and Arabsettler s in that city alone .

” The Balharas or Silaharas were famousfor their kindliness to Arabs, allowing them to have mo sques and a

headman to settle disputes ; By the beginning of the tenth centurythe Parsis seem to have risen to wealth in Sanjan, and to have

spread and built fire - temples in Chaul. Hindus, as in formereriods, freely left their homes and cro ssed thes eas . H iwen Thsang,

about 650, heard that. in Saurashthan probably Ctesiphon inPersia,there were several Brahman and Buddhist monasteries ? In the bestdays of the Bagdad Khalifat (700 learned . Hindus were much “

sought for, and many physicians and astronomers were settled at thecourt of the Khalifs,4 and afterwards (1290) at the court of Arghun

theMoghalking of Persia.

5 Indian merchants were settled in Arabiaand at Kish in the Persian Gulf.6 Of foreignfmerchants, besidesPer sians and Arabs, the great carriers at the beginning of the tenthcentury were Jews . They could speak Persian, G reek, Latin, French,Spanish , and Russian, and passed to India either

'

down the Red Seaor by Antioch and Bagdad through the Persian Gulf ?

"

A t the sametime, Rus sian, Spanish, and French merchants also passed through

Mesopotamia to India.

8

The ships that carried the trade of the' Thana portswere Konkan

Gujarat and Malabar vessels, boats built in the Persian Gulf, and

perhaps an o ccasional junk from Java or China.9 The Thana or

1 The close connection in general opinion between Gujarat vanis and GujaratBrahmans, as in the Gujarat phrase Brahman -Vani for high

-caste Hindus, perhapsexplains Marco Polo ’

s (Yule ’s Edition, 11. 298 - 305 )

‘

Abraiamans from Lar, who weresent to the Madras coast by the king of Lar to get him pearls and precious stones.Their sacred threads (which Gujarat vanis used to wear ), their tenderness of life

‘

,

their temperance, their trust in omens , and their faithfulness as agents all point toG ujarat Vanis from Thana or from Cambay .

2 Masudi’s Prairies d ’

Or, II . 85, 86.

3 Reinaud’s Memoir Sur. l

’Inde , 157 ; Julien ’

s Mem. 0 0 0 . III. 179.

4 Reinaud’s Abu-l-fida, xlii Reinaud

’

s Memoir Sur. l’Inde, 314, 315 ; Elliot and

Dowson, I. 447.5 Yule ’

s Marco Polo , II. 304.

6 In Arabia Chronique de ' Tabari, I . 186 Reinaud’

s Memoir , 157 ; Biladuri (890)Reinaud

’s Memoir, 169 . In Kish Benjamin of Tudela (1160) M ajor’s India in XV.

Century , xlvi.7 Ibn Khurdadba (912) Reinaud

’s Abu~l-fida, lviii. Marco Polo (Yule, II. 299)

notices, that among the people of Lar it was usual for foreign merchants, who didnot know the ways of the country , to entrust their goods to Abraiaman, probablyG ujarat Vani, agents . These agents took charge of the go ods and sold them in themost loyal manner , seeking zealously the . profit of

'

the foreigner and asking no

commission except what he p leased to give . However unmoral he may be - inbargaining, the Gujarat Vani agent is still loyal to his employer.8 Ibn Khurdadba (912) Reinaud

’s Abu-l-fida, lix. A bout this time (883) theIndian sea and the west coast of India were first visited by l

Englishmen, Sighelmo r Suithelm bishop of Shireburn, and Athalstan the ambassadors from Alfred theG reat (871- 900) to the Indian Christians of St. Thomas . Turner (Anglo -Saxons,3 17) is doubtful whether the ambassadors went by the Red Sea o r the Persian Gulf.Accordi

ngto Reinaud (Memoir Sur. l

’

Inde, 210) they probably took ship in the PersianG ulf an sailed to Quilon. Alfred

’s wealth of spices and other oriental products

suggests that religionwas not the only motive that prompted this embassy. ComparePennant ’s Outlines of the G lobe , I . 164, and Milburn’

s Oriental C omm erce,I. i.

On the European connectionwith West Indian trade in the fourteenth century, seeYule ’s Cathay , I. cxxxii. -cxxxv.

9 Tabari (850) Reinaud’

s Abu-Hide, ccclxxxii. 3 Yale’

s Marco P010 , 11. 149,

Konkan ]

THANA .

o ther West Indian ships went to Obollah in the Pers ian Gulf, to theArab and African ports, and as far as China , The Arab vessels

,

some of which were built at Shiraz in the Persian Gulf, were of twokinds, a larger that sailed to Africa, Calcutta, Malacca, and China,and a smaller that went to India .

1 Marco Po lo described the shipsof the Persian Gulf, perhaps these were the smaller vessels,as wretched affairs with no iron, bound with wooden bolts, and.stitched with twine . They had one mast, one sail,one rudder, andno deck. A cover of hides was spread over the cargo , and on

this horses were put and taken to India . It was a perilous businessvoyaging in one of these

(

ships , and many were lost.2 G reatChinese ju-nks o ccasionally visited the Thana ports .

3 The war shipsshown in the Eksar memor ial stones of the eleventh or twelfthceng

u

zyare h igh -

peaked vessels with one mast and nine or ten oars

am e .

The chief sailors were Hindus, A rabs , and Chinese . European

travellers had no high opinion of their skill or courage as seamen.

According to John of Monte Corvino (1292) the Per sian Gulfmar iners were few and far from good . If a ship made her voyage it‘

was by G o d’s guidance, not by the skill o f man.

5 Though allmadev

l

c

l

iyages agro ss the sea, they preferred as much as possible to hug

t e coast .Besides storms the Indian seas were full of dangers . Whales,

watera spouts, and the giant bird the Ruk kept seamen in unceasingalarm.

7 But the worst of all dangers was from pirates . Duringthe greater par t of this period the sea swarmed with pirates. In

the eighth and ninth centur ies, Sangars , Kerks, and Meds salliedfrom the coasts of Sindh, Cutch, and Kathiawar, and ravaged the

banks of the Euphrat es and even the coasts of t he Red Sea as far as

Jidda .8 In the seventh century the islands of Bahrein in the

1 Reinaud’s Abu-l-fida

,cdxn .

2 Yule 's Marco P010 , 1. 102 John of Monte Corvino (1292 ) Yule’s Cathay , I. 218Reinaud

’s Abu-l-fida, cdxiii.

3 It is po ssible (Yule’

s Ed . I . liii.) that Marco Polo ’s fleet of - thirt

'

een Chinese

ships passed the stormy months of 1292 (May , September ) in Bombay harbour . Polohas left the following details of the ships . They were made of a double thickness of

firwood, fastened with good iron nails, and daubed with lime , chopped hemp , and

wood oil. They could carry from 5000 to 6000 baskets of epper. They weredivided into some thirteen water -tight compartments , and were tted with from fiftyto sixty cabins in which the merchants lived greatly at their ease . They had large

sweeps each pulled by four men and four regular and two extra masts . They had

twelve sails and one rudder. The crewvaried from 200 to 300 men. Yule ’

s Marco

Polo , I. 33 II. 194 , 197.4 Details of the Eksar memorial stones are given under Places of Interest, Eksar.5 Yule ’

s Cathay , I . 2 18.

6 The Chinese shi s in the seventh and eighth centuries coasted along W estern

India, by Diu in athiawar, and Diul in Sindh to the Euphrates mouth . Yule ’

s

Cathay , I. lxxvui .7 Suleiman in Reinaud

’

s Abu-l-fida , ccclxxix. The Ruk is mentioned by several

writers (see Yule ’s Marco Polo , II . Polo heard that

'

the Ruk lived in the land

south of Madagascar , that its quills were twelve feet long, and the stretch of its

wings thirty yards. Ditto,346.

8 Beladuri (890) R einaud’s Memoir Sur. 1

’Inde, 181, 200, 283 Elliot, I . 119 . The

Persians complained of Indian pirates in the sixth century. Ind . Ant . . V III. 335 .

This apparent increase in the hardihood of Indian pirates and seamen is perhaps the

result of .the waves of Central Asian invaders, Skythians, Baktrians, Parthians ,B 310—55

Pirates.

Baihdrds.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

Persian Gulf were held by the piratical tribe of .Abd-ul-Kais,1 and,in the ninth century,

the seas were so disturbed that theChinese ships carried from 400 to 500 armed men and supplies of

naphtha to beat ofi the p irates .

2 Towards the clo se of the

thirteenth century Marco Polo found Bombay harbour haunted bysea-robbers.3 From the Malabar and Gu

'

arat ports numbers of

corsairs, as many as a hundred ve ssels, etayo out thewhole summerwith their wives and children, They stretched, five or six milesapart, in fleets of from twenty to thirty boats, and whenever one

caught s ight of a merchant ve ssel, he raised a smoke, and all whosaw, gathered, boarded, and plundered the ship, but let it go hopingagain to fall in with it.4 So co tra was still frequented by pirates,who encamped there and o ffered their plunder for sale.

5

While its local rulers were the Silabaras, the overlords of the

Konkan, to whom the Silaharas paid obeisance during the latterpart of the eighth and the n inth centurie s, were the RaShtrakutasof Malkhet, sixty miles south eas t of S'ho lapur .

0 Their power for atime included a great p art of the present Gujarat where their headuarters were a t Bro ach .

7 The_Ar ab merchant Sulaimén (A.D. 850)

ound theKonkan (Komkam) under the Balhara, the chief of Indianprinces. The Balhara and hisp eoplewere mo st friendly to Arabs . He

was at war with the G ujar (Juzr) king, who , except in them atter ofcavalry, was greatly -his inferior .

8'

Sixty years later Masudi (916)makes the whole province of Lar, from Chaul (Saimur) to , Cambay,subject to

‘

the Balhara, who se capital was Mankir (Malkh'

et) the

great centre in the Kanarese - speaking country about 640 milesfrom the coast .9 H e was overlord of the Konkan (Kemker and

o f the who le province o f Lar in which were Chaul (Saimur) , hana,and Supéra, where the Lariya language was spoken. The Balharawas the most friendly to Musalmans of all Indian kings . He wasexposed to the attacks o f the Gujar (Juar) king who was r ich incamels and hor ses . The name Balhara was the name of the foundero f the dynasty , and all the pr inces took it on succeeding to thethrone .

10 When Ma sudi (9 16) was in the Konkan, the province of

and Hans , who from about 100 to Ad ) . 550 passed south to the sen coast.

Beinend’e Memoir Sur . l

’Inde, 104, 124 . In 835 fleets of Jatha harassed the mouths

o f the The whole str ength of the Khalifs had to be called out against them.

Reinaud s Memoir Sur . l’Inde , 200.

1 Elliot and Dawson, 1. 422.

2 Reinaud’

s Abu-l-fida , cdxii Reinaud’s Memoir Sur . l’Inde, 200.

3 Yule ’

s Marco Polo , II. 330 .

4 Yule ’s Marco Polo, II. 325. The G ujarat pirates seem to have beenworse than

the Malabar pirates . They purged the merchants to find whether they hadswallowed pearls or other precious stones. Ditto, 328.

‘

5 Yule’s Marco Polo , II. 341.

6 Like the Silabaras the Rashtrakutas seem to have been a Dravidian tribe.Rashtra is believed (Dr. Burnell in Fleet

’s Kanarele Dynasties, . 3143 2) to be a

Sanskrit form of Ratta or Reddi the tribe to which the mass of t he people in many

parts of the Deccan and Bombay Karnatak belon7 Ind. Ant. VI. 145 .

8 Sulaiman in Elliot, 4.9 Prairies d’Or, I.

10 Prairies d ’or , I. 254, 383 ; II. 85 ; Elliot andDawson, 1. Tod (WesternIndia;

147, 160) held that Balhara meant the leaders of the Bella tribe, whOse name appears

inthe ancient capital Valabhi (A .D. probably the present village ofV alleh’

about

twenty mileswest o f Bhavnagar in Kathiawar. Elliot (History , I. 354) has adoptedTod

’s suggestion, modifying it slightly so as tomake Balharastand for theBallabln, or

Konkan.)

- THANA.

Lfir was governed by Jhanja the fifth of the Silabara rulers .I

For fifty years more (950) the Rashtrakutas continued overlordsof the Konkan

, and of Lar as far north as Cambay.

2 Soon afterthe beginning of the reign of Mulraj (943 the Chaulukya or

Solanki ruler of North Gujarat, his dominions were invaded fromthe south by Bérap, or Dvarap, the general of Tailap II. (9 73 - 9 9 7)the Deccan Chalukya who afterwards (980) destroyed the power ofthe Rashtrakutas. Barap established himself in South Gujarat or

Lat, and, according to Gujarat accounts, towards the close ofMulraj

’s reign, was attacked and defeated, though after his victor

yMulraj withdrewnorth of the Narbada. In this war Bér ap is saito have been helped by the chiefs o f the island'

s, perhaps a reference

to the Thana Silaharas .3

'

It appears fr om a copper-

plate lately(1881) found in Surat, that, after Mulra" s invasion, Barap and

“ foursuccessors continued to rule Lat till 105 .

4

Ballabb , Rai. Reinaud (Memoir Sur . 1’Inde, 145 ) explained Balhara by Malvarai lord

of Malwa, Mid Mr Thomas has lately adopted the viewthat Balhara is Bars. Rai,or great king, and holds that his capital

’

was Monghir in Behar (NumismataOrientalia, Vol. III.) The objection to the se views is , as the following

Spassages

show, that the two A rab travellers who knewthe country of the Balhéras, ulaiman

(850 ) and Masudi agree in placing it in,the Konkan and Deccan.

_Suleiman.

(Elliot and Dawson, I. 4) says the Balhara’s territory begins at the Kemkem or

Konkan. Masudi says (Prairies d ’

or , I. 177, the capital of the Balhara isMankir, the sea-boardS aimur or Chaul, Bopam,

-and Thana, and am (I. 383 ) theBulhara’

s kingdom is called the Konkan (Kemker) . Again the Ba hara of Mankirruled in Sindan, Sanjan in north Thana, and the neighbourhood of Cambay in Gujarat(Ditto , I . 254 ; III. 47 This G ujarat power of the Bashtrakutas at the ope of thetenth century is proved by local inseri tions . Ind. Ant. V I. Finally, ar , orthe North K‘

onkan coast, was under the albéra, and Masudi in 916 (Hl.

304) visitedSaimur , or Chaul, one of the chief of the Balhara towns (Ditto , II. which was thenunder a. local prince named Jandja. This is the Silabara Jhanja . (See above ,

a424)

Idrisi (1135 ) is the only authority who laces the seat of Balhara power in ujarat

(Jaubert , I. 176 Elliot , I. 87, T e Anhilvada sovereigns had before this-

(Ra'

s

Mala, 62 ) adopted the title of King of Kings , We of Mitts, and Idrisi seems to havetaken fo r anted that this title was Balhara , which IbnKhurdadba who neverwas in In

°

a, had, b mistake, translated king of kings (Elliot, I . The trueorigin of the title are , that it Was thé name of the founder of the dynasty , isgiven by Masudi (Prairies d

’

Or , I. and neither Sula iman Al Istakhirnor Ibn Haukal all of whom visited India, translate Balhara, king of

kings (see Elliot, I. 4, 27, The details of the Balhara kings given by Suleiman,Masudi, AI Istakhir, and Ibn Haukal, show that their tem tory be from theKonkan and str etched across . India, and that their capital was Man ir, inland mthe Kanarese (Kiriah) speaking country. These details point to the Rashtrakutaso f Melkhet, who were overlords o f the Konkan from about 750 to . 970. At the sametime the Rashtrakutas seem to have no claim to the title Balhara. As far as presentinformation goes the name never ap ears as one of the

‘

titles .of the dynasty , not evenas a. title of one of the s. Dr. uhler '

(Ind. Ant. V1. 64) has suggested that theproper fo rm of Balhara is hattaraka or lord but s o extreme a change seems hardlypos sible . It seems more likely that Balhara, or A1Balhara as it is written, should

.

be

read AI Silabara, the difi

‘

erence between the two words disappearing m a.manuscriptwrittenwithout diacriticalpoints. The Silabaras were then the rulers of theKonkan,and, as Masudi states , the title Silabara is the name of the founder of the dynasty .

None of the Musalmanwriters , who mention the Balhara, seems to have Visited eitherthe Silabara o r the Rashtrakuta capital. To strangers, whose informants were coasttown merchants , confusion between the local rulers and

‘their Deccan overlords was

not unnatural. This identification of Balharawith Silahara has been suggested byPanditBhagvanlal Indraji.

l Prairies d ’

or,II. 85. Jhan

'

ha (see above, p. 424) is the fifth Silabara king.

2 See Al Istakhir 950) and 1 n Haukal (943 - 976) in Elliot. I. 27. 34.3 i nd . Ant. v. 31 ; .VI. 184 ; Ras Mala, 3 8, 46.

4 The kings are Harapp'

a , who is described as having obtained Latdesh (2) Agnira)(G ongiraj who - freed and reconquered the land eneroached on by his enemies ;

Gm‘

ardt Solo n/sis,

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

Between the overthrowof the power of Malkhet (A.D. 970) andthe establishment of the overlordship of Gujarat (A.D. the

Silahara rulers of the North Konkan claim independence, and,during part at least o f this time, Thana was the capltal o f the

Konkan.l Between the death of Mulraj (99 7) and the succession of

Bhimdev I . (1022 the power of Gujarat did not increase.But Bhimdev took the title of Raja of Rajas, and spent mostof his reign in spreading his ower northwards and in a greatcontest with Visaldev of jmir .

2 Neither Bhimraj nor hissuccessor Karan (10 72 -1094) advanced his borders to the

south . Nor does Sidhraj (1094 the glory of the

Chalukyas , though he spread his arms ove r so much of the Deccanas to fillwith fear the chief of Ko lhapur, seem to have exercisedcontro l over the Konkan. Idrisi whose details of Anhilvada(Nahrwara) seemto belong to Sidhraj’s re ign, calls him King of

Kings .

4 He shows howwealthy and prosperous Gujarat then was,5but gives no information about the extent of Sidhraj

’s power.

Idrisi’s mention of Thana (Bane ) seems to show that it was

unconnected with Gujarat, and this is borne out by the account of

Kumar Pal’s (1143 - 1174) invasion of the Konkan. Hearing thatMallikarjun (a Silabara) king of the

.

Konkan, the son of kingMahanand who was ruling in the seagirt

'

city of Shatanand, had

adopted the title of Grandfather of Kings, Baij apitdmaha, KumarPal sent his general Ambad against him .

6 Embed advanced as

far as the Kaveri (Kalvini) near Navsari, cro ssed the r iver, andin a battle fought with Mallikarjan on the south bank of the river,was defeated and forced t o retir e . A. second expedition was moresuccessful. The Kaveri was bridged, Mallikarjun defeated ands lain, his capital taken . and plundered, and the author ity . of theAnhilvada _

sovere ign proclaimed. Ambad returned ladengold, jewels, vessels of precious metals, pearls , elephants, andco ined money. He was received graciously and ennobled with

Kanarese ties,44.

2 Ras M a, 62 , 70 - 75 . 3 Rae Male , 138.

.

4 Idri si calls the ruler of Nahrwala Balhara. .H e says the title means King °f

Kings .

.

He seems to have heard from Musalman merchants that Sidhra'

had thetitle ofn of Kin

gs , and concluded that this title wasBalharawhich Ibn urdédba

(912) hadtranslate king of kings , apparently without reason. Jaubert’s Idrisi, I.

177 Elliot, I. 75 , 93 .

5 C ompare Ras Male, 188, 189, 192 Tod’s Western India, 156.

Mala, 145 . For the mention of the Silaharas as one of the thirty-six tribessubject to Kumar Pal, see Tod’

s Western India, 181,

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DISTEICTS

are confused,1 and, according to Marco P010 , in his time (1290) therewas a prince of Thana, who was tributary to no one

'

. The peoplewere ido lators with a language of their own . The harbour washarassed by corsairs, with whom the chief of Thana had a covenant.

2

There were o ther petty ch iefs on the coast, na tks , m’

j a’

s -or me,who were probably more o r less dependent onthe Anhilvada kings.

SECTION IL—MUSALMANS (1300

Early in the fourteenth century the Turk rulers of Delhi forced.their way into Thana from two s ides . From the no rth Alp Khan

(1300 who e stablished the power of Ala-ud-din Khilj-i

(129 7 - 13 17) in Gujarat, came south as far as Sanjan, then a placeof wealth and trade, and, afte r a sturdy and at first successfulre sistance , defeated the chief of Sanjan and his warlike subjectsthe Par sis .

4 The conquest of Sanjan probably took place between1312 and 1318. Up to 1309 the south o f Gujarat, of which Navsariwas the centre, had been under t he Yadav king Ramchandra of

Devgiri, and after his death it rema ined under his son Shankar , tillhe refused to pay tr ibute and was killed in In 1318

,when

Harpaldev,Shankar ’s son- in-law, refused to acknowledge Musalman

supremacy, a G ujarat force seems to have takenNavsari, as mentionis so on after made (1320 ) of the ,

appo intment to Navsari of Malikul-Tujar , the chief of the merchants .

6 After the fall of Devgiri

(13 18) the Emperor Mubarik I . (1317 in the short seasono f vigour with which he opened his reign, ordered his outpoststo be extended to the sea , and o ccupied Mahim near Bombay and

Sa.lsette .7 The strong Musalman element in the coast towns

probably made this an easy conquest,‘

as no reference to it hasbeen traced in the chief Musalman histories ?“

1 Elliot, I. 67. In another passage of the same section he makes Konkan-Thane.

separate from G ujarat.2 Yule

’

s Marco Polo , II. 330. More than two hnndred years later Barbosacomplains of the same piratical tribe at the port of Thana.

‘And there are in this

port (Tanamayambu) small vessels of rovers like watch -boats , Which go out to sea,

and, if they meet with any small ship less strong than themselves, they capture and

plunder it, and sometimes kill their crews .

’ Barbosa’s East Africa and Malabar , 69 .

3 The conqueror of G ujarat (1298) was Ulugh Khan or G reat Khan (Elliot and

Dowson, III. 43 ) the governor of Gujarat (1300 - 1318) was Alp Khan (Ditto ,4 A 'translation o f the poeticalFarsi account is given in Jour .Bom .Br. Roy. As .

‘

soc.

I . 167-19 1. The Parsis '

generally refer their defeat to a general of Mahmud .Begada’s

(1459 1513 ) about 150 years later . But the c ompleteness of Alp Khan’s conquest of

G ujarat ,the fact that MahmudBegada had no distinguished general of the name ofAlpKhan,

and that Abu -l-fida (1300 - 1320 ) mentions Sanjan as the last townin Gujaratc(Elliot and Dowson , I. seem to showthat the conqueror of the Parsis was Ala-uddin

’

s general Alp Khan.

5 In 1306, when the Daulatabad king agreed to pay tribute, Alaaud-din Khilj i ave

him the title of Réi Rayan and added Navsari to his possessions. Briggs’

Feris ta,1. 369 .

6 Forbes ’ Ras Méla, 224.

7 Murphy in Bom. G eog. Soc. Trans I. 129 . Ferishta (Briggs , I. 389) notices»that in 1318 Mubarik ordered a chain of posts to be established from Dev iri to

Dvara-Samudra. The power of the Musalmans on the Thane. coast is shown y theissue in 1325 , at Daman, of old mohars and dimirs to mark the accession of SultanMahmud Tughlik. Bird

’s irat-i-Ahmadi, 169 .

8 MalikKafur , in his expedition to theMalabar coast in 1310, foundMusalmanswhohad been subj ects of Hindus . They were halfHindus and not strict in their religion,but , as they could repeat the kalima, they were spared. Amir Khusru in Elliot andDawson, III, 90,

Konkan.1

THANA .

That the Turk rulers of Delhi did conquer the coast and establisha garrison at Thana, is shewn by the accounts of the French fr iarsJordanus and Oder icus,who were in Thana between 1321andThe friars state that the Saracens

,or Muhammadans, held the whole

country, having lat e ly usurped the dominion. They had destroyedan infinite number of ido l temples and likewise many churches

, ofwhich they made mo sques for Muhammad, taking their endowmentsand property .

2 Under the Emperor of Delh i, Thanawas governed bya military o fficer or malik, and by a re ligious o fficer or kdmlfi Stirredby the kdzi the military governor murdered four Chr istian friar s ,and for this cruelty was recalled by the Empero r and put to death.

The two travellers have recorded many interesting details of Thana,.The heat was horrible, so great that to stand bareheaded in the sun

for a single mass (half an hour) , was certain death . Go ld, iron,and electr um were found in the country, othermetals were imported .

The countrywas full of trees , the jack, the mango , the cocoa palm,the

fan or brab palm and the forestpalm, the banian tree with its twenty or

thirty trunks, a stupendous carob tree perhaps the baobab Adansoniadigitata, and a tree , apparently the teak, so hard that the sharpest

arrow could not pierce it. There was plenty o f victual, r ice, muchwheat, sesamum,

butter, green ginger in abundance, and quantitiesof sugarcane . There were numerous black lions, leopards, lynxes,rh inocerose s , and cro codiles, monkeys and baboons, bats (the fruiteating bat or fly

i

ng-fox) as big as kites, and rats (the bandicoot) as

big as dogs . There were no ho r ses, camels, o r e lephants, and onlya fewsmallworthless as ses . All the carrying, r iding, and ploughingwas done by oxen,

fine animals with horns a go od half pace inlength, and a bump on the back like a camel. The oxen werehonoured as fathers and'

worshipped by some, perhaps by mo st. The

people were pagans , Hindus and Parsis, who wor shipped fire,serpents , and trees , especially the b ead plant . There were also

Saracens or Musalmans , mo st jealous of their faith scatteredNestor-ia-n Christians, kindly but igno rant and schismatic and

Dumbris, a class of drudges and load- carriers who had no object of

worship and ate carrion and carcasses .

4 The men and women wereblack, clothed in no thing but a strip of cotton tied round the lo insand the end flung over the naked back . Their fo od was r ice gruelbutter and oil, and their drink milk and very intoxicating palm wine .

The fighting was child’s play . When they went to the wars they

went naked with a round target, a frail and paltry affair, and ho lding

1 Jordanus seems to have been in Thana and Sopara between 1321 and 1324, and

Odoric about 1322 . The dates are discussed in Yule ’

s Cathay , I. 68. The details in

the text are taken fromYule’

s[

Jordanus and the Travels of Oderio, and the letters of

Jordanus in Yule ’s Cathay , I . 57 -70 and 225 -230. Some account of the great _

Christian

movement o fwh ich these Thana missions formed a part is given in Appendix B.

2 Jordanus ’ Mirabilia, 23 .

- 3 Malik was a favourite title among the Khilj is who had adopted Afghan ways.Many local governors bore the title of Malik (Briggs

’

_Feri shta, I . 292, The

Emperor ofDelhi appears asDalDili. Oderic’smeamng is explained by Yule (Cathay ,I

. in whose o inion both Jordanus and Oderio are careful and correctwr iters .4 Yule (Mirabi a, 21) makes Jordanus’ Dumbris be Doms. One l ISlOn or clan

of the Nasik Mbare is called Bombs and Steele.(Deccan Castes, 117) _

mentions

Dombaris as tumblers and rope-dancers chiefly found in the Karnatak.

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DISTRICTS .

a kind of spit in their hands. They were clean in their feeding,true in speech, and eminent in justice , mainta ining carefully theprivileges o f every clas s as they had come down from old times .

The pagans were ready to hear a preacher and open to

conversion ; the Saracens were full of hate‘

for Christian teachers,killing four and imprisoning and ill-treating a fifth . Among the

pagans,"

when a woman was married, she was set on a horse and

the husband got on the cr apper and held a knife po inted at her

throat. They had nothing on, except a high cap on their headlike a mitre, wrought with white flowers, and all the maidens of theplace went singing in a rowin front o f them till they reached thehouse , and there the bride and bridegroom were left alone , andwhenthey got up in the mo rning they went naked as before . The nobleand rich dead were burnt, and their wives burnt with them with as

much joy as if they were go ing to be wedded . Mo st of the deadwere carried with great pomp to the fields and cast forth to the

beasts and birds, the great heat o f the sun consuming them in a fewdays .

1 There was trade with Broach, theMalabar coast, the Persiangulf, and Ethiopia . The coast was

'

infested with pirates .

Under the strong rule o f Muhammad Tughlik (1325 13 50) theMusalmans probably maintained their supremacy in the north.

Konkan,

2 but their interest in this part of their dominions was smallThe route take n by the traveller Ibn Batuta (1343 ) shows that, atthis time , the trade between Daulatabad and the coast did not passto the Thana ports, but went round by Nandurbar and Songad to

Cambay .

3 At this time two important Hindu chiefs held territory onthe direct route between Daulatabad and the coast, Mandev chief ofBegan} and the chief of Jawbar, who , in 1341, was recognised

’

by the

Delhi court as the To rd of twenty-two forts and o f a country yielding ayearly revenue of (Rs. Some parts of the Thanacoast may in name have remained subordinate to G ujarat . But theconnectionwith the Deccan seems to have been very small . In 1350,when the new or Moghal nobles were summoned into Daulatabad,none came from the Konkan.

6 Sho rtly after, when the Bahmanis

1 In the Population Chapter (p. 251) this exposition of the dead has been taken as

a proof of Persian o r Parsi influence . It is however worthy of note that in Java a

sect of Hindus are said (1818) to expose their dead to the air as an o ffering to the sun.

A s. Res . XIII. 137 .

2 Briggs’Ferishta, I . 413 Ras Mala , 225 . A ccording to one of the localKonkan

stories , about 1350, a Nawab of Vadnagar, that is Gujarat, defeated the Hindu chief of

3 Lee’

s Ibn Batuta , 162 - 164 Yule ’s Cathay , II. 415. Ibn Batuta (1343 ) mentions

one Amir Husain flying to an infidel prince named Burabrab, perhaps Bohrjirai,who dwelt in the lofty mountains between Daulatabad and Konkan-Thana , Elliotand Dowson, III . 619 .

4 Briggs’Ferishta, I . 437 compare II. 321- 323 .

5 Born. G ov. Sel. (New Series ), XXV I. 14 ; Aitchison’s Treaties , IV . 321. The

Mackenzie Manuscripts (Wilson’

s Mackenzie Manuscripts, I. cvi) mention a ferryman

(Koli chieftain named Jayaba (apparently a southern or un-Sanskrit chief), whodefeated and depo sed the nephew of G auri

'

Raja and became master of the Konkanfrom Junnar to Ankola in Kenara : Jayaba extended his power above the Sahyadris,but was checked by the Musalmans. Seven princes descended from Jayaba ruled theKonkan. This family of chiefs has not been identified . Their head-quarters wereprobably either in central or south Konkan, not inThana,.0 Briggs

’Ferishta, I. 437.

Konkanol

THANA .

established themselves as independent rulers andmoved the capitalof theDeccan from Daulatabad south to Kulbarga, their connectionwith the north Konkan grewstill fainter . Though theyheld Navsarito the north and Chaul to the south, they seem to have had

little concern with the lands now under Than'

a .

1 In 1380,when

o rphan scho o ls were founded in their leading towns, no mentionis made of any of the Thana ports .

2 Musalman supremacy can

have been little mo re than a name . It appears from a stone dateda n. 1464, that the Hindu chief of Bhiwndi had power to makeland-

grants .

8

In the fifteenth century the interest of the Musalmans in the

North Konkan revived. The establishment of a separate dynasty'

of

Gujarat kings , at the close of the fourteenth century, added muchto the vigour and strength of the Musalmans on the northern

frontier . Mosaifar (1390 the founde r of the Gujarat dynasty,and his grandson and successorAhmad I. (1413 brought mo s tof the G ujarat chiefs to subjection and ranked high among the

rulers of Rajputana and of Western India . In 1429, apparentlyas a regular outpo st and not as a newposses sion, they had a garrisonunder a captain, Kutb Khan, at Mahim near Bombay, and ano thergarrison o verruling Thana. Apparently at bo th places, certainly atMahim, there was a friendly, probably a tributary, Hindu chief or ra

’

nI.

The who le coast from Navsari to Bombay, though apparently underHindu chiefs who were independent enough to make grants of land,was sufficiently under Musalman contro l to enable their army to passunoppo sed from Gujarat to Mahim .

4 About the same time SultanAhmad Bahmani (1422 - 1435) king of the Deccan, made vigorouselforts to br ing the Konkan under his contro l. In 1429 the Bahmaniminis ter Malik-ul-Tujar led a strong force into the Konkan

,and

secured a rich boo ty, including several elephants and camel- loads ofgo ld and silver . Malik-ul-Tujar seems to have spread his master’sower to fthe shore of the mainland, and, in 1

1429 , on the death of the

uJarat commandantKutb Khan, he seized on Mahim and salsette .

Hearing of this insult, the strong andwar like Ahmad Shah of Gujaratgathered a fleet of seventeen sail from Diu, G ogha, and Cambay, and

1 In 1357 Hasan the founder o f the Bahmani dynasty is (Briggs"Ferishta, II.

295)mentioned as visitingNavsari. About the same time , when the Bahmanis distributed their territory into four provinces, the north-westprovmce is described (Briggs

’

Ferishta, II. 295 ) as the tract comprehendingChaul on the sea-coast andgoing betweenJunnar, Daulatabad, Bit , and Paithan.

2 The towns named are Kulburga, Bidar, Kandhar, Elichpur, Daulatabad , Chaul,and Dabul. Briggs

’

_Ferishta, II. 350 .

3 To illustrate the relations” between the local Hindu.

chiefs and their Mus alman

overlords may be compared the mention of the 7 45ofMahim in 1429 (see text , p . 441)arthema

’s statement in 1500 that the king of Chaul, then part of Mahmud Regada

'

s

d’

ominions , was a pagan (Badger’s Edition, 114) the position of the apparently H indu

chief of Thana, in 1528, when his territory inBombay was invaded by the Portuguese(see below, p . 450) and the grant of Tegnapatam to the English in 1691, under the seal

of a local Hindu chief and by a localfrom the Subha of the Karnatak (Bruce ’

s Annals ,

Hiddfiivnagari land-

grant stone has been found at Sanjan dated A.D. 1432 (S.

and another at Koprad , about ten miles north of O

Bassem, dated'

A.D. 1464 (S .

The Koprad stone has the special interest of g wmg a Musalman date .(H . 864) and

severalMusalman names . Details are given under Places of Interest, Koprad and

Sanjan.

3 310- 56

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DISTRICTS

sent it to Mahim along with a land army under his youngest son

Zafar Khan and his general Malik Iftikar Khan.- The joint force

attacked Thana by land and sea, and compe lled the Deccan generalto retire to Mahim . Here hewas jo ined by a force under Ala-ud-din

,

the son of the Deccan monarch, and strengthened his position bythrowing up a wattled sto ckade along the sho re of the creek. Afterwaiting some days the G ujarat tro ops took heart, as saulted thestockade, and, after a severe struggle, drove the Deccanis to Bombay,where they were again routed and withdrew to the mainland.

Reinforced from the Deccan, they came back and attacked Thana,but were .once more defeated and compelled to retire .

1 Among the

plunder the Gujarat tro ops secured some beautiful gold and silverembro idery .

2 A year or two later (1432) Ahmad of Gujarat arrangeda marriage between his son and the daughter o f the chief of Mahim .

3L

An attempt of the Deccan king to take t he place of Gujarat as

overlord of Baglan proved as complete a failure as his attack on

Thana and Bombay.

4

After‘

this, several expeditions , Dilavar Khan’s in 1436, Malik

ul-Tujar’s in 1453, and Mahmud G awan’

s in 1469,were sent from

the Deccan to conquer the Konkan .

5 They seem_to have been

almo st entirely confined to central and southern Konkan, the presentdis tricts of Kolaba and Ratnagir i . Much o f the country wasoverrun and many chiefs were forced to pay tribute, but almo st theonly permanent posts were at Chaul and Dabhol.6 The inland partscontinued to be held by Hindu rulers, of whom

'

the ref/£3 ofMahuli inThana

,Bair i o r Raygad in Ko laba

,and V ishalgad in Ratnagiri were

perhaps the chief.7 About 1465 Mahmud Begada increas ed Gujaratpower in north Thana, marching between the Konkan and Gujarat,taking the extraordinary hill-for t o f Bay ur, perhaps Bavara forBagvada, and from that advancing to Dura (f) and Barnala, apparentlyParnera, defeating the infidels, and fo rcing the chief to give up his

forts . The chief threwhimself on Mahmud’s mercy, and on payingtribute his land was restored.

8

About 1480 the Bahmanis divided their terr itory into eightprovinces . By establishing Junnar as the head of one of the

provinces the Deccan was brought into clo ser relations with the

no rth Konkan .

9 A fewyears later (1485) in the decay o f Bahmanirule , one Bahadur Khan G elani, the s on of the governor of G oa, seizedDabhol and o ther places in the south Konkan

, and pro claimed himselfking of Dariabar, or the sea coast .10 In 1484 he harassed the Gujaratharbours,11 and, in 1490, sent his slave, Yakut an Abyssinian, withtwenty ships to lay Mahim or Bombay waste.

12 Yakut seized many

1Briggs’ Ferishta , 11. 412 -414 IV. 28 - 30 Watson

’

s Gujarat, 36 Ras Mala, 269 .3 This was probably the fine embroidered muslin for which Burhanpur was famous.3 Watson

’

s G ujarat, 36.4 Watson’

s G ujarat, 36.

5 Briggs’

Ferishta , II . 42 4, 436, and 483 .6 Briggs

’Ferishta

,II. 483.

1 Nairne'

s Konkan, 26.

8 Brig s’

Ferishta , IV . 51. Bagvada is a well-known hill-fort about fifteen milessouth of lsar ; .Parnera is also a fort of importance about ten miles north of Bagvada.

Dura is not identified Briggs suggests Dharampur._9 Briggs

’

Ferishta , II. 502 G rant Dufi’s Marathas, 29.

10 Briggs’Ferishta , 111. 10. u Briggs

’

Ferishta, IV. 71.12 Briggs

’Ferishta, II. 539 .

Konkan-l

THANA .

ships belonging to and the fleet sent by Mahmud Begadato drive him out of was destroyed by a tempest;1 MahmudBegada then wro te to Mahmud Bahmani, explaining that G ujarattroops could not reach Bahadur Khan without passing throughDeccan lands , and urgiu him to punish Bahadur. The leadingBahmani nobles, Adil an and Ahmad Nizam Shah, who wereboth planning to establish themselves as independent rulers , werejealous of Bahadur’ s attempt to bring the coast into his hands .

They gladly joined Mahmud Bahmani, and, in 1493, Bahadur wasattacked near Ko lhapur, defeated, and slain. Mah im and the

Gujarat ships were restored to“

Mahmud Begada.2

During this time (1485 - 1493 ) Ahmad Nizam, the son of the

Bahmani pr ime minister, was placed by his father in charge of the

province of Daulatabad . He made Junnar his head-quarters and

took many Poona and Thana fo rts, among them Manranjan’

or

Rajmachi and'

Mahuli.3 In 1490 he increased his power in theKonkan by taking Dan'da -Rajpuri,4 and, about the same time, on

hearing of his father’s assassination at the Bidar court, he declaredhimself independent of the Bahmani kings .

5 Meanwhile MahmudBegadawas strengthening his hold on the Konkan, and, about 1495 ,divided his dominions into five parts, o f one of , which Thana wasthe head.

6 Some years latex Mahmud Begada still furtherincreased his power . He effected his designs against Bassein and

Bombay, established a garrison at Nagothna, and sent an armyto Chaul .7 A t this time, when G ujarat power was at its highest,according to the Mirat-i-Ahmadi, Daman

,Bassein and Bombay were

included within G ujarat limits .8 And among the ports which

yie lded revenue to the Gujarat kings were Agashi, Danda near

Kelva-Mah im, Sorab "

perhaps Sopara , Bas sein, Bhiwndi, Kalyan,Bombay, and Panvel.9 The claim of the Gujarat historian to so

large a share of the north Konkan coast is supported by the Italiantraveller Varthema, who, in 1502, placed Chaul in Gujarat.10 So ,also, the early Po rtuguese accounts, though they make the Bet or

Kalyan river the border line between G ujarat and the Deccan,11notice that in 1530 there was a Gujarat governor of Nagothna, andthat in 1540 there were G u

'

arat commandants of the hill-fo rts of

Karnala in Panvel and of ankshi in Pen .

Of the trade of the Thana ports during the two hundred yearsbetween the Muhammadan conquest and the arrival of the Portuguese information is scanty. Fo r the first forty years of thisperiod Thane.was the port of the Musalman rulers of Daulatabad

1 Has Mala, 290. 2 Briggs’ Ferishta, II. 543 .

a Briggs’Fe rishta , in.

4 Briggs’Ferishta , III. 198-199 .

5 Bri gs’Ferishta, III. 191-192. 6 Briggs

’Ferishta, IV. 62 .

7 BirdsMirat-i-Ahmadi, 214:8 Bird’

s Mirat-i-Ahmadi, 110, 111. BirdgivesDanda-RajpuriinJsupra, but perhapsDanda near Kelva-Mahimwas meant.

0

9 All of these ports were not necessarily under G ujarat, as m the ‘

same list are

included Dabho l, G oa , Kalikat, Kulam or Quilon, and the Maldives. Ditto10 Badger

’s Varthema, 114.

11 Fan s Souza (Kerr’s Voy s,VI. 83 ) says The river .Bate, falling into the sea

near Bomgaim, divides the king ems of Gujarat and Deccan :

Trade.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

Then, when the Bahmanis (1347) moved their capital to Kulbarga,

trade passed south to Chaul and to Dabho l in Ratnagiri. Towardsthe end o f the fifteenth century, though some traffic continuedfrom Mahim and Thana through the Tal pass to Burhanpur,the trade of the north Konkan ports was further reduced bytheir conquest by the Ahmadabad kings . The establishment ofAhmadnagar as a separate kingdom,

a few years before the closeof the fifteenth century again raised Chaul to the rank of

a fi r st class port . During this period Per sia was pro sperous,and a great trade centered in the ports of the Pers ian G ulf. The

constant demand for hor ses kept up a close connection between theThana and east Arabian ports, and there was a cons iderabletrade with the Zanzibar coast .

1 The great wealth and power of

Venice, and the capture of Constantinople by the Turksturned the commerce between Europe and A sia to the Red Sea route ,but in India the bulk of the Red Sea trade settled in the Malabarports .

2 There is little trace of direct trade between Thana portsand Ceylon, the Eastern Archipelago , or China . This trade seems

also to have centered in Malabar . The chief Thana por ts d uringthese two hundred years were Thana, a considerable town and a

celebrated place of trade,Chaul a centere of trade, Sopara a place

of cons equence, and Mahim a por t and centre of trade .

3 The

chief po r ts which had dealings with the Thana coast were Quil‘onand Kalikat in Malabar, Cambay in Gujarat, Ormuz in . the

Persian Gulf, Dhafar in east A rabia, Aden Jidda and [ Ethiopia in

the Red Sea, and the African ports .

4 Compared with the previousperiod, the chief changes in the articles o f trade were the

apparent increase in the export o f rice,wheat, and betelnut

and leaves to the Persian and.

A rab coasts ; in the export of

fine Deccan-made muslins ; in the impor t of the_rich silks of

V enice, the bro cades and cloth o f gold of Per sia, and the satins ofChina ; and in the import of woollen cloth, camlets

,mirrors

arms, gold and silver ornaments , and o ther articles from Venice .

Of articles of Food,rice, green ginger, sugarcane , butter, and

sesamum o il were produced in Thana and sent probably to the

Arab and African ports ,6 Wheat was exported probably to Ormuz

1 Vasco da Gama, 1497 , found the peo le of Corrientes in East Africa clothed incotton,

silk and satin. At M ozambique oorish merchants from the Red Sea andIndia exchanged Indian goods for Sofala gold . In the warehouses we re pepper ,ginger , cotton, silver, pearls , rubies, velvets , and other Indian articles . Mombazahad all Indian commodities , and Melinda had Indian wares and Indian merchants.Stevenson

’

s Sketch of Discovery , 340 - 341.2 In the fifteenth century the revenues of V enice and the wealth of its merchants

exceeded anything known in o ther parts of Europe . In 1420 its shipping included3000 trading ves sels with sailors , 300 large ships with 8000 sailors , and 45

galleasse s or caracks with sailor s. Robertson’

s India, 141, 347.3 Thana Jordanus and Odericus (1320 ) Yule ’

s Chthay , I . 57, 230 Abu -l-fida (1330)Yule ’

s Marco P010 , 11. 331 Chaul, or - Chivil, Nikitin (1474) India in XV . Century , 8 ;Sopara, Jordanu (1323 ) Yule

’s Cathay , I. 227 Mahim (1429 )Briggs ’ Ferishta, IV . 29 .

4 References chiefly from Jo rdanus (1323 ) Yule ’

s Cathay, I . 130 ; Ibn Batuta (1342 )Lee

’

s Edition and in Yule ’

sMarco P010 and Reinaud’

s Abu-l-fida Nicolo ContiAbd-ar -Razzak (1442 ) and Santo Stefano (1496) in

.

India in XV . Century .

6 Ro bertson'

s India, 137. 6 Oderio (1320) Yule ’

s Cathay , I. 57.

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[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

and to the Per s ian Gulf,1 and mirrors, arms, go ld and silverOrnaments, glass, and other articles came from Venice .

2 OfAnimals, many horseswere brought from Ormuz and from Aden.

3 OfHuman Beings, so ldiers of fortune came from Khurasan and

Abyssinia, and negro slaves from A frica.

4

Barbo sa’s (1500-1514) details of the course of trade at Chaul areo f special value , as what he says is probably true of the trade of the

Thana ports from the earliest times . The system must have beenmuch the same in Thana during the time of the Khalifs of

Baghdad (700 in Kalyan during the times of the Sassanians(300 - 600) in Chaul during the times of the Egyptian G reeks 100

A .D. and perhaps at Sopara at the time o f So lomonThe great centre 0 foreign trade was not neces sarily a large city.

There were perhaps few inhabitants except during DecemberJanuary February and March when vessels from all parts of Asiathronged the port, and, when, from the Deccan and from UpperIndia, came great caravans of oxen with packs like donkeys, and,on the tops o f the packs , long white sacks laid cro sswise , one mandriving thirty or forty beasts before him. The caravans s toppedabout a league from the city, and there traders from all the citiesand towns in the country set up shops of goods and of cloth.

During those four months the place was a fair , and then the

merchants went back tgg their homes till the next season.

5

Among the merchants who carried on trade in the Thana portswere Hindus

,Musalmans, Egyptians , and a

'

small but increasingnumber of Europeans .

6 Hindus c ontinued to travel and trade toforeign po rts , being met in Ormuz, A den, Zanzibar, and Malacca.

7

There would seem to have been little change in the style of shipsthat frequented the Thana co ast. Of the local or Indian ship

‘

s somewere very great, but they were put together with a needle and

thread without iron and with no decks . They to ok in so much

1 Jordanns ’ Mirabilia 48 IbnBatuta (1340 ) in Yule ’s Cathay, II. 478.

2 Robertson’s India, 137. It seems probable that, during the fifteenth century,

fire-arms were introduced from gV enice into India through Egypt.”

Like bindikid.or bullet in Egypt (Creasy

’s Ottoman Turks , I. 233 note the Indian word

bawd 'uk or gun seems to be a corru tion of Binikia, that is Vinikia or V enetian.

Th e Portuguese (1498) found the ndian Moors or Musalmans as well armed as ,

sometimes better armed than, themselves. The knowledge of fire -arms did not comefrom the far east, as the Javanese words for fire -arms are European, sanap ang a

musket being the Dutch snaphan, and satingar a match -lock being the Portugueseesp ingarda : See Crawfurd’

s Archipelago , I . 227 ; II. 171-172 .

3 Ibn Batuta (1340 ) in Yule ’s Marco Polo , II. 373 . The Russian,_Athanasius

Nikitin (1470 ) brought h orses from Ormuz through Chaul to Junnar in “Poona. Hesays horses are not born in India, and are fed on peas, boiled sugar, and oil. India inXV . Century, 10 .

4 Nikitin (1470) India in XV . Century, 9 , 10, 12 Vincent’s Commerce,

5 Stanley’s Barbosa, 69 -71.

6 Alexandrian merchants in Thana, Oderio (1320) in q le’s Cathay , I. 60 ;

Marignoli Nicolo Conti (1400 a Venetian ; Athanasius Nikitin a

Russian Santo Stefano a G enoese .

7 H indus at Ormuz, Abd-er-Razzak (1442 ) India in XV . Century , 6 ; at Aden,Ibn Batuta (13 40 ) in Yule ’

s Marco,

Polo , II . 376 ; at Melinda , (1498) Barres in DaG ama

’

s Three Voyages, 137 note 1 at Malacca, Abu-l-fida (1327) Madras Journalof Literature and Science 213 . Abu-l-fida (1320) notices the great number of

Ill

lii

gl

l

l plants at Dafar on the east coast ofArabia. V eteris G eographies Scriptores,

Konkan]

THANA .

water that men had always to stand in the poo l and bail.1 The

Arab ships in the Red Sea had timbers sewn with cords, and sailsof rush mats those at Aden were plank- sewn and had cotton sails .

z

The Persian‘

Gulf boats were very frail and uncouth, stitched withtwine and with no iron.

3 The Chinese ships , though it is doubtfulif any came further than the Malabar coast, were much the sameas those described by Marco Po lo .

‘ The European travellers speaks ligh tingly of the skill of the eastern sailors. Weather such as

our mariners would deem splendid is'

to them awfully perilous.One European at sea is worth a hundred of them .

’ 5 The Indianseas continued cursed

,

with pirate s . The Indian ships were armedagainst them with archers andAbyss inian so ldiers .

6 In the fifteenthcentury Abd-er -Razzak, 1440, no tices pirates in the Persian Gulfand at Kalikatj’ and, about thir ty year s later, N ikitin complains thatthe sea was infested with p irates neither Chr is tians nor Musalmans,who prayed to stone ido ls and knew not Christ.a During thiscentury the Musalman kings of Ahmadabadmade several expeditionsagainst the pirates of Dwarka in Kathiawar, of Balsar in southSurat, and foreign corsairs from the Malabar coas t.9

SECTION Inf—PORTUGUESE (1500

In 1498, when the whole coast line from G oa to Bassein had

lately pas‘

sedto Bijapur andGujarat, the Portuguese rounded theCapeof G ood Hope and appeared on the Kalikat coast . Their obj ect wasto treat all Indian ships as friends and all Indian rulers as allies .10Their only r ivalsweretheMoors o fMecca, and the Arab and

'

Egyptian

merchant s who had then the monopoly of the trade betweenEurope and Asia. The first G ujarat ships that were taken by the

Po rtuguesewere restored unharmed and with a friendly message.u

A fter Goa was ceded in spite of constant quarrels, the Po rtuguese are honourablymentioned by Musalman historians as keeping

1 Jordanus’ Mirabilia (1320) 16, 54. Abu-l-fida (1320 ) notices that Indian ships

came and set sail fromAden. Veteris G eographies Scriptores , III. 53 . Ibn Batuta

(1340 ) found large Indian shi at Aden . Yule’

s Cathay , II. 399 . The ‘

ojunk

’With

700 peoplewhich took Oderio mKochin to China (1323 ) seems , but this is doubtful,to have been an Indian ship. Yule ’

s Cathay , I. 73 .

2 Santo Stefano (1495 )’India in XV . Century , 4.

3 John of Monte Corvino (1292 ) in Yale’

s Cathay, I. 218 ; Oderio (1323 ) in Yule’s

Catha I . 57.

4 Jdfdanus’Mirabilia (1320) 55 ; Oderio (1320) in Yule’s Cathay , I. 124; Ibn Batuta(1340) in Yule’s Cathay, II. 417, an excellent account ; I\10010 Conti (1430) India in

XV . Century, 27.

5 Jordenas (1320) Mirabilia, 55 . An exception is made inO

favour of the Kalikat

seamen ‘sons of Chinamen,

’ who were so brave that no pirate dare attack them.

Abder-Razzak (1442 ) India in XV . Century , 19 .

8 Ibn Batuta (1340 ) Re inaud’s Abu-I-fida , c XVll . When an Abyssinianwas on

board pas sengers had nothing to fear from pirates .

TAbder-Razzak in India in XV . Century , 7, 18.

8 Nikitin in India in XV . Century, 11.

9 Briggs’Ferishta, IV. 60 -61 Ditto 65 Watson 3 Gujarat, 43 .

1° The early Portuguese showed H indus much forbearance. _Dom Manuel often

wrote , Strive to keep on good terms with Hindus.’Commentaries of Albuquerque,

III. 247.11

i

lii 1502 Vaseo da Game’s orders were that the ships of Cambaty were to be let

pass as friends. Da Gama’s Voyages , 376.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

their agreement with the Bijapur kings .

1 With the Nizam Shah or

Ahmadnagar dynasty the Po rtuguese continued faithful allies, neverattacking them except on three o ccasions and on each occasion insel’r

'

.-d'

efence .

2 Mahmud Begada, the G ujarat king, was too stauncha Musalman to be on friendly _terms with a Christian power, and

he was too Successful a sea captain to admit the Portuguese claimto rule the sea. H e entered into an alliance with the MamelukeSo ldan of Egypt3 and the Zamo rin of Kalikat to unite in driving thePo rtuguese from the Indian seas . Timber was sent from Bas seinto Mecca to help the Egyptians to build a fleet,

4and, in 1507,

an Egyptian fleet o f twelve sail and 1500 men under Amir Husainarrived in the Cambay gulf. On the ir arrival Mahmud sent his fleetalong with the Egyptian vesse ls down the coast, and himself led

“

an

army by land to help the fleets, should the Portuguese be foundin any of the Gujarat por ts .

5 The result was the defeat of thePo rtugue se at Chaul, a lo ss thatwas soon after (2nd February 1509 )redeemed by the ,

des truction o ff Diu of the jo int Gujarat , Kalikat,and Egyptian fleets .

6 In 1507 the Portuguese seem to have triedto raise the Hindu chiefs on the Thana co ast against MahmudBegada, as Mahmud is described as s ettling disturbances at Basseinand effecting his designs against Bassein and Bombay .

7 InJanuary 1509 , on their way to Diu, the Portuguese took a shipinBombay harbour and got supplies from the fort of Mahim,

fromwhich the garrison fled .

8 On the return of the victor ious Portuguesefleet the governor of Chaul agreed to pay a yearly tr ibute .

9‘

A fewyears later (1514) the southern boundary of Gujarat had shrunkfrom Chaul to Bombay.

10

At this time the Thana po rts seem to have been places of little trade .

The commerce between the Deccan and the s ea either centredin Chaul and Dabhol, or passed by land to Surat and Render,

1 Briggs’Ferishta, III. 34. Ferishta says , The Portuguese , observing-their treaty,

have made no further encroachment on the Adil Shahi territory .

’

2 In 1530 when the G ujarat kings forced Ahmadnagar to break with the Portuguese(Bird

’s Mirat-i-Ahmadi, 237, and Faria in Kerr, VI. 231) in 1572 when the Bijapur

Ahmadnagar and Kalikat kings joined against the Portuguese (Briggs’Ferishta, III.

and in 1594when the Ahmadnagar kings attempted to fortify Korle hill at“

themouth of the Chaul river . (Da Cunha

’

s Chaul,3 Faria in Kerr , VI. 111. Kausu -al-G auri, known as Campson G auri (1500who was killed near Alep

ipo by Se lim, emperor of the Turks .

4 Part of the Egyptian cet was made at Suez from tigiber brought from Dalmatia.Faria in Kerr, VI. 111 Mickle’

s Lusiad, I. cxx.

5 Forbes ’ Ras Mala, 291 Bird’

s Mirat -i-Ahmadi, 215.

6 Faria in Kerr V I. 119 . Among the spoil were many Latin, Italian, andPortuguese books , probably the property of Christian galley slaves .

7 Briggs’Ferishta, IV . 74, 75 . A ccording to the Ras Mala the Europeans were

anxious to occupy part of the Gujarat coast. Ras Mala, 290, 291.8 Faria in Kerr, VI. 117 .

9 Faria in Kerr, V I. 120 . In 1510 some Portuguese were shipwrecked at Nabandaand taken to Champaner. The Gujarat and Bass einministerwrote a friendly letter toAlbuquerque (Commentaries , II. In 1512 a G ujarat ambassador visited G oaAlbuquerque made three demands , that they were to employ no Turks, _that theirships were to trade only with G oa, and that the Portuguese were to be allowed tobuild a fort at Diu. Commentaries, III. 245 .

10 About 1514 Barbosa (Stanley’s Barbosa, 68, 69 ) describes Chaul as eight

'

leagues,south from the borders of Gujarat or Cambay .

Konkan ]

THANA.

which were great places of trade in all classes of merchandise .1

Basseinwas a good seapor twhere much merchandise changed hands,but all apparently came from the Malabar coast. Bombay, Mahim,

and Thana were mixed into one, Tanamayambu, a sea -

port at the

end of Cambay or Gujarat. It had a fortress and a pleasant Moorishtown with many rich gardens, reat Moorish mosques, and Gentiletemples. It had little trade and

.

was pesteredwith pirates, who wentout to sea, and if they metwith any ships less strong than themselves,Captured and plundered them sometimes killing the crews .

2

In1516, Dom Joao de Money entered the Bandra creek. anddefeated the commandant of Mahim fort,

‘

and, in the same year,a Portuguese factory was established at Chaul . In 1521 an o rdercame from Portugal to build forts at Chaul and at Diu . A fleet

”

started for Diu, but their request to be allowed to .bui1d a fort wasrefused, and the place was so strongly fortified that the fleet sailed toOrmuz without attacking it.3 The Po rtuguese were more successfulat Chaul, where, on the promise that he would be allowed to importhorses , Burhan king of . Ahmadnagar , gave them leave to build afort.‘

_Malik Eiaz sent the Gujarat fleet from Diu to blo ckade the

Chaul river, and stop the building of the fort. In this hewas helpedby the Mnsalman governor .of Chaul. But though the Portugues efleet suffered severely, the building was pushed on,

and, in 1522,Malik Eiaz was forced to withdraw.

6 The fortwas finished in 1524,and, after that, the Portuguese fleet was able to sail freely in the

Bombay harbour .6 In 1526 a Portuguese factory was established

at Bassein ? In February 1528 the Gujarat fleet of eighty barks,under a brave Moor named A lishah (Alexiath) appeared at themouth of the Chaul river and didmuch damage to the Ahmadnagarterritory and to Portuguese trade . Against the Gujarat fle

'

et,Sampayo the Portuguese Viceroy, sailed with forty vessels, carrying1000 Portuguese so ldiers and a large force of armed natives . The

Viceroy took command of the sailing ships and placed Heitor deSylveira in charge of the row-boats . On reaching Chaul, one Jusedo Avelar, with e ighty Portuguese, was sent to help the Ahmadnagarking. A thousand natives were given him, and with their help hes caled a fort belonging to the king of Cambay, which till then’

had

been thought impregnable. He slewthe garrison and delivered thefort to theNizam.

On leaving Chaul for Diu, ‘on the day after ‘

Shrove Tuesday,’

Sampayo came unexpectedly on the Cambay fleet in Bombay harbour.

“

After a furious cannonade the Portuguese boarded the enemy and

1 Stanley’s Barbosa, 66, 67 Surat was a city of very great trade in all classes of

merchandise, a very important seaportwhose customs -house yielded a large revenue

to the king of G ujarat. Ravel or Rander was a rich and agreeable place, trading WithBengal, Pegu , Sumatra , and Malacca , with large fine ships and the best supply of

Chinese oods. Chaulwas a place of great commerce and Dabholaplace ofvery great

trade. itto 69 , 72.

2 Stanley’

s Barbosa, 68—69 . A ccording to Faria, Chaul belonged to Nizam 811611 in1508. Kerr, VI. 111.3 Faria in Ke rr , VI. 180.

4 Faria inKerr, VI. 191, 192.

5 Da Cunha’

s Chaul and Bassein, 36-37 .6 Da Cunha

’s Chaul and Bassein

, 39 .7 Da Cunha

'

s C haul and Bassein, 171.

1; 310—57

Chapter vu.

PORTUGUESE.

l500 l6700

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DISTRICTS .

A lishah fled, hoping to escape by the Mahim creek. But the Portuguese had stationed boats atBandra, and all Alishah

’s vessels but

seven were taken. Of the seventy-three prizes thir ty-three were fit

for work and were kept the rest were burned . Besides the vesselsmany prisoners were made, and

'

much artillery and abundance of

ammunition were taken.

1 After the victory Sampayo went back toGoa,

‘

leaving Heitor de Sylveira with twenty-two row-boats to harassthe Gujarat coasts. Sylveira remained some time on the pleasantlywo oded island of Bombay or Mahim . It had much game and plentyof meat and rice , and proved so agreeable a resting-

place that hismen gave it the name ofBoaVida o r the Island of G ood Life .

2 Afterresting his men in Bombay, Sylveira went up the river Nagothna,landed, and burnt six Gujarat towns . On his way back to his boatshe was attacked by the commandant cf Nago thna, but beat himo ff

with lo ss. Sylveira next went to Bassein, which he found wellfortified and defended with cannon. He entered the river at nightand stormed the fortifications . Next day he was met by Alishah at

the head of 3500 men. But he drove them ofl with great slaughterJand plundered and burnt the city of Bas sein .

3 Terrified with theseexplo its, the lord of the great city of Thana agreed to becometributary to the Portuguese, and Sylveira returned to Chaul .4 In

1 Faria inKerr’s V oyages, .VI. 209 , 210. This summary of Faria

’s account of the

battle ofBombay seems to differ in_some particulars from the account in De Barros

’

A sia (Decsda , IV . part I. 208-210, Lisbon Ed. of A ccording to Def

Barros thePortuguese caught sight of the Gujarat fleet off a promontory . A s Sylveira drewnear,

the Gujarat fleet retired behind the promontory, and he sent some ships to guard the

mouth o f the Bandra river . When Sylveira drewnear, the G ujarat ships set sailandran into the river, andwhenthey found that the mouth of the river was occupied, theytried to reach Mahim fort, but, before they reached Mahim, they were surroundedand captured by the Portuguese boats which had been sent to guard the mouth of thecreek . This account is not altogether clear . Apparently what happened was , thatwhen the Gujarat boats sawthe Portu ese, they drew back from the Prongs Pointinto the Bombay harbour , and when t e Portuguese fleet attacked them, they fledup the harbour to the mouth of the river (that is the_

Bombay harbour or east mouthof the Mahim creek) not daring to try their fortune in the open sea.

’The Portuguese

captain learned from his local pilots that the Gujarat fleet probably meant to retreat

through the Bandra creek, and accordingly sent boats to guard itsmouth . The Gujaratfleet entered the creek by Sion, and, on nearing Mahim, saw the Portuguese boatsblocking the entrance of the creek. To avoid them they made for the Musalman fortof Mahim , at the south end of the present Bandra causeway , but the Portuguesesaw their object and coming up the creek cut th em off , De Barros

’account has been

supposed (‘Lateen

’in Times of India , 2 lst April 1882 ) to favour the viewthat the

fight was not in the harbour, but in the cpen sea ofi‘

Malabar point. To this viewtheobjections are, that when the Gujarat fleet retired behind Colaba point on catchingsight of the Portuguese, they must have gone into Back Bay a dangerous and

unlikely movement . That if they came out again to fight, they must have seen thePortuguese boats being sent on to Bandra, and that when, in their flight; the Gujaratfleet found the mouth of the Bandra creek blocked , they could n ot have attemptedto take shelter in Mahim. The attempt to take shelter in Mahim, when the mouthof the creek was found to be blocked, shows that the Gujarat fleet was leavingnotentering the Bandra or Mahim river.

2 Dom J0 510 de Castro Primeiro Roteiro , 70 .

3 This capture of Bassein was deemed a great exploit, as the entrance to the

river was very diflicult. Dom J0 5 0 de Castro Primeiro Roteiro , 110.

4 Faria in Kerr , VI. 209 , 211. Da Cunha’

s Chaul and Bassein, 170. This

previous agreement , not the unimportance of Bombay , seems to be the reasonwhy

Bombay is not mentioned in the assein treaty of 1533 . Apparently this lord ofThanawas a Hindu chief, not a Musalman governor. In the outlying parts of theirterritory the G ujarat kings seem to have made free use ofHindu governors , probablytributary chiefs . In 1503 the governor of Chaul was a Hindu (Badge r

’s Varthema,

and in 1514 the governor of Surat was a Hindu. (Stanley’s Barbosa,

Konkan]

THANA.

-1530 Antonio de Sylveira, on his Way back from plundering Suratand Rander, destroyed the towns of Daman and Agashi, at the latterplace burning 300 of the enemies’ ships .

1 In the same year thePortuguese made a successful raid into the Ahmadnagar -Konkan,as Burhan Nizam had been forced by his superior Bahadur Shah ofGujarat to join .with him in a campaign against the Portuguese.

2

In 153 1 a great Portuguese fleet, collected by Nuno daCunha for the capture of Diu, was reviewed in Bombay harbourand a parade was held on the Bombay esplanade. From Bombaythe fleet of 400 sail with 3 600 Portuguese soldiers and 1450Portuguese seamen, 2000 Kanara and Malabar soldiers, 8000slaves, and about 5000 native seamen, sailed to Daman. Theyfound it deserted, and, passing no r th, took the pirate strongho ldof Little Bet in the . south of Kathiawar , and advanced to Diu

,

but failed to make any impression on its fortifications . Nunoreturned to G oa, leaving Antonio de Saldanha with sixty sail to

plunder the Cambay ports . On his way south Antonio destroyedalsar, Tarapur, Kelva-Mahim,

and Agashi .3 In 1532 Nuno daCunha ordered Diogo de Sylveira to plunder the G ujarat coasts,and himself advanced, with

‘

150 vessels manned by 3000 Portuguesesoldiers and 200 Kanarese, against Bassein, whose fortificationswerebeing strengthened. Though Basseinwas garrisoned by men,the Portuguese dashed against the fort, took it by assault, and razedits walls. Thana and Bandra were fo rced to pay tribute, the coasttowns betweenBassein and Tarapur were burnt, and an attempt wasmade to take the ~fort of Daman.

‘ Nuno da Cunha again urged theking of Gujarat to let the Portuguese build a fort at Diu. Butagain the negotiations failed. Soon after this a quarrel betweenHumayun king of Delhi and Bahadur of G ujarat gave the friendshipo f the Portuguese a special importance . As Bahadur continued torefuse-to allowthe Portuguese to build a fo rt at Diu, Nuno enteredinto negotiations with Humayun and again pillaged the Gujarat coastand to ok Daman. A fter the lo ss of Daman, to win them fromtheiralliance with Humayun, Bahadur (1583 ) made a treaty with thePortuguese, ceding Bassein and its dependencies, and agreeing thatG ujarat ships bound from C

'

ambay to the Red Sea should touch at

Bassein and pay dues ; tha t no Cambay ships should sail without aPo rtuguese pass ; that no war ships should be built in Gujarat andthat no alliance should be made with the Turks .

5 In1535, defeatedby Humayun and apparently ruined, Bahadur , on promise of theiractive assistance, agreed to let the Portuguese build a fort at Diu.

Bahadur hadwritten for help to the Sultan o f Turkey. But, as timepressed, he did not wait for his answer,

~but made a treaty with thePortuguese . Under the new agreement the centre of trade wasDiu .not Bassein, and the fort at Diu was to be built on the site

1 Faria in Kerr, VI. 221.2 Bird

’

s Mirato i-Ahmadi, 237 Briggs’Ferishta

,III. 219 Farm inKerr, VI. 231.

3‘

Faria in Kerr, 51 .

-

223. 4.

Faria m Kerr, VI. 225 .

5 Faria in Kerr, VI. 227.'WhenBahadur, inthe ne

'

xt year, allowed the Portugueseto build a fort at Diu, several of these humiliating terms were cancelled. Faria give.

PORTUGUESE.

Chapter VII.

[Bombay Gazetteer;

DISTRICTS .

which seemed best to the Por tuguese G overnor G eneral.t In returnfor this concession the Portugues e did their best to help Bahadurto regain his kingdom. They repelled a Moghal attack on Bassein,and a body . of 500 Portuguese were mo st useful in helpingBahadur to free Gujarat from the Moghals . In 1535 thePo rtuguesebuilt a fort atBassein, and the Diu fort was pressed on and finished.

When his affairs were again pro sperous Bahadur repented of

having allowed the Portuguese to build atDiu, and invited the Sultanof Turkey and the chief of A den to attack the Portuguese . In 1536

Bahadur came to Diu, and, to tempt Nuno da Cunha the Po rtuguesegoverno r to enter the city, paid his ship a vis it. Treachery wasplanned on both sides, and, when Bahadur was landing, a scuffle

arose and he and the Portuguese governor of Diu were slain. Two

years later , tempted by the great value o f a jewelled beltwhich he

had rece ived from Bahadur , the Sultan of Turkey sent a great

expedition to take Diu.

2 His admiral Suleiman besieged the pbrt fortwo months (September November But the herdic defenceof the Por tuguese garrison, and the well-founded suspicion of the

Gujarat Musalmans, that if the Turks took Diu they would keep it,forced him to retire defeated .

3 After the withdrawal of the Turks atreaty of peace was concluded between the Portuguese and the kingof Gn

'

arat.4 In 1540Mahmud Shah II I. of Gujarat besiegedBassein,but ailed to take it, and, in the same year, Burhan Nizam of

Ahmadnagar took from their Gujarat commandants the forts of

Karnala in Panvel and of Sangaza or Sankshi in Pen. The G ujaratcommandants applied for help to the Portuguese who retook the

forts . Theyheld t hem for a short time, but, finding them costly,handed them to Ahmadnagar .

5

In 1546 the Por tuguese gained great honour by the second famousdefence of Diu. So completely did they defeat the who le strengthof Gujarat, that in 1548 Mahmud Shah made overtures for peace andconcluded a treaty much in favour of the Portuguese .

6 In 1556 the

great hill fort of A sheri and the important station of Manor on the

Vaitarna river were taken by the Portuguese .

7 In 1560 OhangizKhan, one of the leading Gujarat nobles, in return for helpin taking Surat, ceded to the Portuguese the belt of coast fromthe V aitarna to Daman.

8 Sidi Bofeta,the commandant of Daman,

refused to surrender the fort. But a Portuguese force took the fo rts

1 Faria (Kerr, VI. 236) gives 21st September 1536 as the date of the treaty .

Ap arently it should be‘

1535, as , accordingto the Musalman historians, Humayuntoo Chainpaner in April 1535 . Bird

’

s Mirat-i-Ahmadi, 249 . In the hope of being

the first to carry the news of this treaty to Portugal, one Dio Botelho of Diu sailedin a boat 165 feet long , nine feet broad, and 4} dee manned y his own slaves withthree Portuguese and two others . After a time the s aves mutinied and were allkilled.

Botelho persevered and reached Lisbon safe . The bark was destroyed that it mightnot be known that so small a boat could travel to India. Faria in Kerr,V I. 237.There seems to be some doubt about the length of this craft. See Vasco da Gama

’s

Three V oya es, Introduction xxii. and Baldaaus (1660 ) in Churchill, III. 531.2 Faria in err, V I. 238.

3 Faria In Kerr, VI. 247, 252. I’Vhen Sulaiman withdrewonl forty of thegarrisonwere able to fight. 4 Faria in Kerr, VI. 255 .

5 Faria m Kerr, VI. 368. 6 Faria in Ker r, V I. 403 .

7 Nairne’

s Konkan, 44. 8 Watson’

s G ujarat, 56.

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[Bombay Gazetteerk

DISTRICTS .

by four English ships at the mouth of the Tapti.l In 1614 the

Portuguese concluded a favourable treatywith the Emperor Jahangir.And for the next thirty-five years, though they suffered serious lo ssin other places, the Portuguese continued to ho ld their Thanapossessions without loss in area and apparently with an increase ofwealth.

2 In 1640 Por tugal made itself independent of Spain, and,for a fewyears, fresh interest was shown in its eastern possessions.Dur ing the sixteenth century hardly any references have been

traced to the inland parts of south and east Thana . Except theforts of Karnala and sankshi, which remained under “

Gujarat tillthe middle of the century, south and east Thana were under the

Ahmadnagar kings, several of the hill-forts being held by localtributary chiefs . These districts, of which Kalyan was the head,pas sed to theMoghals whenAhmadnagar was taken in 1600. Theywere soon after recovered by Malik A mbar , the Ahmadnagarm inister

,who held them till his death in 1626, and is said to have

surveyed the land and improved the revenue system . After MalikAmbar’s death the south of Thana or Kalyan was kept by theMoghals for ten years and thenmade over to Bijapur . During allthistime the wild north - east, apparently as far , south as about Bhiwndiand the hill fort ofMahuli, was held by the Raja of Jawbar and otherKoli chiefs . The Ko lis had three leading towns, Tavar to the north

“

of Daman, Vazen perhaps vasind, and Darila apparently Dher i nearUmbargaon, a considerable town of great stone and tiled houses.8

In 1534, whenBassein and salsette were ceded to the Portuguese ,they found the land guarded by stockades and fortified posts.

Besides the land revenue which was taken in kind,4 there was amiscellaneous cash revenue from cesses on cocoanut o il, opium,

co tton, palm spirits, vegetables, fish, sugarcane, and bete l- leaf, and

on butchers , dyers, fishermen, and shepherds .

5 In 1538; four yearsafter it came under Portuguese management, Bassein is describedas a diflicult river, with an .excellent beach for small boats in the

,

stormy ,season. The town was large, the resort of many people and

nations . The landwas level, and the so il rich and strong . In the

rains it was under water and walking was impossible . There weregreat groves of trees, and many reservoirs and lakes notable fortheir flights ofjsteps and for their buildings and carvings.“ Salsette

1 Faria in Kerr, VI. 499 . Of the English ships one was of 200 tons , one of 300,one of 500, and one of 650 . ThePortuguese had sixty smallwar boats , a pinnace of 120tons , two ships of 200 tons, and six great ships of from 400 to 800 tons . Kerr

’

s

V oyages , IX. 204. Detai ls of the fight are given in the Surat StatisticalAccount,Bombay Gazetteer, II. 76-77.2 The revenue of Bassein is said to have risen from Xeraphins in 1686 to

Xe. in 1709 , X s. in 1718, and Xs. in 1729 . F. N. Xavier’sDiccionan o, 1848, p. 10. The Xeraphim is robably the silver Xeraphim aboutequal te ‘

half a rupee. Da Cunh a’

s Chaul anc assein, 87.3 Nairne

’s Konkan, 45. 4 Colleccao de Monumentos Ineditos, V .

5 Authorities inDa Cunh a’s Chaul and Bassein, 158.6 Dom J0 3 0 de Castro Primeiro Roteiro, 112. A fter its formal cession in 1533,

Bemba was rented in perpetuity to G arcia d’Orta, a Lisbon - physician, known for

his D1 ogues on Indi an Simples and Drugs . He paid a yearly nit-rent of about£ 71128 . (1432épad

-dates ). H e mentions his island asBombaim an Mombaim in his

Dialogues , and notices a mango tree that yielded two crop s 3 year. He lived in India.from 1534 to 1572. Dr. G . De Cunha.

Konkan ]

THANA.

was famous for the ruins of the great and beautiful city ofThana, andthe mighty cave temple of Kanheri . The i sland was very rich andwell provided with fo od, and with poultry and small and big game.

In the hills was plenty of timber for ships and galleys .

1 Thoughterribly ruined by the ravages of the Portuguese and of the Gujaratklngs, Thana was a great city,with 900 go ld- lace looms and 1200white- cloth lo oms . The lowpleasantly-wooded island of Bombayhad much g ame and plenty of meat and rice 5 its

'

crops were neverknown to fail.2

Whatever damage they may have done when they first conqueredthe country, the Musalmans seem, long before the Portuguesecame, to have ceased to interfere with the religion of the Hind us .

The Po rtuguese found many sacred ponds and‘

fine temples near

Bassein, and De Castro is full o f the beauty of the buildings at

Thana whose stones and bricks were fitted without mortar .3

On their transfer to ’

the Portuguese in 1534, the Thana coas twas made a separate charge and placed under a G eneral of the

North , the second layman'

in India who se head- quarter s were at

Bassein . Lands were granted in estates of a varying number of

villages to Portuguese officers and soldier s, who paid a quit-rentoriginally in cash, but afterwards partly in cash and partly in grain.

Many of the villages near Bassein and Sopara were originallygranted by the Viceroy Dom Joao de Castro about 1538. Abouttwe lve years later , it was found,

that the produce of some of the

villages had been fraudulently under - estimated and a slight increasein

;the rents was

.

made . The state revenue seems to have beena very small share of the produce . The receipts are returned as

varying from £ 676 (Rs . 6760) and 2482 mudds of rice in 1539 to£ 489 7 (Rs . in

From 1560,when they had gained the who le coast from Daman toKaranja

, the Portuguese divided their Thana territories into twoparts Daman and Bassein. Under Daman were four districts,Sanjan, Dahanu, .Tarapur, and Mahim

‘

under Bassein were seven

districts, A sheri, Manor,‘Bassein proper or Saivan, Salsette,

Bombay, Belapur or Shabaz,

and Karanja . _ These divisionsincluded thdnddd/ris or villagegroups under an officer styled thdnddd/r,towns or kasbes , custom-houses or mdnd

‘

vis, villages or aldeas ,hamlets or sarredores the Maratha sadetors meaning cut ofi or

divided, and wards of towns or large villages called p acar fias theMarathi p dkhddis meaning a dividing lane . There were also landso r term s

,and gardens or hortas , the modern oarts . Of the seven

divisions of the Bassein territory, A sheri had thirty-eight villages

1 Dom J0 20 de Castro Primeiro Roteiro , 70, 72 .

2 Dom J0 50 de Castro Primeiro Roteiro , 70 .

3 Dom J de Castro calls them meskitas or mosques. But the de tails givenbelow show that many of the buildings were temples. See Da Cunha , 185 .

4 The figures are compiled from the Colleecao,d e Monumentos Ineditos, V .

The returns have been reduced from j adeas into rupees , on the basis of thirty fedeasto ap arddo and two p arddos to a rupee . The mudds varied so greatly , that it isimpossible to ascertainwhat quantity of rice they represent. The details are givenin Appendix C .

1500 1670.

Pon'rueunsn.

1500 1670.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

and six partsvillages or lea/charlie} Manor had forty- two villages

and a hamlet, or sadetor . Saivan or Saibana, on the left or southbank of the Tansa about fifteen miles north - east ofBassein, was thehead-

quarters o f six petty divisions. Thesewere the town ofBasseinwith s ixteen wards or pakhadz

’

s and e ight gardens ; the town o fAgashi, apparently,

known as the Kasb’

e, with twenty wards or

p aikhddgis and .ten gardens ; the sub- division or p argana. of Salga

with eighteen villages and thr ee lands or term s the division of Hera

o r V irar with twenty villages ; the division of Kaman, six mileseast of Basse in

,with twenty-five villages and two hamlets or

sadetors and the division of Anjar or Anjo re, on the Bassein creek

near the mouth of the Kamvadi,with eighteen villages and seven

hamlets or s adetors . Salsette had two divisions , the is le of Salsettewith one p a

frgana and nine ty-nine villages, and the town of Thana

with e ightwards or pdkhoidis . The island of Belapur, or Shabaz o rSabayo , had three sub - divisions , Panechan or Panchnad to the easto f the Persik hills with thirty villages, Kairana the coast strip fromopposite Thana to opposite Trombay with seventeen villages, andSabayo or Shabaz, now called Belapur, with seventeen villages?The island of Karanja or Uran . included the town o r kasbe of

Karanja,the land of Bendolae or Bhendkula, and the three islands

of Nave or H og Island, Sheve , and Elephanta .

3

Though subject to occasional inroads from Gujarat, the Ko lichiefs of Jawbar, the Moghals, and Ahmadnagar, the Portugueseterritory was fairly free from

‘

attacks by land or sea . Internalo rder was well preserved . The only notice of rio t or rebellion wasin 1613 (13th April), when fighting went on in Karanja and othertowns fo r several days and many Po r tuguese were killed.

4

On the cession of Salsette and Basse in,in 1533 , the Po rtuguese

built places o f special strength at Bassein, A sheri, Tarapur, Mahim,Daman

,and Chaul ; they raised royal fortifications

'

at the headquarters of each sub - division5- they guarded the entrances to theirterritories with fo rts and stockades ; they armed several of theircolleges and monaster ies and,

‘ in each village, the proprietor builta watch - tower or moated grange .

5 The bill of A sheri, whichwanted little help from art, was strongly

'l

guarded from the timeof its capture in 1556 . The present fortifications of Bassein belong

1 Da Cunha’s Chaul andBassein,

206. Interesting details of the settlement of theland revenue at G oa in 1510 are given in the Commentaries of Albuquerque , II. 127.Thdnddcir is there (p . 126) explained by the Arab-Portugueseword Almoxarife. BothW ords closely correspond to the English Collector or Superintendent.2 Da Cunha

’

s Chaul and Bassein, 206.

3 Da Cunha, 201.4 Da Cunha ,

203 . The Karanja riot was soon quelled by the brave CaptainFernao de Sampayo da Cunha . Mickle’

s Lusiad,I. cciii. , mentions tumults among

the Portuguese in Chaul, Bassein ,Tarapur , and Thana .

There are one o r two references to localHindu chiefs in alliancewith the Portuguese.In 1617 the friends hip of the Jacda (Yadav) chief of sarecta , apparently Savta sixmiles eas t of Dahanu,

‘

was so impertant that the Portuguese allowed him to performh is own rites when he came to Daman. 0 . Chron. de Tis . IV . 22 . Ther e was alsoVe rgi and

-his Bagulos , apparently Bohrj i and his Baglanis . 0 . Chron. de Tis , IV . 22.5 0 . Chron. de Tis.

‘I. 29 , 35.

Konkan]

THANA .

to about the clo se of the sixteenth century,1 and the beautiful forto f Thana was no t begun till about 1730, and was unfinished whensalsette was taken by the Marathas in Of creek- bankdefences the most notable were four wo oden stockades at Soparamade by G eneral Luis de Mello Pereira, soon after the cession ofBassein Of fortified custom-houses o r factories the chiefwas at Manor

,

4and fortified religious houses are mentioned at

Yerangal near Versova, and at Bandra in Sailsette .

6

In the no rthe ast, south of A sheri and Manor, a line of forts,along the east o r left bank of the Vaitarna, guarded Kelva -Mahimfrom the raids of the Koli chiefs of Jawhar . Of this line of fortstraces remain in the villages of Haloli

,Sakda

,Dhaisar, and Pargaon .

South of the Tansa river, the fort of Mandvi about fifteen milesnorth - east o f Bassein and the stockaded post at the sub -divisionaltown o f Saivan, five miles east of Mandvi, guarded the rich lands ofSopara and Bassein from attacks along the left or south bank of the

Tansa valley . The Tungar and Kamandurg range, running southfromMandvi, protecte d the eastern frontier as far . as the valley of theKamvadi or Bhiwndi river and the Basse in creek. The entrance

to Bassein a long the right or north bank of this creek was blockedby a line of forts} Kambe about two miles west of Bhiwndi

,then

Ju-Nandikna,Gava (Gaunna of the maps) , Phiringpada, Paigaon,

Navgad or Sassu-Navghar, and the striking fo rtified hillo ck near the

sub-divisional town o f Kaman. Further south there was a fo rtletnamed Santa Cruz, on the r iver bank opposite Kalyan, and in the

mainland acro ss from Thana are remains of mansions or granges

which seem to have been fortified. Another row of'

watch - towersguarded the coast from Shirgaon, fifty miles south to Dantivra at

the mouth of the Vaitarna .6

Under the G eneral of the North, these for ts were commanded byoflicers, of whom the chief were the captains of Bassein,

Daman,Chaul, and Salsette. Besides them, between the Vaitarna and

Karanja, were fourteen commandants of forts and stockaded po sts .

7

1 There was a. fort at Bassein from the time of its conquest in 1534 ; but the

resent fortifications are not o lder than about the close of the sixteenth century .

Nairne ’s Konkan, 46. G emelli Careri (1695) noticed that they were still unfinished.

Churchill’s Voyages , IV . 191.2 Salsette was never well defended. There were coast forts at Dharavi and

Versova , a small watch -tower atBandra , and at Thana three small fortlets , one to thenorth of the city a square fort with two bastions named Reis Magos , and tworound towers to the south , St. Pedro and St . Jeronimo . In 1728 complaints weremade of the defenceless state of the island, and the present beautiful fort was begun.

But, according to an Englishwriter (C ross , 1. 48 from the greed of the Jesuits,it was never finished . See Da Cunha

’s Bas sein, 200.

3 Da Cunha’

s Chaul and Bassein, 159. See Places of Interest, Sopara.

4 In 1728 Manor is described as not worthy to be called a fort . 0 . Chron. de Tis .

58.I5 Nairne

’s Konkan, 60. In 1673 the Jesuit college at Bandra had seven guns

mounted in front and a ood store of small arms . Fryer’

s NewAccount, 71.6 Two miles south of hir aon fort is Mahim fort, half a mile further the Phadke

tower, a mile more th e Mad a tower, another mile the Alibag.

fort and Pan tower,further south is the Danda fort , and near Danda the Tankicha tower. South of

this , almost every village , Usarni, Mathana, Yedvan,Kori, andDantivra has its fort .

A little inland are forts at Kartala, Chatelo, and Virathan. Mr. W . B. Mulock,7 Nairne

’

s Konkan, 50.

a 310—58

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

The captains and commandants were cho sen from certain noblefamilies who had a right to the posts . The commands wereusually he ld fo r a term of three year s ; but this was not alwaysthe caSe,

‘

as the captain of Karanja is mentioned as ho lding thec ommand for life .

1 Under the captain in all important places, thegarris on c onsisted of a certain number of Portuguese soldiers, somenative tro ops, and some slaves .

2 To guard the open country nineflying companies , or volcanics, were enlisted, and afterwards, as theMoghals and Marathas grewmore troublesome, fresh companies of

sepoys wer e forined . There were also two tro ops of horse, one atBassein the other at Daman.3 Finally, there was a militia, theowners of every village supplying a fewmen .

4 At sea the Po rtugueseearly established the ir supremacy and fo rced Indian traders to taketheir passes . The coastwas guarded by a line of forts, and companieswere named from the G oa army

-corps to man country boat .5

To keep the rule of the seawas no easy task . In 1570 there weretwo centres of ho stile shipping, one on the Ma labar coast the o ther inthe Persian gulf. Somewr iters describe these r ivals of the Portugueseas peaceful t raders. A few may have been dr iven from trade byPortuguese exactions . But the bulk of them were pirates androver s , who not only seized Po rtuguese ships and ship s carryingPortuguese passes , but landed and pillaged the Portuguesec oasts.

6 So dangerous were they that (15 70) the Por tuguese had tokeep two fleets to act against them, the fleet of the north and the

fleet cf the south .7 In the beginning of the seventeenth century

after the arrival of the Dutch (159 7) and the Englishthe Portuguese ceased to be the first naval power . Till 1624 theycontinued strong enough to force native craft to carry their passes .But with the English capture of Ormuz in 1623 and the Dutch

1 Da Cunha’s Chaul and Bassein, 203 . Of the post of captain, Fryer (1673 ) says

The s everal capitaneos are‘

triennial, which are the alternate governments entailedon the families of the conquerors , and therefore made circular . Every one in hiscourse has his turn to make in some place or other for three years , and uponthese they can borrowor take up money as certain as upon their hereditary estates,the next incumbent being security for the paymentr

’NewA ccount, 73.

2 In A sheri, in the sixteenth century , there is said to have been a garrison of about700 including women and children. The Europeans were chie

‘

fly pardoned criminals.In 1720 there were 150 men and three corporals. (

"Details are given under Asheriin Places of Interest). In 1634 the Bassein garrison was 2400 strong, of Whom _400were Europeans, 200 Native Christians, and 1800 slaves . 0 . Chron. de Tis . IH . 243 .The Thana.garrison, in 1634, was a captain, eight soldiers , and four guns . DaCunha

’s

Chaul and Bassein, 181. The Karanja garrison, in 1634 included a captain, sixsoldiers

,one bombardier, and five messengers . Da Cunha s Chaul and Bassein, 202.

Native soldiers , or pies, arementioned as early as 1534. Do Couto , IV . 96, inNairne’s

Konkan, 51. The Saivan stockade had a captain, twenty-nine Europeans, and 530natives and slaves . Da Cunha, 158.

3 0 . Chron. de Tis. I. 29 - 35 .

4 In Karanja the owners o f villages and others interested in the defence of theisland kept up a force of 100 armed men. Da Cunha

’s Chaul and Bassein, 203 .

In every village the proprietor was bound to have a body of twenty or thirty mentrained in the us e of arms . 0 . Chron. de Tis . I . 29 -3 5.

5 0 Chr on. de Tis . I. 29 - 35.

3 Fryer (NewAccount, 63 ) describes the Malabars (1673 ) as not only seizing cattle,but depopulating whole villages by their outrages , either destroying them by fire

,

and sword or compelling to a.worse fate , eternal and untolerable slavery .

7 Nairne’

s Konkan, 56. In 1728 there were twenty -one’

armed boats at Bassein,

gzgrying from sixteen to eighte en pieces o f ordnance. Da Cunha

’s Chaul andBassein,

Konkan!

THANA .

capl

ture of Kochin in 1663, the claim of supremacy at seawas given“P

A t Bassein, besides the G eneral of the North the captain and the

garrison, there was a factor, a collector or thdnddeir, amagistrate or

oueidor, a police superintendent or meim'

nho, a sea bailiif, a commissary of ordnance almowamfe dos almazen/s, a king

’s so licitor , an

administrator of intes tates, a chief of the night-watch, and a

master-builder.

2 Bes ides at Bassein, there were co llectors, or

thdnddd/rs, at Thana, Agashi, Bandra, and Karanja.

a There was alsoo ccas ionally at Basse in a s coial appeal judge, called a vendor or

overseer, who heard appeals from all the magistrates or ouvidors ofthe north coast. InBassein and Chaul criminal and civil c ases weres ettled by p

magistrates , who were subordinate to the captain of the

fort and were often forced to decide as the captain pleased .4 From

the decision of the magistrate in early times an appeal lay to the

Supreme Court or Relaps o at G oa. Afterwards, about 1587, one ofthe bench of six or eight judges, or desembaz

’

rgadores, was appo intedte Bas sein. These judges, besides appeals, heard important civiland criminal suits . The caseswere conducte d by native pleaders, whoare said not to have had much knowledge of law.

“

Of ' the ' Portuguese land system the available details are givenin the Land Adminis tration Chapter. The chief peculiarity was .

the grant of large areas of land, at from four to ten per cent o f theregular rental, to landlords or fczendeifros . These landlords were

1Nairne’s Konkan, 58. In 1638 Mandelsle no ticed that the Portuguese came outfrom Bassein to the English ship in which he was sailing, and asked the captainin take a.bark to G oa as they feared the Dutch who were roaming about. Da Cunha

’s

Bassein and Chaul, 229 . The English granted passes to native ah'

ing at least asearly as 1734 (see below, p . and perhaps as far back as 1690 amflton’

s NewA ccount, I.2 The Bassein details were , the captain £ 128 158 . (reis his stafi

'

, a M ile,fifteen peons , and two servants £ 3 28 . (mi; four torch-bearers and oil £ 12 78 .

(reis three water -bearers and one umbrella -carrier £ 3 28. (fr ets .thefactor £ 43 (r8i8 his staff, two clerks £ 21 108. (reds . two torch -bearersand oil £ 6 48. (rei8 and 20 peons 198. (tdngds 60 ) the collector or thdnddd'

r £ 43

(refs his stafl’, 20 peons £ 18 158. (“ingots 4 musketeers £ 5 (Mngds

3 . M il: 188. (p ardaos a private 78. (vintens a cle rk £ 6 83 . (11358and guard of five £ 2 128. (reis a translator £ 3 .28. (reis a writer£ 2 68. (reia and a cooper £ 3 128. (reis the magistrate or ouvidor£ 21108 . (rca

'

s his five messen era 58 . (tangds the police superintendent £ 21 108. (reis and

'

s ten constables 98. (tdngds thes ea bailifi

'

on £ 2 118. (reis the commissary of ordnance, abnwm nfe dos

abmazene, £ 6 88. (refs and his clerk £ 2 118. (H is th e king’s

solicitor £ 4 68 . (1118 the administrator of intestates £ 3 178. (reisand his clerk £ 3 178 . (reis the chief of the ni t-watch £ 5 88.

(reis and the master -builder £ 3 188 . (rez'

8 Da unha’

s Chaul and,Bassein, 218, 221, 222 . The Thana details were, a manager or tkdnctddr £ 6 88,(reia and five peons ; a magistrate or caw

‘

dor £ 21108. (reis and five

peons ; a police superintendent or meirinho on £ 3 188. (rats and eight

peons ; a jail-keeper on £ 2 118. (M’

s and two‘

peons and a customs -clerkon £ 4 68 . (refs Da Cunha

’s Chaul and.Bassein, 181-182.

3 Da Cunha’s Chaul and Bassein, 222. In a letter to the king -

of Portugal in 1548Simao Botelho com lains of the M adden as costly , useless, _and o pressive. In his

op inion there shoufil only be twe e t Thena and Karanja, With a t ird at Agashi inwar time . Col. de Mon. Ined. V . 7-8. 4 Nairne

’s Konkan, 48

5 Nairne’s Konkan, 48. A cc ording to G emelli Careri, who was himself a lawyer,

therewere no docto rs of civillawinthe Portuguese territory. The fewnative lawyerswere bad advocates . Churchill, IV . 192.

LandSystem.

Religion.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

generally soldiers o r other Portuguese who deservedwell of the state .The grant was nominally for three .

lives . But, at least in later times,the ho lder seems to have generally succeeded in having the grantrenewed.

1

No right in the land was conceded to the husbandmen or tenants .

They seem to have been treated as part o f the estate and not

allowed to leave it .

2 Bes ides the villages tilled by their tenants,large landholders generally set apart some o f their land as

,a home

farm,and worked it by slave s most of them A fricans .

3 Lands ‘

not

granted on quit- rents were let from year to year , by the heads ofvillages , or mdhtdrds, to husbandmen who paid partly by a share ofthe crop and partly by money cesses .

4 These lands were underthe supervision of state factor s or readers . Towards the close of

the seventeenth century about one -half of the revenue of

the province of Bassein was drawn from quit- rents .

5 The restwas partly land revenue collected from peasant-ho lders , partly the ,

pro ceeds o f cesses .

6

From the beginning to the close o f their rule in Thana, [

withebbs and flows of zeal and of success, the conver sion of the people.

to Chr is tianity continued one o f the chief objects on which the

Portugue se Spent their energy and their wealth. In 1534 G oa wasmade the see of a bishop, and, about the ‘

same ti'

me, when the

Gujarat king ceded Bas sein and Salsette,the great Franciscan

Antonio d o Po rto devo ted himself to the spread of Christianity ?

1 G emelli Careri in Da Cunha’s Chaul and Bassein

,200, 201. Land-

grants to thechurch were permanent. Ditto , 201.

- 2 In 1664, the articles under which Bombay was ceded to the English , stipulate

that Kurambis , Bhandaris , and other people of Portuguese villages were not to be

allowed to settle in Bombay , but were to be fort hwith given to their masters . Born.

G eog. Soc. Trans . III . 69 . In 1675 Fry er (NewAccount , 71) speaks of the gentry as

like petty monarchs, h olding the people in a state of villainage . In 1695 G emelliCareri (Churchill, IV . 197) speaks of the owners of villages as to all intents and

purposes like the feudal lords ofmediaeval times .

3 G reat numbers of house slaves were brought from Africa and spread at lowprices all over the Portuguese territories . G emelli Careri in Churchill, IV .

‘

203.

H amilton (1680 -1720 ) notices that a good store ofM ozambique negroes was brought toIndia. They were held in high esteem by the Indian Portuguese, who made themChristians and sometimes raised them to be priests (NewA ccount , I. Hamilton

also notices (Ditto , I. 24 ) the import of slaves from E thiopia . In driving off the MaskatA rabs from Diu in 1670 African slaves are noted (Ditto , 140 ) as behaving with greatgallantry. At the fall of Bassein (1739 ) negroes are mentioned in the stipulations

about the release of prisoners . Jervis ’

Konkan, 130.

4 G emelliCareri says , Peasants that hold in fee pay an imposition according to whatthey areworth every four months to the king’

s factors o r treasurers . Churchill, IV. 198.

5 MS. Records inNairne’s Konkan, 49 .

6 The chief cesses were on stone, salt -

pans , fishers , liquor , and shops . A list

is given in Reg. I. of 1808, and a summary in the Land Administration Chapter.

One cess was a money commutation for supplying a certain number of horses . The

commutation for an Ar ab horse was Rs . 132, and for a country horse Rs . 89 . MS.Records in Nairne

’

s Konkan, 49 .

7 Except two monks of the order of the Blessed Trinity‘

who came with Vasco daG ama in 1498 but were killed before making any converts the Franciscans . were thefirstmonks to come

,to India. Eight of them came in 1500. The Dominicans were

next , arriving in 1513 , but they were never so powerful or s o successful as the

Franciscans . The rise of the Jesuits dates from the arrival (if St. Francis Xavier in1542 . A fourth religious body , the H ospitallers , came to India about 1681, but neverrose to power . Da Cunha

’s

'

Chaul and Bassein, 99 , 227. G emelli Carerimentions a

21

3th

gody the Recolets at Tarapur these were a branch of Franciscans . Churchill

1 8.

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

!Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

whipped outwith scourges . The place was unhealthy and the villagehad

_

to be moved to a higher site .

1 While the JBeuits were so

successful in Bassein and in Thana, Manue l G omes a Franciscanmade (1575 so many converts in salsette, about 6000 inBandra alone , that he gained the name of the Apostle of salsette,and won for his order the high post of Christian Fathers in all the

villages of Salsette and Karanja .

2

During the s eventeenth century the conversion of H indus, andthe building of churches and monasteries was continued, and thechurch, especially the Jesuits , grew in wealth and power .

3 In 1634

there were sixty- three friars at Basse in, thirty of them Franciscans,fifteen Jesuits

“

, ten Dominicans , and eight Augustines.4 The parts

about Bassein were thickly peopled with Christians, and the citywas studdedwith Franciscan, Dominican, and Jesuit chapels .

5'

At

Thana there was a cathedral and many churches .” In 1664 the

Jesuits suifered by the transfer of Bombay to the English. Butthe church was r icher and more powerful than ever . In 1673 therewere, in Thana, seven churches and co lleges, and in Bassein six

churches, four co lleges,and two convents fl All the people in

salsette were Christians,8 and the Bandra Jesuits lived sumptuously,most of Se’ dsette being theirs .

9

Persuasion seems to have been the chief means of conversion.

Two hundred years earlier, in 1320, three or - four Latin fr iars,in spite of Musalman persecution,

found the H indus and Parsisready to listen and be converted. The zeal of the early Portuguesefriars, their generous gifts of alms, and their kind care of orphans,made many believe that the new faith was better than the old faith,and

,in later t imes, o ther converts Were won by the splendour of

the Chr istian churches and the pomp of the Christian ceremonies.Conver ts, especially high caste converts, were treated with honourand distinction, and

,for the fi rst fifteen years after conversion

,the

poorer class of Christians were freed from the payment of tithes andfirst fruits .

10 The fact that the people of Bandra remained H industill about 1580, seems to showthat the earlier conversions were the

result of per suasion and encouragement, not of force . At the.

same time, from before the middle of the sixteenth century, thepersuasion and encouragement to become Christians were

”

accompanied by rules discouraging and suppres sing H induism . In 1546

the king of Portugal ordered ido ls to be broken, idol-makers and

perfo rmers of‘

Hindu rites to be punished, and mosques to paytribute .

11 These o rders were not enforced and were renewed in

1 Oriente Conquistado , 2nd Ed. p . 32.

2 Da Cunha’

s Chaul and Bas sein, 196. The duties of the ChristianFather, or PaterChristianorum ,

were to further Christianity , to fosterChristians, and to gatherothersto Christ. (Ditto The Jesuits “

held this office in G oa and Kochin, and theDominicans in Chaul and Diu. Ditto.

3 Among s eventeenth century churches were three in Thana built in 1605 , theJesuit college of St. Anne ’

s in Bandra begun in 1620, and the chapel of Mount Mary,also at Bandra ,

probably about 1640.

4 Da Cunha’

s Chaul and Bassein, 241. 5 Da Cunha’s Chaul and Bassein, 101;

6 Da Cunha’

s Chaul and Bassein, 182.7 Nairn

'

e’s Konkan, 54

8. Fryer’

s NewAccount, 73 . 9 Fryer’s NewA ccount

, 7010 Nairne

’

s Konkan, 55. 11 Nairne’

s Konkan, 55.

Konkan}

THANA .

1555. Feasts and ceremonies, and Brahman preachings washingsand burnings were forbidden ;1 any one found with idols was to bes ent to the galleys and his property forfeited. These orders werefor a time evaded by the grant of licenses , but they seem to havebeen enforced in

In 1560 the Inquisition was established in G oa, and by 1580

agents of the Inquis ition, called commissaries, were atwork in Chaul,Bassein, and Daman, collecting offenders and sending them for trialand punishment to G oa.

“ During the seventeenth century the powerandwealth of the church increased. In 1673 they are said to haveheld most of salsette .

4 In 1695 the revenue of the church was saidto be greater than the

‘

revenue of the king,‘s and in 1720 the powerof the church was so great that they supervised the G eneral of the

North and made his government both uneasy and precarious .

6

The wealth of the church came partly from fines, tithes, first fruits,and state grants of m oney, but chiefly from gifts of land made bo thbytheKing and by private persons .

7

On thewho le Por tuguese rule did good to the country. Till themiddle of the seventeenth century order was well kept and life and

property were fairly safe, large areas of salt waste and salt mar shwere reclaimed

,tillage was spread, and better and richer cr0 ps were

grown. The country was covered with fine buildings the churchwas rich and bountiful ; the nobles and landlordswere wealthy and

prosperous, and the tenants, though they“

had little freedom,seem

.to have been well ofi . In 1630, G o ez wro te that the persecution of

the Portuguese h ad driven the people into the neighbouringterritories, and that between Bassein and Daman the greater par t of

1 Naime’s Konkan, 55 .

2 Nairne’s Konkan, The viewthat during the sixteenth century there was

ractical freedom from reli'

ous persecution in Portuguese territory is supporte d byFulke G revile’s remark in 1 99 , that at

'

G oa“

.people of all nations were allowed to liveafter their own manners and religion, only in matters of justice they were ruled

b Portuguese law. Bruce ’s Annals , I. 126. This tolerance seems to have lasted

tdlmuch later times, as Baldaeus'

about 1662 (Churchill'

s Voyages, III. 545) noticesthat -Kanarins, Moors , and Pagans of all nations ,

!y d Hamilton, about 1700 (New

Account, I . notices that many G‘

entoos , l ved in G oa. Careri (Churchill’s

Voyages, IV. 203 ) about the same time s tates that most of the merchants in G oawere idolators and Muhammadans who lived by themselves and had no public use oftheir religion.

3 Dellon in 1683'

ves an account of the cruelties practised at the Goa Inquisition.

Compare H ough’s Christianity in India, I. 212 - 237. The Goa Inquisition was closed

in 1774 itwas again opened in 1779 , andwas finally suppressed in 1812. Da Cunha’

s

Chaul and Bassein, 235.

4 F er’s NewA ccount, 70. Fryer (1673 ) is one of the fewEnglish writers who takes

the si s of the priests. ‘All had nowbowed to the cro ss , had they not been preventedby unha py pretenders who

lpreferred merchandise and private piques

‘

to the

welfare 0 religion. It is more y probable , had not the Dutch and we interfered, allmight have been Christians in these parts of the world.

’

NewAccount, 75 .

5 G emelli Careri .in Churchill, IV. 198."

0 Hamilton ’

s NewAccount, I. 180.7 Half of the property of a man fpund With Id

‘

ols went to the church. Nairne’s

Konkan, 55 . Of money grants the wear of K_aranja got £ 9 (reis orphanagesand monas teries got cash nts the Christian Father s were paid by the s tate , anold mosque fund was m 9 over to the church . There were many g

rants of. lands,and, unlike land grants to p

rivate persons , lands given to the chute belonged to itfor ever. Da Cunha

’

s Chan and Bassein, 102, 187, 201, 203, 235.

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DISTRICTS .

the land was untilled .

1 If this account is correct the districts soon

recovered their pro sper ity . In 1634.the island of Karanja was so

well managed that its surplus revenue was used to help to spreadreligion in and out of India .

2

During the sixteenth and the first par t of the seventeenthcenturies, the wild no rth- east of Thana. remained under the Kolichiefs of Jawbar, and, except for a year or two at the beginningof the seventeenth century, the south-east or Kalyan districtremained under Ahmadnagar .

3 On Malik Ambar’s death, in 1626,Kalyan passed to the Moghals . In 1632 Shahj i, Shivaji

’s father ,

in the name of a child of the Ahmadnagar family, seized Nasik,

Trimbak, Sangamner, Junnar, and Kalyan . In 1635 a Moghalofficer was sent to recover the Konkan from Shahji, and forced -him

to take refuge in the hill- fort o f Mahuli, and at last to surrender .

4

In 1636, as Adil Khan of Bijapur agreed to pay tr ibute, the Konkan

was made over to him,and in the following year (163 7) Shahp

entered the service of Bijapur .

5,

For ten years the province of

Kalyan, which is represented as stretching from the Vaitarna to

the Nagothna river , remained under Bijapur .

6 The places speciallyno ticed as ceded to Bijapur are Jival or Chaul, Babal or Pabalperhaps the port of Panvel, Danda -Rajpuri, and Chakan in westPoona .

7 In 1648, by the capture of Kalyan, Shivaji began the

series of aggressions, which, after a century of disorder , ended in theMarathas gaining the who le of . Thana, except the island of Bombayand some tracts in the wild north - east .8 Kalyan town was retakenby the Moghals about 1661;

9 but Shivaji seems .to have continuedto hold part of the Kalyan district, as in 1663 he co llected a forcenear Kalyan, and, in 1666, seems to have had an officer whom hestyled governor of Kalyan.

10

Trade. In the North Konkan ports, the sixteenth and the first half ofthe seventeenth centur ies

,between the arrival of the Por tuguese and

the establishment of the English at Bombay, was on thewhole a timeo f declining trade . At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Chauland Thana, especially Chaul, were great centres of fore ign trade,having direct dealings westwards with the Persian Gulf, the Arabiancoast, Egypt, and the A frican coast ; south with Ceylon ; and eastwith Chittagong, Achin in Sumatra, and Malacca .

11.In the latter

1 Calcutta Review, V. 271, inDa Cunha’s Chaul and Bassein, 143 . Tarapur was

very rich , the best and most prosperous of the Daman districts .

’Do Couto , VIII . 28,

208 in Nairne’

s Konkan, 44 .2 Da Cunha

’s Chaul and Bassein , 203 .

3 Musalman,writers include the north -eas t of Thana inBaglan, which, according to

their accounts, stretched to the sea. See Elliot and Dow-on, VII. 66.

4 Elliot and Dowson, VII, 59 . 5 Ellio t and Dowson, VII. 35, 52, and 57.6 G rant

.

Dufi’s Marathas , 63 . A line from Bhiwndi to Mahuli is perhaps nearer the

actual limi t. Baldaeus (1666) puts the north boundary of Bijapur at Danno (Dahanu),thirty miles from Daman where the Bijapur and Moghal territories divided Malabarand Co

'

romandel coast. Churchill’

s Voyages , III. 540.7 Elliot and Dowson, VII. 256, 271.8 Nairne

’s Konkan, 62. 9 G rant Duff’s Marathas, 86.

10 Jervis ’ Konkan, 92.11Albuquerque (1500) mentions Chaul vessels‘trading to Malacca. Commentaries,III. 200. The crewwere Moors , the lading from Malacca was pepper, silk, sandalwood, and wood aloes . Ditto 200. The chief export to Malacca was cloth. Ditto 69 .

KOnkanJ

THANA

part of the sixteenth century their old share of the commerce withEurope left the North Konkan ports for G oa and fo r Diu in southKathiawar . Still Bassein, Mahim, Thana, and Chaul maintained a

large coasting traffic with the Malabar , Gujarat, and Sindh“

ports,and a considerable foreign trade with the Persian Gulf, the Arabianand African coasts, and

,to s ome extent, with Ceylon and the east.

ln‘

the seventeenth century the direct European trade, center ing inSurat in the hands o f the British and the Dutch, passed mo re

completely from the Konkan po rts, and in the decay of Portuguesepower the foreign trade with Persia, A rabia, Africa, and the eastdeclined .

1 There remained little but a coasting traffic, chiefly no rthwith Surat and south with G oa .

Under the Portuguese , foreign trade was a monopo ly o f the

king. Most of the local sea trade was in the hands of freetraders or inter lopers, whom the Po rtuguese government tried toput down.

2 The Bassein timber trade was chiefly carried on by the

captains of forts and other government oflicers .

3

During this perio d the chief local martswere Chaul, Thana, Mahim,

and Bas sein ; and among places of less importance were Panvel,Kalyan, Bhiwndi,Kelva-Mahim

, Agashi, Tarapur and Bombay.

4 The

chief marts with which_

the Thana ports were connected were ,in

India, Cambay Diu and Surat in Gujarat, and Diul-Sindhi in Sindh

G oa,Kalikat,Kochin, andKulamontheMalabar coast ;and Chittagongon the Bay of Bengal ;

.

Of foreign marts there were Ormuz and

Maskat in thePer sian G ulf, andShehr Julfar and Kalat on the Arabiancoast Soco tra and Aden at the mouth of the Red Sea Mo cha Jiddaand the Abyssinian coast on the Red Sea ; Zaila, Quiloa, Brava,Mombas a, Melinda

,Megadozo , and Sofala in East A frica ;

Co lombo in the south and,in the east, Malacca and A chin.

5

The articles of trade between the Konkan coast and these difierentmarts were , of Food, r ice, pulse, vegetables, cocoanuts, and

1 The Portuguese lost Ormuz in the Persian Gulf in 1622 , Maskat in 1650 ; and

the east African ports between 1624 and 1698. Hamilton’

s NewAccount, I. 60 , 103Badger

’s Varthema

, ex.2 Nairne

’s Konkan, 56.

3 In 1581 the king complained of the Blackne ss of officers in their duties, and

because they made everything second to the gains of trade. Da Cunha’

s Chaul and

Bassein, 144.

4 Chaul,1502, a great .p1ace of trade , Badger

’s Varthema, 114, and Linschoten

’s

(1590 ) Navigation , 20 . Thana, 1538 , an emporium and chief town in decay (DomJ0 50 de Castro Primeiro Roteiro , 70 -75) exports rice (Frederick (1583 ) Harris , II .

has trade andmanufactures (1627 , 0 . Chron. de Tis . III. Mahim, 1514, a place ofsmall trade, Barbosa, Stanley ’

s Edition, 68 1554, has direct tradewith A rabia, MohitJour . Ben. A s . Soc . V -2 , 461 ; Bas sein, 1500, Gujarat port, Bird’

s Mirat-i-Ahmal

di,

129 1514, a great place of trade , Barbosa, 68 1526, a Portuguese factory 1534 , a

Portuguese capital ; 1583 , a chief place of trade, Fitch in Harris , I . 207 ; 1590 , a

great place of trade , Linschoten’s Navigation,

20 1607, a great place of trade , Pyrardde Laval (Portuguese Edition) , II. 226 1654, the English Company beg Cromwell togrant them Bassein. Bruce

’

s Annals , I. 488. Of the smaller places, Panvel, Kalyan,and Bhiwndi are mentioned as Gujarat trad e centres about 1500. Bird

’

s M_irat-r

Ahmadi, 129 . Kelva-Mahim was destroyed by the Portuguese in 1530 Agashi , also

t'wice destroyed, was a great ship-building centre in 1530 ,and

.

was flourishing.

in

1540 Do Couto , IV. 99 Tarapurwas destroyed in 1530 , andwas rich'

in food supphes

in 1627. 0 Chron. de T is . III. 258 Bombay is mentioned by Lmschoten (1590) andby Baldaeus (1660) in Ch

'

urchill, III. 540 .

5 Bad er’s Varthema, 1500, Commentaries of Albuquerque , 1500, Stanley s Barbosa,

1514, chit (1554) Jour . Ben. As . Soc. V -2 ; Dav1s’ Voyage (1598) Kerr ’s Voyages ,

II. and VI Baldseus (1660) Churchill’

s Voyages , 111. 513 - 516.

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DISTRICTS.

betelnuts, which were sent from the Thana ports”

'

to Gujarat}Malabar , Persia, Arabia, and A frica ; cocoanuts, betelnuts, and palmsugar

, which were brought to the Konkan ports from the Malabarcoast ;1 dates and raisins which came from the Persian Gulf and theArabian coast ;2 and Spanish wines and cases of strong waters whichwere brought from Europe .

3 Of Building Materials, large basaltco lumns and pillars as fine and hard as granite ’ were sentfrom Bassein to G oa ;

4and great quantities of the finest teak

were sent to G oa, Gujarat, Sindh, and occasionally to the PersianGulf and the Red Sea .

5 Of articles of Dress , co tton cloth madein the district, co loured clo th, gauze, and muslins embroideredwith silver and go ld, brought by land from Burhanpur andMasulipatam, were sent to the Malabar coast, Diu, Persiar Arabia,and Africa.

“ There was a considerable local manufacture of silks

1 1500, immense quantities of grain barley and vegetables grown in the Kcnkan,r’

s Varthema, 114 ; 1500, rice sent to the Malabar coast , Kerr'

s Voyages, II.419 ; 1500, whea t to Africa, Vasco da G ama

’s Three Voyages, 129 ; 1514, arecas and

cocoas sent to and from the Malabar coas t, wheat rice millet and sesamum sent toGujarat and Sindh, rice and cocoanuts to Ormuz, rice to Dhafar and

,

Shehr in

A rabia, rice and coco anuts to A den, rice millet and wheat to Africa, Stanley’s

Barbosa, 18, 30, 42 , 68 ; 1583, co rn and rice grown in the Konkan, Fitch in Harris,I. 207 1585 , rice grown in the Kcnk

’

an, Caesar Frederick Hakluyt, II. 344 1590, rice

peas' and vegetables grown in the Kcnkan, . Linschoten, 20 ; revisions sent

to Surat, 0 . Chron. de Tis . III. 258. 1510, Stanle ’s Barbosa ,41-42,

-meutions thatmuch rock-saltwas sent from Ormuz to India. Se t is not likely to have been indemand on the Thana coast.2 1514, dates and raisins brought from Ormuz, Shehr, and Aden Stanley

'

s Barbosa,28, 31, 33 , 42 .

6 Local Trade, 1500 , cotton s tuffs in gr eat ; sentto Koch in, Three Voyages, 364 , and to Africa, ditto 287 1514, octton stuffs coarse

and fine sent to Diu , to_Ormuz, to Shehr and Dhafar in Arabia, to Aden, and to the

African ports, Barbosa, 28, 30-31, 42 - 60 ; 1538, old cloth and plain cloth,Primeiro R oteiro, 70 - 75 1585, black and red cloth, Fre erick in Hakluyt, II. 344 ;1590, Linschoten

’s Navigation, 20 ; 1627, cotton cloth, 0 . Chron. de Tis. III. 258.

Inland Trade, 1554, muslins from Kandhar (in the Deccan), Daulatabad,Burbanpur, and Paithan came to Mahim and were sent to Arabia, Mohit in Jour.Ben. As . Soc. V -2, 461 ; 1660 , chintz was brought from Masulipatam throughG olkonda, Chandor, and Nasik

, and sent to G oa for Europe and to Persia. andArabia, Thevenot in Har ris, II. 362 . _Very fine clo th from Khandesh, some painted,others with a mixture of silver and

gold, used for veils, scarves, and handkerchiefS;

ditto 373 , 384. Apparently fine mus‘

ns,came by sea from Bengal, Barbosa, 179 .

Konkan ]

THANA

and velvets ,1 and silk stuffs, brocades, and co loured silks werebrought through the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea, and round the

Cape of G ood Hope .

2 OfWoollens,‘ blankets were made in Thana, 3

and rugs , scarlet wo ollens , coarse camlets , and Norwich stuffswere brought from Europe round the Cape, and by the Red

Sea and the Persian Gulf.4 There was an export'

of sandals and an

import o f Spanish shoes .

5 Among miscellaneous articles of dre ssbrought from Europe were gloves, belts, girdles , beaver hats, andplumes of feathers .

6 Of_Personal Ornaments, jewels, pearls, and

s trings of agate beads , went from Chaul to the A rabian coast, 7 and

turquoises, pearls , and lapis lazuli came to t he Konkan from the

Per sian Gulf ;3 ivo ry came from Abys sinia and was a great articleo f trade at Chaul ;9 and cut and branch coral came from Europe .

10

Of Spices, inwhich there was a great trade,11

pepper came from the

Malabar coast and Sumatra, c innamon from Ceylon, camphor fromBorneo , and cloves from the Mo luccas , partly direct par tly throughthe Malabar ports . These spices were used locally, sent inland, orre

- exported to Persia and Arabia .

12 Of Drugs, opium is mentionedas brought from Burhanpur inKhandesh and from Aden .

13 Of dyes ,indigo was brought from Burhanpur 14 madder from Arabia

,

115

dragon’s blood from So co tra,” vermilion from Ormuz, Aden, and

Europe,"

and pigeon’s dung from A frica .

18 Of Perfumes,rose

water was brought from Ormuz and A den.

19 Of Metals, go ldwas brought from Sofala and A byssinia in Africa, and in ingo tsand co ined from Europe ;

20silver, copper, brass , and lead came

from Europe ;21

and quicksilver from Ormuz and Aden, and

1 1580 , Thana the seat of a great velvet manufacture , Yule’s Marco Polo , II . 3 30 ,3 31 ; 1583 ,

'

a great trafiic in silk and silk cloths, Fitch' in Badger’s Varthema,

1620 , silk, 0 . Chron. de Tis .( III. 258 .

2 1502 , coloured silks from Europe by the Cape, Vasco da G ama’

s Three Voyages ,1514, through Ormuz, and from Europe through Mecca and Aden , Barbo sa,

27, 42 1614, rich velvets and satins from Europe, Stevens on’s Sketch of Discovery ,

402-403 ; 1631, silk stockings and ribbons , Bruce’

s Annals , I. 308.3 1585, blankets made in Thana, Caesar Frederick in Hakluyt , II . 344.

4 1500, by the Cape , rugs and scarlet cloth , Vasc o da G ama ’

s Three Voyages,1510 , from Europe through M ecca, wo ollens and camlets , Stanley ’

s Barbosa,28 and from the west, through Ormuz, scarlet woollens and coarse camlets , ditto42 ; 1614, by the Cape , Norwich stuffs , Stevenson 402.

5 Sandals exported, 1585, Fitch in Badger s V arthema, 113. Spanish shoes

imported , 1631; Stevenson, 406.

B 1614 and 1631, Stevenson ,402 - 406 Bruce ’

s Annals , I. 308.

7 1510 , Stanley ’

s Barbosa, 28 - 31. 3 Stanley ’s Barbosa, 42 .

9 Stanley ’s Barbosa, 18 ; Fitch in Badger

’s V arthema , 113 .

10_Vasco da G ama

’

s Three Voyages , 344. Emeralds and o ther precious stones set in

enamel are also mentioned as coming from Europe, 1614. Stevens on , 402 403 .

11 1585, Fitch in Badger’

s V arthema, 113 .

- 12 1500, Badger’s V arthema , 124 Vasco da G ama’

s Three Voyages, 364 ; 1514,Stanley

’s

'

Barbo sa, 31, 42, 68, 203 1512 , Kerr’s Voyages , VI . 66.

13 Burhanpur , 1660 , Thevenot in Harris,II. 373 -384 A den, 1510 , Stanley ’

s Barbosa,28, and Kerr

’

s Voyages , II . 524.14 Thevenot in Harris , II. 373 - 384.

15 Badger’

s V arthema, 85. 16 Stanley ’

s Barbosa, 30 .

17 Stanley ’s Barbosa, 28, 42 ; Vasco da G ama’

s Thre e Voyages, 344.

13 Stanley’

s Barbosa , 79.

'

19 Badger’s V ar thema, 11, 181 Stanley ’

s Barbosa, 28, 42 .

20 Stanley’

s Barbo sa, 5 , 11 1628, Kerr’s Voyages, II. 402, 516 ; Terry (1618) m

Kerr’s Voyages , IX . 392.

21 Silver , Terry ,in Kerr

’s Voyages, IX. 392 ; copper, Stanley’

s Barbosa, 27,Vasco da G ama

’

s Three .Voyages , 344 ; brass and lead, Kerr , II . 517. G reat

quantities of copper were sent inland and worked into cooking pots , Barbosa, 70.

Lead was one of the first articles imported by the English, Bruce’s Annals, I . 129.

PORTUGUESE.1500 1670.

[BombayGazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

round the Cape from Europe .

1 Of articles of Furniture and

Hardware,desks and blackwo od tables inlaid with ivory were made

in Thana,

2and arras hangings, large lo oking-glasses , figures in

brass and stone, cabinets, pictures, fine basins and ewers, drinkingand perspective glasses, swords with inlaid hilts, saddles, fowlingpieces, toys, and knives were brought from Europe .

3 Of Animals,dogs were brought from Europe,

4 horses from the Per sian Gulf andthe A rab coast,

5and elephantsfrom Ceylon .

6 Pilgrims were carriedto Mecca and slaves were brought from Abys sinia.

7

The chief changes in the merchants were the disappearance of theChinese, and the decrease of Arabs and Turks, and, to some extent,of local Musalmans . Of new comers therewere the Portuguese , and,o ccasionally, though they had few direct dealings with the northKonkan

,English, Dutch, French, and Danes . In the beginning of

the sixteenth century many Mo orishm erchants are no ticed at Chaul,and trading from Chaul to the Malabar coast s H indus

,as in

previous per iods, are found at long distances from India . A shipwith a Hindu captain is met in the Red Sea ;

9and the Portuguese

and Dutch found Hindus in the Persian Gulf, in Mocha, in theA frican

” ports, in Malacca, and in A chin in Sumatra .

10

During this per iod the Thana coastwas famous for its ship -building.

Between 1550 and 1600 great ships built atAgashi, and Basse in mademany voyages to Europe ,

11and

,in 163 4

,the English had four pinnaces

built for the coast trade, two at Daman and two at Bassein .

12 ThePortuguese historian G aspar Co rrea gives a fuller description thanany previous wr iter of the craft which were built at this time in the

Konkan ports . The local boats in ordinary usewere of two kinds, onewhich had the planking j oined and sewn together with co ir thread,the o ther who se planks were fastened with thin nails with broadheads which were rivetted inside with o ther broad heads fitted on .

1 Ormuz, Stanley ’s Barbosa, 42 ; Aden, ditto 28 ; the Cape, Vasco da G ama’

s Three

Voyages , 344 ; much of the quicks ilver went inland, Stanley ’s Barbosa, 70 .

2 1627 , 0 . Chron. de Tis . III. 258 .

3 1614, Stevenson, 402 - 403 ; Bruce’

s Annals , I. 308.4 1614, Stevenson, 402.

5 1510 , Stanley ’

s Barbosa, 25, 42 ; Commentaries of Albuquerque , I . 63 , 83 .

5 Stanley ’

s Barbosa , 167.7 1618, Terry in Kerr

’

s Voyages , IX. 392 ; 1500, Badger‘s V arthema, 86 1510,

Stanley ’

s Barbosa , 18.8 1500, Badger

’

s Varthema, 114, 151.

9 1612 , Bountou in Kerr’s Voyages , VIII. 426. In the Persian Gulf near Maskat,

Albuquerque’

s Commentaries , I. 100.

10’

InAfrica, Stanley ’

s Barbosa, 13 , Castanh eda in Kerr’

s Voyages , II. 378, Vasco daG ama

’

s Three Voyages , 137, note 1 in A chin, Davis’ Voyage (Ed. 143

A lbuquerque (1510) found large numbers of Hindus who seem to have been chieflysoutherners Quilons and Chitims in Malacca. They were governed by a Hindu in

accordancewith Hindu customs (Com. III , 146 compare Barbosa, 193 , There

were Hindu rulers in Java and Sumatra . (Ditto , III. 73 , 79 , 151 Four Malabar!

went with Vasco da Gama (1500) to Portugal and came back to Kalikat on theirreturn the Zamorinwould not see them as they were only fishermen. Kerr

’

s Voyages,II . 406 . In 1612 (Kerr

’s Voyages, VIII. 476) Sarris got a letter from the Shahbandar

o f Mocha in the Banian language and character and in 1660 Baldaeus (Churchill,‘III

513 - 515 ) mentions Banian temples at Mocha. In 1603 Benedict G oes foundBrahmans at G ialalabath south of the Oxus ; the king of Bokhara allowed them to levya toll. Yule ’

s Cathay, II. 559 . In 1637 Olearius (Voyages, 200) found Indianmerchants in Ispahan in Persia, apparently Hindus .11 DO 0 013130 , IV . 99 . Pyrard, French Edition, II. 114. No place had better timberthanBassein. Dltto, 115. 19 Bruce

’

s Annals, I. 334.

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[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

According to Varthema (1500) the Kalikat boats were Open andof three or four hundred butts in size . They were built withoutoakum

, as the planks were jo ined with very great skill. They laidon pitch outs ide and used an immense quantity of iron nails . The

sails Were of cotton, and at the fo o t of each sail was a second sailwhich they Spread to catch the wind. Their anchors were of stonefas tened by two large ropes .

l One of these Kalikat vessels ismentioned of 140 tons, with fifty- two of a crew, twenty to bail outwater and fo r o ther purpo ses below, eight for .

the helm, four for thetop and yard busines s, and twenty boys to dress provisions .

2 Verylarge boats are mentioned as trading to the Coromandel coast .3

Many fo reignships visited the Thana perts . In the beginning of

the s ixteenth century, Maskat was a great ship sbuilding place .

In 1510 A lbuquerque found two very large ships ready to launchand a fleet of thirty- four ships great and small.4 The establishmentof Po rtuguese power in the Persian Gulf seems to have depres sedthe lo cal seamen

, as in the beginning of the seventeenth century thePersian Gulf boats are descr ibed as from forty to sixty tons, theplanks sewn with date fibre and the tackle of date fibre . The anchorwas the only bit of . iron .

5 The Red Sea ships were larger and

better built and were managed with great skill.6 In the beginningo f the sixteenth century large junks from Java and Malacca came

to the Coromande l and Malabar coasts , and may occas ionally havevisited Chaul . 7

The greatest change in the shipping of this period was the

introduction of the square - rigged Portuguese vesse ls .

‘

They causedmuch '

astonishment at Anjidiv ; the people had never seen

any ships like them .

8 The vessels in Vasco da G ama’

s first fleet(149 7 - 1500) varied from two hundred to

'

fifty tons .9 The size was

1 Badger’s Varthema, 152 - 154. Of these larger ships the flat-bottomed were called

Sambuchis and those with keels Capels . Sambuchis seem .to be Sambuks and

Capels th e same as Caravels , round lateen-rigged boats of 200 tons . (Com. of Alb. I.Of smaller boats there were p rams of ten paces , all of one piece with cars and a cane

mast a lmadz’

as also all of one piece with a mast and cars and katars two -prowed,thirteen paces king, and very narrow and swift. These ka turs were used/ by pirates(Ditto ) . A fewy ears later Barbosa (p. 147) describes the ships of the Mo ors ofKalikat,as of about 200 tons, with keels but without nails, the planks sewn with mat cords,well pitched, the timber very go od. They were Without decks , but had divisionsfor stowing the merchandise separately.

2 1612, Bountou in Kerr’s Voyages, VIII. 425.

3 1500, Vasco da G ama’s Three Voyages , 3 39. They carried more than 1000

measures of rice of 105 pecks each .

4 Commentaries , I. 71, 81, 82 . 5 John Eldred in Kerr ’s Voyages, ‘VIII. 6.

6 One is mentioned in 1500 of 600 tons and 300 fighting men and bands of music

with s even elephants (Kerr ’

s Voyages, II. 412 ) anothe r in 1502 had 700 men (Vascoda G ama

’s Three Voyages, 315) another in

'

the same year had 300 passengers(Kerr

’s Voyages , 11. 435

7 Stanley’

s Barbosa, 193 Albuquerque’s Commentaries, III. 63 . So skilfulwere

fire J

l

ai

é

a boat-builders that Albuquerque (1511) brought sixty of them to G oa. Ditto,I. 68 1498, Kerr

’s Voyages , II. 388. What astonished the people was the number of

ropes and the number of sails ; itwas not the size of the ships . Vasco da Game’

s

Thre e Voyages , 145 , 149 .

9 The details were , the San G abriel, the San Raphael, the Birrio , and a transportf or provisions called a naveta (Lindsay

’

s Merchant Shipping, II . The size of

these boats is generally given at from 100 to 200 tons (Kerr’

s Voyages, II. But

Konkan]

THANA.

soon increased to 600 and 700 tons1 a change Which had the

important effect of forcing foreign trade to centre at one or two

great ports. Of smaller vessels the Portuguese had caravels andgalleys.

2 Before the clo se of the sixteenth century the size of the

European East Indiamen had greatly increased . As early as 1590,the Portuguese had ships of 1600 tons ; in 1609 the Dutch had shipsof 1000 tons ; and in x l615 there was an English -ship of 1293 tons .

3

H indu captains and sailors are mentioned} but the favourite seamen

were Arabs and Abyssinians .

“ A great advance had been made innavigation. The Musalmans of Mozambique (1498) used Geno esecompasses, and regulated their voyages by quadrants and sea

charts ;6 the Moor s were so well instructed in s o many arts of

navigation that they yielded little to the Portuguese.

7 Trade wasstill harassed by pirates, though they seem to have been lessformidable than they had been in the fifteenth century or than theyagain were in the seventeenth century. Before the pirates wereput down by the Po rtuguese, Bombay harbour, G oa, and Porka on

the Kalikat coast were no ted centres of piracy .

8

Mr. Lindsay thinks they were larger between 250 and 300 tons register.‘The picture

he gives shows the San G abriel to have been a three -mas ted vessel with a highnarrowpoop and a high fomcastle. The Gujarat batela. and the A rab botel seemfrom their name (Port. bate!a boat) and from the shape of their stem s to have beencopied from Portuguese models .

’

See Appendix A .

1 The 1502 fleet was one 700, one 500, one 450, one 350, one 230, and one 160 -ton

ships, Kerr’s Voyages, II. 521 in the 1503 fleetwas one 600-ton sh

ip. Ditto, V.

2 In 1524 Vasco da G ama brought out some caravels which were tted with lateenriggin inDabhol. Three Voyages, 308. Of galleys Dom J0 50 de Castro (1540) noticesthree inds bastardos

'

from 20 to 300 tons , 130 soldiers and 140 men decked, withsails and 27 benches o f th ree cars ; subtis, 25 benches of three cars , the crew andsize the same as baatardos andfustaa, smallerwith 17 benches of two oars . PrimeiroRo teiro , 275 .

3 In1592 a Portuguese carack of 1600 tonswas caught and taken as‘

aprize to Dartmouth. Itwas 165 feet long, 46feet b road, and 31feet draugh t. Its mam mas t was121feet long and its main yard 106 feet. It had seven stories, one main orlop, threeclose decks , one forecas tle, and a

l

e

per deck . Milburn’

s Oriental Commerce , I. 306.In 1600 Pyrard (Voyage, French ed . 114)mentions a Por tuguese carack of 2000 tons .In 1616

,a Portuguese carack of 1600 tons had a brilliant fight with four English

vessels. Low’s Indian Navy, I. 25-27 . The first English fleet in the

'

east included one

ship of 600 tons with 200 men, one of 3 00 tons with 100 men, one of 260 tons with 80men, one of 240 tons with 80 men, and one of 100 tons with forty men. Bruce

’

sAnnals, I. 129. Up to 1600 there was no English ship over 400 tons . Milburn’

s

Oriental Commerce , 1. IX . In 1615 the English East India Navy included one shipof 1293 tons , one of 1100, one of 1060, one of 900, one of 800 , and others o f 600.

Stevenson, 150 . _The first Dutch fleet in the eas t (1598) included the H ope 250tons, the Charity 160 tons , the Faith 160 tons , the Fidelity 100 tons, and the G oodNews 75 tons . Kerr

’s Voyages, V III. 65 . In 1604 the Dutch had ships of from 600

to 800 tons. Milburn’s Oriental Commerce, 11. 369 . In 1609 they had three ships of

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

In November 1064, the island of Bombay passed from thePortuguese to the English The English had for years been anxiousto gain a station on the Konkan coast.1 In June 1661, as part ofthe dower of his sister Katherine, the King of Portugal ceded theis land and harbour of Bombay, which the English understood toinclude Salsette and the o ther harbour islands .

2 In March 1662 a fleetof five men- of-war, under the command of the Ear l of Marlborough,with Sir Abraham Shipman and 400 men accompanied by a newPortuguese V iceroy, left England for Bombay . Part of the fleetreached Bombay in September 1662 and the rest in October 1662.On being asked to make over Bombay and Salsette to the E nglish,the governor contended that the island of Bombay had alone beenceded, and on the ground o f some alleged irregularity in the form ofthe letter s or patent, he refused to give up even Bombay . The

Po rtuguese V iceroy declined to interfere, and Sir Abraham Shipmanwas forced to retire fir st to Suvali at the mouth of the Tapti, and thento the small island of Anjidiv o if the Karwar coas t. H ere, coopedup and with no proper supplies, the English force remained for morethan two years, lo sing their general and three hundred of the fourhundred men. In November 1664, SirAbraham Shipman

’s successor

Mr . Humfrey Cooke, to preserve the remnant o f his tro ops, agreedto accept Bombay without its dependencies, and to grant special

privileges to its Portuguese residents .

8 In February 1665, when the

In 1498, the G oa irate craft are described as small brigandines filled with men,ornamented with

gs and s treamers , beating drums, and sounding trum

ap‘ets . Kerr

’s

Voyages , II . 387. ome pirate boats caught at G oa, in 1500, had em guns and

cannon, javelins , lon%swo rds , largewooden bucklers covered with hides , long ~

lightbows , and lo

.

broa -pointed arrows . Vasco da Gama’s Three Voyages, 252. There

was already a uropean element in the G oa pirates. Ditto , 244 .

1 In 162 5 the Dire ctors propo sed that the Company should take Bombay . Accordingly ,

in 1626, the _President at Surat suggested to the Dutch a jomt occupation

of the island, but the Dutch declined, and the scheme was abandoned (Bruce'

s

Annals , I. In 1640 the Surat Council brought Bombay to notice as the bestplace on thewest coast of India for a station (Ditto, I. and, in 1652 , they su gestedt hat Bombay and Bassein should be bought from the Portuguese (I. n 1654,in an addr ess to Cromwell, the Company mentioned Bassein and Bombay as the mostsuitable places for an English settlement in India (I. In 1659 the Surat Councilrecommended that an application should be made to the King of Portugal to cedes ome place on thewest coast , Danda-Rajpuri,Bombay , or Versova (Ditto , I. Finally , at the close of 1661 (7th December) , in a letter which must have cross ed the Direc

tors ’

letter te lling of the cession ofBombay, the President at Suratwrote (Ditto , II. 111)that, unless a station could be obtained which would lace the C ompany’

s servantsout of the reach of the Moghal and Shivéji and render them ind ependent of the

overbearing Dutch, it would be more prudent to bring off their property and servants,than to leave them expos ed to continual risks and dangers .

It was its isolated osition rather than its harbour that made the English covetBombay. Then and ti 1much later , Bombay harbourwas by many considered too big.In 1857 , in meeting objections urged against Karwar on the ground of its smallness,Captain Taylor wrote (27th July ‘Harbours can be too large as well as toosmall. The storms of 1837 and 1854 show us that Bombay would be a better portif it was not open to the south -west, and had not an expanse of eight miles of

water to the south-east Bom . G ov. Rec. 248 of 1862-64, 29 , 30.

2 A ccording to Captain Hamilton (1680 the royalties appending onBombayre ached as far as V ersova in sals ette.

’

(NewAccount, 1. This does not agree

with o ther writers and is probably inaccurate .

3 Cooke renounced all claims to the neighbouring islands, promised to exempt thePortuguese from customs , to restore deserters , runaway slaves , husbandmen, ancraftsmen, and not to interfere with the Roman Catholic religion. Trans. Bom.

Konkan ]

THANA

island was handed oVer, only 119 Englishmen landed in Bombay.1

At the time of the transfer the island is said to have hadinhabitants and to have yielded a revenue of about£ 2800 (RS -

2

The cession of Bombay and its dependencies was part of a schemeunder which England and Portugal were to join ln reslsting the

growing power of the Dutch. A clo se alliance between the Enghshand the Portuguese seemed their only chance of safety . In 1656

the Dutch had driven the Portuguese from Ceylon . They werebesieging

'

the English at Bantam and blockading the Portuguese at

Goa ; If the Dutch took Goa, Diu must fo llow, and ifD111 fell, theEnglish Company might wind up their afiairs.

’ 3 The scheme wasm ined by the looseness of the connection between the PortuguesemEurope and the Portuguese in India. The local Portuguese feehngagainst the cession of ten'itory was strong, and the expression of the

King’s surprise and grief at their disobedience failed to overcome 1t.‘

Bitter hatred, instead of friendship, to ok the place of the old rivalrybetween the Portuguese and the English.

5 W ithout the dependencieswhich were to have furnished supplies and a revenue, the islandwasco stly, and, whatever its value as a place of trade, itwas no additionof strength in a struggle with the Dutch. The King determinedto grant the prayer of the Company and to hand them Bombayas a _ trading station.

"

On the first of September 1668, the shipConstantinople arrived at Surat, bringing the copy of a RoyalCharter bestowing Bombay on the Honourable Company. The

island was granted in as ample a manner as it came to the crown,’

and was to be held on the payment of a yearly quit-rent of £ 10

in gold. With the island were granted all stores arms andammunition, together with such political powers as were necessaryfor its defence and government.6 In these three years of Englishmanagement the revenue of the is land had risen from about £ 3 000to about £ 6500 7

G eog. Soc. III. 68 -71. These terms were never ratified either by the Enfish or by

the Portu ese. Anderson’swlish inWestern India , 53 . According to r. James

Don olaba Point or Old oman’

s Is land was at first refused as not being part ofBom It and Putachos,

’apparently Butcher ’

s Island, seem to have been takenin 166 Fryer

’s NewA ccount, 64.

1 The details were , the G overnor, one ensign, four serjeants, six corporaIS, fourdrummers , one surgeon, one surgeon

’

s mate , two ers , one gunner’

s mate, onegunsmith, andninety-seven privates . Bruce

’s Annafl

n

ll

ll

. 57.3 Fryer

’s NewAccount, 68 ; Warden in Bom. Geo Soc. Trans. III. 45, 46.

3 Bruce’s Annals , I. 522 Baldwus in Churchill, I 548 .

III£1

7

16 King of Portugal to the Viceroy, l6th August 1663 . Trans .Bom. G eog. Soc.

5 Besides'

soreness at being choused by the Portugels’

(Pepys’ Diary , Chandos Ed .

155 ) the Englishwere embittered by the efforts of the Jesuits to stir up disaffection inBomba and by the attempt of the Portuguese authorities to starve them out of theisland y the levy of heavy dues on all provision-boats passing Thana or Karanja ontheirway to Bombay. Bruce, II . 175 , 214.

-Of the relations between the Portuguesein India and the Portuguese in Eur ope , Fryer write s (New Account, ThePortu uese in East Indiawill talk big of their Kin and how. nearly allied to them,

as if they were all cousin-

germane at least. But or his commands, if contrary , totheir factions, they value them no mo re than if they were merely titular.

’

6 Bruce’

s Annals, II. 199. The troops which formed . the Company '

s firstmilitaryes tablishment in Bomba

gnumbered 198, ofwhom five were commissioned officers ,

139 non-commissioned 0 cars and privates, and fifty -four hat-wearing half-castes or

Therewere twenty-one ieces of cannon and proportiona te stores. Ditto, 240.

7 Thedetails are given inWar en’s Landed Tenures of Bombay, 8.

B 310—60

PORTUGUESE.1500 1670.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

The factors at first thought so poorly of their new possession,that, in 1668, they propo sed to the Surat Council that Bombayshould be given up, and the factory moved to Janjira rock.

1 Butso on after, they began to esteem it ‘

a place of more consequence

than. they had formerly thought .’2 Under the able management of

Gerald Aungier (1669 - 1677) the revenue ro se from £ 6500 to £ 9260and the population from ten thousand to s ixty t housand, while the

military force was increased to four hundred Europeans and 1500Portuguese native m ilitia .

3

In 1674 the traveller Fryer found the weak G overnment house,which under the Portuguese had been famous chiefiy fo r its beautifulgarden, loaded with cannon and strengthened by carefully guardedramparts . Outside the fortified house, were the English buryingplace and fields where cows and bufl

’aloes grazed . At a short distance

from the fo rt lay the town,in which confusedly lived the English,

Po rtuguese , Topazes, G entoo s , Moo rs, and Ko li Christians mo stlyfishermen . The town was about a mile in length with lowhouses,ro ofed with palm- leaves

,all but a few left by the Portuguese and

some built by the Company. There was a reasonable handsomebazar , and at the end next the fo rt, a pretty house and church ofthe Portugals with o rchards of Indian fruit .

A mile further up the harbour was a great fishing town, with a

Portuguese church and religious h0use ; then Pare l with anotherchurch and estates belonging to the Jesuits . A t Mahim the

Portuguese had a complete church and house , the English a prettycustoms -house and guard-house , and the Moors a tomb . The northand north-westwere covered with co coas, jacks ,

'

a_

nd mango es . In

the middle was V arli with an English watch . Malabar hill was a

rocky wooded mo untain, with, on its seaward slope, the remains of a

stupendous pagoda.

4 Of the re st of the island, acres of‘what might have been good land was s alt marsh . In Kamathipurathere was water enough fo r boats , and at high tides the wavesflooded the present Bhendi Bazar and flowed in a salt stream near

the temple of Mumbadevi. Once a day Bombay was a group of

is le ts, and the spr ing- tides des troyed all but the barren h-ills .

5

Ten years more of fair pro sper ity were fo llowed by about twentyyear s of deep depression (1688 Then

,

'

after the union of the

London and the English Companies, there came a steady, though at

first slow,advance . But for fifty year s more the English gained no

fresh territory, and, except at sea, took no part in the strugglesbetween the Moghals , Marathas

, Sidis , Angrias, and Portuguese .6

1 G rant Duff, 99 .2 Anderson, 56 Low’

s Indian Navy , 1. 61.3 Of the £ 6500 of revenue in 1667 , £ 2000 were from the land . The Portuguese quit

rents were supposed to represent one -fourth of the crop . Bruce’

s Annals,III. 105 .

4 Fryer’s NewA ccount

, 61~70. Stones of this old temple are still preserved nearthe Valukeshvar reservoir .

11

5

1Bil

l

'

i

uce’

s Annals , II. 215 Anderson, 53 , 54 Hamilton’s Description of Hindustan,

6 Of the position of the English in Bombay , Fryer wrote in 1673 :‘Our resent

concern is with the Portugals , Shivaji, and the Moghal. From the first is esiredno more than a mutual friendship , from the second an appearance only , from the last anearer commerce . The first and second become necessary for provisions for the belly

Konkan ]

THANA .

SECTION III .—THE MARATHAS.

On his escape from Delhi at the clo se of 1666, Shivaji drove theMoghals out of mo st of the south- east of Thana . They continuedto hold the great hill -fo rts of Karnala and Mahuli, but, after heavyfighting, lo st them also in 1670 . In 1670 the Portuguese defeatedShivaji at sea .

1 ‘ But he came'

perilously near them on land, takingseveral forts in the north- east of Thana and attacking Ghodbandarin

'

Salsette .

2 This advance of Shivaji’s led the English to send

him an envoy, and an alliance was agreed to , in which he promisedto respect the English po ssessions .

3 In 1672 the Sidi of Janj ira,Whose appointment as Moghal admiral had lately (1662) increasedhis importance , blockaded the Karanja river and made a fort atits mouth . In October of the same year (1672) a Sidi and Moghalsquadron landed tro ops on the banks of the Nago thna r iver, laidthe country waste , and carried ohf the people as slaves .

4

_

In February 1673 a Dutch fleet, under their G overnor General,appeared before Bombay and caused such alarm that the settlersfle d to the Portuguese territories . But the G overnor, GeraldA u

'

n-

gier , had given so much care to the fortifications and to

strengthening the garrison and organizing the militia that,after

hover ing about the mouth of the harbour for some time, the Dutchretired without attempting an a ttack .

5 Ano ther cause of difficultyin Bombay were the Sidis . Nearly every season between 1672 and

1680, s ometimes with leave sometimes without leave, the Sidis cameto Bombay to winter, that is to pass the stormy south-west monsoon

(May-October) . In 1674 they scared the people from Sion fort in

the north - east of the Island , but we re attacked by English tro ops,and an agreement was made that not more than 300 of the Sidi’s menwere to remain on shore at one time and that none o f them were tohave any arms except a sword. These visits placed the Englishin an unpleasant dilemma . If they allowed the Sidis to land

, theyroused the suspicion and anger of Shivaji ; if they forbad the Sidislanding they displeased the Moghals .

6

and building, the third for the gross of our trade . Wherefore ofiices of civility must beperformed to each of these but they , sometimes interfering, are the occasion of

jealousies , these three being so diametrically opposite one to an other . For,while the Moghal brings his fleet either to winter or to recruit in this bay, Seva takesofl

'

ence on the other hand, the Moghalwould soon put a stop to all business should

he be denied . The Portugals , in league with neither , think it a mean compliancein us to allow either of them countenance, especially to furnish them with guns andweapons to turn upon Chr istians which they wisely make an Inquisition crime.

New Account, 70. What the King gave was the‘port, island, and premises

including all rights, territories, appurtenances, royalties , revenues , rents , customscastles forts, buildings, fortifications , privileges , franchises , and hereditaments .

Russel s Statutes of the East India Company , Appendix VIII. ix. The English, says

Baldaeus thought they had obtained an all-powerful treasure, though ,indeed,

Bombay has brou ht them no‘thing but trouble and loss . Malabai r and Coromandel

Coast. Churchill, II . 540.

1 Nairne’s Konkan, 65. This is the first mention of Shivaj i

’

s fleet. Orme ’

s HistoricalFragments , 207.2 Nairne

’s Konkan, 65. 3 Anderson

’s English inWestern India, 76-77,

4 Orme’

s Historical Fragments , 38-39.5_Bruce ’

s Annals , II. 3 19 .

6 Orine’

s Historical Fragments , 42 ; Low’s Indian Navy, I. 62-63 ; Anderson

’

s

English in Western India, 79 - 81.

THE MARATHAS.1670 1800.

State of the

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

In April 1674 Shivégi was crowned at Raygad fort near the towno f Mahad in south Ko laba . An embassy sent by the BombayG overnment found him friendly . He granted them leave to tradeto any part of his territory on paying an import duty of two and a

half per cent he allowed them to establish factories at Rajapur and

Dabho l in Ratnagiri, at Chaul in Kolaba, and at Kalyan ; an'd‘ he

arranged to make good part of their lo sses from his sack of Rajapurin Itatnagiri.

1 In the same year (1674) Moro Pandit, a Maratha

general, took up his quarters in Kalyan and called on the Portugueseto pay a ebmath or twenty-five per cent tribute for Bassein.

Of the state of the district between 1673 and 1675, Fryer has leftseveral interesting details . Under the great G erald Aungier, theEnglish .were founding a marine, fortifying Bombay, bringing the

settlement into order, and making the‘

island an asylum for tradersand craftsmen 5 but trade was small and the climate was deadly.

2

In Salsette and Bas sein the Portuguese were effeminated incourage

’

; they kept their lands only because they lived amongmean-spirited neighbours .

a Still Salsette was r ich, with pleasantvillages and country seats, the ground excellent either of itselfor by the care of its inhabitants

, yielding fine cabbages, colewortsand radishes, garden fruit, uncomparable

’water -melons , and onionsas sweet

'

and well- tasted as an apple . salsette supplied withprovisions not only the adjoining islands but G oa also . Everyhalf mile, a long the Bassein creek from Thana to Bassein, weredelicate’ country mansions. In Bandra the Jesuits lived in a greatcollege with much splendour . Rural churches were scatteredover the island, and Thana and Bandra were considerable towns.‘t

Bassein was a great citywith six churches, four convents, and twocolleges, and stately

“

dwellings“graced with covered balconies

and large two -storiedwindows. The land was plain and fruitfulin sugarcane, rice, and o ther grain. Much . of it had latelybeen destroyed by the Arabs of Maskat, who , without resistance,o ften set fire to the Portuguese villages, carried off their gentryinto slavery, butchered their priests, and robbed their churches.Every year the Portuguese had a

‘lusty’

squadron at sea, but nosoon

ir

gps the squadron passed than the Arabs landed and worked

m1sc 1e

On his way to Junnar in Poona, in April 1675, Fryer‘

f'

ound, on

both sides of the Kalyan river, s tately villages and dwellings of

1 Andersonfs En lish inWestern India, 77.

2 Fryer’s New ccount

, 65 -70 . Bruce’s Annals , II. 244 . W eavers came from

Chaul to Bombay, and a street was ordered to be .built for them stretchin from thecustoms -house to the fort. Ditto . In 1669 Mr. Warwich Pett was sent toBombay toinstruct the settlers in ship-building (Ditto,f’Fryer

’s NewAccount, 64 ; Baldaeus in Churchill, III . 546 ; Chardin in Orme

’s

H ist. Fra 220 .4 NewAccount, 70 -73 .

5 Fryer s NewAccount, 75 . Orme (Hist. Frag. 46) states that the’

Arabs numbered600

,fewer than the Bass ein garrison,

but the garrison remained panic-struck withintheir walls . Th e

pxsillanimity ; adds Orme, exposed them to the contempt of all

their neighbours . 1670 the Arabs had seized and sacked Diu. Hamilton’s New

A ccount, I. 139 . In 1674, accordin to Chardin, th Ar b e aman.Orme

’

s Hist. Frag, 213 ,

8 e a s w re routed at D

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

in Bombay, the Portuguese G eneral Manuel de Saldanha raised a

force of 1200 men and marched against Bombay . But, on findingthat this display of strength had no effect, he beat a retreat .Shortly after some Po r tugues e priests were found in Bombay, stirringup the Portuguese residents against the English, and -an order wasissued requiring ‘

all vagabond Padres’to leave the island . The

Po rtugue se authorities continued to starve Bombay, forbidding theexport of rice from Bandra and placing an almo st prohibitive dutyon fruits, vegetables, and fowls . They tried to levy a ten per centduty on all supplies passing Thana and Karanja on their way to

Bombay, but this the English steadily resisted .

1

In 1675 Shivaji drove the Moghals from their Thana po ssessions ,and

, pass ing west along the Tansa, began to fo rtify opposite the

Portuguese town of Saivan (Sibon) . This pro duced some“slender

ho stilities,

’but the work went on.

” In the fo llowing year Shivajisent a force to Parnera in the south o f Surat, and r epaired and

garrisoned the fo rt .3 In 1678 Shivaji tried to burn the Musalmanboats in Bombay harbour . Failing in his first attempt he wentback to Kalyén and tried to cro ss to Thana, but was stopped byPortuguese boats .

4 In the same year the Nago thna r iver was thescene o f a struggle between some English troops from Bombay and

Shivaji’s general. In October 1679

,to guard the southern shores

of Bombay harbour against the Sidi’s raids

, Shivaji to ok po ssessionof the small ro cky island of Khanderi or Kenery at the mouthof the harbour . This island was claimed bo th by the Portugueseand by the English, but it had been neglected as it wassupposed to have no freshwater . On its capture by Shivaji theEnglish and Sidis attempted to turn out the Marathas . The

English sent an aged captain, or according to ano ther acco unt a

drunk lieutenant, in a small vessel to find out what the Marathasmeant by landing on the island . The oflicer was induced to land,and he and his crewwere cut oif . The Revenge , a pink, and seven

native craft were ordered to lie at anchor and blo ck all approach tothe ro ck. On this, the Marathas attacked the English fleet, tookone grab, and put to flight all except the Revenge . The little man

of-war was commanded by CaptainMinchin, and the gallant CaptainKeigwin was with him as Commodore . These o lficer s allowed theMarathas to board, and then, sweeping the decks with their greatguns, destroyed some

'

hundreds,sunk four of the enemy

’s vesse ls,

and put the rest to flight . In spite of this success the Marathas

1Bruce’s Annals, II . 392 Anderson

’

s English inW estern India, 86. According toNavarette the English overthrewthe churches and cut to pieces the pictures on thealtars . Orme ’

s Hist. Frag. 203 .

2 Orme’s Hist. Frag . 51- 54. Shivaji is stated to have driven the Moghals from

Kalyan, which , except the Po rtuguese strip of coast, included all the country below

the hills as far north as Daman . Bruce 8 Annals, II . 48. Disorder among the

Por tuguese was one cause of Shivaji’s success . In 1675 (May 25th ) Fryer found at

Kalyan a pragmatical Portugalwho had fled to this place for designing the death of

a fidalgo . H e was about to accept the pay of Shivaj l, and was marching at the headof forty men. He was a bold desperate fellow,

a rich lout, no gentleman, a fitinstrument to ruin his nation.

’

NewAccount, 144.

3 Orme’

s Hist. Frag. 55 .

4 Nairne’

s Konkan,67.

Konkan ]

THANA .

continued to hold Khanderi. Soon after (9 th January as a

counter movement, Sidi Kasim entrenched himself on Underi o r

Henery rock, about two miles to the east of Khanderi, and the

Marathas in vain tried to drive him out . The po ssession of theseislands by enemies, or , at best, by doubtful friends, imperilled Bombay. The Deputy G overnor prayed the Court for leave to expel them .

In reply he was censured for not having called out the Company’s

ships and prevented the capture . But, owing to want of funds and

the depressed state of trade, he was ordered to make no attempt torecover the is lands, and was advised to avo id interference in all

wars between Indian powers . An agreement was accordingly madeacquiescing in Shivaji

’

s possession ofKhanderi.1

On the death of Shivaji on the 5th of April 1680, Sambhap , _his

son and successor,by supporting the Emperor

’s rebel son Sultan

Akbar, brought on himself the anger of Aurangzeb . In the fightsthat fo llowed between the Sidis and the Marathas the shores of theBombay harbour were often ravaged. The English in Bombaywerein constant alarm

, as , from ill-advised reductions , they had only one

armed ship and less than a hundred Europeans in the garrison .

9 In

1682 a Moghal army came from Junnar to Kalys’

m . The Portuguesehad before this Lost their ho ld of Shabaz o r Belapur near Panvel,as the Sidi is mentioned as building a fo rt at Belapur to guardit against the Marathas . After the rains the Marathas and Sidisagain fought in Bombay harbour, and Sambhaji is mentioned as

preparing to fo rtify the island of Elephanta and as ordering hisadmiral Daulat-Khén to invade Bombay, where the militia wereembodied and 3000 of Aurangzeb

’

s tro ops were landed at Mazgaonto h elp in the defence.

3 In 1683 the Mogha ls ravaged Kalyan, andthe Portugue se foughtwiththeMarathas . Sambhaji,whowas repulsedbefore Chaul, se ized the island of Karanja and plundered some

places north of Bassein. In consequence of the capture of Bantamby the Dutch, Bombay was made the head English station in the

East Indies, forty European recruits were s ent, and 200 Rajputsordered to be enro lled . A t the clo se of the year Captain Keigwin,the commandant of the Bombay garrison, enraged by continuedreductions in pay and p rivileges, revo lted from the Company,seized and confined the Deputy Governor, and, with the concurrence

of the garri son and the people of the island, declared that the islandwas under the King’s protection. Mr . Child, the President, came

from Surat to Bombay, but, failing to arouse any feeling in favourof the Company, returned to Surat . The revo lt continued tillOctober 1684, when Sir Thomas G rantham,

a King’s officer and

V ice-Admira l of the Indian fleet, arrived from England, and comingto Bombay in November 1684, landed without attendants, and

persuaded'

Keigwin to give up'

the island and (

retire to England.

4

Keigwinhad ruled with honesty and success . He made a favourable

1Bruce’s Annals, II. 447-448 ; Anderson’

s English in Western India, 82 ; Low’s

Indian“

Navy, 1. 65-69 .

2 Nairne’s Konkan, 74 ; Bruce

’s Annals , II. 489 ;

3 Nairne’s Konkan, 74 Bruce ’

s Annals , II. 60 .

4 Bruce’s Annals , II. 512 -541 Anderson

’s English inWestern India, 105.

1689

Sir John Child ,1687

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

treaty with Sambhap and repressed the Sidi, forbidding him to

come to Mazgaon except for water . He claimed, perhaps withjustice

,that his vigorous management had saved the island from

falling into the hands either of the Marathas Or of the Moghals .1

In 1684 Kalyan was again ravaged by the Moghals .

9 The warbetween the Portuguese and the Marathas was renewed, the Portu

guese retaking Karanja , Santa Cruz oppos ite Kalyan, and the

great hill- fort of A sheri.3 Sambhaji in return ravaged the Portuguese territory and invested

In 1687, under the influence of Sir Josiah Child, the Court of

Directors , disgusted with the uncertain nature of their tradingprivileges in Surat and in Bengal, full of admirationf or the Dutchsystem of independent and self- supporting centres o f trade, and

encouraged by the suppo rt they received from the Crown, determinedto shake off their submission to the Moghal, to raise their leadingIndian factories to be Regencies, to s trengthen them so that theycould not be taken by native attack, and to use their power at sea as

a means of preventing Aurangzeb from interfering with their trade .

W ith this object independent settlements were ' to be established at

Bombay, Madras,and Chittagong . Bombay was to be the chief seat

of power, as strong as art and money could make it, and Salsettewasto be seized and garrisoned. Mr .

,now Sir John, Child, the bro ther

o f Sir Jo siah Child, was appointed Captain-Genera] and Admiral of

the Company’s forces by sea and land. H e was directed to leave

Surat and establish his head- quarters in Bombay, to make an alliancewith the Marathas, and to seize as many Moghal ships as he could,until the independence of the Company

’s stations was acknowledged.

With this object a strong force bo th in ships and men was sent toChittagong and to Bombay . These scheme s and preparations failed.

In Bengal, ho stilities were begun before the who le force arrived ;they were pro secuted with little success , and agreements werehurriedly patched up on the old basis of dependence on the Moghal .In thewest matter s went stillwor se . Sir John Child is sued orders fo rthe capture of Moghal ships while Mr . Harris and the other factorswere s till at Surat . W ith these ho stages there was no

‘

chance thatthe fear of the destruction o f the Moghal sea - trade would induceAurangzeb to admit the independence of the English settlements.Aur angzeb at this time , besides his successes against Sambhaji, hadreduced bo th Bijapur ~ and G olkonda . The attempt to wring con

cess ions from him was hopeless and had to be given up, and envoys

were sent to Bijapur to nego tiate a peace and r egain the formerprivileges . In the midst of these disappo intments and failures SirJohn Child died in Bombay on the 4th of February 1690 .

On’

the 2 7th of February 1690 Aurangzeb passed an order granting the English leave to trade . The terms of this order werehumiliating. The English had to admit their fault

, crave pardon,pay a heavy fine, promise that they would go back to their old

pos ition of simple traders, and dismiss Child the origin of all the

1 Nairne’

s Konkan, 74 Bruce’s Annals, II . 498.

2 Naime’

s Konkan, 75 .3 Orme

’

s Hist. Frag. 141. 4 Naime’s Konkan, 76,

Konkan-1

THANA.

evil .’ Before this pardon was granted (14th February 1689 ) theSidi fleet and army had invaded Bombay, gained po ssession of

Mahim,Mazgaon, and.Sion, and held the G overnor and the garrison

as if besieged in the town and castle. The treaty with the Englishcontained an order to the Sidi to withdraw from Bombay. But theEnglish did not regain possession of Mazgaon, Mahim,

and. Sion, tillthe 22ud of June So weak were the defences of the islandand so powerless was the garrison, reduced by pestilence to

thir ty-five English, that, in Mr . Harris ’ opinion, if it had not beenfor the jealousy of Mukhtyar Khan the Moghal general, the S idimight have conquered the island.

2 This foo-lhardy and ill-managedattempt

3of the Childs to raise the Company to the position

‘

of an

independent power is said to have cost the Company(Rs . 4 Dur ing the decline o f Maratha vigour, thatfo llowed the capture and death of Sambhaji, the Moghals overran

mo st of the North Konkan . In 1689 they made several inroadsinto Portuguese territory, plundering small towns and threateningBas sein .

5 In 1690 a band of ruflians,under a leader named

Kakaji, came plundering close to Bassein, and two years later theSidi attacked Bassein and threatened Salsette .

6 In 1694 Aurangzeb declared war on the Portuguese, and his troops ravaged thecountry so cruelly that

‘

the people had to take shelter within the

walls of Bassein and Daman. Fortunately for the PortugueseAurangzeb was in want of cannon to use against the Marathas

, and,on the promise of a supply, made a favourable treaty with the

Portuguese .

7 But there seemed neither res t no r security fo r the

rich peace -loving Portuguese. No sooner were matters settled withAurangzeb than bands of Maskat Arabs landed in Salsette, burntthe Portuguese villages and churches , killed their priests , and

carried off 1400 prisoners into slave ry .

8 Next year the Portuguesewere somewhat encouraged by, what was now an unusual event, a

sea victory over the Marathas .

9

Bombay continued very depressed . In 1694 trade was in a.

miserable state ; the revenue had fallen from £ 5208 to £ 1416 (Rs .

- Rs . the cocoa-palms were almo st to tally neglected,and there were only a hundred Europeans in the garrison .

10 In

1696 want of funds required a reduction of sixty Christians and

1Bruce’s Annals , II. 550 - 642 .

2 Bruce’s Annals , III. 94. The Jesuits had been active inhelping the Sidi. A s a

punishment their lands in Bombay were seized. Ditto 95 .

3 Anderson’

s English in Western India,

-117.

4 Khafi Khan (1680 - 1735) seems to have visited Bombay before Sir John Child’s

troubles be an. He was much struck by the strength and richness of the place.

Elliot and “

owson, VII. 212 .

5 Ovington’

s Voyage to Surat .3 Nairne

’

s Konkan, 77 Bruce’s Annals

,III. 124.

7 Nairne’s Konkan, ~ 78 .

8 Hamilton in Nairne’s Konkan ,

The Arabs of Maskat had five large shipsand 1500 men. In 1694 their s trength was so great that they were expected to _ gaincommand . of the Persian gulf. Bruce

’s Annals , III. 169 - 198.

9 Nairne'

s Konkan, 78. Orme notices (HistoricalFragments , 218) that as late as 1674the Portuguese armada cruised every year off Goa to assert the sovereignty of the seas.10 Bruce

’

s Annals, III. 164.B 310 —61

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

340 Gentoos,land, in 169 7, there were only twenty-seven European

soldiers.

2 In 1701Mahim and o ther stations had been strengthened,.but the garrison was weak. The Marathas Moors, Arabs, and

Portuguesewere ready to attack Bombay, and if reinfo rcements werenot sent the island must be lost .3 In 1702 the safety of the islandwas threatened by the Portuguese stopping the supply of provisionsfor the garrison, and giving secret he lp to the Marathas . Addedto th is the plague broke out in the island, carried ofi some

hundreds of the natives, and reduced the Europeans to the smallnumber of seventy- six men . The plague was fo llowed by a stormwhich destroyed the p roduce of the island and wrecked the greaterpart of the shipping .

4 In 1705 matters were little better . The

garrison was very weak, the H indu companies were disbanded forneglect of duty, the Surat trade was at a stand

, and the trade withthe Malabar coast was harassed by Kanhoji A ngria, a Shivaji,or Maratha robber .

5 In 1708 the king o f Persia propo sed to sendan envoy to arrange with the English a jo int attack on the

Maratha and Arab pirates. But the Governor was forced to declineBombay was in no state to receive an envoy e ither by the

appearance of its strength, or by having dispo sable shipping forthe service solicited .

’ 6 The Unfo rtunate Isle of the East ’ was

plague - stricken, empty, and ruined . Of 800 Europeans only fiftywere left, six civilians

,six commiss ioned officers , and not quite

forty English soldier s . There was only one hor se fit to ride and one

pair of oxen able to draw a coach .

7 Bombay that had been one of

the pleasantest places in India was brought to be one o f the mostdismal deserts .

B

Between Aurangzeb’s treaty with the Po rtuguese in 1694 and his

death in 1708, with the coast s trip under the Portuguese and Kalyanunder the Moghals, Thana seems to have been freer from war and

plunder than it had been for years . Of the parts under the Moghals

no details have been tra ced. But, in spite of all they had sufiered,

’

the Portuguese lands were richly tilled, and the people, exceptthe lowest classes, were well- to - do . A ccording to the Musalmanhistorian Khafi Khan,9 Bassein and Daman were very strong and thevillages round them were flourishing, yielding a very large revenue .

The Portuguese tilled the skir ts of the hills and grewthe bestcrops, sugarcane , pine - apples , and r ice, with gardens of co coa -palmsand vast numbers of betel vines . Unlike the English, they attackedno ships except ships that refused their passes, o r Arab and

Maskat vessels with which they were always at war . The greatestact of Portuguese tyranny was , that they taught and brought up as

Christians the children of any of their Musalman o r H indu subjects

1 Bruce’

s Annals , III . 194 Anderson’s English in W estern India, 128.

2 Bruce’s Annals , III. 215.

3 Bruce’

s Annals, III. 439 .

4 Bruce’

s Annals , III . 502 -503 .

5 Bruce’

s Annals , III’

. 596-597.

3 Bruce’s Annals , III. 652 .

7 Anderson’

s English in Western India, 128, 163 , 171-172 .

8 Hamilton’

s NewAccount, I. 240 .

9 Khafi Khan’s Muntakhabu-l-Lubah in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 211-212 , and

345 -346. Khafi Khan, who lived from about 1680 to 1735, travelled in the Konkanand visited Bombay . See belowp. 485 no te 2 .

Konkan ]

THANA

who died leaving no grown-up son.

l Otherwise they were worthy of

praise. They built villages and in all matters '

acted with muchkindnes s to the people, and did not vex them with oppressive taxes .

They set apart a quarter for the Musalmans and appointed a Mai to

settle all matters of taxes and marriages. Only the call to prayerwas not allowed. A poor traveller might pass through theirterritory and meet with no trouble, except that he would not be ableto say his prayers at his case . The ir places of worship were veryconspicuous with burning tapers of camphor and figures of the LordJesus and Mary, very gaudy in woo d, wax, and paint. They werestrict in stopping tobacco, and a traveller might not carrymore thanfor his own use . When they marr ied, the girl was given as the

dowry. They left the management of all affairs in the house and

out of the house to their wives . . They had only one wife and con

cubines were not allowed.

2

In the beginning of 1695 the Italian traveller G emelli Careri spentsome time at Daman and Bassein, and in S'alsette.

a Daman was afairly pretty town in the Italian style . It had three broad stree tsand four cross streets , lined with regular rows of one- storied tileddwellings , with oyster- shell windows instead of glass, and eachh ouse

with its garden o f fruit- trees . There were several good monas teriesand four mode rn bastions, well-built though ill- suppliedwith cannon.

There was a go od garri

son, a captain, and a revenue factor . The

people were Portuguese, half-castes o r mes tizoa, Musalmans, and

Hindus . Most of the Hindus lived in old Daman on the right bankof the river, a place of ill-planned streets and cottages, with mudwalls and ro ofs thatched with palm- leaves . The Portuguese livedin g reat style , with slaves and palanquins .

4 Out-of-doorsrode in coaches drawn by oxen. The food was not good. The beefand ork were ill- tasted, they seldom killed sheep, and everybodycoul not go to the price of fowls . Their bread was excellent, andnative fruits and many European herbswere plentiful. Under theircoats the men wore an odd sort of breeches called caudales, whichwhen tied left something like the tops of bo ots on the leg. Other swore a short doublet, and under the doublet wide silk breeches,and some let their breeches hang to their ankle s serving as ho se .

Tarapur was well inhabited with monasteries of Dominicans and

Recolets or Franciscans . At Bassein the fortifications were not

finished. The people of fashionwo re silk and thinmuslins with longbreeches to the heels , without stockings, and with sandals insteadof shoes . A br ide was richly dressed in the French fashion . For

fifteen miles between Bassein and Cassabo,that is Agashi, was

1Muntakhabu-l-Lubah in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 345.

9 Muntakhabu-l-Lubah in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 211-212 and 345-346.3 Churchill

’s Voya es , IV. 185 -200.

4 The number of s aves varied from six to ten in a small establishment and fromthir to forty in a large establishment . They carried umbrellas and alanquins

and'

d other menialwork. They cost little to buy , fifteen to twent Nap es crowns,and scarcely anything to keep, only a dish of rice once a day. y were blacksbrought by Portuguese ships from Africa. Some were so ld in war, some by their

and others, in despair, barbarously sold themselves. Churchill’

s Voyages,3.

1670 1800.

1660 1710.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

nothing but delightful gardens planted with several sorts of countryfruit- trees, as palme, figs, mango es, and others with abundance of

sugarcanes . The gardens were always green and fruitful, wateredWith engines . The gentry , tempted by the cool pleasant lanes, hadallpleasure houses at Agashi,where theywent in the ho ttestweather.About this time, besides the risk of slaughter by Pendhan freehoo ters and Maskat pira tes, the people of Bassein were haunted byano ther form of sudden death. A plague, a pestilential

“

diseasecalled carazao, exactly like a bubo , had for some years infested thenorth coast ; cities were emptied in a fewhour s ; Surat, Daman,Bassein, and Thana had all suffered.

1

salsette, the best par t of which belonged _to'

th'

e Jesuits , was -veryrich yielding -a bundance of sugarcane, r ice , and fruit. There wereseveral villages of po or wretched G entiles, Moors , and Chr istiansliving in wattle and daub houses covered with strawo r palm- leaves .

The peasants were wor se ,

than vassals to the lords of the villages .

They were bound to till the land or'

to farm as much as might putthem in a condition to pay the landlord. They fled like slaves fromone village to another , and the ir landlords brought them back byforce . Those who held from large proprietors paid their rent ingrain, sometimes with the addition of personal service . Tho se whoheld direct from the state paid the Government factor or treasurera monthly imposition according to what theywere worth . The chief

places in the island were Bandra, Versova, and Thana . Thanastood in open country excellent good for India . It had threemonasteries and a famous manufacture of calicoes .

2

Carer i makes no mention of the loss and havo c caused by recentraids and disturbances . But he tells of fierce fights at sea with theMaskat pirates ;

3of the Malabars

, pirate s of several na tions, Moors,

H indus, Jews, and Christians, whowith a great number of boats fullof men

_fell on all they met ; and of Saveji, the mortal enemy of

the Portuguese, .so strong that he could fight bo th the Moghals

and the Portuguese . He brought into the field fifty thousandhorse and as many or more fo ot

, much better soldiers than the

Moghals, for they lived a who le day on a piece of dry bread whilethe Moghals marched at their ease, carrying . their women and

abundance of provision a nd tents, so that they seemed a movincity. Savaj i

’s subjects were robbers by sea and by land . It was

dangerous at any time to sail along their coast, and impo ssible without a large convoy . When a ship passed their for ts,

’

the Savajisran out in small well-manned . boats, and robbed friend and foe.This was the pay the ir king allowed them.

During the firs t fifty years o f the British po ssession of Bombaythe trade of the Thana coast shows a gradual falling off in all the

1 This plague devastated Upper India from 1617 to 1625 . Elliot and Dowson, VI.407. It raged at Bijapur in 1689 . Ditto , VII. 337. See Places of Interest; p. 33 andnote 5.

9 Churchill, IV. 198 .

3 Therewere.

stillmen of valour among the Portuguese. The admiral AntonioMachado de Brito, who was killed in a brawl in G oa in 1694 (3rd of December) , hadfreed the Portug uese territory from banditti and defeated fourteen Arab ships whichhad attacked three vessels under his command. Churchill, IV. 199 .

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Tm; MARATHA' S.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

four ths empty Gogha, a pretty large townwith some trade Cambay,a large city, a place of go od trade Breach

,famous for its fine clo th

and for its co tton the best in the world’ Surat, a great city with avery considerable trade ‘in spite o f convulsions ’ Navsari, with a

go od manufacture of coarse and fine clo th and G andevi, withexcellent teak exported and used in building house s and ships .

South of Chaul to G oa the coast towns were small and poor ,

empty and tradeless, the coast harassed by pirates .

1 Even G oa had

little trade except in palm - juice arrack, which was bought yearly ingreat quantities by the English fo r punch. Between G oa and

Cape Como rin, Karwar, H onavar, and Bhatkal had a good trade .

Mangalor was the greatest mart in Kanara, and Kannanur , Kalikat,and Kochin were all centres of considerable commerce . On the

east coast For t St. David was one of the mo st pro sperous placesMadras was a well-peopled co lony, and Masulipatam, Calcutta, and

Hugli were great centres of trade .

2

In the Persian G ulf, on the east coast, were ,G ombroon with

English and Dutch facto ries and a go od trade, Cong with a smalltrade

,Bushire with a pretty good trade, and Bassora and Bagdad

great citie s much depressed by a pestilence and by the conquesto f the Turks . On the west of the gulf, Maskat was stronglyfortified and well supplied with merchandise . On the east coasto f Arabiawere Kuria-Muria, Dofiar , and Kassin, inhospitable po rtswith a dislike of stranger s and only a small trade . Aden was a

place of little commerce. Its trade had pas sed to Mo cha, the

port of the great inland city o f Sunan, with English and Dutchfa ctor ies . Of the Red Sea mar ts , Jidda on the east coast and

Mass ua on the west coast were the mo st important .3 On the east

coast of Africa, Magadoxo , Patta, Mombas, and Mozambique hadlittle trade with India, partly because of the English pirates o f

Mozambique and partly because the coast as far south as Mombassahad lately (1692 1698) passed from the Portuguese to the Imam of

Maskat. South of Mombassa there was little trade except somePo rtuguese traffic with Sena and some British dealing with Natal.Pas sing east, by the south of 'India, the r ich trade o f Ceylon wasalmo st entirely in the hands o f the Dutch and the English. On

the east coast of the Bay of Bengal the chief places of trade wereChittagong, A rrakan, Syrian the only open port in Pegu, who seglory was laid in the dust by late wars with Siam and by its conquestby Burmah . Further east were Merj i and Tenasserim

, Malacca underthe Dutch apparently with much lessened trade

,Achin in Sumatra

a r ich and important mart for Indian go ods , and Bencolin also inSumatra with an English co lony. The r ich spice trade of Java andBorneo was in the hands of the Dutch. Siam and Cambodia wererich and were anxious to trade with the English. Cochin-C hina

1 Hamilton mentions Danda-Rajpuri or Janjira ,Zeferdon or Shrivardhau in

Janjira , Dabhol, Rajapur , G heria, Malvan, and Vengurla. NewA ccount, I . 244 - 248.

2 Hamilton’

s NewAccount, II. 19 .

3 These were, travelling west from Mokha, Mohai, Zibet, Jidda, with a greattrade from the concourse of pilgrims to Mecca, Suez where trade was impossible fromthe intolerable avarice of the Turks, Zuakin, Massua, and Zeyla.

Konkan ]

THANA.

had little trade, but Tonquin was powerful and commercial . In

China, the richest and best governed empire in the world,’the

chief places where the English traded were Canton, Amoy, and

Sonchon. Amoy at the beginning of the eighteenth century wasa great centre of English trade, but it was clo sed some years laterby order of the Emperor . Japan in 1655 had risen on the Portugueseand killed the Christians, and the Dutch had taken advantage of

Charles II.

’8 marriage with the Infanta of Portugal to persuade the

Japanese to forbid the English to trade .

The trade between Bombay and o ther Thana ports was chiefly ingrain, vegetables , fruit, fowls, and mutton for the Bombay

"

market,and in teak from Bassein for house and ship building . This lo caltrade was much hampered by the demands of the Portuguese and

by taxes in Bombay .

1 The barrier of customs-houses , EnglishPortuguese and Marathi, and the disturbed s tate of the Deccan

prevented any considerable inland trade .

2 Gujarat chiefly exportedcorn, cloth, and cotton, and the Kathiawar ports yielded cotton,corn, cloth, pulse, and butter, and took pepper, sugar , and betelnut .From the South Konkan ports almost the only exports Were cattlefrom Janj ira and arrack from G oa. The Kanara ports yielded teakand

Ipoon timber , and the Malabar coast rice, sandalwo od, pepper ,

bete nuts, and plenty o f iron and steel. The east Madras po rts yieldeddiamonds, the bes t tobacco in India, and beautiful chintz, and

Calcutta and Hugli yielded saltpetre, piecegoods, silk, and opium.

Outside of India the ports in the Persian Gulf took Indian clothand timber, and European broadclo th and hardware they exporteddates, rose-water, homes , and dry-fish . The east Arab ports tookcoarse calicoes, and exportedmyrrh, olibanum,

frankincense, pear ls,horses, and a red resin . Aden exported horses, finely shapedand mettlesome but very dear £ 50 or £ 60 being thought a smallprice for one . Mokha exported coffee, myrrh, and frankincense ;Socotra exported aloes, and the Abyss inian ports low-

go ld, ivory,slaves, coffee, and ostrich feathers . The only dealings with the Eas tAfr ican por ts was a little Portuguese traflic in go ld with S ena, anda British traflic in ivory with Natal. Ceylon was famous for itscinnamon, emeralds, sapphires , and cats -eyes. Syrian in Pegu importedIndian goods, European hats, and silver and leadwhich passed formoney ; it exported timber , ivo ry, lac, iron, tin, earth-oil, rubies,and diamonds . Achin and Bencolin in Sumatra took large quantitiesof Indian goods, and exported fine go ld- dust and ivory . Siam hadtimber and cyc le wood . Cambodiahad ivory, stick-lac, gum, and

raw silk. Tonquin was r ich in gold and copper, abundance of rawsilk, lacquered ware , and coarse porcelain ; the Chinese ports took

putchoc from Cutch as , incense, and exported go ld, copper, raw and

wrought silks, lacquered ware, porcelain, tea, and rhubarb . G o ld

1 The Portuguese levied a duty of 33 per cent and a transit fee of 20 per cent on

timber pas sing Bassein. Anderson’s Wes tern India, 86. In Bombay Hamilton (New

Account, I. 240) writes , I have seen Por tuguese subj ects bring twenty or thirtypoultry to the market, and have five of the best taken for the custom of the rest.

’

2 There was five per cent to pay inBombay, eight per cent in Thana, aud arbitraryer ections in Kalyau. Bruce

’

s Annals , III. 239 .

Merckants.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

was plentiful in Japan, and its earthenware, lacquered work, and

s ilks were in many respects better than the corre spondingmanufactures of China.

From England came lead in pigs, barrels of tar , sword bladesand penknlves , spectacles, looking-

glas ses , swinging glas ses, hubblebubbles , ro sewate r bo ttles, guns , and flowered clo th green scar letand white .

1 The exports were indigo , pepper, coflee, drugs , co ttonwoo l, clo th, co tton, myrrh, aloes, saltpetre, book-muslins, and defects ?

Among the Bombay merchants, the number of English, both inthe Company

’s service and as private traders , had increased, The

‘

o ther merchants Were chiefly Armenians, Hindus, and Musalmans .

A s in former times,Hindu traders were settled at great distances fromIndia . In 1669 , among the schemes for increasing the populationof Bombay was one for tempting Persian Banians to settle in the .

Island .

3 About 1700, at Bandar Abas the Banians Were strongenough and r ich enough to prevent the slaughter of cattle by

paying a fine .

4

Banians were also settled at Cong and Bassora,5and at Mokha .

6

Some of the ships used by the Englishwere of great size . Hamiltonwas at one time in command of a vessel that drew twenty- one feet.The native merchants had also large fleets of fine vessels . OneMuhammadan merchant of Surat had a -fleet of twenty sail varyingfrom 200 to 800 tons .

7 English captains were in much request withthe Moghals of India, who gave them handsome salaries and o therindulgences .

8

The sea seems to have been specially troubled with pirates .

The mo st dangerous were the Europeans, of whom CaptainsEvery, Kidd, and G reen were the most no torious . Hamiltonnotices two ne sts of European pirates , near Madagascar and on theeast coast of the Bay of Bengal .9 Next to the European piratesthe mo st fo rmidable were the Maskat Arabs, who sometimes withfleets of as many as 1500 men scoured the West coast of India .

10

A long the west coast of India were many nests of pirates, of whichthe chief were the Sanganians on the north co ast of Kathiawar

,the

Warels of Chhani on the south coas t, the Sidis, Marathas, Angrias'

and Savants in the Konkan, and the pirates of Porka on theMalabar caast.11

After the union of the London and the English Companies in1708, Bombay began to recover from its deep depression . By 1716,

1 Surat Diaries for 1700.2 Bruce

’

s Annals , III. 513 , 521, 533 , and 534.

3 Bruce’

s Annals , II. 267. The context shows that thismeansHindus from the gulf,not Parsis .

4 Hamilton’s NewlAccount I. 97.

5 Hamilton’s NewA ccount, I. 84, 93.

6 Hamilton’s NewAccount, I. 42 . 7 Hamilton’

s NewA ccount,I. 149 .

8 Hamilton’s NewAccount, I. 237 The captain had from £ 10 to £ 15 a month,

mates from £ 5 to £ 9 , and gunners and boatswains good salaries. They were alsoallowed to do s ome private trade .

9 Hamilton’s NewAccount, I. 19 , 43, 320 II. 67. Accounts are als o given in

'

Low’s

Indian Navy , 1. 78.

10 Low’s Indian Navy , 1. 311, 312 , 321. Hamilton’

sNewAccount, I. 139 . Hamilton,

”

perhaps on the ground of their common hate of the Portuguese , was well treated by theI

Maskat Arabs . Ditto , I. 71, 76.

11Hamilton’

s NewAccount, I. 134, 141, 247 Low’s IndianNavy , 1. 97.

Konkan ]

THANA .

the population had increased to provisions were abundant,and thanks to the building of a strong dyke at the G reat Breach,much of .the salt swamps had dried, and the climate was pleasantand with care as healthy as England. The Town Wall was finishedin 1716, and the Cathedral was begun in November 1715 and

finished in In all o ther parts of Thana, the death of

Aurangzeb was the beginning of fresh struggles and lo ss . The

release of Shahu, which happened so on after Aurangzeb’s death,

caused a division among the Marathas , _and, in the struggles betweenthe heads of the state, Angria made himselfnearly independent, andSpread his power over the south of Thana as far east as the

Rajmachi fort near the Bor pass and as far north as Bhiwndi .2The _

coast districts suifered mo re than ever from the raids of Arab

pirates . Four times between 1712 and 1720 they fought thePortuguese fleet which they formerly used carefully to avo id.

3

About this time (1713 ) Balaj i V ishvanath, a Chitpavan Brahman ofShrivardhau near Bankot, rose to be the leading adviser of the

satara branch of theMaratha state . His powerwas increased by theformalwithdrawal of the Moghals from the Konkan in 1720, and bythe settlement o f the dispute between the satara and the Ko lhapurbranches of the house of Shivaji in Between 1713 and 1727

ngria’s power was at its highest. On s everal o ccasions , in 1717,

1719 , 1720, and 1722, the English from Bombay, sometimes alonesometimes with the Po rtuguese , attacked V ijaydurg, Khan

'

deri, and

Kolaba,but never with success .

5

About 1720 the relations between the Portuguese and the Englishwere mo re than usually strained. The Bombay G overnment foundthat the Po rtuguese priests were stirring up their people , who numbered about 5000 o r one - third of the population of the island, a gainstthe English . They acco rdingly reso lved, that instead of the V iceroyof G oa appo inting the priests, the congregations should choo se the irpriests, and that the priest cho sen by the people should be nominatedby the Bombay G overnment. Enraged at this change the Po rtugueseGeneral of the North forbad the transport of provisions to Bombay,and seized English craft in the Mahim river . Governdr Booneretaliated (5th July 1720) by proclaiming the lands of all absenteePo rtuguese confiscated to G overnment, and among o ther propertiesParel was taken from the Jesuits and made a Government House:The British messengers who were sent to Bandra to make the

proclamation were seized, carried to Thanain irons, and there ho istedon a gibbet. ;On their return

,sound in limb ‘but very sore and

mighty terrified,’a small body of British troops was sent to Mahim .

1Bom. Quar . Rev. III. 33 - 38 Hamilton’

s New Account, I . 188. Hamilton (NewAccount, I . 21) describes Mr. Boone , under whom these improvements were made, as,

a gentleman of as much honour and good sense as ever sat in the G overnp r’s chair .

’

ngria seems to have made grants ten miles north ofBhiwndi. Mr . Sinclair inInd . Ant . IV. 65.

3 Kloguen in Nairne’s Konkan, 79 . According to Hamilton (NewAccount, I. 76)

the Arabs of Maskat were by no means savage pirates . They spared churches , killedno one in cold blood, and treated their captives courteously .

4 G rant Dufl” , 200, 203 and 223 .5 Nairne

’

s Konkan, 80 .

B 310—62

The Portuguese,1727.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

A well-aimed shell, lighting on the roof '

of the Jesuit Church at

Bandra, killed several of the priests and brought the rest to terms .

Two years later some Portuguese , found contrary to agreementrepairing a fort apparently at Kurla

, were attacked and driven oif

with the loss of twenty or thirty lives .

1

In 1727 the Po rtuguese made some efforts to check the decay of

their power . An officer was sent to examine the defences of theirThana possessions and suggest reforms, and a scheme was startedfor buying back the island of Bombay. The officer sent to examinethe defences found the management mo st loo se and corrupt.

2 Therewas no systematic defence. The militia was in confusion. Therewas no discipline some were called captains and some co rporals, butallwere heads . Of the troops of ho rse, the Daman tro op Was nevermore than forty strong, and the Bassein troop never more thaneight. So weak were they that the infantry had to go into the fieldwhile the horse stayed in the fort, the tro opers being filled withvices and the horses full of disease from want of exercise .

s

Bassein had ninety pieces of artillery from three to twenty- fourpounders . The garrison was eighty men

,almost allnatives, many of

them sick or past work. Of twe lve artillerymen five were useless.There was no discipline . If it was hot or if it was wet

,the men on

guard left their po sts and took shelter in some neighbouring house .

The walls were ruined in many places, and, towards the sea side, asand-hill rose as high as the curtain of the wall . Some r ice damshad turned the force of the tide on to

“

the north wall and endangeredit. The country between Bassein and Agashi was green, fertile,and well-wooded, the

'

gem of the province . But the creek whichused to guard it on the land side had been allowed to silt

,and

in places might be cro ssed dry- shod. The hill of Nilla

,

'

Nil

Dungri about two miles east of Sopara, had been fortified withoutthe help of an engineer . The bastions were so small that therewas no ro om to wo rk a four -

pounder gun . A t Sopara, the greatgap near Bolinj had been strengthened by a stockade, but thepillar s were rotting and were hardly able to ho ld two cannon.

The palm stockade at Saivan was so decayed that a few shotswould br ing it to the ground . Five companies of a nominal

“

strength of 250 men guarded the saivan villages . In the decayof honour the actual strength of each company was not more

than ten or twelve men,and they were little better than thieves,

fleecing their friends but never facing the foe. So thoroughlyhad they forgotten the ir drill that they could not even talk of it.Through Kaman there was an easy entrance to Salsette . It wasdeplorable to see so rich an island, with its seventy - one villages,supporting Bassein and great part of G oa, so utterly unguarded. It

was open to attack from the Sidi, the English, or the Marathas.

1 Hamilton’

s New Account, I. 182 ; G rose ’sV oyage , I. 46 ; Bom. Quar . Rev. 111.

60 -63 . In'

l722 there was also a customs dis ute which led to blows . 0 Chron. de

Tie. 11. 34.2 The report is given in Chron. de Tis . I . 30 - 34 , 50 -53 .

3 0 . Chron. de Tis . I. 29 - 35 .

Konkan]

THANA .

At Thana, to guard the dry ford acro ss the creek, there were to thesouth the towers of Sam Pedro and Sam Jeronimo , one with foursoldiers and four guns, the o therwith two so ldiers and two guns, andto the north was the Deis Magos with four soldiers and four piecesof artillery . These towers were of no use . They stopped theshipping, but could never stop an enemy . A royal fort should bebuilt and the creek guarded. The Versova fort was small, ugly,old, and ruined. It had a garrison o f fifty men and ten pieces ofartillery, but only two of the pieces were serviceable. The fort atShabaz, or Belapur, had four companies of 180 men, with fourteenguns from four to twelve pounde rs . On the Karanja island were400 men able to carry arms . The fort on the plain had a garr isono f fifty men, one artilleryman, and six one to six-pounder guns .

In the north, Manor was not worthy of the name of a fort, thewall in places being not more than six feet high. There was a

garrison of 104 men, and eight guns of which five were useless .The magazine was bad and the bastions ruined . The captain tookcontracts for timber, and, neglecting his duty, employed his men inthe menial work of hawling logs . There were 150 men on A sheri,but, as at Manor, they were timber - draggers rather than so ldiers .

All

1

showed neglect and waste, many of the men being old anduse ess .

The Kelva-Mahim fort was irregular and feeble . There was a

garrison of sixty men, of whom seven were white ; therewere fifteentwo to ten-pounder guns but no artillerymen . Many of the armswere -unserviceable . There was also a stockade with a captain and

thirty men, fourteen of whom had been sent to Santa Cruz OppositeKalyan. At Tarapur were sixty men and twenty three to twelvepounder guns. There were no artillerymen . Of the sixty men

thirtywere at Santa Cruz. Things seemed beyond cure. The abuseswere so ingrained that they seemed natural. Besides there was nomoney and even were money spent and things put straight, unlessthere were more

.

Europeans allwould again go wrong. In the lasttwenty years decay had been most rapid.

The troops consis ted of several small detachments , each on a

diiferent footing from the other . Three companies belonged to thearmy of Goa, sixwere flying companies, two belonged to the

administration, and seven were of sepoys. Besides these, ninecompanies had lately been raised, but they had no pay and were fedby their captains. There ought to be a force of twenty companies,regular muster rolls, and pay certificates and better pay . Halfthe men should be white . The only power that was to be dreadedwas the Maratha court. Friendly relations should be establishedwith the Marathas. Yearly presents would save many of the raids,which during the last thirteen years had ruined the miserable landsof Daman. The Portuguese nobles , as was originally the case,

should be forced to build a moated for t or tower in each village andkeep a body of twenty men able to carry arms .

This exposure was no t in vain. A beautiful fo rt was begun at

Thana, and judging by the result a fewyears later, other leading

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

fortificationswere repaired and the garrisons strengthened andmademore serviceable . A s regards the scheme of buying back Bombaythe Viceroy J de Saldanha da Gama, on the 18th of January1727, sent the King a long report estimating _

what the'purchase

would cost and how the funds could be raised . The negotiations, o rat least inquiries and calculations for the English do not seem to

have been consulted, went on till the overthrowof the Portuguesein

Kanhop’s death in 173 1 and the struggles that followed among

his sens les sened the power'

o f the rias . A few years later

(1 the death of Yakub Khan and a disputed succession loweredthe power of the S idis, and in 1735 the Peshwa took many of his

fo'rts .

” The Konkanasth Brahmans, now-the first power in the

Konkan, were able to turn the ir who le strength against the Portuguese, whom they hated as Chris tians

"

and as strangers, and forwhose ports and rich co as t- lands they had ong hungered. The

Marathas began to pres s the Portuguese. ear after year newsreached Bombay that the Marathas had seized a fresh Portuguesefort,

’

or appropriated the revenues of one more Portuguese“

district.In 1731 Thana was threatened, and the G overnment o f Bombay,who felt that the success of the Marathas endangered their island,sent three hundred men to garrison Thana, but soon after withdrewthe aid .

8

In 1737, by sidingwith Sambhaj l Angria against the P-eshwa ’s

friend Manaj i Angria, the Portuguese gave the Marathas a pretext

1 Archivo Portu nez Oriental Fas . 6. Supplement NewG oa, 1876, 287 - 292. The

following are the c ief details of the result of this in uiry Bombay had two townsor lambda, Bombay and Mahim it had eight vi ges , Margaon, Varli, Pare],Vadala (between Parel and Matunga) , Naigaon (south of Vadéla and north of Pat el),Matunga, Dharavi, and the island o f Kolis or Kolaba ; it had seven hamlets ,

“

two ,Aivaris and G auvari under Vadala two , Bamanvali and Coltem?under Dharavi,and three, Bhoivada, Fomala, and Salgado under Panel and it had five K'

oli

quarters under Bombay , Mazgaon, Varli, Pare] , and Sion. There were three saltpans , at Kauli north of Matunga, Siwri, and Vadali. The estimated produce andrevenue of the different parts o f the island were , of the towns, _

Bombay cocoa

palms , some t wo lands , and old rice -lands nowbuilt on, and Mahim cocoa

palms and 592 mudcis of rice . Of the eight villages , Mazgaon yielded 184 mudde of

rice and had 250 brab-palms ,with a yearly revenue of aboutXms . 4000 Varli 34muddisworth about Xms . 7000 Pare], including its three hamlets, 154 mudd s and some brab

psalms yieldm bout Xms . 4000 Vadala, with its two hamlets , 75 mudds and someb-palms 1900 ; Naigaon, 42mudds and some brab-palms Xms. 1000 ; Matunga

65 madderand 100 brab -palms Xms . 1700 Sion, 54mudds and a fewpalms Xms . 1400 ;Dharaw, W ith two hamlets, 23 mudde and a fewbrab-

palms Xms. 625 . KolabaworthXms. 4000 to Xms . 5000. The salt-pans y ielded Xms. 2300 and the Koli suburbsabout Xm s. 7000 . There were two distilleries , bandkd'raatie at Bombay and atMahim, Of other sources o f revenue the Bombay and Mahim customs -housesyielded about Xms. a tobacco tax Xms . an excise Xms. quitrents Xms . 3000, and the Mahim fe rry Xms . 1200. The totalwas rou hly estimatedat Kins . The fortifications of the island were, the castlewit six bastionsbegun in 1716, well armed a small fort on Dongri a small bastion at Maz son, witha sergeant and 24 men and 3 guns Siwri fort on the shore, with a subhe a

’

m and 50s epoys and from S te 10 guns the small tower and breastwork of Sion, with a captainand 62 men and nine or

'

ten guns three bastions at Mahim, with _100 men and 30

guns a fort on Varli hill, with an ensign and 25 men and seven or eight guns theisland of Patecas (Butcher

’

s Island ) belonging to Mazgaon, with a. fort , begun byG eneral Boone 1D 1722 , and about s eventy seamen and six or seven guns.2 G rant Duff, 231-232 . 8 Bom. Quar. Rev. IV . 78 .

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1670 1800.

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DISTRICTS

sailed for G oa . Except five churches, four in Bassein and one in

Salsette , which the Maratha. general agreed to spare , every traceof Portuguese rule seemed fated to pass away .

1 A high autho rity,G overnor Duncan, in Regulation I. of 1808, traces the fall of thePortuguese to the unwise zeal of their priests and to their harshtreatment of their H indu and Musalman subjects .

2 Khafi Khan’s

statements, 3 that the Portuguese treated their people kindly, andthat, till the clo se of the seventeenth century, H indus and Musalmanscontinued to settle in Portuguese territory, prove that harshness andbigotry were not the causes of the fall of the Portuguese . The

causes of their fallwere that thePortuguese inEurope ,careless of theirIndian possessions, failed to keep the European garrison a t its properstrength ; that the officials in India, keen only to make money, let

their defences fall to ruin and that the hardy vigour o f both gentryand pries ts had turned to softness and s lo th. All rested in an emptytrust in the name which their forefathers had left, wilfully blind tothe law that to -be r ich and weak is to court attack and ruin.

4

On the fall of Bassein, the G overnment of Bombay sent boatsto bring away the garr ison. To the commandant the BombayG overnment .paid the attention which his courage and misfortunesdeserved . They allowed his oflicers and about eight hundred o f his

men to remain on the island dur ing the monso on, and advanced a.

monthly allowance of fo ur thousand rupees for the ir maintenance ?Though , mo st of the salsette gentry retired to Goa, many familiestook refuge in Bombay . It was melancho ly, says G rose

'

to see the Portuguese nobles reduced on a sudden from r iches tobeggary . Besides what they did publicly to help the Portuguese,the English showed much private generosity. One gentleman,

Johnde Souza Ferras, was extremely pitied by the English. He had

owned a cons iderable estate in Salsette, and had endeared him selfto the English by his kindness and ho spitality . H e continuedmany years in Bombay caressed and esteemed.

6 A t the close of

the rains the Portuguese troops refused to leave Bombay, till theirarrears were paid. This demand was met by the Bombay G overnment, who advanced a sum of £ 5300 (Rs . On the 29 th of

September the Po rtuguese were taken to Chaul in native vessels,

under a G overnment convoy . The commandant and the V iceroy of

G oa united in sending the G overno r of Bombay the warmest aoknowledgments of his kindness. But the sufferings of the Portuguese

1Nairne’s Konkan, 84.

9 So also according to G rose [Voyage, I. 167 the Portuguese cr uelty had nota little share in determining the Marathas to invade them.

3 Ellio t and Dowson, VII. 211-212, 345-346.4 The conduct of the British in refusing to help the .

Portuges e has been severelyblamed (Nairne

’s Konkan, 83 ; Born. Quar. Rev. IV. Portuguese wri ters go so

far as to state that the English supplied the Marathas with engineers and withbombs (Joze de Noronha , 1772 , in 0 . Chron. de Tis. II. A ccording to G rose, whowrote in 1750 the reasons wh y the English did not help the Portuguese were, thefoul practices of the Bandra Jesuits against ther English interes t in 1720, theirremis sness in failing to finish the Thana fort, and the danger of enraging the Marathas,whose conduct of‘the war against the Portuguese deeply impressed the English .

Voyage , I. 48 - 51.5 Born. Quar. Rev. IV. 86 87 6 G rose

’

s Voyage , I. 73 .

Konkan ]

THANA.

troops were not over. From Chaul they marched by land, and, on

the 15th of November , whenwithin two hours march of shelter inG oa, they were attacked and routed by Khem Savant with the lo ssof two hundred of their best men. The English Commodore sawthe miserable remnant arrive in Goa with care and grief in every‘

face .

’ 1 A s they were no longer able to hold them,the Portuguese

offered the English Chaul and Korlai fort on the south bank of the

Chaul river . The English could not spare the men to garrisonthese places, but trusted that by ceding them to the Marathas theywould gain their regard, and might be able to arrange terms betweenthe Portuguese and the Marathas . The Portuguese placed theirinterests in the hands of the English. The .

\negotiation was

entrusted, to Captain Inchbird, and though the Marathas at firs tdemanded Daman and a share in the G oa customs, as well as

Chaul, Inchbird succeeded in satisfying them with Chaul alone.

Articles of peacewere signed on the 14th of October

Except the island ofBombay, -the wild north-east,and some groups

of Angria’s villages in the south- east corner , of which, at his leisure

he could take what parts were wo rth taking, the Peshwa was nowruler o f the who le of Thana. The change caused great uneasinessin Bombay. Soon after the fall of Bassein two envoys were, sent tothe Marathas, Captain Inchbird to treat with Chimnaji Appa at

Bass ein, and Captain G ordon to conciliate the Raja of Satara in theDeccan. Bombay was little prepared to stand such an attack as

had beenmade on Bassein. The town wall was only eleven feethigh and could be easily breached by heavy ordnance there was noditch, and the trees and houses in front o f the wall offered shelter toan attacking force .

3 A ditch was promptly begun, the merchantsopening their treasure and subscribing £ 3000 (Rs . as muchas could be expected in the low state of trade’ all Native tro opswere forced to take their turn at the work gentlemen and civilianswere provided with arms and encouraged to learn their use ; halfcastes or topazes were enlisted and their pay was raised the

embodying of a battalion of sepoys was discussed and the co stlyand long- delayed wo rk of clearing of its houses and trees a broadspace round the town walls was begun . Though the Marathasscoffed at it, threatening to fill it with their slippers, it was the ditchthat saved Bombay from attack.

The embassies were skilfully conducted and were successful .

Captain Inchbird concluded a favourable treaty withChimnajiAppa,4

and Captain G ordon returned from the Deccan with the assurance

that the leading Maratha chiefs admitted the value of English tradeand would not mo lest Bombay.

5 The feeling of security broughtby these successful embassies soon passed away. When their" fleet

1Born.Quar. Rev. IV. 88.

. 2 Born. Quar , Rev. IV.

3 Born. Quar . Rev. IV. 91.4 Free trade subject to customs duties between the English and the Marathas ;

the English to have dominion over the Mahim creek. Aitchison’

s Treaties , V , 14,

5 Aitchisou’s Treaties, V. 111- 15 Low’

s IndianNavy , I. 113 ; Bom. Quar, Rev.III

.

333

TheMar-dilute,

175 0.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

left, convoying . some merchantmen, Angria became inso lent, and

news came of the gathering of a great Maratha force at Thana.

A larm turned to panic . Numbers fled burying or carrying awaytheir valuables . Should the fleet be sent to convoy merchantmen,or should trade be sacrificed and the fleet kept to guard the

harbour ? This dilemma was so lved in a disastrous way forBombay.

‘

On the 9th of November a frightful storm destroyedtheir thr ee finest grabs , completely armed and equipped and com

manded by three experienced captains . Instantly Sambhaji ngria

appeared in the harbour, and carried away fourteen fishing boatsand eighty- four of their crews. Remonstrance was vain retaliationimpo ssible .

1

The immed iate danger passed over, but for nearly twenty yearsBombay lived in fear and trembling. In 1750, G rose laments thatthe fr iendly, or, at worst, harmless belt of Portuguese territorythat used to guard them from the Marathas was gone. Theywere face to face with a power, unfriendly at heart

, whose ofliccrs

were always pressing the“government to lead them to Bombay,

and let them raze its wretched fort and pillage its markets . TheMarathas were proverbially treacherous and unbindable by treaties,and since European deserters had taught them how to carry on

s ieges, they were very formidable enemies . It was G overnor

Bourchier’s (1750 - 1760) chief claim to praise that he succeededin keeping the Marathas in good humour . The Marathas knewtha t they gained much by European trade . But there was no

trusting to their keeping this in mind. A change of minister s, aclamour for the sack of Bombay, a scheme to humour the tro ops , .

was enough to make them break their pledges of friendship even

though they knew that the breach was against their interests .

2 To

all human appearance , Bombay ceased to be tolerable the instantthe Marathas reso lved on its conquest. Even could the fort holdout, it could be blo ckaded, and supplies cut off.

3

'

G ro se gives interesting .particulars of these terrible Marathas,who had taken Thana and Bassein, and who held Bombay in the

hollow of their hands . Mo st of them were landgtillers calledKur umbis , of all shades from deep black to light brown, the hill-men

fairer than the coast-men . They were clean - limbed and straight,some of them muscular and large bodied, but from their vegetablediet, light, eas ily overborne in battle bo th byMo ors and by Euro

peans . Their features were regular, even delicate . They shavedthe head except the top-kno t and two s ide cur ls

, which, showingf r

om the helmet, gave them an unmanly look . The r est of theirdress was mean, a ro ll of coarse muslin round the head, a bit of

cloth round the middle , a nd a loo se mantle on the shoulder s also usedas bedding . The officer s did not much outfigure the men. To lookat, no troops were so despicable . The men lived on rice and watercarr ied in a leather bo ttle the oflicer s fared little better . Their

.pay was small, generally in r ice, tobacco , salt, or clothes . The

1 Born.Quar .Rev. IV. 969 7. 2 G rose’

s Voyage, I. 44 . 3 Grose’

sVoyage, I. 96.

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[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

burnt Angria’s fleet

,and utterly destroyed his power .

1 They wereStill so afraid of the Marathas that the empty threat of an

inv‘asion of Bombay made the English break off a favourableagreement with Faris Khan at Surat .2 In the next year they gainedcommand of Surat castle and became Admirals of the Moghalfleet. So encouraged were they with this success that, in 1760,they were bo ld enough tb

'

side with the Sidi against theMarathas and to ho is t the English flag at

”

Janj ira .3 The defeat . of

Panipat in 1761, the death of the Peshwa Balaj i Bajirav, and the

Succession of a minor, freed the British from present fear of the

Marathas .

“ Before the year was over they were in treaty with theMarathas for the cess ion of Salsette and Bas sein. Raghunathrav

the regent"

for Madha‘

vrav r efused to cede salsette, but grantedanother important concession, the independence of the Sidi .5 In

1766 MadhaYrav had so far retr ieved Maratha affair s, that herefused to listento any propo sal for the cession of salsette and the

harbour islands .

6

On the conquest of Bassein in 1739 the Marathas introduced a

regular“

and efficient government . Under the name of Bajipur o r

Bajirav’s city, Bassein was made the head-s

quarters of the governor

or sarsubheddfr of the Konkan. Under the sarsubheddr were districtQflicer s, styled mdmlatddrs , Whose charges generally yielded about

(Rs . a year and who , besides managing the

reren'

ue, administered civil and cr iminal justice and policc.. Underthe mamlatdarswere village headmen, o r

_ p dtils . In salsette theMarathas raised the land assessment and levied many fresh cesses .

In spite of the se extra levies the islandwas fairly pro sperous, till, inon the death of Bajirav, the system of farming the revenue

was introduced . In Bassein grants were given to high- caste H industo tempt them to settle . The Native Christians were taxed and the

goceeds spent“ in feeding Brahmans to purify them and make themindus f’ In 1768 the district of Kalyan, stretching from the Pen r iver

to the V aitarna,had 742 villages yielding a land revenue of

(Rs. and a customs revenue of (Rs .

A t the close of 1760 (November - December) the French scho larAnquetil du PerrOn made a journey from Surat to visit the Kanheriand Elephanta caves . Bo th in go ing and coming his route layalong the coast. H e travelled in a palanquin with eight bearers,four armed sepoys, and a Farsi servant . He was himself armedwitha pair of pisto ls and a swo rd, and had two passports one for the

3. Details are given in Orme’

s History , I. 408, 417, and in G rose’s Voyage, II. 214-227 .

See Bombay Gazetteer, V ol. X. 196, 381.3 Grant Bull, 303 ; Bombay G azetteer, II. 3 G rant Dufi'

, 324.

4 On the 7th January on the field of Panipat, fifty -three miles north of Delhi, theMarathas under Sadashivrao Bhau were defeated by the Afghans , l

and the Peshwa’s

brother and cousin, chiefs of distinction, and about Marathas slain. Balaji

gfiir

s

a

lzthe Peshwa died heartbroken in the following June . G rant Duff’s Marathas,

5_Nairne

’s Konkan, 96. H ow .

featly Maratha power was feared is shown

‘

byNiebuhr

’

s remarkwhen in 1774 he card that the English had taken Salsette : 1do notknowwhether they will be able to hold it against the great land forces of theMarathasVOyage en Arabic , French Ed . II. 2 .

3 Naime’s Konkan, 96.

1 Da Cunha’s Chauland Bassein, .

8 -Kalyan Diaries inNairne’

s Kenkan, 98

Konkan ]

THANA.

Marathas the o ther for the Musalmans . Throughout the whole ofThana order seems to have been well established. The Marathasfound it diflicult to protect their shores against pirates, but they werebusy repairing and building forts .

1 Both in going and in coming,Du Per

'

ron was free from the exactions either o f highwaymen or

of officials. Of the appearance of the country between Daman andSalsette he gives fewdetails, except that from Nargo l southwards,he occasionally mentions palm groves and notices the beautifulorchards of Agashi. There were Christians in several of the villageswhere he halted, and, though many o f their churches and buildingswere in ruins or in disrepair, some were in o rder, and, at Agashi,the road was full of Christians, go ing to church as freely as in a

Christian land . With salsette he was much taken. It was no

wonder that it had tempted the Marathas , and if only the Englishcould get hold of it, Bombay would be one of the best settlements inthe east . Ifwell managed it would yield (Rs .a year , It was full of villages almost all Christian. There wereseveral ruined churches and convents

,and the European priests had

left. But the Marathas had allowed the Christians“

to keep s ome ofthe ir churches, and

' the native pr iests, under a native Vicar G eneral,kept up the festivals of the church with as much pomp as at G oa.

Their pro cessions were made without the slightest danger, evenwitha certain respect on the part of the H indus . A festival at Thana inwhich Du Perron took part was attended by several thousandChristians . The Maratha chief of the is land did not live in Salsette

,

but on the mainland in a fort commanding Thana .2 About the

same time (1750) the traveller Tieifenthaler described the people ofthe inland parts o f Thana as a kind of savages brought up in thickforests, black and naked except a strip of cloth round the loins .

3

Meanwhile , Bombay had been growing larger, richer, and healthier.In 1757 Ive describes it as the mo st flourishing town in the worldthe g rand store-house of all Arabian and Pers ian commerce .

" In

1764 Niebuhr found the climate pleasant, the healthine ss muchimpro ved since _some ponds had been filledwith earth. The productswere rice, cocoanuts, and salt.

_The population had lately greatly

increased. The old castle was not of much consequence , but thetown was

[guarded on the land s ide by a good rampart, a large moat,and ravelins in front of the three gates. There were also tower: atMahim, R iva north of Dharavi, Sion, Suri, Mazgaon, and Varli.There were 300 native troops on the island,

'

and, thanks to a Swiss,the artillery were in excellent order. The greatest work was thedock. TheMarathas still continued to treat the Englishwith rudeness .

In 1760 they carried off a Bombay cruiser . War seemed certain, but

the English had .sent a large number of troops to Calcutta andMadras,and _they chose a friendly settlement.‘5 Ano ther writer makes theOpulation sixty thousand, and the sale ofwoollens and o ther Englishgo ods (Rs . a year . Still, he adds

, the island

1 Three chief sets ‘

of' pirates harassed the Thana coasts at this time the Sanganiansfrom the If of C atch, the Maskat Arabs, and the Malabaris . G rose

’s Voyage, I. 41.

21

Zend fiesta,I. ccclxix.

-

'

ccccxxix.3 Des. Hist . et G eog. I. 484.

4 Ive’

sVoyage in 8 0111. Quar. Rev.V .162. 5 Niebuhr’s Voyage enArabie , II. 1-6k

Sdlsette Taken,1774.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

does not pay.

1 In 1766 Forbes found the climate in general healthyand pleasant, though a considerable tract was overflowed by the sea.

The merchants traded th allthe principal seaports and interior citiesof India

, and extended their commerce to the Persian and Arabiangulfs

,the coast of Africa, Malacca, China, and the eastern islands .

The provision markets were well supplied from salsette and the

mainland, and every spo t that would admit of cultivation was sownwith rice or planted with cocoa palms .

2 The town was about twomiles in circum ference

,surr ounded by modern fortifications . There

were three excellent docks and a s pacious marine-

yard, where teakships of all sizes were made by skilful Parsis, the exact imitatorsof the best European models .

3 Of public buildings there were a

G overnment house, customs -house, marine -house, barracks, mint,treasury, theatre, and prison . There were three hospitals , a

Pro testant church, and a char ity schoo l . The English houses werecomfortable and well furnished, not yet deserted for country villas .

The street in the black town containedmany goodAsiatic houses , keptby Indians especially by Parsis . Bombay was one of the first martsin India, a place o f great trade . The government was simple and

regular, managed with order and propriety, but the revenue wasalways inadequate to the expenses .

4 The outlay was seriouslyincreased by the building of newfortifications in The Courtof Directors and the Bombay G overnment agreed that, without the

po ssession of some of the neighbouring lands , Bombay could not beeld . The mo st suitable lands were Salsette and Bassein

, Salse ttefo r its rice and vegetables , Bassein fo r its timber . No chance ofgaining these lands was to be allowed to pass.

6 W ith this ob ject aBritish envoy was sent to Poona in The Marathas refusedto cede any land and added 500

'

men to the Thana garrison . In

consequence of this refusal, knowing that the Portugue se had latelymade vigorous reforms, and hearing that a fleet was on its way fromBrazil to recover their late possessions, the Bombay G overnmentdetermined to take salsette by force .

8

On the 12th of December, 120 European artillery, 200 artillerylascars, 500 European infantry, and 1000 sepoys, under the

1Bombay in 1781 6 - 7 . Niebuhr (Voyage, II. 2 ) gives the population aton

'

the estimate of an Englishman who had been in Bombay twenty years. Therehad been when he came, and since he had come the number was doubled.

Sixty thousand is probably correct. The difference is probably partly due to the largesection of the peoplewho lived in Bombay only during the busy season. See belowp. 516. 2 Forbes

’OrientalMemoirs , I. 22.

3 Ship-building in Bombay dated from 1735, when Lani Nasarvanp came fromSurat, and in the next year was sent to open a teak trade with the Bhils and otherwild tribes of the forests to the north. Born. Quar . Rev

,III . 332. On the ship building

at Surat at this time see Stavorinus’Voyages , III. 17 - 23 and Bombay G azetteer, II.

146. G rose’s Voyage , I. 110 .

4 Forbes’Oriental Memoirs , I. 151 155 .

5 Bombay in 1781, 8, 9 .6

. Bombay in 1781, 7 G rant Duff, 371.8 The Por tuguese had lately increased both the number and the size of their ships

they had abolished the Inquisition, turned much of the riches of the churches to theuse of the state , settled the administration of justice on a firm footing, and donemuch to.

encourage the military service . The force at G oa was 2240 infantry , 830marines, 2000 nat ives, and 6000 sepoy s. An army of arrived from Brazil atG oa, and preparations were made to seize Bassein. (Chaul and Bassein, 150 ; Bombayin 1781, 73 footnote ) . The day after (13th December) the English sailed for Thana,the Portuguese fleet entered Bombay harbour and protested . Chron. do Tis . II. 14.

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Chapter VII.

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landed on Salsette with 3500men, butwere repulsedwith great loss.lA fewmonths befo re (December at Gheria in Ratnagiri

,

Commodore,John Moore, with the Revenge and the Bombay grab,

had attacked and des troyed the chief ship of the Maratha navy, a.vessel of forty-six guns .

” In 1776 an imposto r, calling himselfSadashiv Chimnaji, gathered a large force and overran the Konkan.

In October he marched up the Bor pass, but was driven out of theDeccan, and, seeking shelter with A

’

ngria, was made prisoner, andthe Konkan speedily reduced to order .

8

Meanwhile the English G overnment in Calcutta, which had latelybeenmade Supreme,disapproved of the support giventoRaghunathrav,declared the treaty of Surat invalid, and sent their agent Co lonelUpton to Poona to nego tiate with the ministerial party. Under theterms of a treaty dated at Purandhar, near Poona, on the 1st ofMarch 1776, it was agreed that an alliance between the British andthe ministerial party should take the place of the alliance betweenthe British and Baghunathrav o r Baghcha. At the same time the

Britishwere to continue in possess ion of Salsette,Karanja, Elephanta,and Hog Island.

4 In spite of this treaty, the feeling of the rulingparty at Poona of which Nana Fadnavis was the head, was stronglyhos tile to the English. When news arrived that war betweenEngland and France was imminent, NAna determined to make useof the French to lower the power . of the English. In April 1778,St. Lubin ands ome o ther Frenchmen landed at Chaul and proceededto Poona, and were there receive d with the highest honour .

5 On

.st. Lubin’s promise to bring a completely equipped French force to

Poona, Nana concluded an alliance betweenFrance and the“

Marathas,granting the French the free use of the port of Chaul .

6 A t the sametime Nana treated the English Agent at Poona with markeddiscourtesy. A considerable party at Poona, who se leaders were.Sakharam and Morcha, were ho stile to Nana and were anxious j osee Baghcha in power. Disappo inte d with the failure of the

Purandhar treaty, and feeling -that only by the overthrowof Nanacould French influence at Po ona be des troyed, the Governor G eneralencouraged the Bombayr G overnment to come to an arrangementwith Sakharam’

s party, and promised to send a force overland byOudh and Berar to act with

'

them in se tting Baghcha in power inPoona . A s trong force7 was directed to mee ton the Jamna , oppositeto Kalpi, and Colonel Leslie, who was placed in command, was

1Bombay in 1781, 82.2 Bombay in1781, 84-85 Parsons

’Travels , 217.

8 Nairne’s Konkan, 29.

4 Aitchison’s Treaties, Y. 28433 . In s

'

te of this affront from the G overnment o fBengal the Court o f Directors a prove the p03

of th e Bombay Government,pref the treaty of Sarat ia e treaty of Grant Dufl

'

,

5 Born iii-1781, 115 - 116.0

6 Bombay in 1781, 120, 143. Onthe 13thMay 1778, Nana.delivered a paper to St.Lubin, requiring the help of France to pnmsh a nation who had raised up anmsolenthead and whosemeasure -of injusticewas full.

’Ditto 163 . Part of theFrench planwas

anattaokonBombay. Ditto 168. They collected 5000 European soldiers and a supplyo f artillery at Mauritius. Ditto 804, 317. $26.

7 Six battalions o f sepoys with pro portionate artillery and some cavalry . GrantDufi

’s Marathas, 406.

Konkan]

THANA.

instructed to march across India towards Bombay, and place himselfunder the orders of that Presidency . Co lonel Leslie cro s sed theJamna in Ma 1778, but, getting mixed with local diSpute s inBundelkhand, 9 made little progress, and died on the 3rd of October

On receipt of the instructions from the Supreme G overnment,the G overnor of Bombay decided to make a fresh alliance withRaghoba on the terms _

of the Surat treaty of 1775 . The Englishundertook to establishRaghoba in Poona, but stipulated that, unlesshe couldprove that the young Peshwa was not the son ofNarayanrav,Raghoba was to be placed in power merely as regent. Inreturn

Baghcha promised to cede Bassein and Khanderi island, theA tgaonswhich formed part of Sélsette , and several districts in Gujarat. He

”

also promised that, without'

the consent of the English, no Europeanshould be allowed to

‘

settle in the Peshwa’s territory.

2 The treatywas

“

concluded in Bombay on the 24th of November 1778. On the

22nd of November , hearing that the ministerial party were takingsteps to oppose Rélghoba

’s march to Poona, a force of 3900 men

was ordered to leave Bombay .3 The military command was given

to Co lone l Egerton, but all negotiations were to_

be carried on bMessrs . Carnac and Mo

'

stynwho accompanied the force . On th6 25th

of November the first division,under Captain Stewart, took po ssessionof the Bor pass and of the village of Khandala. Colone l Egerton,with the second division, seized Belapur , and, on the 26th November,encamped at Panvel . On . the - 15th December the whole armyreached Khopivli, or Campoli, at the foot of the Bor pass . H ere,

though they heard“ that the ministerial tro ops were gathering to

bar their passage to Poona, they remained till the 23rd of December,spending the time in making a road for the guns up the Bor

'

pass .

Meanwhile the Maratha horse ranged in large bodies betweenKhopivli and Panvel, and caused much annoyance to the camp . To

add to their misfortunes, Mr . Mo styp , who alone had a thoroughknowledge of Poona affair s, fell

“

sick and returned to Bombay wherehe died on the 1st of January . Colonel Egerton’s health also gave

way . He resigned the command and left for Bombay,but the countrywas so full of Maratha horse

“

that he was forced to return . On hisreturn he resumed his place - in the committee, butwas succeeded inth e command by Colonel Cockburn.

When the English . force reached the Deccan, contrary to

Raghoba’s as surances , they found that the country was full of hostile

horse, and that none of the chiefs were inclined to support Raghoba’s

cause . In skirmishes between Khandala and Karli, the Br itishforce was unf ortunate in losing Colonel Cay and Captain

"

Stewart,two of its best officers .

4 When they reached Talegaon, eighteen

1‘ Grant Duff’s Marathas , 420.

2 Aitchison’

s Treaties,V. 34 38. The Gujarat districts ceded under this treaty

were Olpad in Surat, Jambusar, Amod, Hansot, and an assignment of £ 7500 on

Ankle shvar in Breach.

3 The details of the force were, 143 artillery with 500 las cars, 448 rank and file ofEuropean infantry , and 2278 sepoys, makingwith oflicers a total Of 3900. Bombay in1781, l73 .

4 Colonel Gay and Captain Stewartwere killed at Karli. Grant Duff, 413 .

THEMARATHAkh’

1670 1800.

Tm; MARA'

rnAs.

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DISTRICTS .

miles west of Poona, the town was in flames and there was a seriousscarcity of supplies . A council was called, and, in spite of all

that the ablest officers could urge , the majority determined to

retreat. The retreating force was soon surrounded by Marathahorse, and, but for the courage and skill o f Captain Hartley whocommanded the rear guard, the greater part of the second divisionmust have been destroyed. At Vadgaon, about four miles west ofTalegaon and twenty east of Khandala, a second council was calledand the maj ority agreed that the troops could not stand ano ther dayof such fierce fighting . Accordingly, on the 15th, they entered intotreaty with Nana Fadnavis and Sindia . Nana Fadnavis made thesurrender of Baghcha a preliminary to any agreement . But theEnglish were spared the dishonour of giving him up, as Raghoba had

already placed himself under the pro tection of Sindia . Disappo intedof the object he had most at heart, Nana declared that order s must besent to Colonel Goddard to conduct his detachment back to Bengal,andthat the Englishmust surrender all the Maratha terr itory theyhadacquired, and that, until the lands were handed over, the army mustremain at Vadgaon. The nego tiations with Sindia were more success

ful. On the promise of the cess ion of Broach, he arranged that thearmy should be released, and they retired to Bombay guarded bythe troops they had been accustomed to see fly befo re them .

1 In

Bombay, joy at the return of the army was lost in the shame o f the

terms to which its leaders had submitted. At the council regret

and recriminations Were silenced.

‘Our first duty,’said Governor

Hornby (29th January) ,‘is to retrieve our afiairs, our next is to

inquire into the cause of failure .

’ He praised the courage of the

army, blamed the commanding o fficers, and advised Colonel Egertonand Colonel Cockburn to abstain fo r the present from militaryduty. For his skill and courage in command

.of the rear guard he

promoted Captain Hartley to the rank of Lieutenant Co lonel.2A s Messrs . Carnac and Egerton had no authority to conclude a

treaty, he held that the convention of Vadg‘aon was not'binding.

A s regarded future dealings with the Marathas, he (19th February)gave his opinion that power in Poona was not in the hands of Nanabut in the hands of Sindia, that Sindia was oppo sed to a Frenchalliance and had shown himself friendly to the British, and that theBritish should make every efiort to conclude an agreement withSindia . A s Raghoba was now a puppet in Sindia’ s hands,

—

no

fur ther attempt should be made to raise him ‘

to power . The mainobjects of the English were to keep the French and Nana frOm anyshare in the government of Poona, and to preserve for the Company .

the territory they then held.

3 Nana was to ld that Messrs . Carnac

1 Bombay in 1781, 188. About this time (1780) the Dutch were anxious toestablish themselves atBassein, but the negotiations failed. Da Cunha

’s

'

Chaul andBassein, 73 -74 .

2 Mr. Carnac, Colonel Egerton, and ColonelCockburnwere dismissed the Company’s

servxce. G rant Dufi’, 418.

3 Bombay in 1781, 205 . The depressed state of the English in 1780 is shown bythe Maratha, piracies to which they had to submit. The governor of Bassein, one ofthe Peshwa’

s admirals, used to attack English ships , and, if they succeeded in provingthe offence , all theygainedwas the explanationthat their ship was supposed to belongto some other nation.

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and, on the 12th of June, Raghoba jo ined the English camp Duringthe rains, nego tiations went on between Colonel G oddard and the

Poona Court. But,as the Marathas claimed the cession of Salsette

and demanded the surrender of Raghobay no advance was made.

At the close of the year General G oddard visited Bombay. Mr.

Hornby proposed that the British should form an alliance with .the

Gaikwar and attack the Peshwa’s territory. This propo sal was

9. proved by the Supreme Government, and four companies of

EPuropean infantry

“

and two battalions .of sepoys, under ColonelHartley, were s ent from Bombay to help G oddard in Surat.

1

On the 1st of January 1780, G oddard marched from Surat,took

Dabho i, and agreedwith the Gaikwar to divide the Peshwa’s Gujarat

possessions , the Gaikwar keeping the north and the British the south.

Ahmadabad fe ll on the 15th of February, and the success was fo llowedby the defeat of part of Sindia

’

s army.

2 At the request o f the BombayGovernment,Hartleywas o rderedfrom Baroda to Bombay on the 8th

of May . This reinforcement was much wanted in the Konkan. To

prevent the Marathas cutting off Bombay supplies, small bodies oftr0 0ps had been posted at different parts of the Konkan . FourEuropean subalterns, in charge of two companies of sepoys, tookpost on one of the Saliyadri passes, and another fo rce under CaptainRichard Campbell seized

'

Kalyan. Enraged at the lo ss of Kalyan,Nana Fadnavis despatched a large fo rcewho to ok theBritish post onthe Sahyadris, and

, on arriving near Kalyan, sent a me ssage to

Captain Campbell demanding the surrender of the town . Campbellto ld them they were welcome to Kalyan if they

'

could take it, and

made a spirited defence . A_Maratha assault was planned for the

2sth of May, but Colonel Hartley arrived, and, on the night of the24th, surprised the Maratha camp, pursuing them for miles, andkilling a great number. During the rest of the fair season the

British remained unmolested in the Konkan.

3 Shortly before therelief of

_Kalyan, the bravery and skill of Lieutenant Welsh had

(23rd April) gained a great advantage to the British, by the captureof the three fo rts of Parnera,Bagvada, and Indragad, on the bordersof Gujarat and the Konkan .

4 After the beg inning of the rains theMarathas attacked the different po sts in small parties, but Kalyanwas well garrisoned andwas not molested.

5

On the third of August, the night on which the fort of Gwaliorwas s urprised by Captain Popham, Captain Abington marchedabout ten mile s south from Kalyan, and attempted to surprise theimportant fort of Malanggad or Bawa Malang . He secured thelower hill, but the garrison were able to retreat to the upper fort,and its mass of sheer rock defied as sault.6 Meanwhile the BombayG overnment were hardpressed for funds . They had looked for helpto Bengal, but the whole strength of Bengal was strained to meetHaidar Ali’s attack on Madras . Bombay had no resour ce but in its

1

grantBug, 23

2

3.

Pdm2

d

G rant Duff, 430 -43 3. 3 Grant Dufl'

, 434.4 rant u , era an ada are in the south of s at - I d ad

'

the north of Dahann. See Places of nterest, Indragad .

ar 11 rag m m

5 [G rant Duff, 435. 6 Grant Duff,437 .

Konkaal

THANA .

Own efforts . The only means of raising a revenue was to overrun

the enemies ’ territory as so on as the rains were over . With thisobject Goddard was asked to besiege Bassein, and, early in October,five battalions were placed under Co lonel Hartley,with orders to dr ivebut as many of the enemy

’s posts as po ssible and secure the rice

harvest . He was to arrange his movements s o as to ho ld the countrybetween the Sahyadris and Bassein, and prevent the Marathas

from strengthening that fort. Co lone l Hartley’s first servicewas, on

the lst o f October, to relieve Captain Abington whose retreat fromMalanggad to Kalyan had been cut off by a force of Marathas . The

reliefwas completely successful andwas effected W ith little lo ss. The

tro ops pursued the Marathas to the Bor pas s“

and enabled the

Bombay G overnment to gather the greater part of the Thanarevenue.

1 G eneral Goddard arrived before Bas sein on the 13 th o f

November. On account of its strength he determined to attack byregular approaches, and completed his first battery on the 28th of

November ; The Marathas strained every nerve to recover the

Konkan and relieve Bassein . Large bodies of troops were hurrieddown

,and Colonel Hartley, after a month

’s fighting, was forced to

retire towards Bugad about nine miles east o f Bassein. Findingthat they could not succour Bassein, the Marathas determined todestroy Hartley

’s army . On the 10th of December upwards of

men thrice attacked the Bombay division in front and rear,

but each time were repulsed with slight loss though two of the slainwere oflicers . On the eleventh the attack was repeated withheavier lo ss to the British, including two more officers . During thenightH artley fortified two heights that covered his flanks . Nextmorning at daybreak the Marathas attempted a surprise . But theywere met with so deadly a fire that they were fo rced to retire withthe loss of their leader Ramchand-ra

,who was slain, and of Signior

Noronha, a Portuguese officer, who was wounded. Bassein had

fallen on the day befo re the battle of Dugad (11th December), and,

on the day after the battle, Goddard jo ined Hartley’s camp .

” ThoughBassein had fallen

, G oddard was detained for about a month (1'

8th

January 1781) by the island fort of Arnala about ten miles no rthof Bassein.

Haidar A li’s success in Madras made the Supreme G overnmentanxious to come to terms with the Marathas . In

' the hope that ashow o f vigour might make the Marathas more willing fo r peace ,Goddard pushed to

‘

the foo t o f the Bor pass, his advancedparty forcing the pass on

_

the night of the 8th of February and"

encamping at Khandala, while G oddard, with the head- quarters,

remained belowat Khopivli.3 This movement proved a failure .

NanaFadnavis was in no way aflected by it . H e refused to treatwith the British unless the treaty included his ally Haidar

1 G rant Duff, 438.

2 G rant Dufl'

,440. The British loss at Bassein was only thirteen, one of them

,

Sir John Gordon, an officer. Details of the siege of Bassein and of Hartley’s battle at

Dugad are given under Places o f Interest, Bassein and Dugad .

3 The total strength of his force was 6152 men, 640 Europeans and 5512 Natives .

Grant Duff, 443 note .

Ba ttle of Dugad,1780.

Trea ty of Salbdi,

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DISTRICTS .

Ali, and he sent a force of'

men to cut off G oddard’scommunicationwith Panve l. On the 15th .of March the Marathasattacked a convoy of grain near Chauk and caused severe loss .Goddard proposed to make a fort on the Bor pass and Mr . Hornbyproposed to garrison Rajmachi, but neither suggestion was carriedout and G oddard prepared to return to Bombay. Nana kept on

sending troops into the Konkan, and held the country betweenKhOpivliand Panvel in such strength, that a convoy, sent by G oddardfor grain, was unable to return from Panvel without the help of

every dispo sable man from the Bombay garrison, or without theloss of 106 men killed and wounded. On the 19 th of April Goddardbrought his guns and baggage from the top of the Bor pass and

prepared to march towards Panve l . Every movement was watchedby three great bodies of Maratha horse . There were men

at the f oot o f the Kusur pass , near Bhimashankar, andat the top of t he Bor pass . On the 20th, the moment that Goddard.

began his march, the Deccan force poured into the Konkan and

captur edmuch of his baggage . On the 20th , Goddard mov‘

ed sevenmiles to Khalapur, and next day sevenmiles to Chauk. On the wayhis loss was severe , the Marathas attacking the rear

,assailing the

front, and keeping up a steady fir e from behind ro cks and bushes .

On the 22nd the British halted at Chauk . Early in the morning of

the 23rd, the baggage was sent ahead and some dis tancewas coveredbefore the enemy came up . Then the attack was so severe that

G oddard made a showof pitching his tents and the enemy withdrew.

The army reached Panvel on the evening of the 23rd April, withoutfurther annoyance , .but with the los s of 466 killed and wounded; ofwhom eighteen were European officer s . The Marathas cons ideredG oddard’s retreat one of their greatest victories .

1 From Panvelpart of G oddard

’s army was drafted to Madras ; the rest were moved

to Kalyan and there spent the rains . A large Maratha forcewassent towards Gujarat and their garrisons strengthened .

2

During the rains (June -November 1781) the Bombay G overnmentwere extremely hardpressed for 'money . Several schemes for

carrying on the war on a large scale had to be set aside for wantof funds .

3 During the next fair season defensive operationscontinued in the Konkan. But the great power of Haidar Alimade peace with the Marathas so important that, at last, on the

17th May 1782 the treaty of Salbai was concluded. One of its

chief provisions was the restoration of all territory conquered,from

the Marathas s ince the treaty of Purandhar in 1775 . This reducedthe British po ssessions in the north Konkan. to Bombay, Salsette,and the three small islands of Elephanta, Karanja, and Hog Island .

4

1 G rant Dufi'

, 447.2 Grant Dufl

'

, 447.3 One suggestionwhich was fully considered, but finally rejected, was that certain

Maratha deshmukkg,’

Whose ancestors had held lands under the Muhammadans, should

put the English in possession of the Konkan, the English giving them £ 5000

(Rs. fo r each of the larger and £ 1000 (Rs . for each of the“

smaller forts,and

‘

allowing them to keep all money, jewels , and wares they might capture.

G rant oDufi,

4 Aitchison’fi ‘

reaties . V . 41. G rant Dufi'

, 452. The treaty was not finally ex~

changed till the 24th February 1783 .

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cane, andvegetables were grown. But in the south- east, while therewere remains of wells and marks of former tillage , there was a largewaste area of level land fit for sugarcane and rice . The produceof the island was not enough to maintainthe garrison and town of

Thana.

1 The Maratha mainland was even more deserted than Salsette .

Between Thana and Vajrabai there was no t a single village; and

travellingwas dangerous fr om tigers , of whom five were seen in one

day, from buffaloe s who pur sued Europeans like enemies, and fromnatives who were such enthusiasts for their religion that they looked0

1

1

1

1Europeans as the lowest on earth and did not scruple to killt em .

2

In the January f o llowing (1788) Hové travelled down the westcoast from Surat

_to Bassein. The Thana part of the country was

wellwatered and on the who le fertile . The hills yielded the finestteak and the valleys high grass, and on some ~ of

,the flats, near

Nargol, grew a luxuriant wild sugarcane .

3 The extreme'

north wasvery wild, the hills were covered with unbroken forest, and the

valleys were overgrown with grass . Further south ,between

Umbargaon and Dahanu, the ruggedness disappeared, the coast landswer e plain and rich

,and the hills yellow and bare . South of

Dahanu, almo st thewhole way to Bassein, the coast strip was richand well tilled with r ice

,sugarcane, and plantains .

4 During theday the thermometer was never less than but the nightswereunexpe ctedly cold, small poo ls of water being fro zen over near

Maroli on the night of the thirteenth January. The valleyswere fullof brushwood and bastard poon, Sterculia fre tida . A long the co ast,

between Umbargaon and Dahanu, were large groves o f brab-

palms,

and further north,near March

,the country abounded in teak of a

prodigious s ize, several of the tree's measuring over twelve feetin girth and not less than eighty feet high.

5 In the rich coaststrip between Dahanu and Bassein, r ice, yams

,and turmeric were

grown. There were also sugarcane gardens with plantains and

pomegranates , the canes very flourishing, fifteen feet high and thickin proportion .

6 In the north there were many tigers . No t a day

passed that several were not started . Some of the villages hadherds of cattle hunch-backed and small, miniatures of the G ujaratoxen, and so moderate in price that any number might have beenbought at 23 . (Re . 1) a head. There were some sheep with woo l as

soft and white as Gujarat co tton.

’l Except the rich coast the

country was poorly peopled and badly tilled . From the north to

Bassein H ové did no t see more than thirteen villages . The

people were" dark, slender , active, and longlived. They ate all

animal fo od except the ox, and drank liquor freely. Their winter

1'

Tours , 14.2 Tours , 17, 19, 20 . 3 Tours, 98, 99 .

4 Tours , 99 , 100.

5 A ccording to Hovethe Kolis made teak plantations, sowing the seeds at the endof the hot season, and tended the young trees lopping side shoots . Teak seemedto thrive best in ro cky places andwas chiefly used for ship building. Tours, 97.6 Tours, 99 , 100 . A ccording to Hové the growth of sugarcane had been introduced

only eight years before It had spread so rapidly that, instead of importingsugar , the edple of Bassein were able to send it to Bombay and Surat. They hadnot learne the art of refining sugar. 7 Tours, 101.

Konkan]

THANA.

clothing was of wool. Their villages, especially in the bills , weresmall,

'

of not more than thirteen families . They were piningin poverty .

and destitute of comfort. Though the country wasso r ough the coast route was pas sable for cart s . Hove had a

horse and two carts , and he talks of hundreds of hackeries, betweenUmbargaon and Dahanu, coming to load jars of palm-juice .

The country seems to have been free from robbers. Allalong theroutep especially in the north, were posts of mounted guardsmen ,

who lived in small thatched huts, tilled a plo t of land, and werearmed with a sabre, a spear, and a matchlo ck. One of theirchief duties was to give alarm on the appearance of an enemy .

They stopped traveller s, and, if they had not passes , to ok them to

the chief officer of the distr ict, who clo sely examined them. Therewere also posts at every ferry, and no one could pass withoutheavily feeing the head of the watch . The Maratha oflicers pillagedopenly _

and fo rced travellers to give whatever they cho se to . ask.

G ujarat, though full of robbers, was less troublesome and cheaper to

travel in .1

In 1783 Forbes found Bombay greatly increased since 1774.

The troubles on the mainland had driven people to Bombay, anda flour ishing commerce had drawn others . Provisions and supplieswere plentiful, but prices were high, double/ what they used to be.

The island was almost covered with houses and gardens. It wouldso on be a city like Surat or Ahmadabad .

2

In 1790 Thana, with other parts of Western India, suffered from

a failure of rain and from famine .3 In 1793 a great part of Salsette

appeared to be lyingwaste. But an attempt had lately been madeto grow sugarcane and indigo , and a Dr . Stewart from Bombaywas superintending the infant plantations .

4 Sho rtly after this a

few large estates were granted to British subjects with the view of

improving the country .

5 In 1801 a permanent settlement wasoffered to the holders

’of land in Salsette, but only four landholders

accepted the offer .

6 Dur ing the last fifteen years of the eighteenthcentury, trade, especially the Chinese co tton trade , had , broughtmuch money into Bombay. The prosperity and growth of the cityimproved it as a market for field produce, and, by the Opening of

1 Tours,103 . In crossing the Dahanu river and the Vaitarna, Hové had each time

to pay Rs . 10. At , Bassein he had to pay Rs . 12 to men to whom he showed his

passes, and he was charged Rs . 43 for a boat from Bassein to Mahim. Ditto 100, 101,102 , and2 Forbes ’ Oriental Memoirs , 111. 436-7. Abbe Reyna] gives the population in

1780 at (I . 378 Francklin (Pinkerton’s V oyages , IX. 236) describes

Bombay in 1786 as very beautiful and as populous for its size as any island in the

world. It had a splendid harbour , an excellent and a,ship

-building yardwith very ingenious and dexterous shipwrights, not inferior to the best in England.

Merchants and others had come to settle from the Deccan, the Malabar and

Coromandel coasts, and from Gujarat. There were eight battalions of sepoys , a

regiment of European infantry , and European artillery and engineers . The chief

work of note was a causeway , a mile long and forty feet broad .

3 Etheridge’s Famines , 117. 4 Moor

’

5 Otperations, 370 .

5 Manuscript Records in Nairne’s Konkan,

124. Severalo the present large land

holders in Salsette derive their rights from these grantees. Ditto.6 Manuscript Records in Nairue

’

s Konkan, 124.

Chapter VII.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

the Sion causeway and the abolition of customs dues (1798S alsette was able to take full advantage of the increased demand.

1

In the struggles fo r power at Poona, between Sindia, NanaFadnavis, and Bajirav the young Peshwa, the government of theinland par ts of the district fe ll into feebleness and decay. Thecountry suffered severely from the raids of Deccan “

Kolis . A gangover 1000 strong divided into two or three parties, robbed villagesat the ir leisure, shared the spo il, and disappeared to their homes.The guards posted in different places among the h ills could donothing to stop them.

2

SECTION IV.—ENGLISH (1800

In 1802, after the victory of Yeshvantrav Bolkar, BajiravPeshwa retired to Mahad in south Ko laba . From Mahad

,followed

by Holkar,he fled to Suvarndurg ; finding Suvarndurg ruined, he

s ailed to Chaul, and after a fewdays, delayed by headwinds, landedon the 15th of December at Mano ri in Salsette, and reached Basseinon the . seventeenth with thirty followers ? On his arrival at BasseinBajiravwas met by Co lonel Clo se, the British agent at Poona.

The terms of a treaty, under which the British should uphold ’

the power of the Peshwa, had already been considered. Discussionwas renewed on the 18th of December and concluded on the

31st.4 Under the terms of the treaty then framed, which is knownas the treaty ofBassein, the English agreed to guard the Peshwa’sterritory against all enemies , and the Peshwa agreed to haveno dealings with any European nation but the English. A

subsidiary force of 6000 Native Infantry, with the usual proportionof field ieces and of European artillerymenk was to be furnishedby the English and stationed in

'

the Peshwa’s territory . For the

support o f this force, the" Peshwa was to cede to the English

districts yielding a yearly r evenue of (Rs .

It was also arranged that the Peshwa was to maintain a force of5000 cavalry and 3000 infantry with a due proportion of artillery}?and that he should enter into no negotiations without consulting theBritishG overnment. To ensure thePeshwa’

s safety a field detachmentwas sent to Bassein, and a considerable stockade of palmyra trees wasraised to defend the Sopara bridge .

7 The Peshwa remained_

m

Basse in till the 27th of April Then, escorted by a Britishforce of 2200 men, including the 78th Regiment part of the 84th andsome

,

ar tillery, he moved to Kalyan, and, after staying a‘week at

Kalyan, marched to Po ona by the Bor pass.

8

During the famine years of 1803 and 1804 there was muchdistress

Treaty of Bassein1803.

1 Manuscript Records in Nairne’s Konkan, 124. Details of the salsette revenue

system are given in the LandAdministration Chapter.2 Trans . Bonn. G eog. Soc. I. 257.

3 Asiatic Annual Register , 1803 , 23 . G rant Duff (559 ) gives the 6th of Decemberinstead o f the 17th.

4 G rant Duff, 565 A itchison

’s Treaties , V . The lands at first cededm the SouthernMaratha

Country were afterwards changed for lands in Bundelkhand.

6 This was settled a year later by a supplementary treaty dated l6th December1803 . Aitchison

’

s T reaties , V . 60 .

7 Capt. Dickinson’

s MS. Report on Konkan Forts, 1818. 8 Nairnes Konkan, 108.

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Chapter VII.

ENG LISH.

1800 1882.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

the Peshwa failed to keep up his share of the subsidiary force,allowed his forts to fall to ruin, and paid attention to nothing exceptto the accumulation of treasure . Authority was handed to the

revenue farmer s and no complaints were listened to . The farmerhad no mo tive to be lenient . H is term of power was most uncertain.

At any time a higher bid might put an end to his contract, and,if he failed to pay, his proper ty was confiscated and himself throwninto prison.

1

The Thana ports shown in the map in Milburn’s Or iental

Commerce (1800 - 1812) are Daman,Dahanu, Sirgaon, Agashi,

giepl

iaznta, Bassein, Versova, Bombay, Karanja, Ko laba, and

au

The Bombay trade-returns for the early years of the nineteenthcentury seem to show that the great development of Bombay, of

which details are given later on, was accompanied by the revival o fa considerable trade in the o ther ports of the Thana coast .3 The

1802 returns show a total trade between the Bassein ports and

Bombay and Surat, valued at about three and a half ldkhs o f rupees,of which about two ldkhs were exports and one and a half la’Jchsimports .

4 In 1805 the to tal value of the trade had risen to aboutnine lakhs, of which four and a half

'

ldkhs were expor ts and four

and a quarter lei/the imports .

5 In 1815 it again fell to about seven

Icikhs , of which about three and three-

quarters were exports andthree and a quarter were impor ts . A ccording to Milburn,

the

Bassein trade during the five years ending 1806 averaged aboutnine lakhs of rupees , of wh ich about five ldkhs were exports and

four ldkhs were imports. The details for 1805 are,under exports,

piecegoods , grain, iron, sugar, cocoanuts , cocoa -kernels, betelnut,dates , pepper, turmeric, and treasure ; and under imports , grain,ivory, oil, timber, hemp, piecegoods, and betelnut .

e

In the,beg

i

nning of the nineteenth century, the climate of

Bombay , though healthy, was still somewhat treacherous , exposure

1 Nairne’s Konkan, 110. Details are given in the Land Administration Chapter.

2 Milburn’s Oriental Commerce, I. 143 , 168. Milburn mentions the making of

beautiful teak ships of 800 tons at Daman, 168.

3 In 1801 a reporter of external commerce was appointed at Bombay , andMilburnstates (Or . Cam . I. that the returns from 1801 to 1806 may be considered

accurate . At the same time , in an enquiry into the details of local trade, the fact

that the main head is Bombay and Surat, notBombay , is puzzling. After the beginning of the nineteenth century , almost the whole of t he fore ign trade of Surat passed

through Bombay (Surat Papers , 278, 374, 384 Bombay G azetteer , II. 128 Hamilton’

s

Description of Hindustan, II. so that in the foreign trade the double head does

not cause confusion but in the local trade with the Bas sein coast the returns are not

easy to follow.4 Hamilton

’s Description of Hindustan, II. 157.

5 Milburn’s OrientalCommerce, I. 213 .

6 Hamilton’

s Description of Hindustan, II. 158 Milburn’s Oriental Commerce, 1.

213 . These entries seem to imply a direct trade between Bassein and the Arab and

A frican coasts . Even with a. direct trade the appearance of iron and dates amongthe exports , and of timber and betelnut among the imports is peculiar . Another headin the re turns

‘Commerce between the Island of Bombay and Bombay and Surat

shows for the five years ending 1806 an average trade valued at 28 Midas , of whichabout 13 ldkhs were exports from the island of Bombay and neighbouring villages , andabout 15 la’

khs were imports . This s eems to include the trade between Surat and

Bombay . Milburn ’

s Oriental Commerce, 1. 204. The export of iron and dates from

Thana. ports is explained by the fact that they were re - exports received from Bombayand sent from Bassein or some of the main local centres to -

smaller outlying ports .

Konkan.)

THANA .

to the land-wind beingfo llowed by fever and frequently by the loss

o f the use of limbs . The charming island was intersected bybeautifully macadamised roads long befo re that grand improvementwas heard of in England.

2 The fort or walled town was nearlya mile long and about a quarter o f a mile broad. The

fortifications were numerous and well planned, very strong to the

sea but liable to be taken from the land. The broad deep ditch,

which could be filled at pleasure, made it one of the strongestplaces the Company had in India . Besides the fort, there wereseveral redoubts in o ther parts of the island, especially one at

Mahim. If properly garrisoned Bombay could bid defiance to anyfo rce that could be brought against it. The fort had five gates,two Marine Ga tes on the south, the Apollo and Church G ates to thewest, and the Bazar Gate to the north. Between the two harbourgates was the castle, a regular quadrangle we ll built of strong hardstone . To the west of the castle was the dockyard large , wellplanned, and full o f stores . The dry dock had scarce its equal fors ize , and there was a rope

-walk as long as any in England, exceptthe walk in the King’s Yard at Por tsmouth. In the centre of the

fortwas an open green, where, in the fineweather, were packed baleso f c o tton and o ther merchandise. Round the green were many large ,well built, and handsome houses . To the left of Church Gate street,looking west from the G reen, were, clo se together, the commodiousand airy church and Government house , and, on the right, thetheatre a neat handsome structure, and behind the theatre, thebazar very crowded and populous where the native merchantschiefly lived. Some of the houses were high and large withwooden pillars in front supporting wooden verandas. In

February 1803 a great fire destroyed three - fourths of the bazar,with the barracks , the custom-house, and many o ther publicbuildings . Had not many houses near the castle been battereddown with artillery, the who le town would have been destroyed.

The private loss was estimated at about fifty ldkhs of rupees .3

1 Valentia’

s Travels II. 182 . Even Mackintosh (1804 - 1811) does not com

plain much of the climate: Its silent operation made life joyless and even lesscomfortable . There was little vigorous health. But the diseases were more re lar

,

more manageable , and. better treated than inEngland. Life, I. 207, 228, 229 , 8 0511

231.2 Hall

’s Fragments (2nd Series ), III. 8. Mackintosh (1804) admits five miles of

excellent road to Parel. Life, I . 228.

Though both, in almost the same lan nage , admire the picturesque beauty of theisland, its varied wood surface, andwi e island -studded bay , it is curious to notice:how differently Mac intosh (1804-1811) and Hall (1812) regarded Bombay. TaMackintosh , the disappointed London-loving man of thought, to whom half a. dozenIndian victories were not so interesting as one letter from Mark Lane , Bombay was;"a cursed country,

’a remote second-rate settlement in a distant quarter of Asia?

(Life, I. 218, 221, To Basil Hall, the cheerful travel-loving man of action,in the noble range of the eastern world few places could compare with BombaA week or two in Bombay and a visit to Elephanta, Karli, and Poona, was t e

shortest cheapest and most enjoyable way of seeing all that was most characteristicof the orientalworld. Fra ents , 2nd Series , III. 6 - 7.8 Valentia (1804) says , no-third of the town was reduced to ashes ; the rest was

saved with the greatest difi culty. The old G overnment house caught fire more thanonce.

’ Had they not put it out, the magazine would have caught fire too and severalthousand barrels of gunpowder would have scattered the city to all points of thecompass. Travels , II. 175.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

After the fire the townwas rebuilt andmuch improved. In 1813 the

buildings within the fort were valued at one crore and five ldkhsof rupees, and their yearly rental estimated at Rs .

To the north of the for t was the Esplanade 800 yards broad, ands ince 1802 clear of huts .

2 Beyond the esplanade, hid among cocoa

palms, was the Black Town. The improvements in rebuilding the

fort and the clearing of the esplanade had dr iven the poor to settlein the Company

’s salt rice land. This was scarcely recovered

fr om the sea, a low muddy tract, a shallow lake during the rainyseason . On Colaba there was a light-house and a signal station,barracks, and many delightful villas . In 1812 the number of houses(apparently in the is land, but this is not clear) was about andthe number of people of whom were fixed and

migratory.

3 The Europeans had bungalows or villas , and allsorts of country-houses and some very splendid retreats from thebustle o f business 4 the r ich natives owned large houses, thechildren living in part of the house even after they were marriedthe poo r classes lived in small huts thatched with palm- leaves, o r,as at present, were crowded into great buildings or chals , a hundredor even 300 persons being stowed under one roof.5

Bombay was a jumble of nations .

’ Besides Europeans, it hadpeople from almost every Asiatic nation, Parsis, Muhammadans,G ento o s , Arabs, and Roman Catholics.6 Among European merchantsthere were five houses o f agency.

7 The agency business alone didnot pay, as the profits were absorbed by interest in cash balances and

1 Hamilton’s Hindustan, II. 154 ; Warden , 75 and Milburn, I. lxxxv.

2 An account of the difficulties and delays in clearing the esplanade is given inBonn. Quar. Rev. V . 169 - 170.

3 Hall’s Fragments , 2nd Series , III. 43 . The estimate is average fixed populationmigratory population special famine increase total

4 Hall’

s ents (2nd Series ), III. 8. Mackintosh’s da was (Life, I. ride in

the morning, reakfast at eight , write and read till four, (inner (when alone) at four,walk 5-30 to 7, drink tea at seven, read from seven till bedtime . Whenhe dined outthe dinner was never before seven, the people a party of thirty , the etiquette strict.5 Hall

’

s Fragments (2nd Series ), III. 43 .

6 Bombay, wrote Mackintosh (1804, Life, I. is a jumble of nations, eople fromHindustan, Ujain, Ahmadabad, Cutoh , Cambay , Benares , Armenia, and taly. The

population of Bombay, wrote BasilHall in 1812 (Fragments , 2nd Series, III. is

wonderfully varied. There is no caste, dress , or custom in India , the MalayPeninsula, Java , China, or the Phillipine Islands, thatwe may not see in Bombay.

H all’

s estimate in 1812 was , H indus Musalmans Parsis Jews800 , Native Christians total permanent residents about Euro cans

1700, Native troops 3000, migratory population total about all

’

s

Fragments , 2nd S eries , III. 43 . This estimate was perhaps excessive , as furtherinformation in 1816 showed only The details were : Europeans4300, Native Christians Jews 800, Muhammadans HindusParsis or a total of Hamilton

’s Hindustan, H . 159. Ten years

later the total population of the island was by special census taken in August,September, October, and November , found to be Of these weretempo rary and military. Of the remainin were in the

Fort, in Dongri, in Byculla, 4500 in azgaon, 2500 on the MalabarHill, in G ir

gaon, in Mahim, and 2500 in Colaba. A rranged according

to race , of the regu ar population o f 938 were English, 8000 were Portu ese,

were Parsis , 1250 were Jews , 3 9 were A rmenians , Musalmans,Hindus , 3000 Mhars, and 48 Chinese . Bom. Geog. Soc. Trans . III. 72.

S

7

BBrupe

rt

Fawcett and Forbes and Cc . , Shotton and Cc .,JohnLeckie, and

0 ea“ 0 0

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Chapter VII.

Bombay Trade,1800 1810.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

ships of from 600 to 1300 tons had been built for the country tradeand for the service of the East India Company. In beauty of

cons truction, excellent workmanship, and durability, they weresuperior to any class of mer chant ships in the wo r ld. Bombay wasthe first place out of Europe, where a ship of the line was built.lFor the skill of its naval architects, the superiority of its timber,and the excellence of its dock, Bombay might be considered o f thefirst importance in the British empire in India.

2

Though Bombay did not from its own products furnish anyconsiderable article of export, or even foo d enough for its people,3all European and A siatic commodities could be procured in it. Itwas the emporium of Persia, Arabia, and the west of India }

.

Besides this Bombay had a great tradewith England. Of the lis tso f European and o ther commodities suitable for the BritishPre s idencies tho se for Bombay were the most extensive . Therewas scarcely an article manufactured in England that was not takento Bombay in considerable quantities.’ 5 During the early years

of the nineteenth century, of the two main branches of trade, theAsiatic o r country trade, so called because it was carried in Indianships and with Indian capital, was entirely in the hands of privatepersons .

6 The trade with England was carried on partly by theCompany partly by pr ivate merchants. Of the whole trade withEngland the Company imported into Bombay about the same amount

of treasure as the private traders, and under merchandise impo rtedand exported half as much again as pr ivate traders.

7 During the

five years ending 1806 imports averaged 412 ldkhs, of which 92ldkhs were treasure and exports averaged 318 ldkhs, ofwhich 36ldkhs were treasure.

In 1805, of the whole trade valued at 741 laikhs of rupees, 411were imports and 330 exports.8 Of the whole amount, 443 ldkhs or

1 The largest ship ever built in Bombay was the Ganges, a fri te pierced tocarry 92 guns and of 2289 tons . Low’

s IndianNavy , I. 298. Of 0 er men-of-warthere were launched one of 74 guns , two of 38 uns, two of 36, two of 18, and twoof 10 guns. For commercial purposes therewere uilt up to about 1816 nine

‘

shi s

of 1000 tons , five of 800, six of 700, five about 600 tons , and 35 smaller vess s .

Hamilton’

s Hindustan, II. 156.

2 Milburn (Oriental Commerce, I. 172 ) says , all the ships were ofMalabar teak.

Hamilton (Hindustan, II. 156) says , the teak comes from the forests to the north

and east o f Bassein. Hamiltonwas correct. Compare Pennant’s Outlines of the Globe

’

I. 81 Bennell’s Memoir of a Map ofBin ustan, 180 . Valentin. (1804) is nots o complimiantary to the Parsi management of the dockyard as some other writers.They used bad timber and scamped the work. Frauds were common ; the system

called loudly for reform. Travels, 11. 179-180 .

3 Onions seem to be the one article for which Bombay has all along been noted.

'Bombay produces most excellent onions ; other p rovisions are scarce and dear.’

Milburn’s Oriental Commerce , 1. 272.

4 Milburn’

s Oriental Commerce , I. 181. Hamilton (Hindustan, II. 156) noticesBombay as a specially g

bood place to bu gums and drugs of all kinds, Mokha coffee,

cam elians , agates , and Inc and other urat cloths .

5 Milburn’s Oriental Commerce, 1. Preface. This great import of miscellaneous

Britishwarewas to some extent abnormal, to sup y the stocks whichwere destroyedin the fire of 1803 . Ditto .

6 Milburn’s mental Commerce , I. 181, 241.

7 The private trade with England was subject to certain conditions, till, in 1813, all

restrictions ceased. The monopoly o f the trade between England and China wascontinued to the Compau fo r thirty years more.

8 There was also the mpany’s trade of 17} ldkhe, 31 lcikhs of imports and 141

Idle/wof exports.

Konkan ]

THANA .

596 4 per cent were with India, and 253 lé-khs or 84 14 per centwith o ther parts of Asia and East Africa 3 lakhs or 04 0 per centwere with America ; and 42 loikhs or 5 66 per cent with Europe.

1

Of the Indian trade about 39 lakhs, 18 of them imports and 21exports , were with Thana ports about 208 ldkhs , 100 imports and108 exports, with Gujarat ; about 42 ldkhs , 26 imports and 16exports, with Cutch and Sindh ; about 54 lak'hs , 14 imports and 40exports, with the South Konkan about 25 lcikhs, 18 imports and7 exports, with Malabar ; imports and g exports, withCeylon ; 25, 2 exports and Al

e- imports, with Coromandel ; and 70g, 68

imports and 233 exports, with Bengal.Of the 253 ldkhs of trade with foreign Asia and East Africa,

fifty ldkhs, 29 impor ts and 21exports, were with the Persian Gulf ;41 ldkhs, 26 imports and 15 exports, with the Arabian Gulf ;5 Mkhs

, 4 imports and 1 exports , with the Straits and 157 ldkks,85 imports and 72 experts, with China . Of three laikhs of tradewith America, 2 were imports and l exports . Of the 42 ldkhsof trade with Europe, 14§ ldkhs, 9 imports and 5% exports, werewith L isbon ; 1} ldkhs , all imports of wine, with Madeira ; and26% lakhs, 19 imports and 7% exports, with England .

The most important branch of the foreign trade of Bombay waswith China . Theibasis of this trade was the export of cotton fromBombay . This export of cotton dated from about 1770, when a

famine in '

China led theChinesegovernment to issue an edict orderingthe cultivation of grain. Sometime s as much as bales o f 375pounds each were sent in a year from Bombay to China . But in1805 the golden days of the cotton trade were over . Scanty suppliesand frauds had induced Madras and Bengal to compete, and had

tempted the Chinese to grow their co tton at home. It was nowa

1 The chief G ujarat details are , under imports , cotton 571, piecegoods 215, grain 95,butter 11, seeds 2, oil if under exports, treasure 31, sugar 14, silk 13 , piecegoods Ni .The chief Cutch and Sindh items are , of imports , cotton 152, butter 45, and grain 25and of exports , treasure 25, sugar 55, raw silk pepper 1, and piecegoods 1. The

chief SouthKonkan items are , of impo rts , grain treasure 31, piecegoods 22, betelnut1, and hemp 1 ; and of exports , treasure 5, piecegoods silk 7, grain 5, sugar

2g, woollen 11, king or assafoetida 1, and drugs It. The chief Malabar items are, of

imports, cocoa-kernels 2§,cocoanuts 21, pepper 2§, sandalwood 22,betelnut li,piecegoods

l_, timber l , butter 1, and treasure g and of exports , cotton 1, horses 2, piecegoods

i , wines i , and treasure 5. The chief Ceylon items are, of imports, arrack 2 and of

exports , horses fi. The chief Coromandel items are,of imports , piecegoods 1,

benjamin spices i and of exports, sundries 1. The chief Bengal items are, of

imports , silk 18, grain 15, piecegoods 142, sugar 14, liquor and gunny-bags 1

and of exports, copper horses and tea The chief Persian G ulf items.

are,

of imports , treasure 1815 , horses 4, dates 12, and lametta 11; and of exports , piece

goods 115, sugar 32, grain 1, drugs i, and iron in The chief Arab i tems are , o f

imports , treasure 232, sundries 2, myrrh 1, and olibanum and of exports, piece

go ods 72, grain 41, and ironQ. The chief Straits items are,_of importsh treasure 11,

metals 2, and pepper 5 and of exports , cotton.

1. The chief Chinese items are, of

imports , treasure 60 , sugar 82, piecegoods 4a silk 2 , camphire 12, and tutenague 1

and of exports , cotton 642, sandalwood 25, sharkfins 2L carnelians g, and putchokQ.The chief American items are, of imports, brandy g, and treasure 1_ and of exports,

cotton and piecegoods 5. The chief European articles are With Lisbon,‘

of imports,treasure 7 , and wine 1 and of exports , piecegoods 4 , and cotton 1 and With England ,of imports , treasure 61, wine 12, wearing apparel 1, copper 1, metals 1, provi sion l ,malt 5, hardware 15, and glass 5 ; and of exports, cotton 52, drugs 2, and ivory

Chapter VII.History.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

precarious trade .

1 The following table gives a general viewof thetrade of Bombay in 1805

Bombay Trad e, 1805 .

Pours.

America

Total Europe

Total Private TradeTotal India

Company’s Tra

To tal Foreign Asia Grand Total

(a) The rupee was worth 28. 6d.

A s in former times Hindus were settled for purpo ses of trade at

great distances from India. In 1763 Niebuhr found 125 Baniansin Sana in Yemen, who paid 300 crowns to live in the city in Mokha

there were 700 Banians , many of them cons iderable merchants and

very honestmen, and Rajputs and o ther Indians who were go ldsmithsand mechanics . They were considered strangers as they went backto India when they made money . They suffered many mo rtifications .

There were Banians also at Maskat where they were better off,

keeping their own law and practising their own religion .

2 In

_

the beginning of the nineteenth century, in the Persian G ulf theCompany

’s broker at Maskat was a Hindu, who was so desirous of

saving the lives of the bullocks that meat had to be brought on

board clandestinely. In the Arabian Gulf the greatest part of the

foreign trade inMokha was in the hands ofBanianswho had partnersin Aden. The Banians were safe to deal with, because if one failedhis companions paid. At Masuah on the west shore of the Red

Sea the Banians were comfortable men of good property .

Karamchand would receive a cargo , and, considering himselfresponsible for the who le, would dispo se o f it to smaller peopleworthy of credit. The smaller people took it into the interior and

in three months returned with value in o ther goods . Hindus werealso settled in Batavia in Java.

3 In 1750, Ramsing a Cutch Hindu

1 Milburn’s Oriental Commerce, I. 218.

2 Niebuhr in Pinkerton’s Voyages, X. 69 , 76, 78, 109, 142.

3 Milburn’

s OrientalCommerce , I. 117, 112 , 100, 82 II. 355. Lord Valentia aboutthe same time (1804) found Banians at Aden, Mokha, Berbera on the Somali coast,

and Masnah on the Abyssinian coast. Most of them came from Jigat in Kathiawarthey came young and stayed till they had made a sufficiency. They suffered great

extortion at Mokha especially just before their return to India. They lived accord

ing to their own laws and showed great obedience to the head Banian. They wereinoffensive and timid, but bound by no tie of honesty. The Masuah Banians werevery comfortable , being allowedwives if they pleased. Travels , II. 48 , 57, 88, 239 , 353,378-379 . In November 1835 the travellerWellsted (Travels in Arabia, I. 18, 20) found1500 Banians in Maskat. They chiefly belonged to the north-west of India, and hadcome to Maskat by sea from Porbandar inKathiawar. They had a small temple, and

about 200 well-fed sheep and mischievous cows which they adored. They burned

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Chapter VII.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

again rais ing himself to be Head of the Marathas. For hisshare in the murder of the Gaikwar’s envoy G angadhar Shas tri,Trimbakji Denglia was imprisoned in the Thana fort. He escapedon the 12th of September , and, with the connivance and help of thePeshwa, devoted himself to raising thewild tribes of Khandesh andAhmadnagar . During the next six months the Peshwa did hisutmost to secure the support of the Maratha chiefs and of the

Pendharis . As his hostility to the English was scarcely concealed,on the 6th of June 1817,the Peshwa was forced to enter into afreshtreaty. Under this treaty, which is known as the treaty of Poona,Bajirav acknowledged that TrimbakjiDenglia was the murderer of

G angadhar Shastri, he bound himself to have no dealings witho ther states except through the British, and, as he had failed tomaintain them, he agreed that the English should supply his

share (5000 horse and 3 000 foot) of the subsidiary force, and thatfresh lands should be ceded to enable the English to support thisnewcontingent.1 Among the terr itories ceded under this agreementwere the districts of Belapur, Atgaon, and Kalyan, and the rest ofthe North Konkan to GujaratfiEarly in 1817, some months before the treaty of Poona was

concluded, four bodies o f Pendharis swept from the Deccan to

plunder the Konkan. One body, six or seven hundred strong, wasat Panvel, and, either this or another force, advanced to Bhiwndi,but were prevented by the rivers from passing into the rich coast

districts of Bassein and Mahim . From Bhiwndi they marched

through A sheri and Tarapur to the Portuguese frontier . The peopleof the richer villages fled to the forests, and next year in some placesonly a few had come back.

3 After the rains (Novemberwhen he openly broke with the English and attempted to crush

their detachment at Poona, the Peshwa let lo o se on the Konkan

Trimbakp Denglia’s hordes o f Bhils and Ramo shis. They held

the Sahyadri-

passes and entered Kalyan , driving many of the

people to take refuge in Bassein and Mahuli .4 The Bombay troopskept the country between Panvel and Khopivli. But theBhils heldthe Bor pass and despatches from General Smith, then near Poona,to the Commander-in-Chief in Bombay had to be sent by Bankot.5In December the Peshwa was close to the Nana pass and measureshad to be taken to prevent his entering the Konkan.

6 Bapurav

Lambia, one of his supporters, took the fort o f Kotaligad, abouttwelve miles eas t ofNeral, but it was retakenwithout lo ss by CaptainBrooks on the 30th of December . In January 1818 Co lonel Frother,with a force of 3 80 Europeans , 800 Native Infantry, and a batteringtrain

,to ok the important forts ofKarnala, Rajmachi, and Koari.

The acquisition of the northKonkanwas completed by Capt. Barrow’s

1 Aitchison'

s Treaties , V . 64 - 71.

2 The other cessions were the Peshwa’s share of Gujarat, the tribute of Kathiawar,and the districts of Dharwar and Kusigal. Aitchison

’

s Treaties , V . 71.3 Dickinson’

s Report in Military Diary, 314 of 1818.4 Dickinson’

s art inMilitary Diary, 314 of 1818.5 Blue Book, 11 129 , in Nairne

’s Konkan, 113. 0 Dickinson’

s Report.

11;Asiatic Joumal, VI. 96, in Naime

’

s Konkan, 113 Blue Book, Naime s Konkan,

Konkan ]

THANA.

victory near the Kusur pass over a body of Arabs, Musalmans, and

Kolis .

l A s the bulk of the peoplewere friendly the districts did notrequire a strong garrison.

2 Thana was maintained as a militarystation, and, for some years , detachments were kept at Panvel,(Kalyan Bhiwndi, and Bassein.

3 Of the inland forts CaptainDickinson

,who was sent to survey them, considered A sheri, Malang

gad, and Mahuli impregnable, but from their iso lated positionuseless. Of the Sahyadri forts Gorakhgad near Murbad, Kotaligad

near Neral, and Sidgad near Gorakhgad, for a short time, were heldby small detachments . The inner works of the rest of the inland fortswere , as far as possible, destroyed .

4 The coast forts, of whichA rnala and Tarapur were the chief, were in better order than the

inland forts . They gave the people a feeling of security againstpirates, and were allowed to remain untouched.

5

Dur ing the rains of 1818two important pr isoner s were kept in thenorth Konkan

, Chimnaji Appa the Peshwa’s bro ther at Bassein and

T rimbakjiDenglia at Thana .

6 At the time of their transfer to theBr itish, the Thana districts for miles round the forts had scarcely an

inhabitant . The fewpeople were almostwithout tools there washardly a craftsman even of the humblest descr iption.

7 In other partsthe peoplewere poor andnumbers ofvillages were empty . The forestswere held by mo st degraded, almost savage, Ko lis , Bhils, Kathkaris,and Thakurs who lo st no chance of plunder .

8 There were two exceptions to the generalwretchednes s, Kalyan who se villages were largeand well- peopled and the country prosperous, 9 and the garden of

Bassein, where every inch of land was highly tilled, much of it undersugarcane , garden crops, and rice .

10 From the V aitarna north to

the Damanganga was an excellent road, perhaps for its length (73m iles) unequalled by any in the world .

’ But the country had latelybeen pillaged by Pendharis .

11 Salsette , though so long under Britishmanagement, was a striking contrast to the rich garden lands of

Bassein . In the south the valleys were well tilled,'

but the greaterpart of the island lay empty and waste, almo st who lly covered withbrushwood . The revenue was about (Rs . andthe population es timated at The people were excessivelyfond of liquor, but so quiet and orderly

“

, that in 1813 , for two yearsno native of the island had been committed for trial .“Details of the development of the district under British rule are

given in the Chapters onTrade and on Land Administration. Since1818 order has beenwell preserved. The chief exceptions are the Koligang robber s who continued to trouble the district till about 1830 a

Musalman and Hindu r iot inBhiwndi in 183 7 the alarm and disquietof the 1857 -mutinies an income - tax disturbance in Bassein in 1860and two

'

recent outbreaks of gang robberies in 1874 and in 1877.

1 Blue Book, .Nairne’s Konkan, 114.

2 There was general joy in the districts that were handed over to the British,Pendhari and Maratha Wars , 112 .

3 Nairne’

s Konkan, 128.

4 Nairne’

s Konkan, 117.5 Nairne

’s Konkan, 117.

6 Nairne’

s Konkan, 118.7 Dickmson

’s Report . 8 Nairne’s Konkan, 126.

9 Hamilton’s Hindustan, II. 150.

10 Dickinson’s Report. 11Dickinson’

s Report.12 (Rs. in 1813 . Hamilton

’s Hmdustén, II. 172.

13 Hamilton’

s Hindustan, II. 172.

State of Thana,1818.

Bhiwndi Riots,1837.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

During the first twelve year s of British rule the hill countryboth above and be low the Sahyadris, was infe sted with gangs o

'

f

Bhil and Ko li robbers . Their head-quarters were almost always inthe Deccan, but their raids swept across the who le of Thana, and

caused widespread discomfort and alarm . The leading spirit wasone Ramj iBhangria a Koli. For a time he was won from his wildlife and placed in charge of the po lice of a subd ivision . H e provedan able officer, but resenting an order stopping his levy of gifts hewithdrewfrom G overnment service. At the same time the pay and

allowances of other leading Ko li families were reduced, and manyof them were thrown out of work by the dismantling of the forts .

In spite of general discontent, the presence of British troopsprevented an

.

outbreak, till, in 1827, the Kolis learned that theSatara Ramo shis

,who had been in revolt for three years, had

gained all they had fought for . Judging that to show themselvesformidable was the surest way of gaining redress, the Kolis, at

the close of 1828,went out in revolt . Captain Mackinto sh, who

was put in charge of a body o f police, found great difficulty in

gaining news of their movements. In time he won over a certainnumber of Kolis, found the names of all persons likely to helpthe outlaws, and noted their favourite hiding and watering places .

A large body of troops was collected . Some were posted in theKonkan and o thers along the crest of the Sahyadris, and light parties,perpetually on the move, kept surpris ing the Kolis in their hidingplaces . So hot was the pursuit that the insurgents were forced tobreak into small parties . All the watering places were guarded,and, in a fewmonths

,the two chiefs and more than eighty of their

fo llowers were caught and marched into Ahmadnagar .

1

There has long been ill- feeling between the Musalmans and the

Hindus of Bhiwndi . In April 183 7 the Muharram chanced to fall atthe same time as theHindufestival ofRdmnafvmi, orRama’sbirth -day.

The Musalmans determined no t to allow the idol ofVithoba, the localrepresentative of Rama, to be carried about the streets during the tendays of the Muharram . On the 14th April, Vithoba

’sbirth - day, when

his image ought to have been carried through the town, the Musalmansgathered in front of his temple . The Hindus, fear ing violence, gaveup their procession and went to their homes . To be revenged

'

on

the Musalmans the vanias agreed to clo se their shops, and the lowclass Hindus promised to take no part in the Muharram . Next day(15th April) the want of supplies irritated

‘

the Musalmans, and in

the evening they were further enraged by finding that of theirseven or eight Muharram biers or tdbuts, only two could be

moved, because the usual Hindu bearers refused to touch them and

the Mahars would neither play mus ic nor carry torches . Accordingto the Musalman account

, as the procession passed an emptyhouse, the tabata were battered with stones . On this the Musalmans

broke into open rio t, entered Vithoba’s temple, stripped the idol of

its jewels, broke some trellis work and images , and handled an old

s ickly Mahar so roughly that he soon after died . Forty-eight

1Mackintosh in Trans. Bom. G eog. Soc. I. 256 -264 .

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Gang Robberies,1874.

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DISTRICTS .

Mr.Hunterwith sticks and stones, and forced him to run for his boat.He reached the boat without much injury, but when his servants

tried to push off, they were prevented by showers of stones and werekept in this pos ition for thr ee -quar ters of an hour , whenMr . Hunter

’

s

clerk persuaded the people to let him go . G ovardhandas,the leader

in the riot, was sentenced to a month’s impr isonment and a fine of

£ 40 (Rs .

In 1874 Honia Bhagoji _Kenglia, a Ko li of Jambur i in Poona,became the leader of a large band of robbers . A special party of

police, under an European officer, was sent to hunt him, but he

moved with such secrecy and speed that he remained at large fortwo years . A t length, on the 15 th of August 1876, Honia wascaught near Nandgaon in Karjat, and condemned to transportationfor life . Mo st of his gang were shortly after se ized and sentenced

to heavy terms of imprisonment . In 1877, the gang robberies thatwere organised by vasudev Balvarit Phadke in Poona

,and o ther

parts o f the Deccan, extended to Thana. Several s erious robberieswere comm itted, the mo st no table being the sack o f a rich Brahman’

8

house in Panvel. The for tunate surpr ise and death in May 1879 of

the leader of this gang, by Major H . Daniell, prevented disorder

from spreading . And,after the brilliant capture in July 1879 of

vasudevBalvant Phadke, also by Major H. Daniell at Deveh Nadigein Indi in Kaladgi, o rder wa s so on restored.

1

Under British rule the trade o f the district has developed from411 lakhs of import and 3 30 of expor t in 1805 to 235 7 la

’

khs

of import and 2921 of export in 1881,an increase of about seven

fold. This trade, both by land and by sea,is almo st entirely

lo cal. The foreign trade of the Thana coast continues to centre in

Bombay. The great increase, six hundred to eight hundredfold inthe trade of Bombay since the beginning of the century, has not

directly benefited the Thana distr ict .

2 The passage of goods across

the district by rail and the competition of steamer s may even have

taken from the cartmen and seamen of Thana former means of

employment. Still indirectly Thana has gained. It is chiefly to theincrease ofwork and the growth of populationwhich have accompaniedthe development of trade in Bombay, that the Thana district owesits advance inwealth andprosper ity. The trade o fBombay furnishesemployment for numbers of the upper classes as clerks and traders,and for numbers of the lower classes as craftsmen and labourers.Since 1820, the growth of Bombay has probably increased abouts ixfold the demand for the lime, stones, sand

,tiles, and wood used

in its buildings, and for the salt, grass, straw, grain, vegetables,

fruit,and liquor consumed by its people and animals, perishable or

bulky articles in the supply of which Thana so favourably competeswith more distant districts .3

1 Police Reports for 1879 , Commissioner 0 . D.

’e Report, p. 9 .

2 A compari son of the average trade returns of Bombay during the five years

ending 1881, with the corresponding average of the five years ending 1806, shows an

increase in the value of exports from 282 ldkhs to 2921 ldkhs o r 936 per cent ;

in the value of imports fr om 320 ld kke to 2357 lcilchs or 637 per cent and, in the total

value of the trade from 602 laZkhs to 5278 kikks or 777 per cent .

3 Compared with those for 1826 the census returns for 1881 show an increase

from l , 32,570 to or 483 '23 per cent in the pea le, and from to

or 49 6 6 per cent in the houses of the Town and'

Islan of Bombay.

Konkan}

C H A PT ER V I I I.

L A N D A D M IN IS T R A T IO N .

‘

SECTION I.—ACQUISITION, CHANGES, AND STAFF}

Or the territor ies that form the distr ict of Thana, the is lands ofSalsette, Elephanta, Hog Island, and Karanjawere conquered by theBritish at the clo se of l 774. In the fo llowing year RaghunathravPeshwa, under the treaty of Surat, ceded Bassein and its

dependencies . This ce ssionwas confirmed in 1778. But four yearslater, under the treaty of Sélbai Bassein and its dependencieswere restored to the Peshwa, and the British pos session of salsette ,Elephanta, Hog Is land, and Karanja was confirmed. The rest of

the distri7

ct was ceded by the Peshwa under the treaty of Poona inJune 181In 1817, on the acquisition of the Konkan

,Thana, which had been

the civil station of salsette, became the head-quarters o f the NorthKonkan, and at first Bankot and in 1820 Ratnag iri b-ecame the headquarter s of the South Konkan including Ko laba . In 183 0 Ko laba,or the three sub- divisions north of the Bankot creek, Sankshi

Rajpur i and Raygad , were transferred from the South to the North

Konkan, wh ich was then raised to be a pr incipal co llectorate withthe South Konkan as a subordinate co llectorate .

2 This arrangementlasted for only two years . In the beginning of 1833 thes e twodivisions of the Konkan were,without territor ial change, formed in tothe two collectorates of Thana and Ratnagiri .3 Twenty year s later

1 Materials for the Administrative History of Thana include , besides a aperon Tenures by Mr. W . B. Mulock, O.S., Collector of Thana, Re ulations I I. of1799 and I. o f 1808 ; Revenue Diaries , 135 of 1818 , 144 of 1819, 51 o f 1820, and153 of 1820 ; Thana Collector

’

s Outward File , 1820 ; Thana Collector’s File, 1821,

about Revenue System ; East India Papers , III. (Ed . 1826) Bombay G overnm ent

Revenue Record, 211 of 1828 MS. Selection, 160 (1818 - 1830 ) containing Mr .

Marriott ’s and o ther Reports ; Major T . B. Jervis ’ Statistical Account of the

Konkan, 1840 Mr . Vibart, Revenue Commissioner, 311 of 24th February 1842 ;Thana Collector

’s File of Objectionable Taxes , V ol. II. 1827 - 1851 Thana Collector

’

s

File , 1843 -1853, about G eneral Condition Thana Collector’

s I‘h’

le of Statistics , 1836

,1860 Survey Reports (1855-1866) inBombay G overnment Selections LXII. LXXIII.LXXXV III . XCVI. Early (1835 - 1842) Assessment RevisionRe orts by Mr. Daviesand other Ofiicers , and Annual Jamabandi and other Reports an Statements, 18321880 (in Bombay G overnment Revenue Record 550 of 1834, 628 of 1835, 696 of 1836,700 of 1836, 746 of 1836, 775 of 1837, 867 of 1838, 870 of 1838, 975 of. 1839

,1102

of 1840, 1244 of 1841, 1348 of 1842 , 1457 of 1843 , 1573 of 1844, 22 of 1846, 21 of

1847, 29 of 1849, 34 of 1851, 35 of 1851, 27 of 1855, 11 of 1856 part 4, 19 of 1856art 3, 19 of 1857 part 10, 25 of 1858 part 9, 16 of 1859, 20 of 1860 , 22 of 1861, 13 of

862-645 10 of 1865, 5 of 1871, 5 of 1872, Gov. Res . on Revenue Settlement Reportsfor 1873 -74, Rev. Dept. 6092 of 27th October 1875,Bom. Pres. G en. Adm. Rep . 1872-73to 1880-81) and Season Reports since 1860.

3 Gov. Res, 610, 18th March 1830. 3 Gov. Order 3402, 17th December 1832.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

(1853 ) the three southern sub- divisions of Sénkshi Rajpuri andRaygad, together with the Ko laba Agency, consisting of the

Underi and Revdanda sub -divisions were formed into the Ko labasub-collectorate and placed under Thana .

1 This arrangement lastedtill 1869 , when, without territorial change , Ko laba was separatedfrom Thana and raised to be a collectorate .

2

A s regards the internal or sub -divisional distribution of the Thanadistr ict, important changes took place in 1841 and again in

1866. In 1841 Bhiwndi with Shiro l was severed from Kalyanand made a separate sub-division Taloja was made a sub -division,which was subsequently in 1861 divided by the survey betweenKalyan and Panvel and the greater portion of the Tarapur pettydivision was taken from Sanjan and jo ined to the newly formedsub -division of Mahim . A s regards the changes in 1866, salsetteand Basse in alone remained untouched ; 3 the boundar ies of Sanjan,nowstyled Dahanu, Mahim,

Bhiwndi,Murbad, Kalyan, and Panvel,

were more or less altered ; the Véda petty division was raised to

be a sub-division the Kinhavli petty division was abolished, partbeing added to Shahapur and par t to Murbad the Kolvan sub

divis ion was styled Shahapur and the Mokhada petty division wasmade subordinate to it fourteen villages from Panvel and as manyfrom Nasrapur , now styled Karjat

, were transferred to the Sankshisub- divis ion of Ko laba ; the Sai petty divis ion in Panvel wasabo lished ; and Uran,

which had been separated from Salsette in1861, was placed under Panvel.4

The present (1882) sub- divisions are, beginning from the northDahanu

,Mahim

,vada, Shahapur , Bhiwndi, Bassein, Salsette,

Kalyan, Murbad, Harjat, and Panvel .The revenue administration of the district is entrusted to an

o fficer styled Collector on a yearly pay of £ 2790 (Rs .

This officer, who is also Political Agent, chief magistrate, districtregistrar, and executive head of the distr ict

,is helped in his wo rk

of general supervision by a staff of four assistants of whom two are

covenanted and two uncovenanted se rvants of Government. The

sanctioned yearly salar ies of the covenanted assistants range from

£ 600 to £ 1200 (Rs . 6000 - Rs . and tho se of the uncove

nanted assistants from £ 360 to £ 720 (Rs . 3600 - Rs . 7200) .5

For fiscal and other administrative purpo ses the lands under the

Co llector ’s charge are distr ibuted over eleven sub- divisions . Eightof these are generally entrusted to the covenanted assistantco llector s and three to the uncovenanted assistant or districtdeputy collector . A s a rule no sub—division is kept by the

Co llector under his own direct supervision . The head- quarter or

huzur deputy collector is entrusted with the charge of the treasury.

These officers are also magistrates, and tho se who have revenue

1 G ov. of India’s Order 2367, 1st October 1852 .

2 G ov. Notification, loth July 1869 .3 G ov. Res. 897, 10th ,

March 1866.

4 G ov. Res. 456, 3rd February 1865. See pp. 609 , 621.

5 The superintendent of Matheran is gazetted as an assistant collector and thirdclass magistrate, but his duties as an assistant collector are very limited.

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DISTRICTS.

In alienated villages the village officers and servants are paid bythe alienees and perform police duties for Government .The average yearly co st of village establishments may be thus

summarised :

TMna VillageEstablishm nla.

This is equal to a charge of £ 5 19s . 63d. (Rs . 59 -12- 3) a

or per cent of the whole of the district land revenue .l

SECTION II.—TENURES .

2

Tenures. The tenures of the district belong to two main classes, survey andspecial tenures . By far the largest part of the district is held on

the survey tenure of ownership with power to transfer, subject to thepayment of a rentwhich is liable to revision at the end of thirty years .

When a survey-ho lder does not himself till the land he sublets it

e ither on the half- share or wrdhel, o r on the contract or khand

system . Under the ardhel or half- share , which is the mo st common

form of subletting, the survey occupant pays the Governmentassessment and contr ibutes half the seed and one bullo ck for thelough , and in return he takes half the gro ss produce, includinghalf of the straw at harvest time . The tenant supplies the labour,half of the seed, and the second bullock. This system is commonestin the wilder inland tracts,where the tenant is to o poor to undertakethe whole responsibility of cultivation . This is also the usualarrangement during the first couple of year s after new land hasbeen broken for tillage or reclaimed from salt waste .

The contract system is called khand, or makta , and is also knownas the farmer

’s share system or svdmz

’

tca . Under it the survey.

o ccupant pays the G overnment assessment and sublets the landon condition of receiving a share called svdmitva, which varies indifferent parts of the district from six to twelve mans the acre .

The tenant provides seed, plough, bullocks, labour, and manure ,except such bush - loppings and grass as he may cut from the

holder’s upland.

The special tenures may be arranged under two groups, thosethat almost entirely ceased on the intro duction of the revenue

survey and those that are still continued . Of the special formsof tenure that have almost entirely merged in the revenue survey

1 The cost of village establishments , except the pay of the accountants who receivefixed monthly salaries , is liable to variation in consequence of the confiscation or

e scheat of service lands o r of the commutation of a land into a. cash allowance.But such changes are rare. The figures in the text fairly represent the averagestre

p/Fmand cost of village establishments .

2ost of this section is contributed by Mr. W . B. Mulock, O.S., Collector of

Thana, September 1881.

Konkan.)

THANA.

tenure details are later on in the Administrative History.

Brief! they are the or lump also called the taka, take , or hon,1the has or estate, the ndngwrbandi or plough system,

the sa lt or

special remission settlement, and the pdndharp esha or high-clas svillagers

’settlement.

Under the dhcp or lump system,

'which seems to have been handeddown from very early times, a certain quantity of grainwas paid foran unmeasured plo t or lump of land. A modification of this systemwas found in Kolvan, nowV iida and Shahapur including Mokhada .

Under this modification, the land was divided into unmeasured plotsof mixed rice and upland, each known as a kale or estate .

2 A plouglh

cess or ndngarbandi was also in force in the wilder parts of t 9

district. Under it a husbandman could till as much land as he

pleased and as long as he pleased, provided he paid a certain amountof grain on every pair of bullocks he used.

3

In 1870, in the case known as the One Teak Tree Case , AtmaramTipnis against the Collector of Thana, the plaintiff claimed thatas a holder under the suti tenure, he had proprietary rights in theland he held, and that the se rights included the owner ship of alltrees on his holding. The claim was thrown out bo th by theassistant and by the District Judge . On appeal the casewas re turnedby the High Court to the District Judge for re -trial. The DistrictJudge then decided that a sutidclr, or ho lder under the sa il tenure,was a proprietor, and, under rule ten of the Jo int Rules , he had a rightto the possession of the trees in his land, and could dispo se of themas he p leased. G overnment employed Mr . A . K . Nairne, thenfirs t assistant co llector , who had a special knowledge o f Konkanland-tenures , to investigate the history of the anti tenure . Theresult of Mr . Nairne

’s inquiries was to sh ow that the sa lt tenure

carried with it no special right to transfer land or dispo se of trees.Mr . Nairne‘ showed that the term saltwas very rarely used in the

1MS.So] . 160 , 711-714 ; Born. Gov. Re v. Rec . 867 of 1838, 289.

Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 417. The kdsba/nd i is now (1881) in force only inthirteen villages in Mokhada . Under it the rice lands were broken into separatesurvey and part numbers, while the upland was measured into one large surveynumber. A share of this upland together with the rice land in his occupation wasroughly measured by chain and entered as the owner ’s holding or Ichd la

, but itwasnot made into a separate number . Neither description of land canbe held or thrownu inde endently of the other. The kdsba/ndiand plough

-cess or ndngarbandl systemsof)

Mcfiada, which at the introduction of the survey (1865) were continued for tenears , are to be replaced as soon as possible by the ordinary field survey undervernment Resolution 2788 o f 28th May Mr. Mulock, C . S.

3 This ndngarbandi system obtains (1881) in twenty-three villages in Karjat, insixty-seven villages in Mokhada , and in a few villages in Shahapur. Under it the

rice lands were measured, classified, and allotted, while the upland of the village wasleft in one large number, and the assessment levied at a rate varying from 68 . to

£ 148. (Rs. 3 -Rs . 12 ) for each plough. In Karjat in the south and inMokhada in thenorth-east, there is (1881) a tenure which was rec

qgnised at the time of the

survey and called by the Survey Superintendent da li c tivation (G ov. Sel. XCVI.13 , The assessment is levied on the kudali, or hoe , of those who are too poor toown a plough and bullocks. The land thus tilled is found along the Sahyadris inthe hands of Kolis , Thakurs, and Kathkaris ; the tax on each hoe is 13 . 6d. (as.Mr. Mulock, C . S.

4 These details are taken from a printed paper by Mr. Nairne, showing all the

rights known to exist inthe North Konkanover teak and blackwood inG overnment.

vi ages and lands .

Tenures .

Pdndllarpesha

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

old British records ; that when it did occur it was explained as‘

an hereditary occupancy right subject to the payment of the

G overnment rental ; that it did not carrywith it the right to transferthe land and that it was limited to rice lands and did not extendto hill-grain or various lands .

1 It was less favourable to the

landholder than the survey tenure, and disappeared on the

introduction of the survey settlement. The people still speak of

rice land held under the survey tenure as suti, and sutidci/r is usedwith the same meaning as kkdtedclr or survey occupant . Onreceipt of Mr. Naim e

’s report G overnment (Reso lution 6646 of

27th November 1875) expressed their regret that it was no t beforethemwhen they determined not to appeal against the District Judge

’s

decision. Since 1875, section 40 of the Land Revenue Code hassettled that, unless teak blackwood or sandalwo od has been expresslyand clearly conceded, the right of G overnment is indisputable.

Formerly some of the higher classes of villagers , who representedthemselves or their ancestors as the original reclaimers of the landfrom waste, were allowed to ho ld their land

_

at spe cially low rates .

2

These classes were known as pa'

mdha'rpeshas,a that is the villagers

proper . They included Brahmans, Prabhus, G o ldsmiths, Blacksmiths ,Coppersmiths, Carpenters, Saddlers , and others who did not

themselves till the soil. To make up for the special expense theyincurred in hiring labour, they Were allowed to ho ld their lands at

specially easy rates . The practice is said to have been o lder thanthe time of the Peshwas . Under the Br itish the question of

continuing or putting a step to these privileges has given rise to

much difference of opinion. These opinions, which are noted belowin the Administrative History, may be shortly summarised. In

1820 G overnment agreed to continue to the pdndharpesha’

s theirspecially easy rates.‘ But in 1823, at the first settlement of thedistrict, they decided that, with certain reservations, the practiceof taking specially low rates from privileged clas ses should beabolished .

‘5 This order was not enforced. In 1825 the .Collectorbrought the matter to the no tice of G overnment and the orderso f 1823 were repeated. In 1826 a second attempt to carry them out

met with so much oppo sition that it was abandoned by Sir JohnMalco lm in It was then

' decided that those who had heldas pdndharp eshds at the beginning of British rule should have theirprivileges confirmed. Prescription and usage were to be considered

1 Mr. W . B.Mulock, C . S. Mr. Nairne does not explain the meaning of the wordsuli. It apparently means exempt o r remitted. Mr . Ebden sug ests the probableexplanation of the word , namely, that it originated in Trimbak

gVinayak

’s survey

which introduced acre, or biglm, rates with the concession known as savdi

or the one and a quarter remission, that is instead of one and a quart er only one

bigha was entered in the books (see Bom. G ov. Sel. XCV I, This one and a

quarter remission was one of the privileges claimed by the paindkaweehde. Thisexplanation supports Mr . Nairne

’s viewthat the pdndhampeshds were M iddre with

special privileges. Mr. Nairne’s Pa er , page 6 are . 8.

2 G ov. Le tter 788 of lat May 1827, in Born. ov. Rev. Rec. 50 of 1827.3 Familiar-peak comes apparently from the Marathipdndhar or villa e community

and the Persianpeeh or practice . It included the artisans and other c as superiorto the cultivators. Wilson’

s Glos sary, 3 96.

4 G ov. Letter 916 of 14th July 1820 ,inMS. Sel.

5 Born. Gov. Rev. Rec. 696of 1836, 137.6 Born. G ov.Rev. Rec. 696 of 1836, 138.

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[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

of the pé/ndharpeshds had been inquired into and confirmed, andthey doubted whether it was advisable or evenwithin their power tocancel them .

1 The matter was referred for the opinion of the LegalRemembrancer and the A lienation Commissioner .

At the introduction of the survey into Khalapur in 1855 and intoKarjat in 1856, p dndharp eshds who paid less than the survey rateswere allowed to continue their former payments on condition thatthe privilege was to cease with the expiry of the survey lease, andthat, in case of death o r transfer , the land was to be subjected tothe full assessment . G overnment in reviewing the Karjat settlement (Reso lution 1700 of 9th April 1857) stated that the questionof p é/ndharp csha, remissions was still under the consideration of theA lienation Department . No mention ofpdndha/rp eska claims occurs

in the survey reports of Panvel In Kalyan (1859 ) andin Murbad (1860) their clawswere urged and disallowed . On the5th February 1859 , a resolution (No . 476) was issued directing theSuperintendent of survey in future to levy a proportionate increasefrom pa

’

mdharpeshds as from o ther landholders . Districts alreadysettled were not to be affected by this o rder . The RevenueCommissioner in his 1567A of 4th June 1864 brought to notice thatonly in Nasrapur had an erroneous settlement been made

, andrequested that matters should be rectified. G overnment in theirResolution 2467 of 29th June 1864, and the Secretary of State in hisDespatch 25 of 25th April 1865, approved of this sugges tion, andthe Commis sioner of survey (328 dated 23rd October 1865 ) reportedthat the necessary changes had been made and that the amountremitted to the pdndharp eshds had been reduced from £ 233 to £ 21

(Rs . 2330 - Rs . Subsequently the Revenue Commissioner(3780 of 2nd November 1865) found that the remissionwas only £ 18(Rs . 180 ) which was distributed over 167 ho ldings . G overnment(Reso lution 4785 of 23rd November 1865) directed that until therevision of the survey settlement the remission should be continuedwhere it was above one rupee . When less than a rupee the yearlyremission was to be converted into a lump payment equal to theannual remission dur ing the remainder of the survey lease . Almostall the pdndha

frp eskafis , who were entitled to remissions of less than a

rupee, took twenty year s’

purchase, and thus a large number of theseclaims were extinguished. The Secretary of State signified his

assent to this arrangement in his Despatch 16 of l6th March 1867.

In Karjat and Khalapur alone is a remission,sai-air?sa t

,still allowed

to these higher classes, and the whole amount remitted is only £ 14(Rs . This amount steadily decreases and all vestige of specialprivilege will disappear at the revision settlement which will takeplace in a fewyears (1883

Of tenures different from the survey tenures, besides grant orind/m. lands held either rent-free or on the payment of a quit-rent,there are four local varieties , the service or vatan, the special serviceo r izafat, the embankment or shilotr'i, and the leasehold improperlytermed khoti.

1 G ov. Letter 3370, 2nd September 1856, in Bom. G ov. Sel.XCVI . 70.

Konkan.)

THANA.

Exclusive of fifty- three leasehold villages in salsette of which

an account is given later on of five villages in Panvel and one

in Mahim which were granted in indm by the British G overnment ;1and of seventeen alienated or sam 'ngami villages’3 in Panvel , whichare held under a treaty passed between the Br itish and Angrie

’s

governments in 1822, there are seventy-five ind/m villages3 in the

Thana district. Soon after the acquisition of the district by theBritish, a proclamation was issued (1st December 1819 ) callingon allwho had titles to rent-free or quit-rent land to produce andregister them. In 1827 clause 8 section 42 of Regulation XVII. of1827 prescribed that, as the proclamation mentioned in clause 5 hadbeen is sued in the Northern Konkan, no deed which had not beenregistered within one year after the pro clamation should be held bythe Co llector or by any cour t of justice to preclude the assessment ofland in the manner specified in clause 6. A number of deeds wereregistered, inquiries regarding many claims to exemption were held,and decisions were passed under Chapters IX . and X . of the

Regulation. Nevertheless, on the ho lders of all of these villages,

1 In Panvel, Shirdhon, Kushivli, and Nandgaon, granted in 1862 -63 to theG aikwar ’

s Divan Rae saheb G anesh Sadashiv Oze fo r his services during the 1857mutiny ; and Panja and Don anted in 1834-35 to a pensioned mamlatdar ofSalsette Mr. Manoel de Sousa. T1 filahim, Parnali granted in 1841for constructingand maintaining a dam and a rest-house at the Banganga river on the Tarapur road.2 -Vat, Pargaon.Dun i, Kepar, Nandai Nimba, Kharnandai Kopar , Dapiv

'

li, Sérang‘K ota, Nandai Nimby cha Kot , Punada, Ulva, Targhar, Kopar Khar , Son Khar,Khatvira, Apta, Kora] , and Gherévadi. These villages , which yielded

an estimatedearly revenue of £ 1000 (Rs . had been granted by A ngria to his ministermayak Parashram. On the lapse of the Kolaba state in 1840 , Mr. Davies the Political

Agent found that, under a newdeed dated 1826-27, the grant to the minister had been

raised to £ 2671 (Rs. The minister was dep rived of all lands in excess oftho se guaranteed in 1822 . (G overnment Resolution 2739 , 3rd September Thequestion of succes sion to these grant villages is now before G overnment. Mr.

Mulock, C.S September 1882 .

3 Thdna Inrim Villages.

Valiv.

Kn ur

Ss't sarrs .

Nelimbi.

Pasvan.

Chirvad.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

except Velgaon in Mahim,Khandas and Kotimba in Karjat

, andAsnoli1 in Shahapur , notices under section 9 of the SummarySettlement Act (Bombay Act VII. of 1863) have been served and a

one- eighth quit-rent levied . The ho lders of four of these villages,Dongasta in Vada, Kulgaon in Kalyan, Mulgaon in Kalyan, andChindhran in Panvel, demanded an inquiry into their titles,which inevery case resulted in a decision in favour of the continuance of theirexemption. The propr ietors of three villages, Tis in Kalyan,Kanheriin Bhiwndi, and Phena in Bhiwndi, have alone received title -deedso r sanads . The remaining title-deeds were not granted owing to thedifficulty of calculating the quit- rent, or juch

'

, under the SummarySettlement Act on forest lands which have no t been assessed by thesurvey . The question of assessing forest lands under Rule 2 Section 6of the A ct is still under c onsideration, and until the matter issettled no deeds can be issued for villages which contain forests.

The inamddrs of forty- one2of the villages have signed an agree

m ent in the form given in fo otnote 3 below. The legal effect of

these agreements is doubtful, but the records show that theywere no t in all cases taken in acknowledgment of the ind/mddrs’

r ights but merely as a token of their consent to agree to this fo rmof settlement, in the event of its being decided that theywere entitledto be oife red the summary settlement in respect o f the forest .3 Noneo f the ind/m. villages have been surveyed excepting Nanala in

Salsette . In o ther cases the quit-rent paid is one-eighth of the

approximate survey assessment of the village together with the

former or o riginal q uit-rent. In mo st finam villages there are old

o ccupants who se rents are not raised. Tenants taking new landhold on the yearly or eksdli tenure , and they pay rents fixed by theandmddr which are generally about the same as the rates prevailingin the surrounding G overnment villages . Indmd

'

drs take their rentseither murkdbcmdi or mudkebandi, also known as muddbandi that isa certain share of each muda. o f grain or dhepbandi that is a certainamount o f grain levied on a lump area or bighd/vni that is a certainbigha rate . As a rule cash is taken in place of grain. The

1 Notice was issued, but it was cancelled because the Inam Commissioner hadalready inquired into and admitted the claim. Mr. E. J. Ebden, C . S.

2 Nos. 2 -4, 6 - 14, 20, 24 - 31, 34, 35, 37, 39 , 41, 42 , 44 , 45 , 49 , 50, 52, 54, 55, 59 , 62,67 68, 70, 71, and 73 in footnote 3 ,

'

p . 535 . The proprietor of Talegaon (63 ) in Panveldid not sign the form of agreement. He sent an expression oi his readiness to payone -eighth of the produce according to the G overnment order .

’ Mr .E. J.Ebden, O.S.

3 In a few cases one man holds two or three villages and passed one agreement for

the lot. Mr . E. J. Ebden, C . S. The form of agreement is'

as follows To the.

Collector of Thana ; I, indmddr of village, pass this written agreement

to the effect that, as I cannot agree with G overnment as to the value of the forests

of the said village on the proceeds of which one -eighth is to be levied as summarysettlement under Bombay Act V II. of 1863 , I agree under the following conditions

to pay one -eighth on the pro ceeds remaining after deducting one-third on account of

protecting the forests , whenever cuttings take place. Prior to cuttin the forests

I will inform G overnment by detailed petition as to the description of gorests to becut and the period within which the cutting is to be effected. I will give passeswith the timber in such form as may be o rdered . In case of removalwithout a pass

the timber may be considered G overnment property. Iwill showto G overnment theactual r eceipts from forests, and will keep such accounts in connection therewith as

may be directed by G overnment. I thus pass this agreement to the above effect.Signed Indmddr.

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Tenures .

Vatan Settlement.

(Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

a scheme proposed for commuting service by the district officersforego ing a certain portion of their emoluments . The terms to

be offered by the commission were to vary according to thecircumstances of each district . But the general principle wasthe continuance o f emoluments in land and cash

, after deductinga chauthat o r one-fourth in commutation o f service to those whoagreed to abandon all but a nominal r ight to serve . All perquis iteso r lazima. haks , levied in kind from the people, were abolished on theintroduction of the settlement .

l Tho se who declined to abandontheir right to serve were to be called on to render a fair amount ofservice co rresponding to the value of their grants .

In Thana district hereditary officers were found only in Mahim,

Kolvan, Murbad,Kaylan, Bhiwndi, Panvel, and Nasrapur. The

emo luments in cash and land o f ninety- four officers , deshmukhs,deshpdndes, desms

, chaudhris,

adh'ikcir is, sa 'rp cit'ils , sarkhots,

kulkarm’

s,and thdnges or kulkarm

'

s’messengers, amounted after

deducting the quit-rent to £ 49 78 (Rs . In return for this,on the basis of the payments made by the grants to clerks and othersacting for them

,it was calculated that service wo rth £ 1161 (Rs .

was rendered . The cases of these ninety -four officers weresettled by the commission who decided to take five annas in the

rupee, o r a sum total of £ 1555 (Rs . in commutation of service .

N0 title deeds or sanads'

have yet been issued under the G ordonsettlement

,but Government have ruled, Reso lution 2915 of 23rdMay

1881, that the conditions of the title deeds to be issued to the

grantees of Thana are those set forth in a report by Mr . Naylorand p rinted in the preamble to G overnment Resolution 6018, dated25th October 1875

,under which the grant is to be continued so long

as any male heir, lineal collateral or adopted, remains within thelimits of the grantee

’s family . This settlement has been recognised

by section 15 of Bombay Act III . of 1874. A special oflicer Mr.

V ishnu Ramchandra is now (1882 ) employed in issuing hereditaryservice title deeds or 'vatan sand als .

$2

Besides parts of villages, four entire villages have been granted

1 G overnment Resolution 1029 of 21st March 1866.

3 G overnment Resolution 3904 of 2oth October 1881. The following is the form ofhereditary service title-deed or vatan sanad Whereas in the district of certain

lands and cash allowances are entered in the G overnment accounts of the year 18as held on service tenure as follows [name of the vatan, land assessment , cash

allowances, and total emoluments after deducting original quit -rent], and whereasthe holders thereof have agreed to pay

’

to G overnment a fixed annual payment in lieuof service

,it is hereby declared that the said lands and cash allowances shall

be continued hereditarily by the British G overnment, on the following conditions

that is to say , that the said holders and their heirs shall continue faithful subjects of

the Bri tish G overnment,

and shall render to the same the following fixed yearlydues : Original quit -rent, rupees in lieu of service rupees total

rupees In consideration of the fulfilment of which conditions (1st ) Thesaid lands and cash allowances shall be continued without demand of service, and

without increase of-land tax over the above fixed amounts , and without objection or

question on the part of G overnment as to the rights of any holders thereof, so long as

any male heir to the vatan, lineal, collateral, or adopted , within the limits of the

va ta -ndar family , shall be in existence . (2nd ) No succession fee or nazardna or other

demand on the part of G overnment will be imposed on account of the succession of

heirs , lineal, collateral, o r adopted, within the limits of the valanddr family, and

permission to make such adoptions need not hereafter be obtained from G overnment.(3rd) When all the sharers of the eaten agree to request it, the generalprivilege of

Konkan-1

THANA .

in return for hereditary service, Nagaon in Mahim,Tilgaon in

Vada, and Vadhap and Bedavli in Karjat. In the case of thesevillages Government forewent the services of the grantees, and, insteadof service, levied five annas in the rupee on the revenues o f the Tenures.villages . Besides to these four villages, as is noticed later on, the yam” Settlement.service settlementwas applied by mistake to eight villages

1held underthe special service tenure known as izafat but G overnment havecancelled the vatan settlement with respect to these .

2 Two -thirdsof the share or shardkati village of Anjur and half of the shwrdkattvillage of Hatnoli have also been subjected to the same settlement.Fores t rights in service or vatan villages are determined in each case

by the agreements passed. Thus in 1866 the holder of Tilgaon passedan agreement to pay five annas on its forest cuttings in 1854 the

ho lder of Vadhap passed an agreement to take a third share of the

forest cuttings as payment for protection ; and, in 1870, the holderof Bedavli passed an agreement to pay to Government a six-a/nna

share of the proceeds of its cuttings.

The forest agreements passed in the cases of the seven izafatvillages are mentioned later on under izafat.Shardkati or share villages are villages whose revenues are divided

between G overnment and a private holder, or between two privateho lders . Of twelve shard/cati villages , seven are part private orinrim and part Government three are part private and part specialservice tenure or tacifat and two are part ordinary service or eaten

and part Government.a

adoptindgat an time a

nylperson (without restriction as to family ) , who can be legally

adopte will grants y Government to the vatan, on the payment from that timeforward in perpetuity of an annual succession fee o r nazardna o f one anna in eachrupee of the above total emoluments of the vatan. This sanad is executed on behalfof the Sec of State in Council, by order of the G overnor in Council of Bombayby and under e hand and sealof this day of 18 and the saidhas atfixed his signature in Marathi beneath this as evidence that he accepts theabove grant on the terms d conditions aforesaid .

1 Bhopavli, KambAra, mgaon, Varnol. .Varla, Varsala, Adashi, andBolhara2 Government Resolution 4938 of 26th July 1882.

’I‘hdna Shardkati or Sha re Villages.

KALYA'N

Bs s m

Anjur

Hatnoli

To ei ht of these twelve villages , A so n, Tuta, Khativli, G andhara, Manera,re Bhadana, and Nera, notices have issued under section 9 of the Summary

Settlement Act, and a title deed has been passed for the alienated portion of Manors .

Chapter VIII.

Tenures.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

The difficulty of assessing forest rights in indm villages appliese qually to the alienated portions of these share villages . tgaonalone has passed an agreement to pay the summary settlementquit-rent on its forest cuttings.

The izdfat or special service tenure is enjoyed by hereditaryG overnment officer s, chiefly deshmukhs and deshpéndes . Under theAhmadnagar kings, a practice probably handed down from preMusalman times, the services '

of hereditary district officers wererewarded by the grant of villages free of rent.1 Under the earlyAhmadnagar rulers '

these officers seem to have also been revenue

contractors . But,in the beginning of the seventeenth century,

under Malik Ambar’s settlement, they ceased to be revenue

contractors and acted only as district oflicers . At the same timethey were continued in the enjoyment of their rent- free villages .

Under the Marathas (1720) the system was changed. TheMarathas found that the only well-managed villages were those heldrent- free by the hereditary ofiicers . They accordingly changed theirayto a percentage, 6 69 per cent, of their collections , and leviedthe full rental from the former rent- free villages . A t the same timethey allowed the officers to continue to style the former rent-freevillages izdfat, and to keep the position of village ho lders. Underthe farming system,

in the later Maratha days (1800 - 1817) when theold survey rates were disregarded, the district hereditary officerslost their importance, their power and their duties ceased, and theirclaim s on the revenue were divided and sold to many families,Brahmans, Prabhus, and Musalmans .

2 The English found theseofficers almost useless and their pay scattered and broken .

On the English acquis ition of the district 124 izdfat villages,found in the hands of hereditary officers,were resumed and managedby G overnment. In 1830 the Principal Co llector reported thattwenty of these a

’

s dfatvillages had been restored, and that he proposedto restore the rest. He stated that these villages formed part of theiands granted to hereditary oHicers, and that under the Marathagovernment had the holders wished to give them up on account of.their not producing the full revenue, they were not allowed to

do so,but the full rent was deducted from the amount payable by

G overnment'

to them on account of their claims on the generalrevenue . Acting on this view,

in Resolution 4010 of 12th December1831, G overnment directed that the villages should be restored.

But most izcifatddrs declined to take them back .

3 In 1856, on

the introduction of the survey into Nasrapur now Karjat, theSuperintendent of survey suggested that the holders of izafatvillagesshould be allowed to cho o se or to refuse the survey settlement.On the o ther hand, the Collector held that as the villages were notgenerally conferred under special deed, as they were resumable by

1 Izqfat'

villages are villages whose rents h ave b een set apart as the payment of

zamindars, that is deshmukks and deakpctndes. Mr. Marriott to G overnment, 14

August 1820, in Thana Collector’s Outward File for 1820 , 163.

9 Mr .Marriott, 14th August 1820, in Thana Collector’s Outward File for 1826, 164.

8 The orders seem not to have been carried out, as in 1856 therewere only sixteen

izdfat villages. Bom. G ov. Sel. XCVI. 95.

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[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

held on the izdfat tenure as ordinarily found in the Thana collectorate .

Izdfat villages were held in connection with the district hereditaryofficers

’

grants and were, therefore, fairly included in the va tan

settlement, but under the survey a special arrangement had beenmade fo r such villages . The izdfatdd/r was forbidden from levyingfrom the cultivators more than the survey rates he was re sponsiblefor the full revenue on all the arable land o f the village , and receiveda deduction of ten per cent. This inMr . Ellis’ opinion was no tmorethan a. fair return fo r the management, and he recommended thatall villages so settled should be specially freed from liability to payunder the propo sed settlement, as the deduction of ten per cent wasmade in return fo r the management of the village, g

a service whichthe izdfatddr continued to perform as hereto fore . G overnment

sanctioned the suggestions o f the committee with the modificationsrecommended by the Revenue Commissioner, thus refusing to allowthe five - anna c atan settlement to be extended to izafa t villages .

1

In 1865 when the survey settlement was introduced into Ko lvan,

nowVéda and Shahapur including Mokhada, the Superintendent

of survey reported that there were thirteen izafat villages .

2

The holders of eight of these village s3 prayed that the intr oductionof the survey might be delayed as they claimed to ho ld at a fixedrate . The Commissioner of survey, in forwarding this report, addedthat the Superintendent explained that the settlement was deferredat the request of the Collector, the late Mr . Stewart G ordon . A t the

same time, as there was nothing special in the tenure or generalterms on which the villages were held, he recommended that theMurbad settlement should be applied to them . This proposal wassanctioned by Government in their Resolution 3 183 of 5 th

September 1866. In 1867 a question aro se as to the fo rest rightsof these eight villages, and much confusion was caused by the

district officers incorrectly reporting to G overnment that Mr . G ordonhad extended his va tan settlement to them. The fact was thatonly in the cases of Kambara and Varla had he

, prior to the

receipt of G overnment Reso lution 4289 o f 28th October 1864,taken agreements from the izdfatddrs to pay five anna s quit- rent ontheir fo rest cuttings . In the Kambara agreement itwas particularlystipulated that the agreement was conditional on Governmentsanctioning the vatan settlement .4 A further misunderstandingappear s to have r isen in 1867 from an agreement made in 18545by Dr. G ibson, Conservator of Fores ts, with the izdfatddrs of

1 G ov. Res. 4289 of 28th October 1864.2 Their names were, Kambara ,

mgaon, vernol, Varla, Varsala, Vasind, Adoshi,Dolhara, Borsheti, Varaskol, Devli; Bhopavli, and vever.

3 The firs t eight names in the preceding footnote .

4 On the 23rd September 1864 Mr. G ordon wrote ‘As regards the village of

Kambara which has been held by the family of the Hashamnis on the izdfat tenure,on account of deshmukhi eaten, and the management of the forests then bein in the

hands of the Hashamnis, Mr. G iberne the then Collector also issued an order ( 0 . 237,21st Aug. 1836) directing the wood-cutting contract to be given to the izdfatddr, whohas nowpassed a paper of agreement accepting the terms of the Summary Settlement

Act. An order should the refore be issued to the Kolvan mamlatdar to let the

izdfatddr cut his forests whenever he may apply for leave to do so .

’Mr. Mulcck,5 See G overnment Letter 272 of 11th January 1850.

Konkan]

THANA .

Kurung and Pathraj to protect the teak in their forests. Underthis

.agreement, after deducting expenses, the izdfatddrs were to

get a one - third share (5 annas in the rupee) of the produce whentheir forests were

’

cut by G overnment. The five annas to be paidto the izdfatddrs for pro tecting the forests was confused with thefive annas vatan settlement to be taken by G overnment forcommutation of service under the G ordon settlement. The resultwas that orders were passed conflicting with tho se issued byG overnment at the survey settlements of the distr ict. The one

third (5 annas ) or G ordon vatan settlement was applied and forestrights were conceded, on condition thatwhen the forest was cut the

tddr should pay a quit-rent of one- third (5 annas in the rupee)of the forest produce. This settlement was extended to Varsalaunder the o rders of Goy ernment, and to Bhopavli, Kambara,Amgaon, Varla, varnol, Ado shi, and Dolhara under the orders ofthe Commissioner . Of these villages only the four last were inthe hands of the izciffatddrs , the others being under attachment.G overnment have lately held with respect to these villages thatthe agreements passed were invalid ; that the orders of the

Commis sioners were issued under a misapprehension of the facts

and should be cancelled ; and that, for the future, the izcifa tdcirsshould be allowed to ho ld the village s on the liberal terms sanctionedin connection with the survey settlement. If they refuse to paythe revenue , the villages should be declared forfeited under section153 of the Land Revenue Code .

1 Government have alwaysexercised the power of attaching o

'

zdfat villages, in cases where

proper accounts are not kept, and the Collector has been authorizedto demand security from the ho lder fo r the payment of the revenue .

2

In respect to forest rights Dr . G ibson to ok agreements from the

holder of Masla in 1850, and from the ho lders of A divli, Pathraj,and Kurung in 1854, to protect their teak forests on condition thatG overnment gave them a one -third share of the produce of theforest cuttings . Aninquiry made in 1858 showed that

, accordingto the custom of the country,

'z'

zdfatddrs had not exercised fo restrights and G overnment3 refused to recognize the claim to forests in

the Shera village o f Shahapur, and in the Pathraj, Kurung, and

Adivli villages o f the Karjat sub -division.

4 From the holdersof the ied./at villages to which the 'vatan settlement had beenimproperly applied, agreements were taken to the effect that theywere to pay Government five annas (in the case of Amgaon six

annas) on the re ceipts from their forests when they cut them,

and elaborate rules regarding the cutting of their fo rests have beensanctioned by G overnment.‘i Nine of the izdfat villages are nowunder attachment and managed by G overnment . Shera, Varaskol,Devli, and Bhopavli have been under attachment ever since theintroduction of the survey . Kambara, Amgaon, and Varsala wereattached in August 1878, and A divli and Vévar have been recentlyattached. There are at present (1882) in all thirty- eight izdfat

1 G ov. Res . 4938 of 26th July 1882.2 G ov. Res. 1015 of 17th March 1864.

3 G ov. Res . 975 of loth March 1860.4 Gov. Res. 4153 of 19th July 1876.

5 Gov. Res. 6770 of 2nd December 1875.

Tenures .

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS.

villages1 in the Thana district

,and three share or shardkati villages,

A tgaon, Tuta and Khativli, which are held one-half in iza’

fat andone -half in 57 mm.

Salt mar sh reclamations are of three kinds, swrkdri those effectedby G overnment shilotm

’

2 tho se effected by a single proprieto r ; andkulcim g tho se effected by a body of cultivators . In Panvel there are

two G overnment reclamations, thirty - eight held by single proprietors,and five by bodies of husbandmen . The Government reclamationsare repaired a t state expense, the mamlatdar estimating the co st o f the

repairs,which are carried out twice in the year, in May before the rainsand in September towards their clo se . The portions of the embankmentrequiring repairs are measured with a rod or dand, thirty feet (20baits) long, and the mamlatdar pays .

the patil the es timated cost.The husbandmen who till the reclamation generally repair it and thegangs of labourer s are called j ol. To meet the co st of these repairs,at the time of the survey settlement, the acre rates were raised fromIs . to 28 . (as . 8 - Re . The mamlatdar , district kcifrkun, taldti,and patil see to the repairs . They are always well carr ied out, andcomplaints of careles sness are rare ly if ever received . In some

cases, especially in Bassein, a yearly lump sum is paid by G overnmentfor the embankments , and, if this is not enough, the p dtil and the

husbandmen have to finish the repairs without pay . Shilotr fi khdrs,

‘

1 d na Izafat Villages .

m ezs .

Names.

KALYA'N

MURBA 'D

Bmwxmr

VA'DA

2 Shilobrz'

, termed shilotar or serrotore in Section IV . of Regulation 1 of 1808; is

defined as‘lands said to have been acquired by the natives on favourable terms by

purchase fromtheir Portuguesemasters , which property has been respected throughoutsubsequent revolutions .

’

A description of the assessment levied on such lands is given

in Sections XXXVI. and LIX . of the same Regulation. Mr. Mulo ck, O.S.

The word shil seems to mean a gap , and to be derived from the Kanarese shimsplit,referring to the gaps at the smallwater -ways that were left till the bankwas finishedand then shut with gates. The language suggests that the practice dates from

pre ryan times , but this and other Dravidian revenue terms may have beenintroduced during the sway o f the Silhara or Rashtrakuta dynasties both ofwhoms eem to have had a strong southern element. See History , pp. 422 , 428, 434. MajorJervis (Konkan, 78) was of o pinion that the special arrangements for encouraging the

reclamation of salt waste were introduced by the Ahmadnagar government. But,when the Portuguese established their power, Special grants were in force in salsette

'

andBassein, parts of the district never held by the Ahmadnagar kings . The Portuguesegreatly encouraged these reclamations by rules of gradually increasing rental On

the same principle as Todar Mal’

s rules for the rental of waste lands, and in

accordancewith the Maratha practice about fresh navkird, or renewed kirdsdr tillage.

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L easehold

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

Abkari Act. The villages are at present under themanagement of ano fficial assignee . The G oregaon estate includes six villages , G oregaon,Majas , Poisar, Mogra, Bandivli, Oshivra, and part o f a seventh

Pahadi. It was granted in farm in 1830 to Mr . Kharsedji Kavasji,andwas subs equently (22nd September on the payment of a

lump sum of £ 3000 (Rs . conveyed by deed in fee simple ,subject to the yearly payment o foue rupee . This estate has changedhands more than once . In 1849 it was bought from the family of

the grantee by Mr . Manekji Limj i for (Rs . and

in 1869 it was bought from Mr . Manekji’s son by the present owner

Mr . Bayramj i Jijibhai. At the request of the owner the survey has

been introduced. The Devnar est-ate includes five villages , Devnar,Bo rla, Kirol, Chena , and V ar sava Borbhat. It was granted in

perpetual lease to Mr . Dhakji Dadaji in 1809 on a . rental of £ 518(Rs. In addition to this a sum of £ 89 (Rs . 3 90) is paid forlands held by husbandmen direct from Government. Only two of

the villages, Chena and Var sava Borbhat, remain in the family of

the original grantee ; the o ther three have been so ld to difierent

buyers . In 1880 the excise rights Were bought under section 66 of

the Abkari Act.The V ovla e state includes three villages , Vovla, Vadavli, and

Chitalsar Manpada . It was granted by the East India Company in1803 to Mr . G opalrav Bapuji, a Vakil of the Gé-ikwar of Baroda . In

1859 an adoption was made without Government sanction, and, i1862, the matter was compromised under section 48 of Regulatio

XVII. of 1827 by the payment of five crane s in the rupee on the

rental fixed by the survey, and the village was continued to the

adopted heir . This ar rangement was confirmed by G overnment

Resolution 3169 of 19 th August 1862, and G overnment Resolution6766, dated 2md December 1875, gave the proprietor sole forest rights.The Bhandup estate includes the village of Bhandup and lands inNahur and Kanjur . These

,in 1803 , were leased in perpetuity to

Mr . Luke A shburner fo r a yearly rental of £ 235 (Rs. A plotof ground in Bhandup was excepted, and, in 1839

- 40,

'

it was grantedrent- free for fo rty year s to the late Mr . KavasjiManekji, the fathero f the present proprietor s . Since the introduction of the new excises ystem the large Bhandup distille ry has been clo sed, and owing to

family disputes the estate is nowin the hands o f an official assignee.

Besides these thirty - six villages , seventeen Salsette villages havebeen granted by the British Government on lease or in ind/m, makinga total of fifty

- three out of the 107 Salsette villages . In 1799‘

Chendavliwas leased in perpetuity to Dr . Helenus Sco tt, and was‘

sold in 1828 by the Civil Court whenMr . V ikajiMeherji of Tarapurpurchased it. In 1805 Vyaravli was farmed in perpetuity to

G regoria Manuel de Silva, but no deed’ was passed. In 1829- 30

Baryaliwas granted half in perpetual inam and half in perpetualfarm to MervanjrRastamjiDarukhanavala . In 1830- 3 1Chinchveli,Dindoshi, and A kurli were leased in perpetuity to Lakshman

H arishchandra, subject to a. year ly payment of £ 78 (Rs . 780)Maravli and Mahul were given,

the former in indm in 183 7 and the

latter in perpetual farm in 1831 to Framji Pestanj i, the head servanto f G overnment House . In 1830- 31 Valnai and vadhvan were

Konkan.1‘

THANA.

granted in hereditary incim to Mr. Hormasgi Rastamj i, the treasurer

of the Satara Residency. In 1831Borivda was leased to KrishnaravRaghunath . In 1833 - 34 Kanjur and V ikhroli were leased in

erpetual farm to Framji Kavasj i, subject to an annual payment of£ 93 (Rs. In 1836-37 Anikwas leased for ninety-nine years

to Framji Nasarvanji. In 1842-43 Vila Parla and Ju were grantedin imim to Mr . Navrop Jams edji, and, in 1844-45 Ghatkopar wasleased for ninety-nine years to Ratanj i Edalji.In

‘

almo st all of these leases the rental is specified in mudds, or

rice measures , and not in cash . This muda calculation was made '

accordingto a sys tem peculiar to Salsette, called the tij di or one-third .

Under this system the “G overnment rental is found by multiplyingthe quantity of dhep by two , dividing it by three, and multiplyingthe quotient by twenty the number of rupees at which each muda

of land is assess ed .

’1

Except the Kurla andMalad estates,whichwere given in exchangefor land in Bombay, the estates were granted to encourage the

investment of capital in land, the increase of population, and the

growth of better crops. Except the Kurla, Malad, Pavai, and

G oregaon estates , which are held in fee - simple or freehold, theseleased villages were charged fairly high rentals, and in most caseswere subject to the fo llowing conditions . Lands occupied at the .

time of the lease on the shilotm’

, or, according to some deeds, on thesa t/i tenure , were not to become the lessee’s , unless he satisfied orbought out the incumbents . The happiness and prosperity of the

people were to be promoted, and the lessee was to protect and befriend them . The lessee was to build reservo irs and embankments,to sink wells, and to grow the better class of crops . The rates of

asses sment were not to be raised, and no innovation was to be

introduced without express sanction. The le ssee was to continue all”

village charitable and religious allowances . Waste landwas grantedfree for forty years . On the forty-fir st year all land, except whatwas totally unfit for tillage, was to be assessed . The lessee was torecover and pay into the treasury, over and above the amount.

mentioned in his lease, all amounts due on leases granted in the“

estate . The village was not to change hands without G overnmentleave . The lessee was to possess and exercise the authority of a

farmer under Chapter VI. of RegulationXVII. of 1827. But he wasto exercise no magisterial or judicial authority, unless it was dulyconferred on him. He was not to make o r s ell opium, poisonoussubstances, tobacco , or hemp flower s . The Co llector was to havepower to inspect the village, and exam ine what improvement andprogress were made . Suits regarding the lease were to be brought 'in the District Court. Any new system of revenue introduced by»Government in other villages of the district was to be applicable to

‘

these grant villages .

Forest r ights seem to have been conceded in the case of the large

1.

Thus, 231mudds multiplied by two and divided by three ive 154 realmudas'

which, when multiplied by twenty, give Rs . 3080. Mr . Langfor s Letter 72, of l6thNovember 1842, to the Chief Sec r

etary to Government.

[Bombay Gazetteer ,

DISTRICTS .

freehold estates,Pavai,Malad , Kurla, and Goregaon, as also in tho se

of Devnar , Valnai, V ovla, and Haryali. In the other leases the

conce ss ion is not so clear . The Privy C ouncil has held that theGhatkopar lease did no t give the forests, although the waste landwas granted free for fo rty year s .

1 A ltho ugh these leaseho ldersstyle themselves p roprie to rs , they cannot claim the ownership of the

so il, for the Court o f Director s were mo st reluctant to part withthe ownership of the so il and its alienation was jealously watched.

In their despatch No . 20,dated 28th June 1843 , sanctioning the

reduction of the revenue o f Kharsedji Kavasji’

s G or egaon estate,

the Court wro te A lthough we should have much preferred thatany favour of which Kharsedji Kavasji might be thought deservingshould have been shown in the shape of a gratuitous permanentreduction on the amount of his rent rather than by permitting himto redeem the whole, yet, in consideration of the very strongmanner inwhich you solicit our compliancewith your recommendation,we shall not refuse our sanction to the ar rangement which you

have propo sed . A s, however, we entertain s trong objections to the

entire alienation of the absolute property in the so il, we de s ire thatyo u will cause a nominal rent (say o f one rupee per annum) to be

reserved in the deed, payable on demand to the Collecto r or o ther

officer exercising r evenue authority in the district as an

acknowledgment that the ultimate title to the land is still vested inthe G overnment .’

In thirty-four of the leaseho ld and in one inam village Nanala ,the

‘

survey has been introduced, in some at the reque st of the leaseho lder and in others in acco rdance with the terms of the deeds . In

Kurla Mar91, A salpa, Mohili, Parj apur , Shahar, Haryali, Chitalsar

Manpada, Anik, Nanala, Bor ivda, Malad, Kanheri, Ara, V ila Parla,Ju, Chinchavli, Dindo shi, Akurli, V ovla ,

and V adavli, survey rates

we re introduced under G ove rnment Resolution 3 125 of 25th May1876 in Kole Kalyan,

Bandivli,Mogra , Oshivra, G o regaon,

Po isar,Majas , Bahadi, and Ghatkopar, under Government Reso lution 678 of2nd February 1877 ; in V elnai and vadhvan

,and als o in Dahisar,

Eksar , and Magatna, under G overnment Resolution 5521 of 18th

October 1880 .

The object with which G overnment granted these villages hasbeen defeated and the results are disappo inting. Few of the

estates remain in the families o f the original grantees . They havebeen so ld chiefly owing to money difficulties . The owners rarelylive on the ir estates , or take much interest in them or in the welfareof their people . Pass ing through Salsette e ither by the Peninsulaor the Baroda railway the line lie s almo st exclusively through these

alienated village s, and their neglected state contrasts unfavourablywith the G overnment lands elsewhere . Much o f this is due to the

high price which firewo od and hay fetch in the Bombay market.Brushwood and grass are among the mo st profitable crops the

leaseho lders can grow,while the system o f s elling to dealers or

contractors relieves the leaseholders o f the anxieties and troubles of

1 V ol. 10, W eekly Reporter 13, Pr . C .

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Chikhal.

[Bombay Gazetteer;

DISTRICTS .

allowances that he should not interfere with rights of way thathe should surrender land free of co st . for the Bhayndar railwaystation that he should give no tice of the assignment of lands 5 thathe should not ass ign lands without leave and that the salt marshlands were liable to resumption if not reclaimedwithin twenty years .

This estate has been the cause o f much litigation, owing to an

attempt of the leaseho lder to levy from the yearly tenants one -half

instead o f one - third of the produce . The district court and the

High Court on appeal (appeal 292 of 1880) have decided that the

leaseho lder ’s claim to levy one -half is contrary to the custom of the

country.

Chikhal, o r extra cultivation, is in Section III. of Regulation I of1808 de scribed as Spare grounds allo tted to the cultivators forthe rearing of surplus batty or r ice plants by the Po rtuguese landholder, who furnished him with seed on condition of the cultivator ’srendering, besides the o r iginal amount of seed, a third or sometimes

only a fourth or a stillless proportion of the produce . The practiceis stated to be still o ccasionally continued be tween private o ccupants ,o r by G overnment supplying from its unoccupied lands space for

the rearing of r ice seedlings .

Gatkul-il and Eksc'

tlft'

tenants were tenants- at-will, or yearly tenantsho lding their land fr om Government from year to year, on such termsas Government chose to impo se .

SECTION III.— HISTORY.

Mo st of the forms of assessment that wer e in force when Thanawas ceded to the British, and which continue in use in a few villagegroups in the north - east of the district

,can be traced to the Hindu

chiefs who held the country before the arrival of the Musalmans . Ricelands were, without measuring them, divided into parcels or b lo cks

which were e stimated to require a certain amount of seed or to yielda certain quantity of grain. This sys tem was known under severalnames, dhep ,

hunddbandi, muddbandi, kdsbandt, takbandi, and

toka’

.bandfi.2 The principle of all of these was the same,though in some

cases slight changes were introduced apparently by the Musalmans .

3

At the time of their cession to the British this fo rm o f assessmentwasin use in the coast districts under the name of dhcp . A ccording tosome accounts it had been introduced by theMusalmans (1320 -1540)

1 Properly land who se occupant is missing .

2 Of these words dhcp , a lump , is Marathi, apparently of Dravidian or at least un

Sanskrit origin hunda , a lump sum or quantity of grain, is apparently the Kanaresehundluilit lump or gross ; mar/ca, which ought to bewritten muda a measure of grain

(25 - 28 mans ) is a Kanarese word still in use ;me an unmeasured parcel of land is an

un-Sanskrit Marathi word tok, properly thok, is an un-Sanskrit Marathi wordmeaning lump or mass talca is doubtful, it is said to be Hindustani and to meanboth a coin and a measure of land (120 bighds ). In this case takbandz

’

, properlytakdband i, would imply that the land has been measured. If so it has no place inthis set of terms and must have been confused with, or mis -written for tokdband i ortkokdbandi.3 Mr . Marriott , 11th July 1821, inMS. Sel. 160

,137-139 ; Mr . Davidson, 7th Aug)

1837, in Bom. G ov. Rev . R ec. 867 of 1838, 289 .4 Rev. Answe rs 1828 , in MS. Sel. 160, 711- 714. MalikAmbar (1600) is by mistake

mentioned as the Muselman governor who introduced the system.

Konkan]

THANA .

and according to o thers by the Portuguese (1540 But bo ththe system and the name were found in use by the Portuguese, l andas the word is nu- Sanskrit Marathi, there seems no reason to doubtthat this form of assessment dates from very early times . The levyof a plough cess, a sickle cess, or a pickaxe cess, which, till theintroduction o f the revenue survey, was the form of assessmentalmos t universal in hill and forest tracts , seems also to date fromearly Hindu times ,2 and the practice of measuring palm and o ther

garden lands into bighcis seems to belong to the pre-MusalmanAryano r part-Aryan rulers .

3 Finally, the Kanarese term shilotar showsthat from early times special rules have been in force to encouragethe reclamation of salt wastes .“

Little is known of the revenue changes introduced by theMusalmanrulers of the fourteenth and. fifteenth centuries . The DeccanMusalmans in Kalyan and in the south of the district are said to

“

have fixed the government share at one - third of the estimatedproduce.

5 In 1469,when the Bahmani kings e stablished their

authority in the inland parts, they found the land so deserted thateven the memory of village boundaries was lo st.6 People were so'few that the new villages included several of the old, and lands weregiven to allwho Would till them. Dur ing the first year no rent

was taken, and for some years the government demand was limitedto a basketful of grain.

7 Of the changes introduced along -the coastby the Gujarat Musalmans in the fifteenth century no thing has beentraced . This and the fact that grants of land continued to be made

by Hindu chiefs till the sixteenth century seem to showthat, excepttheir military po s session o f certain outpo sts , the authority of theG ujarat kings was limited to the receipt of tribute .

During the s ixteenth century, in the s outh -east and south,the

ofi cers of the Ahmadnagar government are said to have measuredthe rice land and reduced the government share to one- sixth

, and

in the uplands to have continued the levy of a plough cess . Extra

cesses and vexatious practices are said to have been stopped, and

the husbandmen to have been treated as proprietary holder s,

kuldm g, and charged only a light rent payable partly in money,partly in grain . Except trade dues and the levies of revenue

1 Reg. I. of 1808, se e . 2 .

3 Mr . Marriott , 11th July 1821, in MS. Sel. 160 , 137-139 . The plough or mingaroess system still (1881) obtains in Karjat and in the Mokhada petty division ofShahapur and the hoe or kudali assessment is still (1881) in use in Karjat.3 Reg. I. of 1808, sec. 6 cl. 2 . Bigha is the Sanskrit vigrah division or portion.

4 The rules which the Portuguese found in force for granting lands for reclamation

at rates rising in five years from one-fourth to a full rental are supposed by MajorJervis (Konkan, 87) to have been introduced by the Nizam Shahi government . Butthe Nizam Shahi kings never held Bassein, and the name shilow: is as noticed

above of Dravidian origin.

5 Humddbandiwas the name in use in Sanjan, and takbcmdz’

(probably tokdbandi) inManor, Veshala, Vada , Kolvan, and the Dangs . Jervis ’ Konkan, 101.6 Elphinstone

’

s History, 4th Ed . 1857, 667. For forty years the Bahmanis had beentrying to conquer the Konkan. They probably held the south-east of Thana. as

over-lords .

7 The e t sasion is a basket of ain an acre, but as the land.

was not then

measured; it probably means on a p ot or parcel of ground. See Jem s’Konkan,

TheMusalmdm .

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

ofi cers for their house expenses , there were no extra charges .

The revenue was gathered by village accountants or kulkarnis , andbrought by subo rdinate agents to the government treasury .

1

Meanwhile almo st the whole of the coast had passed from theMusalman kings o f G ujarat to the Po rtuguese .

2 In the po o r and wildSanjan and

’l‘arapur districts to the north of Bassein the old

’

form ofasses sment was kept unchanged. The rice lands remained dividedin blocks, roughly ,

estimated to yield a certain quantity of grain,3and in the hill lands the levy o f a plough or sickle cess wascontinued. Some of the richer lands of Bassein are said to have

been surveyed .

4 In the rest of Bassein and in Salsette a newsystem was intr oduced.

'

The lands were divided into estates and

given to European landlo rds at a quit-rent, or foro, of from four toten per cent of the former rental.5 Under these landlords who werecalled propri etor s or fazendeiros, the actual cultivators , except tho sewho were their slaves,6 he ld on the old lump or dhep rates whichare said to have represented half the produce .

7 In each village thedistribution of the rental among the husbandmen was entrusted toa mhdtdra. or elder .

8 There would also seem to have been villageclerks, known as p rabhus , who were paid by a money cess leviedon the landlo rds .

9 Except establishing this class o f large landowners the Portuguese are said to have made little change in the

revenue system .

10 Some items of land revenue were, as was the

case under the fo rmer rulers, levied in money . The chief of thesewere a land ces s on palm o rchards assessed by the bigha a tree cess

on brab palms paid by Bhandaris or liquor-drawers a cess on

the p uncwem a dye-yielding flower and a cess on mills tones and

1 Jervis’ Konkan, 82 , 83.3 Bes ides salsette Mr. Marriott (11th July 1821) mentions as Portuguese districts,

Bassein Is land , Manikpur, Kaman, Sayvan ,Mahim, Kelva, Shrigsou, TerAPur,

Chinchni, Dahanu, Nehar , Sanjan, Manor , Asheri, Belapur, Atgaon. MS. Sel. 160 ,132 -133 .

8 Maj or Jervis (Konkan, 82 ) states that the quantity taken from the land wasdetermined by the amount of seed required to sowthe field . This does not seem to

e with the o ther accounts o f the muda tenure. See below, p. 565 .

p

4 In 1818, the _land tax in Bas se inwas le vied no t according to the extent of the

land, but according to a survey made by the Portuguese. Mr. Marriott , 17th Oct. 1818,Rev. Dis. 135 of 1818 , 5158 - 5 161.

5 Mr . arriott , 1lth July 1821in MS. Sel. 160, 133 ; Reg. I. 1808, see . II. MajorJervis (Konkan, 84) says the rent was one

-third or one-fourth of the produce. This

seems to be a mistake. Eas t India Papers, III. 774, give from four to ten per cent

o f the rent.6 Many of these slaves were Africans . Nairne

’s Konkan, 50.

7 Reg. I. of 1808, see. II.9 Mr . Nairne thinks that these mhdtdrds were chosen only in villages mane. ed

directly by government ofi cers. But it rather seems that they were up omte in

all villages except thos e whose lands were wo rked as a. home farmby the ndlord

’

s

slaves . MM tdra (Sk. mahattar ) appears in some of the early Hindu grants in the

sense of headman.

9 Reg. I . of 1808, see. VI. cl. 4.

10 The changes are shown in detail in Reg. I. of 1808, section VI. 01. 1-4. The

chief are an increas e in some villages in the size of the made or gram measure ;

addition to make up for waste in carrying the rice from the farmyard to the

for was 0 in the granary and to meet the cost of guards. Other additionswere a w

t

e

a

dding gift to the landlord ’s daughter and

_an allowance to the landlord s

wife. There was also a levy to meet the co st of taking the rice to the boat stationand to meet the cost of a harvest home, augairah.

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HISTORY.

TheMuealmdm.

The Marathas.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

superintendents and accountants who had gradually assumed the

place of revenue farmer s .

1 H is next step was to find out the yieldof the land. With this object he arranged the rice lands into fourclasses, first, second, third, and fourth, aval, dam, sim,

and charse'

m.

The uplandswere classified in a more general way. The government

share was apparenty fixed at one - third and the outturn of the fieldwas ascertained by inquiries lasting over a term of years . Finallythe quantity of grain due to government was changed into a money

payment.2 The village headmen were made hereditary and becamesecurity for the realization of the government dues . MalikAmbar

’s system nominally stretched from the Vaitarna to the Savitri

except the Habshi’s land,3 but it does not seem to have been anything

like completely carried out.

Later in the seventeenth century Shivaji, by his minister Annali

Dattu (1668 made a fresh survey and assessmentinthe southern

districts of Thana. Under this survey the r ice lands were measuredinto bighas of 4014 square yards 3 the lands were divided into twelveclasses ; 4' and, from tests taken dur ing three successive years , thegovernment demand was fixed at about forty per cent of the

produce. The rates varied from 5 7% bushels on the richest to

twenty- three bushels on the poorest lands .

5 Except in a few cases ,

where they were measured, and, according to the years of fallowrequired, three, five, six, or seven acres were counted as one, hilllands, 'varkas or dongar, were assessed by the plough nanga

fr , largeallowances being made for rocky barren Spots . The plough rates

were for nachni to bushels (3 - 3 % mans) , for va 'ri to

bushels (2g- 3 mans) , for ham’

k bushels (3 mans), and for

1Major Jervis (Konkan, 66) states that the ofi cers were given a definite assignmentin moneywith a percentage on the collections . But this does not agree with other

accountswhich state that under the Nagar system the revenue officerswere paid by the

grant of villages free of rent and that the change to a fixed percentage on the collections

was made by the Marathas. Mr . Marriott, 14th August in Thana Collector’

s

Outward File, 1820, 163 .

2 Major Jervis ’ac count (Konkan, 67) fails to give the process by which the yield

was found out, and he does not mention the share that was claimed by G overnment.

In another passage (Konkan, 67) he says the rules were much the same as those of

Todar Mal. Apparently the land was not measured.

3 Jervis’ Konkan, 68 . G rant Duff (43 ) gives the following summary of the changes

introduced by Malik Ambar.

‘H e abolished revenue farming, and committed the

management to Brahman agents under Muhammadan superintendence he restored

such parts of the village establishment as had fallen into decay and he revived a

mode of assessing the fields by collecting amoderate proportion of the actual produce

in kind ,which after the experience of several s easons was commuted for a payment

in money settled annually according to the cultivation.

’It is stated that his

assessment was equal to two -fifths of the produce , but tradition says his moneycommutation was only one -third . Captain Francis (18th January 1855) in BombayG ov . Se] . XCV I . 2 , 3 . It seems probable that several of these changes were not

introduced into the Konkan.

4 The classes were , first, anal second, dam or duya/m third, se

'

m fourth.

charam or charsim fifth bushland raup cil ; sixth , salt khdrvat ; seventh, rockybanal; eighth, stony khad a; ninth , pulse karz

’

ydt o r turvat; tenth, hemp tdg'vat

eleventh, seed-beds rahu and twelfth , tree -root maw t. Jervis’

Konkan, 94, 95 .

5 The details in bushels the acre are , first, 574 (12fimans the bigha ), second 45

(10 mans ), third (8 mane), fourth (61mans) , bushlands 36g (8 mans ) , salt 345(75 mans ) , rocky stony and pulse land 28% (61mane), seed-beds , hemp , and uncleared

root lands 23 (5 mans ) . Jervis ’ Konkan, 94, 95 . These rates are said to have

difi'

ered very little from Malik Ambar’

e rates. Konkan, 125.

Konkan ]

THANA .

o ther inferior produce bushels (11mans) .1 In garden lands theproduce was e stimated by calculation, and half was takenin kindby the government. It does not seem certain that Shiva-

31’

s rateswere introduced into Thana . If they were they lasted for only a

few years. From 1682, till the close of Aurangzeb’s reign

Kalyan was several times ravaged by the Moghals and seems to have

beennominally recovered by them . In 1710 the south of the districtpassed to Angria. But he held it fo r only. ten years when it wastaken by the Peshwa.

2 Between 1733 and 1739 the Portugueseterritories passed to the Peshwa, and in the following years, mucho f north Thana was wrested from the Jawhar chief. Except thePortuguese possessions, when Thana passed to the Peshwa it was ina wretched state . The people were fewand poor, and large areas

of land had passed out of tillage .

The eighty - seven years (1730 - 1817) of"

Maratha managementform three periods . Thirty year s during which no marked change

was introduced ; 3 thirty years when fresh surveys were made,new cesses were levied, and revenue farming became general and

twenty- seven years when revenue farming was universal and

exactions unlimited. Under the Peshwas the management of thedistrict was nominally entrusted to an officer styled sa

'rsubhedar .

But, as a rule , the se o fficers seem,at least during the later years of

the Peshwa’s government, to have lived in Poona and to have

deputed o fficers styled mamlatdars or subheddrs to act for them.

Their dutie s were to enquire into crimes and punish offenders .

This power extended to the taking of life, confiscation of property,expulsion from caste or residence, corporal punishment, and fine .

These punishments were inflicted in case o f murder , highwaygang and aggravated robberies , on co iner s, immo ral characters ,oppressors, and persons supposed to deal in witchcraft .4 N0reference was made to Poona

,nor had the subhedars written orders

in suppo rt of their authority. Only in very particular crimes such

as treason were the accused sent to Poona. The subheda’

ms had

authority to grant rent- free and increasing teta’

ma leases to per sonso ffering to reclaim waste lands, and to grant land that had never

been tilled to Brahmans and temples . The mahal/caris or heads o fpetty divisions of which there were over sixty, and the heads ofvillages had authority to make similar grants, which were confirmed

1 Jervis ’ Konkan , 96. Of other crops turmeric paid 5 mans on a bigha of 2ths theactual measurement, hemp 5 mans on one o f %ths, and sugarcane mans of rawsugar on the customary bigha .

2 The only change noticed as having been introduced by Angria was taking moreof the rent in commuted money rates (Replies to Rev. Questions , 31st October 1828,in MS. Sel. 160, 774 ; Jervis’Konkan, Details ofAngria

’

s system are given in theKolaba District A ccount.3 The details for this period are not satisfactory. The Marathas seem to have

re -assessed the rich lands of Salsette andBassein, and to have continued the system of

plot assessment in Sanjan and Tarapur . In hill lands they seem to have introducedrevised plough rates, and from the wild Jawhar lands to have occasionally levied a

va ue acre tax. In the south they seem, as far as they could , to have applied theela crate system of rents , cesses , and forced labour which had earlier been in forceinRatnagiri. Jervis’ Konkan, 88-89 and 125 -126.

4 Rev. Answers, 31st October 1828, inMS. Sel. 160, 790 -792 .

HISTORY.The Marathas.

[Bombay Gazetteer ,DISTRICTS.

by deeds passed by themamlatdar . These alienations were not entered111 the revenue statement sent to head-

quarters . The district officerswere not authorized to alienate the government land

,and whenever

they to ok upon themselves to alienate land,they would account for

it in the rent statement as having been given for houses or gardens .

They had no author ity to punish or degrade the rich or to grant

remissions to husbandmen . These matters were settled in Poona .

During the time of Nana Fadnavis (1795) the yearly salaries ofsarsubheddfr s varied from £ 500 to £ 1000 (Rs . 5000 Rs . ando f subhedars from £ 50 to £ 200 (Rs . 500 - Rs . These amountswere paid fromPo ona . Besides their pay some of themwere grantedallowances for keeping palanquins , palkhz

'

s, and state umbrellas,

a bdcigz'

rs . They wer e also granted servants’

allowance, tableallowance, and special allowances for particular services .

The hereditary district officers , the revenue superintendent desat o rdeshmukh

,and the accountant deshpande, ofwhom ther e were two for

each of the sixty- one petty divisions , were continued at first in muchthe same position as under the Muhammadans . The chief change wasthat instead of giving them rent- free fiatifat villages , they were paida fix ed percentage on their revenue co llections . They wereallowed to continue to hold their fo rmer villages but were forced topay their full assessment. When the practice of farming villagesand sub - divisions became universal the hereditary district officersbecame almo st useless . Their families were broken and their payscattered and alienated.

1

V illage headmen were continued and were introduced into tho separts o f the Po rtuguese terr itory where they had not been before .

In salsette (1741) no hereditary d istr ict oflicers were appo inted,but

,in their place , managers , havaldé/rs , were nominated to whom

the headmen paid the village rent. Two new upper classes wereintroduced, high caste landholders known as pandharp eshas, and

village revenue farmers incorrectly called khats . The pandharp eshas

were found necessary in the Po rtuguese territories from which all

landlords had fled to Bombay and Goa. In other parts of the land, asthe revenue was taken in advance, it was also advisable to have somemen of capitalwho could help the very poor husbandmen . Further

,

the country had suffered greatly from the disorders which had markedthe close of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenthcenturies . Much of the land had fallen waste and the ordinaryhusbandmen

,many of the bes t of whom had given up tillage for

military service, were unfit to bear the risk and outlay of bringingthe land under tillage . For these reasons men o f the upper class,chiefly Brahmans and Prabhus and a few Musalmans, wereencouraged to take land.

2

Co lonel Francis states thatthenewsettlers were allowed to hold landat speciallylowrates .

3 But it seems doubtful whether at first theywere

1 Mr. Marriott, 14th August 1820, in Thana Collector’s Outward File, 1820,

162 164.

2 The Brahmans would seem to have been chiefly Konkanasth Brahmans , and the

Prabhus were probably Kayasth Prabhus .3 Bom. G ov. Sel. XCV I. 75-76.

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!Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

by the easy terms which the Marathas soon began to offer for thetillage of waste lands, and for about twenty- three years the districtswere fairly pro sperous .

1 Then during the minority ofMadhavrav

, the practice of farming villages for a year wasintroduced, many fresh cesses were levied, and the people wereground down by vague extras

, mogham chadhs, and by heavy

demands for unpaid labour, begar . To some extent the higherclasses were free fr om o rwere able to withstand these fresh demands .

But this only increased the misery of the poor on whom the wholeburden was thrown together with every kind of oppression to enforceits exaction. In 1772 an attempt was made to improve matters butwith little success, and, in 1774, when salsette passed to the British,its state was most depressed .

2 Inquiries then showed that theMarathas had introduced forty- six money and twenty - four graincesses . These ces ses included almost every possible subject of

taxation, a charge for embankments,for religious worship, fo r cattle

grazing, and for cutting firewo od . Husbandmen, besides payingfor their land, had to pay a s trawand grass tax, and

,if they grew

vegetables , their onions , water melons, and pepper had to pay ; if theyhad cows they had to pay a dairy tax and if they had trees theyhad to pay liquor , oil, o r fruit taxes . Fishermen had to pay a creek

tax, two fish taxes , a prawn tax, and a boat tax. Traders had topay a shop tax and a police cess .

3

About the year 1770 a vigorous attempt was made to simplifyand improve the system of assessment . The first survey of whichrecord remains4 was in 1771—72 , when the mamlatdd/r TrimbakV inayak surveyed Kalyan, divided the land into bighas, arrangedthem into three classes according to the nature of the soil, and assessedeach class at a bigha rate . In the same year the Vaishakhara

petty divisionwas surveyed by the saranj a/mdar of Sinnar . In 1785 - 86

the three petty divisions, mahals, of Nasrapur , Kothal Khalati, andNehar we re surv eyed by the commandant of Shivgad . In 1788- 89

Tr imbak V inayak’s survey o f Kalyan was r evised by the mdmlatda

’

wSadashiv Keshav. In 1793 - 94 the lands of Ba ssein, Agashi, Sanjan,Dahanu, Nehar , and Mahim were surveyed by the mdmlatdafir

Sadashiv Raghunath who measured the land into bighas and fixedthe assessment . In 1795 - 96 a like survey of the petty division of

Vasra was made by Ramrav Narayan the commandant of RaJmachi

fo rt .

5 In some of these surveys the land was divided into severalclasses according to the nature of the soil, each class being assessedat a different rate . In other surveys no distinction was drawnbetween the different classes of land ; good and bad paid the same

rent .6

1 After twenty -three years cesses began to be added. East India Papers , III . 774.2 Reg. I. of 1808 , see. XV III. cl. 2 ; Mr. Marriott, MS. Sel. 160, 135-136.

3 Details are given in Reg. 1. of 1808, sec. V III -XV II.4 The po le , kdthi, by which the landwas measuredwas five cubits five fists long, the

cubit being fourteen tam e making the stick eighty tasus . The bigha included twentypanda of twenty poles each or 400 square poles. MS. Sel. 160, 713.5 Rev. Answers, 3 lst October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160 , 713 , 714.

6 Mr . Marriott, 11th July 1821, in MS. Sel. 160 , 139 .

Konkan]

THANA .

Of the Maratha surveys the one mo st highly spoken of by the

people was Sadashiv R eshav’

e revised survey of Kalyan (1788He visited the land, classified it according to its fertility which heascertained by experiments lasting over ten years, and fixed the

government share at the money value of one - third of its average

produce . The rates were 7éd. (Rs . 5 - 5) for first class_

land,

601. (Rs. 4- 4) for second class, and 6s . 4la. (Rs . 3 -3 ) for thi rd class .

l

Only the rice lands were measured. The bill lands were assessed ata money rate of 3s . (Rs . 1g) on a nominal bigha, which was an area

estimated equal to a bigha with a due allowance for ro ck and

underwood.

2 Before fixing the amount of the village rental the newestimateswere compared with the standard rates, dar dam shira sta,

all differences between the old rates and the proposed rates werereferred to Po ona, and the final amount determined according to theo rders of the government . The total rentals, kamals , fixed in thisway settled the demands for future years . Without order s fromPoona the local officers had no power to ask anything over the fullrental, kamalj a 'ma .

3

These surveys remained in use for only a few years . W ith theclose of Nana Fadnavis

’ management (1800) the attempt to levy a

moderate and fair rental was given up .

4 Dur ing the reign of the

last Peshwa (1800 who , under British protection, was heedlessof unpopularity and anxious only to amass wealth, the practice of

farming was extended from the farming of villages to the farming of

sub -divisions talukas and districts p rints . The farm s were givento the highest bidders and the length of the lease was lowered fromsix to five or even to one year . Some one at court secured thefarm he sub -let it to a second speculaitor, and he again perhaps toth ree or four o thers . Between the original farmer and the peoplethere were o ften several grades of middlemen, all of whom lookedfor a profit. Besides this the tenure of the farms was uncertain.

On some frivo lous pretext leases were often taken from one farmerand given to another . A revenue farmer had to make the most ofhis chance so long as it lasted. The people were at his mercy ; no

limit was set to the amount he might wring from them . Besidesfrom his revenue cesses, he could enrich himself from the proceedsof fines .

5 The former government officers, the mamlatdars and the

1 The rupees represented the assessment and the annas cesses to meet the cost ofthe collection and of district establishment .Mr . Davies , 19 th May 1836, in Bom. G ov.

Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 149 151. Mr . Langford, 26th February 1842 , in Bom. G ov. Rev.

Rec. 1348 of 1842 , 50 . The same rates were introduced by Sadashiv Keshav intoMurbad. .

Mr. G iberne , 13th April 1837, in Bom. G ov. Rev. Rec. 775 of 1837, 103 andMr. W illiamson, 13th May 1835 , in Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 7 - 19 . Major Jervis gives118. 75d” 98 . 6d. , and 7s. 45d. (Rs. 5 13 , Rs . 4-12, and Rs . 3 (Konkan,

Captain, nowG eneral, Francis (Bom. G ov. Sel. XCV I. 3 ) gives 103 . (Rs . 5 ) for the first,88. (Rs . 4) for the second, and 68. (Rs . 3 ) fo r the third.

2 Jervis ’ Konkan, 126.

3 Replies to Revenue Questions , 3 lst October 1828,MS.Sel. 160, 772 , 773 . Accordingto Major Jervis (Konkan, 125) Sadashiv Keshav

’

s survey included Taloja and VajainPanvel Murbad, G orath , and Ko rkada inKorkada ; Souala, Dugad, and Bhiwndiin Bhiwndi Ambarnath , Vasundri, Barha, Kunda, and Khabala in Vardi and Sher,Alyani, and Rahur in sakurli.4 Mr . Marriott, 1821,MS. Sel. 160, 142. The great famine of 1790 must also have

thrown the revenue arrangements into confusion.

5 The farmers were wholly unrestricted as to the amount of revenue to be leviedfrom the people whom they were also permitted to fine at their discretion and

H ISTORY.

The Maratkds.

[Bombay Gazettes

DISTRICTS .

makcilkaris, generally became the revenue farmers, and

, knowingthe secret sources o f wealth, either raised the rates or levied freslce sses .

1 Up to the clo se of the eighteenth century the local oflicer ;had no power to add to the rental . But under th e last Peshwa thifarmer could raise the rent of any field he cho se . If the holde irefused to pay the higher rate his land was taken from him and

given to any one who would agree to the new rates .

53 Thus inNasrapur and several o ther sub -divisions, instead of three classespaying 103 . 7§d . (Rs . 5 88 . 6d. (Rs . 4 and 63 . 44d. (Rs . 3 -8)a uniform rate o f H e. (Rs . 5g) was levied from all lands that couldyie ld an average crop . This rate was enforced from the Kunbis.

But the higher class o f landholders, the Brahman and Prabhupandha/rpeshcis refused to pay more than 6d . (Rs . 4 Inother parts, such as south Kalyan, Bassein and Sanjan, the rentswere not changed, but cesses were added equal to fifty per centof the old rental .‘ In addition to these levies large sums weretaken from the husbandmen to meet village expenses . The sumswere levied by the headmen by an asses sment in addition to thegovernment rental. The sum collected was spent in feedingreligious beggars, in giving village feas ts, and in meeting sundryother charges .

5

In villages let to revenue farmers the farmer, or khot, made thes ettlement with the husbandmen. In villages not let to farmersthe government officer o r mahalkari made the settlement with theheadman, patil o r karbham

'

, of the village .

6 The patil settled thepayments to be made by the different villagers . The who le rentalwas levied by instalments . The patil co llected the amount due foreach instalment and paid it either to the farmer or to the ofi‘icer incharge of the petty division,

who forwarded it to the officer in charge

of the division by whom it was sent to head-

quar ter s . Though thegovernmentwas, as a rule, satisfied with receiving the revenue bins talments,7 sometimes if hard pressed for funds they levied the

appropriate the mulct to their own benefit.’ Mr. Marriott, 22nd June 1818, MS. Sel.

160, 1- 3 . In the last years of the Peshwa’s rule, writes Mr . Davies in 1836, the

people snfiered under the most oppressive system ever heard of. They were theslaves of a set of freebooters who ,

in consideration of satisfying a craving and

tyrannical government, were allowed to take all they could. And, as the ministersnever scrupled to turn away one farmer if he was privately outbid by another , thefarmers took good care that none of their privileges lacked exercise . Bom. Gov.

Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 156.1 R eplies to Rev. Ques . 3 lst Oct . 1828 , MS. Sel. 160, 754, 755 .

2 Ditto , 773.3 Mr. Davies, 19th May 1836, Born. G ov. R ev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 151, 152.

Mr .Davies ’ account is for Nasrapur . Mr. Simeon the Collector adds , With the change

of a fewnames and figures , the account of Nasrapur is the revenue history of a.large

portion of the territory under the Peshwa.’ Bom. G ov. Rev. R ec. 700 of 1836, 134.

4 M r. Davies , 8th October 1836, Bom. G ov. Rev. Rec. 746 of 1836, 216. In 1836

inquiries brought to light, over the whole district including Kolaba, 167 cesses of

which 149 fell on the husbandmen. Of the 149 no fewer than ninety were vague

extras , mogkafmvdtni. Ditto , 195 , 211.5 R eplies to Revenue Questions , 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160

, 782 - 784.6 MS. Sel. 160, 755, 756.

7 Nana Fadnavis fixed four equal instalments , the first inOctober andNovember (endof Kartik shudh to end ofMargashirsh) , the second in December and January (end ofPaush shudh to end ofMdgh shudh) , the third in February and March (end of PhdlgemShudh to end of Chaitra ) , the fourth in April and May (and of Vaiehdkh ehudh to

'

end

of Jeshth). Replies to Revenue Questions, 3lst October 1828, in MS.-

Sel. 160 , 774, 775.

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Chapter VIII.

.Land

Admmistration.

1798 -1819 .

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

established and the people found a ready market for their grain nearthem homes and at high prices .

1

SECTION IV.—BRIT ISH MANAGEMENT .

Under British management Salsette and Karanja improved butshowly . In 1774

,when Salsette and Karanja were conquered by

the English, the people were much depressed and the revenue wasin arrears.

2 ‘

A resident or chief and factors were appointed toSalsette and a resident to Karanja .

3 The system of collecting therevenue remained for a time unchanged.

'

The villages continuedto be put to auction,

and the right of farming their revenues

was as before made over to the highest bidder . The resultwas unsatisfacto ry. The people were wretched and the farme rs

o ften failed to pay the amounts they had bid. In 1788 revenue

contracting was given up and the management o f the villageswas entrusted to G overnment officers. But the great famine of179 0 undid any improvement which the change of system m ighthave caused . Dur ing the twenty -o ne year s ending 179 5, while theaverage amount claimed was (Rs . the averagecollections were not more than (R

'

s .

In 1798-99 a new systemwas introduced. Allavailable Portugueseand Maratha reco rds were examined, the petty taxes levied by thePortuguese and the Marathas we re abolished, the average produce

o f each village ,

was ascertained, “

and the G overnment demand wasfixed at one - third o f the estimated average produce for all landsexcept shtlotri lands , which, as they had been held on specially easyterms

,were charged little more than one -fifth .

5 In 1801 the grainshare was for a term of ten years commuted to a money rental atthe rate of £ 2 (Rs . 20) the muda (25

-mans) for white and £ 1 128.

(Rs . 16) for red rice .

6 At the same time arrangements were madefor bridging the channel between Salse tte and Bombay . Thiswork

, the Sion causeway, was begun in 1799 and finished in 1803 .

In that year Salsette again suffered very severely from famine . Butthe distress did lasting good to the island by forcing the repeal ofthe heavy customs dues which till then had been levied on all,

produce pas sing to Bombay .

7 From this time the state of the islandsteadily impr oved . In 1807 (April) the G overnment share of ricehad risen to 8324 mudds o r 860 mudds more than the G overnmentshare in 1774. In the next year the returns showed people,

houses, cattle, 492 carts, and 431 boats . The part of

the island near Bandra was specially pro sperous ; it had a briskcoasting trade , and a good market for its vegetables .

8 In 1810-11

the commutation rates were raised_from £ 2 to £ 2 558 . (Rs . 20

R s . 2215 ) for a muda of white r ice and from £ 1 12s . to £ 1 148.

(Rs . 16 Rs . 17) for a muda. of red rice . The increase would seemto have been excessive and the rates were afterwards reduced to the

1 Mr. Davies , 28th February 1836, Born. G ov. Rev. Rec . 700 of 1836, 57. The

average prices were 48 . (Re. 2 ) per man.2 R eg. I. of 1808, see . 19 .

3 Reg. III. of 1799 , sec. 1.4 Reg. I. of 1808 , see. 21.

5 Reg. 1. of 1808, secs. 23 36, ch 10. 6 Born . G ov. Rev. Rec. 1244 of7 Reg. 1. of 1808, see . 53. 9 Reg. I . of 1808, sees . 36, 66, 75.

Konkan]

THANA.

former standard } In 1819 t he state of Salsette was satisfactory.

The average yearly rental had risen from (Rs. in

the ten years ending 1798 to (Rs . in the twentyone years ending To the state of Karan]a the only referencethat has been traced is, that much of the land was in the hands of

middlemen who took from the husbandmen one -half of the produce.

“

From the cession of the Peshwa’s possessions in 1817, the revenuehistory of the district belongs to three periods. Eighteen years(1817 - 1835) of few changes in as sessment and little advance in

prosperity ; nineteen years (1835 - 1854) of reduced rental and rapidadvance ; and twenty- seven years (1854 smce the beginningof the revenue surv ey, of slightly enhanced rates and

.gradual

progress . The chief changes in the eighteen years ending 183 5

were the establishment of village accountants in the place o f

revenue farmers, the reduction in the number of cesses, and the

correction of individual cases of unequal assessment. The chiefobstacles to progress were the prevalence of gang robberies , thewant of a trained or trustworthy native agency, and a great fall inproduce prices . When they were ceded to the British, the Peshwa

’s

territories in the no rth Konkan were suffering from the excesses of

gangs of robbers ;4 much arable land was waste ; the bulk of the

people were miserably poor ;5 and, in spite o f the mo st minute and

pitiless exactions, the revenue of the district was less than(Rs . To the general poverty Bassein was a markedexception. Itwas rich with sugarcane and plantains perhaps in all

India there was no spot more highly tilled.

7 Under the system ofrevenue contracting and by the division and sale of their shares in

the revenue the hereditary district officers had ceas ed to be of use .

8

The stipendiary officers were almost all r evenue contractors forsub-divisions and petty divisions, and the chief power in the villageswas in the hands of the village contractor or khot. The villagestafl

'

was generally represented by headmen and mhdrs, and the rewas occasionally an assistant to the headman, who was called madhvi

1Mr. Langford, 28th November 1840, Born. G ov. Rev. Rec. 1244 of 1841, 137 -139 .

The payment in cash or in kind is said to have been optional. The commutationprices were very moderate, but the people seem to have thought that they were boundto pay at least a part in kind. Mr .M arriott, 14th June 1820, in Thana Collector ’

s

Outward File, 1820, 124 - 127 .

2 Mr. Marriott , 29th November 1819 , inMS. Sel. 160 , 43 .

3 Mr.Marriott,22nd June 1818, in MS. Sel. 160 (1818 24, 25 . In some of the

salt-rice lands half of the crop seems to have been taken. Reg. 1. of 1808, see. 36, cl. 7.

4 Under the Maratha s the mdmlatddra and mahdlkafi s had armed messengers andhors emen or entertained bands of Kolis . Raids from hill tribes were very common.

Rev. Ans. 3 1st Oct. 1828, MS. Sel. 160, 771.5 The result of the revenue farmers ’ exactions was that the. people were reduced

to theLgreatest poverty and many villages were empty . Mr . Marriott, 22nd June

1818,'S. Sel. 160, 1- 3 .

I

6"

At the time of cession the north Konkan was divided among four districts,prd/nte, Kalyan, Bhiwndi, Belapur, and Karnala. The gro ss value of the territorywas , on the average of the four preced

'

years , (Rs. Of this(Rs . were made over to urat and (Rs. left to

Mr . Marriott’s charge. MS. Sel.160, 122 .

7 Mr. Marriott,11th July 1821, in MS. Sel. 160, 136. This prosperity was the

result of a fraud. See below, p . 564.

3 Mr.Marriott, 14th August 1820, inThanaCollector

’s Outward File , 1820. 162 -164.

TunBarrisn.

Chapter VIII.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

in Kalyan and kci/rbhéfri in Bassein . The other village servants,bd/ra. balutds were unknown , and there was not a vestige of anysimilar village establishment.1

Under the ordinary tenure, so long as he paid his rent, the ho lderhad a right to remain on the land but he had no power to pass it toany one else .

2 The place of mim sddrs was taken by sutidd'rs , wholike mtrcisddr s , had full right to dispo se of their land ? Suti landswere liable to be assessed whether they were tilled or whether theywere waste. So long as the rent was paid the land remained the

property of the sutiddr, but if the sutidd'r failed to pay his rent,

G overnment could give it to ano ther, provided there was no

unexpired lease o r haul.4 Lands known as Sheri lands were theproperty of the state, and had either never been included in thevillage or had lapsed to the state . The profits went to governmento r to the revenue farmer, o r o ther direct holde r under government .

5

To encourage the tillage of arable waste the sub - divisional officer o rkamd'visddr had been allowed to grant yearly leases of waste land at

light rents under a tenure known as chtkhal o r dula fndi.6 It wouldseem that the pro sperity of Bassein was in great measure due to the

abuse o f this pr ivilege . By bribing the state officers the owners ofthe gardens arranged that their gardens should be examined a fewweeks after the crop had been cleared 011the ground. Theywere thenentered as waste and granted at a nominal rent for the next year .

7

Another somewhat impo rtant tenure was the special s ervice or

i'

xzdfat, on which the hereditary district o fficers held certain villages.

A s already explained, under the Muhammadans these o fficers heldthe v illages rent - free in return for their services . The Marathas,finding that the service villages were specially pro sperous , levied the

1 Replies to Revenue Questions , 31st October 1828 , in MS. Sel. 160, 703 , 704. The

village officerswere paid by an assignment of five per cent , pdnchotra ,on the village

revenues . Of this five per cent, two ~thirds went to the pdtil and one -third to the

mhcir . If therewas a pdtil’

s as sistant the pdtil got three-fifths and the assistantpcttil

and the mhdr one -fifth each . Mr . Sims on, 27th January 1826, inMS. Sel. 160 , 262. In

1845 in answer to the question how far the village communities were fit to manage

local funds , the Collecto r Mr. Law reported that, compared with other Bombayprovince s, the Konkan was remarkable for the feebleness of its village institutions .

Except that every village had its hereditary pdtz’

l,village institutions could scarcely be

said to exis t. The pa ds were for the most part s o incompetent and ignorant that theycould not be trusted with the G o vernment collections . They were not regardedwiththe same respect as the Deccan patik, probably because o f the large number ofBrahmans and other high castes who were engaged in tillage . 9th September 1845,Thana Collector

’

s File , Reports on G eneral Condition, 1843 - 1853 .

2 Mr . Marriot t, 22nd June 1818 , in MS . Sel. 160 ,26-27 . The practice of trans

ferring land under this tenure was winked at by the Maratha governmIndia Papers , III. 773 .

3 Replies to Revenue Questions , 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160 , 741-743.

The tenure ofmi o r vatan was the same as minis . East India Papers , III. 773.4 Replies to Revenue Questions, 3 lst October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160 , 743.

’

5 R eplies to Revenue Questions , 3 lst October 1828 , in MS. Sel. 160, 7455 East India Papers , III. 773 , and MS. Sel. 160, 271.7 Mr. Sims on, 27th January 1826, in MS. Sel. 160, 27 1-272 . The fraud was not

found out till 1826, when it had reached an alarming height. Ditto . In 1822 , beforethe true explanation of the pro sperity of Bassein was known, the Bombay G overnmentwrote (East In dia Papers , III. The cultivation of en arcane and p lantains is

very costly ,somewhat hazardous , and requires a constantly oating large capital, the

security of which seems not to have been affected by the rapacity of the Marathaofi cers.

’

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Cesses.

[Bombay GazetteerDISTRICTS .

landlpaid a bigha. rate and a further cess on every fruit-yieldingtree . Except m Kalyan and in a few other places the assessmentwas paid in kind.

“

Besides the land assessment one hundred cesses were levied.

3 Ofthese the chief wer e a house tax, a tobacco tax, a tax on fowls a taxon hquour -

yielding trees, a commuted labour tax,a cattle tax

, s

,

evera1taxes to pay for official presents, and a firewo od tax.

‘

The chief change introduced in the revenue system was theappomtment of village accountants in the place of revenue farmers,Idiots .

“ Few other changes were made . It was thought best tocontinue the existing system till detailed information should beavai lable .

6 Though no great changes were made, the o rdinary landtenurewas so far modified that holders were allowed to sell, mortgage,o r otherwise transfer their land, on condition that the person to whom1t was made over was liable to pay the G overnment demand.

7 TheCollector proposed that the privileges of the pdndha/rpeshds shouldcease, but Government held that there was no sufi cient reasonwhy they should be discontinued.

8 As regards the dulandie, thepeople who tilled in one village and lived in another, Governmentagreed with the Collector that as there was arable waste land inalmos t every village, no thing was gained by people going to othervillages to till. They therefore decided to put a stop to the practiceo f granting outsiders specially easy rates .

9

In the Collector ’s opinion the landwas not directly over -assessed.

On the whole it perhaps paid less than the English collected inSalsette and Karanja . What made the Government demandoppressive was the number of extra cesses and the variety ofrate s which opened oppor tunities for fraud. The chief object wasto sweep away the extra cesses and consolidate the Governmentdemand into one fair tax, to let the people knowbeforehandwhat theyhad to pay, and to take their rents from them at the time whenpayment was easiest.10 The Co llector proposed that the countryshould be surveyed and the G overnment demand fixed at one-thirdo f the estimated produce .

11 The rental should be, he thought, taken in

1 Mr . Marriott, 11th July 1821, in MS. 861. 160 , 139 -140.

2 Mr . Simson, 30th Sept. 1826, in MS. Sel. 160, 351-354. As already noticed the

assessments in Kalyau and other places were not Sadashiv Keshav’

s rates , but those

introduced by the farmers,118 . (Rs . 5 -8) for Kunbis and 88 . 6d. (Rs. 44 ) Lfor

p dndha rp eshde. Mr . Davies, 19th May 1836, inBom. G ov. Rev. Rec. 700 0f 1836, 152.3 Replies to Revenue Questions ,

3 1st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 756 - 770.4 Details are given by Mr. Marriott, 17th October 1818 , in Rev. Diary, 135 of 1818,

5158 - 5163 .5 Rev. Diary , 151of 1820, 1039 . The taldti regulation (II. of 1814) was introduced

on the 25th January 1820.

3 MS. Sel. 160 (1818 41- 51.7 Mr . Marriott

,22nd June 1818, in MS. Sel. 160, 26, 27 .

8 Mr . Marriott, 29th January 1820, in MS. Sel. 160, 56-60 ; and G ov. Answer to

petitions from cultivators, 14th July 1820 ,in MS. Sel. 160 , 3 13 .

1’MS. Sel. 160, 60, 61, 313 .10 Mr . Marriott , 2oth Oct. 1818, in MS. Sel. 16Q, 32.

11 In suggesting one-third of the produce as the G overnment share Mr. Marriott,who was an advocate of the landlord ormmiaddfi

'

system, hoped that itwould leave tothe cultivator enough of surplus profit to enable the present landholders to maintainlaboure rs ins tead of themselves working. In this way he hoped that a class of

landh olders would be formed on the mos t unerrin principles of nature. Bom. Gov.Letter, 19th April 1822 East India Papers , III. 7 7.

Konkan]

THANA.

money not in grain. Grain payments required a co stly machineryand left openings for fraud. A s info rmation would at first be scantyand perhaps misleading, it was not safe to make the rates permanent 3they might, he thought, be introduced for twe lve years .

1

Before deciding on his propo sals G overnment called on Mr.

Marriott to furnish a return of the different sources of revenue,especially of the cesses or taxes . In r eply Mr . Marr iott drew upa list of thirty-six cesses, and stated that there were many morewhich varied so greatly in diiferent p laces that he thought itunnecessary to prepare a complete list. G overnment were not

satisfied with this statement of cesses, and, in calling for a fullerlist

, noticed that whatever the defects of the present sys tem mightbe Government could not attempt to change it without the fullestinformation. In December 1818, after a personal explanation of his

views by Mr . Marr iott, his proposals were sanctioned, and consentwas given to the beginning of a survey .

2 In November 1819 anotherorder was issued limiting Mr . Marriott’s operations to inquiry . Nochanges were to be introduced without specific instructions . Beforethis second order reached himMr .Marrio tt had issued a proclamationto the efiect that cesses were to be abolished. H e was accordinglyallowed to carry out this part of his plan and arrange for a

corresponding change in the land revenue, to make good the losscaused by the repeal of the cesses . No other changes were to bemade, and even for this change no promise of permanencywas to be

given and the Collector was to repo rt on every step he to ok.3

Meanwhile Mr . Marriott pressed on the work of survey. The

principle of the survey was to ascertain the extent of land incultivation, in viewof an assessment on the basis that one- third of thegross produce should go to

’

G overnment to find out the area of arablewaste ; to discover the different kinds of tillage and to classify thelands . A statement of the different kinds o f land showedbz

f

ighds .

under tillage and bighcis of arable waste.4 The unit

0 measure was the rod of nine feet and 192 quarter inches whichhad been used in 1808 in surveying .

5 After measuring them therice lands were arranged into four classes each assessed at differentrates . Garden land was, as before, assessed at a cash rental, exceptthat instead of separate land and tree taxes only one cess waslevied. To stimulate the spread of tillage waste lands were put toauction free of charge to the man who agreed to bring them undertillage in the shortest time.

6 A class to whom the Co llector wasspecially anxious to offer every inducement to settle were the wildhill tribes, the Kolis, Bhils, Kathkaris, and Thakurs . These almost

1Mr. Marriott, June 22nd, 1818, in MS. Sel. 160, 25, 26.

2 MS~ 160»38 3 Eaflt lndia Papers . III. 768.4 East India l’apers,

sRe I. of 1808, see. 2. This rod was about eight per cent less than the 01dMarat a rod. But the eople did not suffer, as in the Maratha surveys no accountwas taken of fractions etween fifteen and twenty rods, and even 15g rods wereentered

'

as one pend or twenty rods . (MS. Sel. 160, 107 The table ofmeasureswas one

2331of 9d

'4

250et equal

Zfive

fids and five fists , 20 square rods equal to one

square p , eu 5 nare p 8 to one b'

ha of 5four-fifths of an acre .

qRe I. of 1308, see. 2 .

lg 3 ’344 Square feet or aboutNovember 1819, Rev, iary 144 of 1819 , 3332.

THE BRITISH .

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

savages’ lived in small cabins in the depths of the forests in a most

degraded s tate . They gained a scanty livelihood, partly by tillingforest patches and partly by hunting, but chiefly by plunderingtheir more settled neighbours . Not only were they wretchedthemselves, but the ir love of plunder kept the villagers in constantalarm. So long as these tribes remained in the state in which theywere, there was no hope for improvement in the parts of the countrywhere they lived. It was of the highest consequence to win themto honestwork by assuring them the enjoyment of a moderate share

of the produce of their labour .

1 Another class whom it was mostimportant to r eclaim to husbandry were the men, who , during the.

past dis turbances, had forsaken their fields fo r military service . To

these men theCollector offered plo ts of arable waste to be held freefor eight year s and then to be charged at the same rates as the

surrounding fields .

2 In cons iderationof the poverty of the district

1Mr . Marriott , 22nd June 1818, inMS. Sel. 160,“

5, 6.

2 The allotments were for hamikidrs seven bighas , for M ike six,and for peons

five. These proposals were approved in Gov. Res . 12th February 1820 . Rev. Diary151 of 1820, 1038 - 1042 . The nature and effect of the proposed chan es in ass essment

are shown in the following statement of the rental of the village 0 Bhal in Kalyan

under the Maratha.and under Mr . Marriott’

s system. MS. Sel. 160, 62.

A ssessment of Bkdl Village, 1817 and 1819.

Mr. Marriott's System.

Rice Land

to tal of rice 39 ;the rate of Rs . 18

II. Omens.11. Queens .

Ghar take or house tax Brab palm cess, 49 trees at 4 amnas

r a commuted [about camVethva o

Oil-agricultural cesses, house ces sRs

and commutation cess Re. 1

Taaar komdi, fowl commutation cess

Less village olflcers’allowance

Less village ofi cers’allowance

Former net rental Increase

This net increase of Rs . 52 is the balance of the following items : Increasedas sessment Rs. 198 ; decrease on the abolition of the followmg cesses former! paid

by cultivators , aha/r taka , mm mm,vethva , ganpait , naj ar kude raj a , toga/r

.

omda,

deficienc of former year’

s rental, bhattwear, sen , and (;and , Rs. 146 5 net increase

in rent Rs . 52 .

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Chapter VIII.

Survey,

[Bombay Gazettes

DISTRICTS .

improve the district. In 1820 (14th August), looking at the statof the district, its wretched impoverished peasantry, its large tractof arable waste, and the great loss from bands of hill robbers, iseemed to him that the only hope for improvement was the creati0 1of a class of large landho lders. When the G overnment demand 0 1

a village was fixed by his survey, the village should, he thought, bileased for a term of five years to the chief representatives of the 011

district officials, the deshmukhs and deshp dndes, and in cases wherthe old families had disappeared newappointments should be madeHe proposed that the new class of landholders should be allowed tbring arable waste under tillage free of rent for five years, and thethey should be made respons ible for the police of the villages the;held in farm .

1 These proposals did not meet with the approval 0G overnment. They were opposed to the creation of a class of larglandho lders and their views were upheld by the Court of Directors:A s regards the survey G overnment admitted that the Collecto

had shown the existence of much disorder and abuse, and agreedwitihim that a good survey would remove many of the evils. But nsurvey which was not bas ed on a full inquiry into the circumstanc eof the land could be a good survey, and they were doubtful whethethe new settlement was based on a sufficiently minute knowledgo f the district. Before the new assessment could be introduceiG overnment must clearly know how the land was measured anc

classified, how the crop was estimated, how the commutation froma grain to a money rental was fixed, and how the estimates wertested. A statement of the former and present rent of each villagwas also required.

3 Mr . Marriott in a letter of the l0th July 182furnished certain observations and explanations , but the G overnmendid not consider them satisfactory. It appeared that the personemployed in the survey must have been too numerous to admit cthe Collector’s carefully testing their work. Mr . Marriott would_the G overnment thought, have acted more wisely, if he had take]and per sonally supervised one sub-division. The measurements 0

his survey, if they we re co rrect, would be useful, but the newrate

could not safely be brought into use over the who le district. Th

C o llecto r was directed to introduce the new settlement in on

s ub- division or in such extent of country as he could personalisuperintend, and to be careful to hear all complaints . In othe

parts of the district the character of the work was to be tested b;the remeasurement and classification of a few villages by a fresfi

staff of surveyors . In taking these te sts the measuring and th

fixing of rates were to be entrusted to different sets of men. Th

as sessors were to consult the natives as to the classing of the landand were to settle difference s by calling councils or pancM/yats frorneighbouring villages .

4

These inquiries seem to have shown tha t the originalmeasurement

1 Mr . Marriott , 14th August 1820 , in Thana Collector’s Outward File, -l71

2 Revenue Letter to Bombay , 13th February 1822 , East India Pa ers, III. 771-773 Gov. Letter, 2lst Sept. 1821, inMS. Sel.160, 154 157. Compare tIndia Paper.III. 776. 4 G ov. Letter, 27th Nov. 1822 , East India Papers, III. 777.

Konkam]

THANA .

and assessments were untrustworthy, and the attempt to introducea survey and settlement was abandoned . Except that in mostvillages village accountants took the place o f revenue contractors ,the revenue continued to be co llected on the same system as was inuse when the district was ceded to the British. The season of 1824

was disastrous and the people suffered severely .

1 This togetherwith a demand for grain from the Deccan would seem for some

years to have kept produce prices high,2 and the assessment thoughclumsy and irregular seems to have been moderate .

3 The poverty ofthe people was in a gaeat degree the result of their foolishness .

Hard drinking, or rather gross intoxication, was so common that theCollector thought it would be advisable to cut down all but a fewof

the liquor -

yielding trees .

4 Bishop Heber, who travelled during therains (June 2 7, 28) from Panvel to Khandala, describes the peopleas living in small and mean cottages with steep thatched ro ofs and

very low side walls o f loose stones . There was a general look of

poverty both in their dress and field- to ols . But their cattle werelarger and better bred than Bengal cattle, and were in better casethan might have been expected after so long a drought.“In 1825 the number of sub-divisions, tdlukds , was reduced from

seventeen to nine, namely, Panvel, Salsette, Mahim,Bassein,

Murbad, Sanjan, Nasrapur , sakurli, and Kolvan.

6 The Collector,Mr. Simson, again urged on G overnment the need of a survey.

The existing system was full of mistakes and unevenness ; nothingbut the clo se inquiries of a survey could set it right.7 The Co llector ’

s

proposals were approved ; but the press of o ther duties on the

Co llector and his assistants and the want of any special staff ofofficers delayed the work. In 1825 and 1826 some .parts of the

district seem to have been surveyed by the Co llector, partly bya revision of Mr . Mar riott’s measurements and partly by freshmeasurements of his own .

8 But as some mistake was made in the

1 MS. Sel. 160, 611. £ 1550 (Rs. were spent in clearing ponds and reservoirsto give work to the destitute. Replies to Rev. Ques . 31st Oct. 1828,MS. Sel. 160 .702 .

2 This is doubtful. Mr. Davies says (19th May 1836, Born. Gov. Rev. Rec. 700 of1836, 157 ) the establishment of peace had a owerful and instantaneous effect on

grain prices. But in another passage (2sth February 1836, Born. G ov. Rev. Rec. 700of 1836, 56-57) he says , that in 1820 the Poona demand still kept prices high.

According to a calculation made for Nasrapur in 1836, in the early years of Britishrule, the cost of tillage of a bigka of sixty

-two yards was 108 . (Rs . the carriage

to market 48 . (Rs. the customs charges I8. 6d. (12 and the rent 98 . 6d.

(Rs . 4-l2 ) . Rice was then Rs. 17 a khandi and the margin of profit 98. (Rs . 4-8) a

bigha . Bom. G ov. Rev. Re c . 700 of 1836, 55 - 57.3 I do not mean, ’wrote Mr. Simson in 1826 (3oth September) , that the people

are not occasionally called on to pay more than they are able . But I am confidentthat the portion of their payment that comes to the state is below what the mostconsiderate would admit G overnment to be entitled to on every principle of kindnessto the husbandman and regard to the

‘

encral good of the country .

’ MS. Sel . 160 ,326-327. Mr. Simson’

s opinion was a terwards changed.

4 Mr. Simson, 3oth September 1826, in MS . Sel. 160, 358.

5 Heber ’s Journal, II. 202, 203 .6 Mr. Simson, loth September 1828, in MS. Sel. 160 , 658 -663 . The statement(Bom . Gov. Sel. XCVI. 2 ) that this arrangement of zdlukda was introduced byMr. Reid in 1832 seems incorrect.7 Mr . Simson, 3oth September 1826, MS. Sel. 160 , 326-327, 333-334, 350.

8 MS. Sel. 160, 316- 393 . About this time (1821- 1825) under the First AssistantCollectorMr. RichardMills the surveywas extended inMurbad-Kalyan to Ambarnath ,Kalyan, Murbad, G orat, Chou, and Barha ; in sakurli to Shera, Alyani, Rahur,

1825 1827.

Tun Barman.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

length of the measuring rod and as no special officers were available,G overnment suspended the survey in 182 Still

, as appears lateron

, the Collector continued to make some slight progress inIn 1826 special rule s were in force for encouraging the tillage ofwaste lands by the grant of leases, during part of which the landwas held rent-free and during the rest on a r ising rental fi In 1828Mr . Simson the Co llector proposed that the system of grantinglease s should be extended, and applied to the grants in lease ofwho le villages to their headmen. These propo sals were notapproved by G overnment.4 Even had an attempt beenmade to carryout Mr . Simson’

s prepo sals, it would have failed as there werescarcely any headmen able and willing to incur the respbnsibilityo f the revenue of the whole village .

5

Of the state of the district at the clo se of the fir st ten years ofEnglish rule and of the details of its revenue management a fairlycomplete account is available . Peace was still often broken by theinroads of bands of hill robbers.6 By far the greater part of everysub-division was covered with thick forest

,impene trable in many

p laces except to wild beasts and to the tribes of Bhils, Ramoshis,Kathkaris , Ko lis, and Vai rlis . The average number of villages ineach sub- division was about 250, and the average yearly land and

excise revenue of each village was between £ 50 and £ 60 (Rs . 500

and Rs . N o

’

European could visit the inland parts before theend of December without the most imminent danger, while as earlyas March the heat was so oppressive as to make sickness almost as

certain as before December .7 Tillage had made little .progress .

Only ten deserted villages had been settled,

8and it was doubtful

whether over the whole district the tillage area had not declined.

9

Distr ict hereditary officers,zam'z

'

fndcirs, were numerous in Kalyan,but there were few in the coas t tracts or in the north . In the

Kalyan sub-division there were one cha'udh'ri, several deshmukhs,adhikdm

'

s, d eshpdndes, kulkarmls , and a saw pdtfil. The chaudhri,

who had no duties, was paid two per cent on the co llections ofthe whole Kalyan district, and certain cus toms fees averagingaltogether about £ 1000 (Rs . a year . The deshmukhs or

Kunda, Khambala , Vasundri, and Korkada ; in Nas rapur to Nasra ur, Vasra, and

V aredi ; in Panvel to Taloj a and in Bassein to Bugad and So In the four

mac ls of Chou, Nasrapur ,vasra, and Varedi , the people objected to the newestimate

of the outturn of their fields , and the old rates were continued. Mr. Simson, 3oth

September 1826, inMS. Sel. 160 , 351-354. At this time (1826, September), except inKalyan and a fewmore places , rents were paid in kind. MS. Sel. 160, 353.

1 Letter 436 , loth March 1827, in MS. Sel. 160, 389 ; 393 .

2 MS. Sel. 160, 584 - 587. See footnote 8 page 576.3 MS. Sel. 160, 361. 367-371.

4 MS. Sel. 160, 586-587, 604-606, 619, 637, 641. Gov. Letters 1600, 8th September

1828 and 1719, 25th September 1828.5 MS. Sel. 160, 637.

6 Replies to Rev.Ques , slst October 1828 in MS. Sel. 160, 771. The districtwas

from 1825 to 1844 notorious for its robberies. But rigorous measures were taken andthe disorder suppressed. See Chapter IX .

7 Mr. Sims on, loth September 1828 , inMS. Sel.8 Rev. Answers 1828, in MS. Sci. 160, 753 .

9 Three causes for this decline are noted ,.the permission given in 1819 to any one

to throw up any land he did not wish to keep, the loss of his by cholera in 1818

and 1819 , and the poverty of the eqple whose stock and cattle were sold to meet

the demands of the‘

moneylender. v. Answers 1828, m MS .Sel. 160 , 752.

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Bdra.Balutcis.

A assessment.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

The only o ther member of the village establishment was theMhar,who was styled hobnail, kdrbhdri, ndyakvddi, and thop e

'

. Their dutieswere to watch the fields , to keep cattle from stray ing, to carry out

the pdtil’s orders and to act as porters . They go t a share

, generallyone - third of the village officer

’s five per cent, p ctnchotm , and

apparently though this is not clearly stated, some grant of land inthe coast districts where the five per cent allowance was not in force .

They were also freed either entirely o r partly from paying the house,buffalo , and tree cesses . From the rich they received presents of

grain o r money at marriages and o ther ceremonies, and from all

villagers a small allowance o f grain about one man from every field.

Accountants or kulkam is, gate -keepers or 'veskars , threshing-flo orkeepers or havdlddrs, and the twelve servants or bdm balutds wereunknown.

1

The forms of assessment differed little from tho se in use at

the beginning of British rule . They were six in number , threeo f them in r ice lands, a bigha rate bighc

’

wm’

,a lump assessment

dhcp ,and a vague form of lump assessment hunddbandi or

tokdbomdi, one on garden lands, one on cold weather crops, and one

on hill lands . Of the three fo rms of rice assessment the bigha ratewas in force in the south - east sub-divisions , the dhcp in the coastlands , and the hunda and tokdbandz

’

in the wilder north and

north-east .

2 The bigha rate included about three -fifths of the wholer ice tillage. It Was of two classes sweet rice land and salt riceland. In

'

mo st sweet rice land the payment was in money and

averaged 11s . (R s . 59 a bigha in salt r ice land the rent was takenin kind, and, according as G overnment or the landho lder repairedthe embankment, varied from one -half to one- third of the crop .

The lump , or dhep , system was in force along the coast over an area

of a little less than two -fifths of the who le rice tillage . A muda.

r epresented on an average the rental of about three b'ighcis . But as

already explained, from fraud and o ther irregular causes, the muda.

was in practice an arbitrary quantity varying from six to thirty-twomans . The tokdbandi the less regular form of the lump as sessmentwas in use in about one - tenth of the area under the dhcp system.

It was found in the wild north - east and was said to have beenintroduced by the Jawhar chiefs . The rates , though apparentlyfixed on no principle , had the advantage of being very light.Hunddba/ndi, also a lump assessment and very like the tokdba/ndi, wasfound in the inland parts of SanJan and included all cesses besidesthe land rent. Where the rents were payable in kind commutationcash rates were yearly fixed by the Co llector. It was usual to fix

the commutation r ates according to the actualmarket price, deductingabout ten per cent in favour of the husbandmen. If the peopledid not approve of the rates, they were allowed to pay in grain and

the grain was sold by auction on account of Government. The

only lands that were assessed as garden lands were in Bassein,

1Rev. Answers, 31st October 1828, inMS. Sel. 160 , 789.

2 Mr. Simson, 11th November 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 665-668 ; and Mr. Reid, 12thAugust 1830, inMS. Sel. 160, 858.

Konkan ]

THANA.

Mahim, and Salsette . In Bassein and Mahim they paid bo th a

bigha rate and a tree tax, and in salsette a bigha rate of 558 . (Rs .

In Kalyan, rice lands that yielded a cold-weather crop such as til,khufrdsni, or hemp, were charged 3s . (Rs . It) a bigha. in additionto the bigha. rate for rice. The plough, hoe, sickle , and pickaxecesses continued unchanged in uplands and hill lands .

Mo st of the minor land cesses had been repealed, and of those

that were no t repealed almo s t all were in abeyance . Though the

other cesses -had been greatly reduced there remained many taxeson trade, houses , market stalls , female buffalo es, tobacco , gro cery,cattle, and liquor trees . Transit dues , wood-cutting fees, ferry fees,and liquor licenses yielded between and (Rs . 3

,

- 4

lcikhs) . 1

Revenue superintendence was, in the first instance, vested in the

village headmen and accountants . The village officials were checkedby the sub- divisional manager, kamdvisddr , and his establishment,and the sub- divisional establishment was in turn contro lled by the

head-quar ter secretary or daftarddr , who made the yearly rentsettlement, y

'

a frnxibcrmii.2 When the landho lder paid his rent a

receipt was passed by the taldti in the pdtil’s name and in his

presence when the village revenue was paid the kamdmisdda' granteda receipt ; and when the sub - divisional revenue was paid at headquarters the kamd’uisdcir received a receipt from the Collector .

3

V illages were managed by G overnment o fficers and their rentsco llected from the individual landho lders . Except in the case ofwaste lands neither village s no r ho ldings were granted in lease .

4

The village rent settlement, j amdbandi, was made with the

landho lders . A husbandman paid fo r his fields what he had paidthe year before . If he to ok fresh land that had been tilled bysome one else he paid the rent the fo rmer holder had paid if theland had been fallow he was allowed certain remis sions and if he

took waste land he paid according to the lease system, the basis of

which was one - third of the estimated yield, the share of grainbeing changeable into a money rent .

5 The settlement was in thefirst instance made by the accountant and the p rim. Afterinquiries the accountant drewup a statement of the changes in the

tillage area,no ting the causes of change . The assessments of

fallow lands were deducted and tho se of freshly tilled lands wereadded . These statements were examined by the kamdvisddr and

his clerks, who visited the village near harvest time . Theycorrected erro rs and confirmed the amended statements . The

amended statements were kept with the p étel and accountant untilthe daftardé/r came to make the yearly rent settlement. The

daftardé/r examined the accounts , and,if he thought them

unsatisfactory, he set his clerks to make local inquiries . Then the

1 Mr. Simson, 11th Nov. 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 668-669. On the subject of cesses

compare G ov. Letter, 3 lst July 1822, inMS. Sel. 160, 280, 183 197 ; and Mr . Simson,27th January 1826, in MS. Sel. 160, 268-269 . See also Rev. Answers , 1828, inMS.

Sel. 160, 707-708.2 Rev. Answers, 31st October 1828, in MS. Sel. 160, 748.

3 MS. Sel. 160, 782.4 MS. Sel. 160. 743 -744, 751-752.

5 Mr. Simson, 11th November 1828, inMS. Sel. 160, 674-675.

Tun Bnrrxsn

Cesses .

Superintendence.

Revenue

Survey,

Changes.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

settlement with the village was finished. The amount due fromeach landholder was fixed and a list of the payments to be made byeach was fastened on the village office or chd'vd'i, bearing the sealand signature of the Collecto r or of his assistant. The details ofthe settlement were entered in the village revenue statement or

ch/ittha, inwhich all changes were shown in full .1 The land revenuewas collected in three instalments, the first between the beginningof December and the middle of January, the second between the

middle of January and the end of February, and the third betweenthe end of February and the 13 th of April. Sé/ycw

'revenue was

collected before land revenue between the middle of October and theend of November, and garden rents were taken as late “

as the middleor end of May.

2 As a safeguard fo r the payment of the revenue ithad formerly been usual to make one village responsible for ano ther,according to the system known as the chain surety, sdnkli yamin.

But in 1828 security was as a rule no longer required .3 With the

of increasing the area under tillage the sub-divisionalmanager,at the rent settlement time

,explained to the people that Government

would make advances for the purchase of cattle or seed, or to supportthe husbandman till his crop was ripe . He found out what thewants of the village were and applied for sanction to the paymentof advances . Leases for waste lands were granted and a registerforwarded to head- quarters .

4

There was not much difficulty in getting in the rents . Improvements had lately been made and the assessment was so light that inordinary years it could be realized Without pressure .

5 Deficienciesari sing from the failure of individuals to pa were always remittedat the time of settling the next year

’s rent . Besides the G overn

ment rental the villagers continued to pay the p ettit about ten perCent more to meet the village charges .

’

In 1828 a Survey seems to have b een introduced into one or twoof the petty divisions of Panvel. But as was the case in other partsof the distr ict the rates were too high pitched and were never

brought into use .

8

In 1880 the two Konkans were divided into unequal parts, thelarger being kept under a Principal Collector and the smaller

1Mr . Simson, 1lth November 1828, inMS. Sel. 160, 671-673 .2 Mr. Simson, 11th November 1828, in MS. Sel. 160 , 677.3 MS. Sel. 160, 677, 750

-751.4 MS. Sel. 160 , 669 -670.

5 Rev. Answers, 31st October 1828, in MS . Sel. 160, 705 . Rice rices were then

(1827 as far as information goes , about £ 1108. (Rs. 15 ) a kh i. In two yearsthey fell to £ 118. (Rs . 105) and did not rise for two wa s more. The resultwas verygreat distress. Corn are Mr. Davies , eth Sept.1837 . ev. Rec. 870 of

0 Replies to Rev. uestions , 31st Oct. 1828 , in MS. Sel. 160 , 781-782.

7 Re lies to Rev. Questions, 31st October 1828, inMS. Sel. 160 , 782 -784.8 MS?Sel. 160, 584. Compar e the orders for the survey of Konda and Khambala

iii MS. Sel. 160 , 506. In 1837 (6th September).

Mr. Davies wrote, In 1827-28

Mr . Simson surveyed the petty division of urvalit in Panvel. The rates were so

heavy that the people petitioned against the survey and things remained unchanged.

’

Bom. G ov. Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 121-122. One cause of this failure would seem to

be the marked fall in prices. The Panvel returns showfor a khandi of rice £ 1 138.

(Rs. in 1826-27, £ 1 108 . (Rs . 15 ) in 1827-28, £ 1 58. (Rs. in 1828-29 , £ 110.

(Rs. 105) in 1829-30. Mr. Davies , 6th September 1837, Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 101.

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1830 -1835 .

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of the district .1 Major Jervis who wrote about the same timethough he held that, except in some places on the coast,

both the acre rate and the rate on estimated produce were verylight, admitted that the district was less flourishing than the

Cess -burdene d south. This in his opinion was due to the greatscarcity of water, the unhealthiness of the wastes and forests , thescanty supply of people and cattle, and the want of rich proprietors ?"The hilly tracts in the south of Thana, though much richerthan the Ratnagiri hills , were so overrun with forest

,brushwood,

bamboo, and lemon grass, and the ripening crops were so expo sedto the attacks of locusts, deer, bears , and wild hogs, water was soscarce, and the people so reduced by former misrule that there waslittle tillage .

3

F rom this year begins the second period, the time of revised and

reduced asse ssment. In consequence o f the Collector ’s account o fthe very unsatisfactory state of his charge a spec ial inquiry waso rdered. The inquiry shewed a pres sing need for reducing the

G overnment demand . The revision of assessments was sanctioned,and between 1835 and 1842 was carried out except in the north of

the district. The reductions were very liberal including abouttwenty per cent of the rental and the abo lition of transit duties.

The result was a rapid spread of tillage and a marked improvementin the state of many of the people In 1835 the previous season

had been bad . The rainfall was scanty an‘

d untimely, and a largearea was thrown out o f tillage .

4 In May of that year, Mr .

Williamson,the Revenue Commissioner , examined the Kalyan

sub-division. What he saw satisfied him that from the fall“

in the

money value of rice , the money rate, though no t or iginally excessive,had come to represent far to o large a share of the produce.

Mr . W illiamson calculated that the average produce of a btgha of

good rice land was about 22 mans, which, according to the marketprices of late year s, was worth about £ 1 43 . 3 01. (Rs . 12 The cost

of labour in preparing the land might, he thought, be estimated at

about 128 . (Rs . and as the rent was 103 . 3 01. (Rs . 5- 2) only one

rupee of profit was left.5 A few months later (November 1835 ) he

wrote , that the condition of Kalyan, Panvel, and Nasrapur, the

proportion the r ent bore to the produce, the yearly remis sions , thebalances , the untilled tracts, the wretched state of the bulk of the

people , were convincing evidence of over-assessment.6 The rental

of these sub - divisions should, he thought, be revised. Nowhere

was a change more wanted than in Nasrapur, under the Sahyadrihills , whose highly taxed produce was carr ied over bad roads to

distant marke ts . In some parts of Nasrapur, known as the KoliKhalati mahdls, the people were better ofi as they were allowed to

1 Mr . G iberne , 15th August 1833 , in Born. G'

ov . Rev. Rec. 550 of 1834, 297 - 306.

He notices specially the great improvements that had been made in the salsette

villages of Pavai, V irar, and Goregaon ; ditto 302.2 Jervis ’ Konkan , 126.

3 Jervis’ K

'

onkan, 98.4

'

Bom. G ov. Rev. Rec. 696 of 1836 , 258, 263 -264.

6 Mr . Williamson, 13th May 1835 , in Bom. G ov.Rev. Rec . 700 of 1836, 7 - 9 .

6 Bom. G ov. Rev. Rec . 700 of 1836, 1-2. Mr. Davies (28th February 1836) _calls

them poor wretches who have scarce wherewithal to clothe themselves.’ Bom. Gov.

Re v . Rec . 700 of 1836, 92.

Konkan]

THANA.

take an extra quarter bigha for every bigha onwhich they paid rent .Still the assessment was too h igh, the villages lay close under theSahyadris, and to take their produce to market the people had a

long rough j ourney . Kalyan was in much the same state . Aboutbighds of arable land lay waste and the people were

miserably clothed and verywretched . Panvel, near a good market,was rather better .

1 In none of the three sub-divis ions were thereeither roads or carts .

2

In consequence of Mr .Williamson’s report Mr. Davieswas cho sen

to revise the asses sment. The measurements of Sadéshiv Keshav’ssurvey were accepted,

a and the work o f revising the rates was begunin 1836. In Nasrapur inquiries showed that the rents had for yearsbeen largely in arrears, eighteen per cent behind in the ten yearsending 1834- 35, and twenty-nine per cent dur ing the last seven ofthe ten. This was not due to any weakness on the part of the collec

tors of revenue or to any understanding between them and the people .

On the contrary the mamlatdar had ruined himself by the extremerigour of his co llections .

‘ The chief objects of the revis ion were,in Mr . Davies ’ opinion, to lower the rental, -to reduce the number ofrates of assessment, and to abolish cesses . His inquir ies into thestate of the people showed that theywere suffering grievously fromthe fall in the value of produce. Fifte en years before when the

Deccan was crowdedwith troops, the produce of the villages underthe Sahyadris was in keen demand fo r the Poona market . Thehusbandmen found a ready sale for their rice, either on the spo t orin some local market, and realised about £ 1 148 . (Rs . 17) a khandi.In 183 5 eighteen years of peace had made theDeccan a supplier nota consumer o f grain, and the husbandmen of the inland parts 0Thana had no market nearer than Bombay . Sea communicationchieflywith the Malabar coast kept the Bombaymarketwell supplied,and the price of rice in Bombay was about £ 1 148 . (Rs . 17) thekhandi, or nearly _

the same price that fifteen year s before the husbandman had realised in his field or in the local markets . Of this£ 1 (Rs . 17) not more than £ 1 (Rs . and in many years lessthan £ 1 (Rs . 10) reached the husbandmen . The cause of theseruinously low prices was partly the roughness of the country and the

want of roads . There were no carts and the co st of pack bullockswas heavy. But the chief cause was the transit dueswhich wereequal to a charge of about 43 . 3d. (Rs . 2 -2 ) on every khandi of rice .

Under this bur den the husbandman’s profit was reduced to almo st

nothing, and until the duties were repealed little improvement couldbe looked for .

“

1Born. G ov. Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 1-4, 10 -12 .

9 Mr. Davies , 28th February 1836, in Born . G ov. Rev. Rec. 700 of0

1836,60 .

8 In 1852 the revenue survey measurements showed that the bzgha. included 38instead of 30 gantkda, and so was nearly e ual to an acre. Born. G ov. Sel. XCVI.7.

4 Mr. Davies , 19th May 1836, in Rev. se. 700 of 1836, 157 The nominal

rentalwas (Rs . the average of the t en years ending 1834-35

‘

was

(Rs . of the seven years ending 1834-35 was (Rs .

of 1830-31to 1832-33 £ 8893 (Rs . and of 1833 -34 and 1834-35 (probably becauseof the rise in price ) (Rs . and (Rs. l,26,250) ditto 160-161.

5 Mr. Davies calculated that the husbandman’s marginof profit had fallen from

98. (RB. 4-8) in 1820 to 28 . 9d. (Rs. 1-6) in1835. The details are for 1820, rent 98. 6d.

THE Barman

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

Besides the abo lition of transit dues, Mr . Davies recommended a

reduction in the land assessment. His chief propo sals were in thecase of the Kunbis to reduce Sadashiv Keshav’s two classes of 10 3 .

(Rs . 5) and 88 . (Rs . 4) to one class of 83 . 6d .

'

(Rs . and to fix a

second class at 73 . (Rs . 35) instead of 6s . (Rs . In the case of hilltribes , Thakurs and Kathkaris , he propo sed a reduction from to

(Rs. 2é- R s . 113 ) in the plough rate and from 33 . to 28 . (Rs . 1) - Re . 1)in the billho ok or ku'rhad rate .

2 In the case of the pd/ndhwrp eshds ,who in several respects had suffered seriously from the change fromthe Maratha to the English G overnment

,he propo sed that their

specially lowrates should be continued and that they should pay7s . (Rs . St) instead of 601. (Rs . This represented a fallin the G overnment land -tax from to

R s . or about twenty per cent .

4 Inquiries into the subjectof cesses showed that though they were very numerous

, very troublesome , and very liable to abuse, they did not yield mo re than four percent of the whole revenue . Mr . Davies recommended that half ofthem should be abolished .

5 Mr . Davie s embodied the results of his

(Rs . 4 cost of tillage 108 . (Rs . carriage to market 48. (Rs . customs 18 . 6d.

(12 annas ) , total £ 158 . (Rs . 12 -8) value of crop £ 1148 . (Rs . margin 93 . (Rs . 4

In 1835 , when the market was much more distant, the figures were, rent 118.

(Rs . 5 exchange 51d . annas ), customs 4s . 32d . (Rs . 2 -2 tillage 108. (Rs .

carr iage and freight 58 . 6d . (Rs . 2 total £ 1 3d . (R s. 15 value in Bombay£ 1 143 . (Rs . balance 23 . 2d . (Rs . 1 Mr. Davies , 28th February 1836, in Bom .

G ov. Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 56 - 64. 1 See footnote 1 on page 559 .

2 Of the hillThakurs and Kathkaris hewrote , They are as distinct in habits , reli

gion, and appearance from all other clas ses , as if they belonged to another country.

They cannot properly be termed cultivators , although they endeavour to eke out

a scanty subsistence by tilling patches of mountain land . For the rest they are

hunters , robbers , or basket-makers according to circumstances . Yet even these poorwretches have

' been taught to feel the weight of a land tax. The common method ofassessing them is to rate their ploughs at a certain rate, generally 53 . (Rs . 2

besides exchange, or the tax is levied on the billhook with which they clear the lan

38 . (Rs . 15) per billhook has been hitherto demanded . Those hereditary oppresso rs

o f the people , the district o fficers , take from many of them perquisites in kind also .

I would recommend that the rate per plpugh be reduced to' 38. (Rs . 145 ) and that

of the Imrhdd or billhook to 23 . (Re . The very small extent of cultivation at

present carried on by these poor but laborious classes (the assessment o f which doesnot exceed £ 40 (R s . 400) throughout the whole td luka, of Nas rapur ) , as well as the

policy of reclaiming them and making them indus trious members of the communitywhich they now harass by robbing, is of more consequence than an small lo ss of

revenue .

’ Mr . Davies , 19th May 1836, in Bom . G ov. Rev. Rec. 700 of 1836, 192 - 194.

See also Mr . Davies ’

Report of 8th Oc tober 1836 in Bom . G ov. Rev. Rec. 746 of 1836,273 , 274.

3 Mr . Davies , 19th May 1836 , Rev. Rec . 700 of 1836, 163 - 1654 Mr . Simson, Rev. Com. , 1st April 1842 , Rev. Rec. 1348 of 1842 , 12 . The chief

changes were reducing the old bigha rates of 118 . (Rs . 55) to 83 . 6d. (Rs . 83 . 3d.

(Rs . 45) and 73 . (Rs . 35) in Boreti ; 88. 3d . (Rs . 78 . and 68. (Rs . 3 ) inV ankal 98 . (Rs. 45) in Nasrapur and to 83 . 3d . (Rs . 45) in VAsundri and Vas ra.

Mr . Langford ,26th February 1842 ,

in Bum . G ov. Rev. Rec. 1348 of 1842 , 53 - 55.

5 Mr . Davies , 8th October 1836, Rev. Rec . 746 of 1836, The cesses belongedto 12v main classes those levied from husbandmen and those levied from traders and

craftsmen. The husbandman’

s cesses came under four groups , tasar , kasar , patti, and

vetk. Under tasar came eight levies on straw, pulse , gunny bags, butter , fowls , rainshades, firewood, and gourds . Kasar included a number of exactions levied in

connection with the commutation of grain for cash . Under pattis there were a host oflevies including a tobacco tax ,

a hearth tax, and a cart tax. Of veth or unpaid service,

there were three instances , fort service , grain carrying service , and pdtz‘

l’

s servi ce. Of

non-agricultural cesses there was a licensefimohtarf a ,tax on traders , a levy in kind

from all craftsmen ,a special levy on rice cleaners , on firewood for funerals , on

stamping measures, on co tton, and on salt. Many of these ces ses were illegalbut the

people went on paying them fearing to annoy the cmcct e who benefited by them.

See Mr. Davies, 8th October 1836, in Bom. G ov. Rev . Rec. 746 of 1836, 195 -231,

271-272 ; and Mr. G iberne, 13thApril1837, in Rev. Rec. 775 of 1837, 111-114 .

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not realize more than £ 1 (Rs .10) for a khandi of rice, in Panvel theaverage for severa l year s had been over £ 163 . (Rs .

In spite of this advantage the state of Panvel was bad. The peoplewere poor, depressed, and ignorant there were no roads and no carts,and fewhusbandmen had any bullocks . They had to hire cattle fromthe pdndharpeshas and had to pay for the season twelve mans of ricefor a pair of bullocks and fourteen mans for a pair o f buffaloes .

2 Thechief changeswhichMr . Davies proposed,all of which were approvedand sanctioned by G overnment , were

'

to lower the rental until itrepresented about one—third of the whole yield, to group the landsinto three classes, to abolish extra cesses

,to make rates uniform,

and to pay the hereditary district o fficers from the G overnmentrental.3 With the consent of the people the new rates were takenin cash instead of in kind . In this year, also , in Belapur or Taloja

,

instead of the old commuted grain rates , a uniform money rate of

6s . (Rs . 3) a bigha was introduced the change involved a reductionof £ 1850 (Rs . in the G overnment rental.4

In 1837 the revisionwas extended toMurbadwhichwas described asmore highly assessed and worse off fo r markets than almost any partof the Konkan. It was depressed by a mo re than commonly exces

sive taxation and much of . its r ich land lay waste .

5 The local priceof r ice had fallen from about £ 1 128 . (Rs . 16) to from to £ 1 43 .

(Rs . 8 - Rs . 12) the khandi. Of a rental of (Rs .

£ 4700 (Rs . were outstanding. The people had improvedlittle if at all under British management.6

The o riginal Maratha bigha rates of 103 . 75d. (Rs . 5- 5) for first,class, 83 . 6d. (Rs . 4-4) for second class , and 6s . 4la. (Rs . 3 - 3 ) forthird class rice land had been raised by the farmer s to one rate of

118 . (Rs . 5 - 8) for Kunbis, 88 . 6d. (Rs . 4-4) for pdndharp eshas, and

1 The details are , 1826-27 , £ 1 138. (Rs. 169 1827-28, £ 1 108. (Rs . 15) 1828-29

£ 1 543 . (Rs . 1829 -30 , £ 118. (Rs . 105) 1830 -31, £ 1 (Rs. 10) 183 1-32, £ 1 (Rs . 10 )1832-33 , £ 1 83 . (Rs . 14) 1833 -34, £ 1 108. (Rs . £ 1 413. (Rs . 12 ) 1835-36,

£ 1 123 . (Rs . 16) 1836 -37 , £ 18e. (Rs . 14) average £ 1 68. 13 Mr. Davies,6th September 1837 , Born. G ov. Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 101.

2 Mr. Davies , 6th September 1837, in Bom. G ov . Rev. R ec. 870 of 1838,103 .

3 Mr.Davies , 6th September 1837, in Bom. G ov. Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 132 . Chief

Sec . 4th May 1838 ,inR ev. Rec . 870 of 1838 , 190. The chief reductions in rentalwere,

in vaja a change from a grain rental o f from four to tenmans the bigha or a money

assessment from 48 . to 3d. (Rs . 2 -Rs . 6-10) to a bigha rate of from 58 . to 98 . (Rs. 2&R s . 41) in Aurvalit from a grain rental of from 22 to 105 mans o r a cash rate of

from 78. 3d . to 108. (Rs. 3 -10 - Ra. 5 ) to a cash rate of from 3 8. to 88 . (Re . 15Rs. 4) in Tungartan from a grain rental of 7 to 12 mans to a cash rate of to 98.

(Rs . 4 - Rs . in Barapada from a tokdbandi cess to a cash rate of 48. to 98.

(Rs. 2 Rs . and in Taloja from a muddbandi cess of eight mans to three khandis,

or a grain rental of 2 to9 mans the bigha or a cash rate of 5s . 3d. to 118. (Rs.2 -10 Rs.55)

to a cash rate of 48. to 88 . 6d. (Rs . 2 Rs. Mr . Langford , Collector , 26th Feby.

1842, in Rev. Rec. 1348 of 1842 , 404 1. Among the taxes that were abolishedwereagrazing cess , a grass cess, and a dead palm

-tree cess. Chief Sec. to G ov. , 4th May

1838, in Bom. G ov. Rev. Rec. 870 of 1838, 191. 4 Born. G ov. Sel. XCV I . 285 .

5 Mr. Simson, 7th September 1836, inBom. G ov. Rev . Rec. 746 of 1836, 277, and in

775 of 1837 , 59 -60 ; and Mr. Langford, 26th February 1842, in Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec.

1348 o f 1842 , 53.6 Mr . G iberne, 13thApril 1837, inBom. G oy . Rev. Rec. 775 of 1837, 108-109 ; and

Mr .Davies, 3rd February and 5th April 1837, m Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 775 of 1837,

125-158.

Konkan.)

THANA .

63 . 4M. (Rs . 3 - 3) for Thak'

url .1 Under the English these rateshad remained unchanged. The abo lition o f the transit dues haddone great good in Murbad, as the habits of the people enabled themto gain the full benefit o f the remission by carrying their produceto good markets .

2 The local price of rice had risen from 183 . or

£ 1 (Rs. 9 or Rs . 10 ) a khandi to £ 1 63 . (Rs . Still the ratespressed very heavily and left an estimated bigha profit of only 68 .

to 98 . (Rs . 3 Rs . A reduction was proposed in rice land forKunbis from 113 . to (Rs . 55, - Rs . fo r pandharp eshas from88 . 6d. to (Rs . 4} - Rs . and for Thakurs from 68 . 4la. to

(Rs. 3 -3 - Rs . 3 ) ,5 and in uplands from 3 s . 2M. to 28 . (Rs. 1-9 -6Re . These propo sals were approved by the Commissionerand sanctioned by G overnment .6 They represented a sacr ifice of

£ 1396 (Rs . being a fall from £ 9 383 to £ 7987 (Rs .

Rs . .7

In the same year (1836 the garden lands of Basse in wereexamined byMr .W illiamson. So heavilywere they taxed that a largearea had fallenout of tillage and a reduction ofnearly 100 per cent wasfound necessary .

8 In the next season (183 7) an important change

was made in the as se ssment of theBasse in petty divis ion of Manikpur.

The people were Chr is tians, hardworking and skilful husbandmen.

They were very highly assessed paying cesses besides a very heavyparcel or toka rate . They got fair prices fo r their rice, the average

market rate during the ten years ending 1836 being (Rs . 15)a khandi, ofwhich the growers probably secured from £ 143 . to £ 1 69 .

(Rs . 12 -Rs. Mr . G iberne was satisfied that a reduction shouldbe made, and his proposals to introduce bigha rates of 6s., and 53

were sanctioned by G overnment though they invo lved a sacrifice of

from £ 605 (R s. 6050) to £ 396 (Rs . 3960) or a reduction of 34 per

cent.“ In this year also the garden rates inMahimwere revised byMr .

Davidson.

10 Kalyan was considered one of the mo st highly assessedparts of the district. But no ofiicer could be spared to revise therates . A s he was unable to go into the details of the settlement,

1Mr. Coles, 5th April 1837, Rev. Rec. 775 of 1837, 125-126. In some parts ,Khedul, Jada ,Sirosi, and Vaishakhra, the land had notbeen surveyed,, andwas assessedon the parcel, takdband i o r hunddbandz

‘

, system. Mr . G iberne, 27th December 1836.in Rev. Rec. 775 of 1837, 40.2 Mr. Davies , 3rd February 1837, in Born. G ov . Rev . Rec. 775 of 1837, 156.8 Mr. Coles , 5th April 1837, in Ben . G ov. Rev. Rec. 775 of 1837 , 133.4 Mr. Davies ’ estimatewas, under the Peshwa, net receipts £ 128. 92d. (Rs . 11-6

rent 98. (Re. 4 balance 138. 91d. (Rs . 6-14-6) in 1837 net receipts 198. 9d . (Rs . 9

rent 118 . (Rs . 5 balance 88. 9d. (Re. 4-6) ; 3rd February 1837, Bom. G ov. R ev.

Rec. 775 of 1837, 153 - 156.5 Mr. Coles, 5th April 1837, Rev. Rec. 775 of 1837, 142 - 146. Besides lcwe rmg the

rates, it was arranged that the district revenue o fficers’dues should be paid from the

G overnment receipts , not by an extra cess. Mr. Coles, 5th April 1837 , _Rev. Rec.

775 of 1837, 13 3 -140. Special rewards were offered to tempt the Kathkaris to taketo rice tillage. Rev. Rec. 975 of 1839 , 119 .

6 In sanctioning the rates G overnment notice that they trusted the making of the

Thana causeway, and the removal of restrictions at Kalyan would do much for the

inland parts of Thana . G ov. Letter , 14th July 1837, 111 Rev. Rec . 775 of 1837,161-162.

7 Mr. Langford, 26th Esby. 1842, m Rev. Rec. 1348 of 1842, 53 .8 Born. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 377.9 Mr. G iberne, 14th July 1837, inRev. Rec. 775 of 1837, 189, 190.1°Born. G ov.Sel. LXXIII. 12 .

1837 -1841.

Salsette.

[Bombay Gazetteer ,

DISTRICTS .

Mr . G iberne in 1837- 38 propo sed, and his suggestion was approved,that all existing rates should be reduced by 23 . (Re . 1) fo r Kunbisand by i

l s . (8 as .) for p dndha i'

p eshas , until arrangements could bemade for a complete revision . This change implied a sacrifice of£ 2214 (Rs . of revenue andwas probably a greater reductioneven than that made by Mr . Davie s .

1 The amount of the reductioncontinued to be entered as a remission until 1842 -43 , when it wasfinally written o ff .

2 In 1840 Mr . G iberne revised Bhiwndi,

reducing the asses sment by £ 1300 (Rs . His propo sals werefinally sanctioned in 1842This completed the parts of the district in which the general

pitch o f assessmentwas to o high. However rough and in individualcases oppress ive the rates in the rest of the district might be , theywere on the who le moderate . The people were freed from the

burden of transit duties , and,as a rule , had a sure and easy

market for their produce. Except a small portion ofBassein wherea heavy irr egular ces s had caused much injury, the coast districtswere in fair condition.

4 salsette was specially flourishing . It wasone o f the happiest parts of the Br itish territo ry. Owing to thefailure of rain in .1835 about thir ty- seven per cent was untilled

,but

in ordinary ye ars no t a spot of arable land was waste . Care hadbeen taken that the asses sment should not represent more than

one - third of the produce .

5 And though the so il yielded onlysecond and third clas s rice

,there was a

'

good market clo se at hand.

Prices were fairly high, ranging ,in a fair season

,from £ 1 163 . to £ 2

(Rs . 18 - Rs . 20) the muda , and grass and straw fetched a high priceas well as grain. The roads wer e good and there were no ce sses

or tolls . Farm stock was abundant. There were more than 2000car ts and the people were fairly clothed.

6

The effect of the general lowering of the G overnment demandwasa fall in the rentalfrom (Rs . 29

,46,000)in 1833 - 34 to

(Rs . l 7,04,000) in 183 7- 38 o r a sacrifice of (Rs .

The re sult of these liberal remissionswas immediate and mo stmarked.

All and more than had been hoped from the change was realised .

In Nasrapur in 1836-3 7 the second year of r evised rates, increased

tillage yielded a rental o f £ 500 (Rs . 5000) and the revised rate s

were collected without a murmur .

8 The next season 183 7- 38 wasunfavourable, and much lo ss was caused by a storm on the 15th of

June that washed away the rice banks .

9 In the parts of the districtwhere reductions had not been made large remissions were neces

1Mr . Langford, 26th February 1842, in Rev. Rec. 1348 of 1842 , 50-51. See alsoRev. Rec . 1102 of 1840 , 27, and 1244 of 1841, 142 .

2 Born. G ov. Se l. XCVI. 275 .3 Born. G ov. Sel. XCVI. 328.

4 Mr . Davies , 8th October 1836, in Rev. Rec . 746 of 1836, 200 -201.

5 The one -third share was commuted into cash at the rate of Rs . 20 for a muda.

A t first G overnment ke pt in repair the salt-rice dams and took half of the produce,

but the wo rk o f re pairing the embankments had been made over to the people and

the G overnment share reduced to one -third. Rev. Rec . 696 of 1836, 253 - 264.6 Mr . Davies , 27th January 1836, in Rev. Rec. 696 of 1836, 293 - 295.

7 Born . G ov. Rev. Rec . 975 of 1839 , 117.

8 Rev. C om. l6th November 1836, in Rev. R ec. 775 of 1837, 61, 99.9 Mr. Coles, 18th September 1838, inRev. Rec. 975 of 1839 , 119 .

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[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

'

cd and simplified, the o riginal clumsy and uncertain practice . wascontinued in the north and along the coast . About Ko lvan thelarge st, poorest, and most sec luded part of the district the informa

THE Emm ation was very scanty . Wh en the British - o ccupied the country no

trustworthy paper s were found. The Village headmen and districtofficers went over the villages with the British officers, and . gavethema no te o f the amount and the character of the assessment on

the different plots of land .

1 In 1842 there were no fewer thansix modes of as sessment . Of these the most common, includingabout one -half of the who le, was the muddbandi. Under this thekhandi of land var ied from one to nine bighcis, and the assessmentfrom ~6e. to £ 3 (Rs . 3 - Rs . The secondmode was the tokdbandi.The toka of land varied

,according to its character

,from a half to

four bighds, and its rental varied according as it was near or far

from a market. The plough - cess or nc’

mgafrbandfiwas in force over a

small area in Mokhada, the cess varying from 43 . to £ 1 83 . (R s . 2 n

Rs . and the greatest ar ea under one plough being ten bighas .

special form of the parce l or plot cess , lo cally known as kdsbandi,was in force to a small extent . The plots o r holdings varied in sizefrom nine to forty bigha

’

s and paid from £ 3 to £ 16 (Rs . 30 Rs .

The rates had never been changed and the revenue collected in thisway amounted to £ 172 (Rs . These four were old systems

and had been in force when the lands had formed part of the

Jawhar state . In some cases the assessment was high . But in the

Collector’s opinion excess of as sessment should be met by individualreductions the country was too wild and to o thinly peopled to be

surveyed . The remaining systems were the higher. rate or bighé/vni,and the hill tillage o r donga/r da li. The brigha rate of 88 . (Rs . 4)wasin use over only a very small area . Hill tillage prevailed in Talasri,Vaishakhra, and Gargaon, the wild parts of Mokhada . The pdtils

and taldtis made a rough gue ss survey of_

these lands and levied a

bighw rate . Unlike other parts of the Konkan, the people of

Mokhada who were mostly Kathkaris varlis and Thakurs, wereunsettled, rarely spending two years in the same spot. They movedfrom place to place , squatting where they found arable waste and

having their patches of tillage roughly measured when the cropwas ripe . They suffered much 0 pression at the hands of the pdtils

and talatia. If the land cultiva ed was varkas , it paid a bigha rate

of 13 . (8 In 1842 , on the recommendation of the Collector atax o f i s. (as . 8) was fixed for every pickaxe, kudal, and the bigharate was abolished ? The o ther parts o f: the district, Sanjan Mahimand Bas sein except Bassein island, were in 1842 descr ibed as thinlypeopled and miserably tilled. Mr . V ibart was convinced that thiswas in great measure owing to the wretched revenue

.

system,and

that a fixed bigha rate would cause a great spread of tillage.

3

North Thdna, Three year s later 1845) Mr . Davidson, then assistant collector,1845 ~

prepared a careful account of the three coast sub-divisions, Bassein

1 Mr. Langfo rd, Co llector, 26th February 1842, in Rev. Rec. 1348 of 1842, 56.2 Mr.

~ Langford, 26th February 1842 , in Re‘

v. Rec. 1348 of 1842 , 56-59.

3"

Mr,V ibart, Rev. Com. , 311 of 24th February 1842 .

Konkan ]

THfiNA .

Mahim and Sanjan, and a lso of Ko lvan and Bhiwndi . The popalation o f these five sub - divisions was estimated at but thenumber was pro bably greater. The people were poo r ; but this , inMr. Davidson’

s opinion, was not because G overnment to ok too

much from them, _but because their ignorance and superstition

made them the victims of Brahmans and moneylenders . There wasplenty of waste land, but the people were to o few to till it, and theravages of small-pox kept their numbers from increasing . Therewere four chief modes of assessment hunddbwndi, ndngarband

'f,

muddba/ndi o r dhcp , and bighoti. The principle of the hunda wasa fixed payment eithe r in money o r in kind, o r both in money andkind, acco rding to the value o f the land . The principle was jus tand simple, but was marred in practice by the igno rance of the sizeand character of the ho ldings . The local officers were the refereesin all disputes, and there was little doubt that they defrauded G overnment and ty rannised over the villagers . The plough- cess , though

fwell suited to the wilder tracts,was open to the objection tha t it

favoured careless tillage . The muddbandi o r dkep system prevailedo ver a large area . The principle o f this mode of asses sment wasfair , a plot o f land equal to the production of a certain quantity o f

rice . But necessity and fraud had set aside the original principleof assessment. There were no records and no system e ither in the

area of land entered as a muda, o r in the quantity o f grain that the .

m/uda. contained. G overnment were nearly as unfit to do justice tothemselves or their husbandmen as they were under the hunddbandi'

system . Mr . Davidson urged that all o f the se forms o f asse ssment

should be superseded by a bigha. rate .

1 The Co llector agreed withMr . Davidson that the existing practice was defective and confused ;the chief obstacle to improvement lay in the difficulty of gettingo fficers qualified to carry out a survey .

2

Of the produce, co st, and profit of the gardens, dry lands, liquo ryielding trees, and fisheries of Bassein, Mahim,

Sanjan,Ko lvan,

and Bhiwndi, Mr . Davidson prepared the following es timates . InBassein under garden lands 5338 bighas yielded a gross produce

worth Rs . with a tillage co st of Rs. a rental o fand a profit of Rs . of which Rs . were from

300 bighds of cocoa-

palms, Rs . from 3200 bighas of sugarcane ,and Rs . from 1640 bighcis of plantains . Under dry lands 77

bigh‘

cis yielded a gross produce worth Rs . with a tillage costo f Rs . a rental of Rs . and a profit o f Rs.

o f which Rs . were from bighds of early crops .

Under liquo r -

yielding trees palms and 147 date trees yieldeda gro ss produce wo rth Rs. with a cost o f Rs . a

rental of Rs . and a profit of Rs . Fisheries yielded

1 25th December 1845 , Thana Collector’

s File , G eneral Condition, 1843- 1853 .

2 Mr . Law, Collector, 8th April 1846, Thana Collector’

s File , 1843 -1853 .

3 As regards the assessment of cocoa and betel palms it appears that before 1837palm plantations paid, besides a tree cess , a bigha tax of 88 . (Rs . These had theeffect

'

of discouraging their growth , and in 1837 a consolidated bigha rate of from 28 .

to 168. (Re. l -Rs . 8) was levied. Mr . Davidson, 25th Decr. 1845 , Thana. Collector’

s

File,G eneral Condition, 1843

Bassein".

Bhiwndi.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS.

Rs . and left a profit of Rs . 7027, the charges amounting toRs .

InMahim,under garden lands , 1409 bighds yielded a gro ss produce

worth Rs . with a tillage cost of Rs. a rental ofRs . 5278, and a profit of Rs . of which Rs . were from139 bighds of cocoa-

palms, and Rs . 9 361 from 407 big/ids of sugarcane, Rs . 7446 from 438 bighds of plantains, and Rs. 5025 from 201bighds of ginger. Under dry lands, bighas yielded a gro ss

produce worth Rs . with a tillage cost of Rs . 2 ,25,788, arental of Rs . and a profit of Rs . o fwhich Rs .

were from bighcis of early crops . Under liquor-yielding trees,palm and date trees yielded a gross produce worth

Rs . with a co st o f Rs . a rental o fRs . 5394, and a profito f Rs . Fisheries yielded Rs . and left a profit ofRs . the charges amounting to Rs . 9366.

In Sanj an, under garden lands, 3 52 bighds yielded a gro ss produceworth Rs . with a tillage cost of Rs . a rental ofRs . 1019 , and a profit of Rs . 6333 , of which Rs 2000 were from 99

bighds of plantains, Rs . 1910 from 20 bigluis of cocoa-

palm,and

Rs . 1179 from 71 bighas of sugarcane . Under dry land,bighds yielded a gro ss produceworth Rs . with a tillage co st

of Rs . a rental of Rs . and a profit of Rs .

o f which Rs . were from bighas of early crops ,Rs . from bighcis o f upland o r various crops, and

Rs . 4158 from 69 3 bighas of late crops . Under liquor -

yieldingtrees

, palm and date trees yie lded a gro ss produce

worth Rs . with a co st ofRs . a rental of Rs .

and a profit of Rs . Fisheries yielded Rs . and lefta profit of Rs . the charges amounting to Rs . 8017 .

In Kolvan, nowTrade. and Shahapur, there were no garden crops .

Under dry land bighas yielded a gross produce worthRs . 1,75,8l5, with a tillage cost of Rs . a rental of Rs .

and a profit of Rs . of which Rs . were from

bighds of early, and 39 72 from 529 6 bighds of upland crops . Underliquor -

yielding trees 1417 palm trees yielded a produce wo rthRs . 1417, with a co st of Rs . 354, a rental of Rs . 465, and a profit ofRs . 598 and 7500 moha trees yielded a produce worth Rs . 6250,

with a cost of Rs . 3 750 and a profit of Rs . 2500 .

In Bhiwndi, garden land measured only eleven bighri s all undersugarcane . It yielded a gross produce worth Rs . 660, with a tillagecost of Rs . 570, a rental of Rs . 58, and a profit of Rs . 32 . Underdry land, bighas yielded a gro ss produce worth Rs .

with a tillage co st of Rs . a rental of Rs . and'

a

profit of Rs . of which Rs . were from bighas

o f early, Rs . 9 773 from 3224 bighas of upland, and Rs . 9614 from2814 bighafis of late crops . Under liquor -yielding trees, 8711palmtrees yielded a gros s produce worth Rs . W ith a cost ofRs . a rental of Rs . 272° and a profit of Rs . Moha

trees yielded a gro ss produce worth Rs . and.

left.

a profit of

Rs . 2435, the charges amounting to Rs .Fisheries yielded

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THE BRITISH .

[Bombay Gazetteer ,D1STRICTS .

lation of nearly and a revenue of (Rs .

and Ratnagiri with five sub - divisions would have an area of 4500square miles, a population of and a revenue of nearly(Rs .

During the last years of this period the district officers more thanonce urged on G overnment the advantage of introducing an uniformbigha. asses sment in place of the existing rough and uncertainmodes of assessment.2 G overnment agreed that the change wasdesirable . The measure was delayed o nly until arrangements couldbe made for .the introduction of a complete revenue survey.

3 The

first sixteen years of revised assessments (183 7 though none

of them very prosperous, seem, except 1838- 39 , to have been fairlyfavourable .

4 The returns po int to a steady development, revenuecollections ris ing, in spite of the large reductions in rates, from

(Rs . in 183 7- 38 to (Rs. in

1852- 53 , and outstandings falling from £ 3185 (Rs . to £ 1204

(Rs . The details are shown in the following statementThdm Land Revenue, 1837 -38 to 1852 -53 .

In 1852 arrangements were at last completed for introducingthe revenue survey into Thana, and under Captain, now General,Francis operations were begun in November o f that year by the

measurement of the lands ofNasrapur . The plan of the survey was

to measure in detail every rice and cold-weather crop holding, andto measure the uplands, the grass, and the hill-grain lands as awhole,calculating their area by scale meas urement from a map constructedfrom a circuit survey of the village . To measure the r ice and

co ld-weather crop lands a double pro cesswas inmo st cases necessary .

The land was first divided into section or survey numbers , and

then the individual holdings which each survey number contained

1 The Collector, 7th October 1850 , Thana Collector’s File, Statistics, 1836-1860.

2 Mr. Com ton, first assistant collector , l6th October 1851, Thana Collector’

s File,

G eneralComfition, 1843 -1853 . The Znorth districts of Sanjan ,_Mahim, and Kolvan

required (1856) the survey assessment mo st. In Sanjan and Mahim the land assessmentwas extremely irregular . Mr. Jones , 23rd May 1856, in Bom . G ov. Rev. Rec. 19 of

1856, part 3 , 1005 .

3 G ov. Letter, 2oth February 1851, in Rev . Rec . 34 of 1851, 155 .

4 The available details are : 1837-38 a bad year , Rev . Rec. 975 of 1839 , 111, 119

1838-39 , rain failed and caused distress , Rev. Rec . 1102 of 1840, 114 ; 1839-40 a ood

year , Rev. Re c. 1244 of 1841,141-151 1847-48, rains favourable but

_lasted too ate,

Rev. Rec. 34 of 1851, 47-48 1848-49, long breaks and a. failure of late rams, do . 245-247 ;

1849 -50. heavy rains lasted too long, Rev. R60 . 35 of 1851, 49 1850-51, scanty

rainfall, Rev; Rec. 27 of 1855 ,'

59 .

Konkan]

THANA .

were separate lymeasured and recorded as sub, orpet, numbers . Thismade the survey very minute and tedious , compared with the surveyo f the Deccan.

l

The survey of Nasrapur sub -divis ion was begun in 1852 -53 andfinished in 1853 -54. Nasrapur had an area of 237,824 acres or 3 71%square miles, 300 villages, and inhabitants . It wasbounded by the Sahyadris on the east, by sankshi now Pen in

Kolaba on the south, by a range of hills on the west, and by Kalyanand Murbad on the north.

The first block of villages in which survey measurements wereintroduced was the mahalkari’s divis ion of Khalapur

,a tract

bounded by the Sahyadri hills on the east, Sankshi now Pen in

Ko laba on the south,Panvel on the west, and the mamlatdar’s

division of Nasrapur on the north . It had an area of acres

or about 1315» square miles, 128 villages of which 116were G overnment and seven were alienated, and thirty-two hamlets of whichtwenty-nine were G overnment and three were alienated. The

population was about almost all of whomwere husbandmen.

The rainfall was from e ighty to 100 inches and there was a

cons iderable forest area . Of ar able acres were underrice . A second crop, generally of mil or gram

' and sometimes of twrand til,was notunfrequently grown. There was a large areaof uplands and hill lands, from which o ccasional crops of the coarser

hill grains were raised, but whichwere generally fallow, given eitherto grass, or left for the growth of brushwood. to be used as wood-ashmanure .

Till late in the eighteenth century the r ice lands had remainedunmeasured, the rental being fixed on a lump or dhep of land. In

1771- 72 the rice lands were measured into highets . A few years

later (1788-89 ) they were remeasured by Sadashiv Keshav and the

lands divided into three classes, the first class aying a bigha. rateof 108 . (Rs . the second of 88 . (Rs. and tha t ird of 6s . (Rs .

Under the farming system that was so on after introduced, thedifference of class was disregarded, and the Government demandraised to an uniform rate of 118 . (Rs . These rates werecontinued under the

'

Br itish until the revis ion of rates by Mr.

Davies in 1835- 36. Under Mr . Davies’ settlement the old

measurements were accepted. Instead of the old first and secondclasses of land, a first c lass at 88. 6d. (Rs . 45) was introduced and

the old third class at 68 . (Re. 3 ) was made a second class at

(Rs . These were the rates at which Kunbis were charged .

The privilege of specially low rates previously enjoyed by highclass or p dndharp esh

‘ landho lders was continued, and their rate fixedat 78 . (Rs. These rateswere really lighter than they seemed,as strict survey measurements showed that the bigha , thoughnominally one of 313th of an acre, really included g-g-th . There wasvery little co ld-weather tillage, only forty- four acres, which whentilled would seem to have been assessed at a little over 28 . (Re . 1)

1Born. Gov. Sel., XCVI. 3-4. 2 See footnote 1on p. 559.

THE Barr rsn.

Chapter VIII.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS.

an acre . Mr . Davies’ arrangement for upland tillage was, thatwhenthe ground was fallowno rent was charged, and that every ho lderof rice land was for each rice field allowed a cus tomary share of upland, the grass and brushwood of whichwas burned fo r ash manure .

When hill-grains o r o ilseed was grown the area was either roughly

measured and charged at 28 . (Re . 1) a bigha, or a plough cess of 38 .

(Re . 14) was levied. If hemp, tobacco , pepper, or other r ich cropswere grown, specially heavy rates had to be paid.

1 In some of thewilder parts the tillage of patches of forest land was charged at therate of 13 . 6d. (12 as .) on each s ickle or koyta, and, under a specialprovision, the Kathkaris were allowed to till half a bigha of hillland free of charge. The effect of Mr . Davies ’ revision was a

reduction in the G overnment demand from about £ 4700 to £ 3700

(Be .47,o00 or about twenty per cent. This reductionwas accompanied by the abo lition of customs duties, which,according to Mr . Davies’ calculations

,had represented a further

charge of from twenty-five to thirty per cent on the produce of a

bigha .

2 Further relief was soon after given by the remission of

very heavy outstanding balances . The condition of the districtwasalso improved by the making of roads .

The result of these changes was . a rapid spread of tillage fromabout 7000 acres in 1835-36 to about acres in 1845-46 witha corresponding rise in collections from about £ 3150 to £ 4550

(Rs . Rs . The next eight years showed a steady butmuch slower progress to a tillage area of nearly acres and a

rental of about £ 4700 (Rs . In 1853 -54 not more than 1000

acres of arable land were left waste . The chief rice market wasPanvel, and besides the mail road to Bombay, roads had been openedto Panvel, to Pen in the south, and to Kalyanin the north -west. The

revenuewas easily paid. In 1853 -54 of £ 4725 (Rs . only £ 17(Rs . 170) or one -quarter per cent had to be remitted. The peoplewere generally fairly off, and but for their besetting sin o f

drunkenness would have been verywell-to -do . Under these circums tances the Survey superintendent was of Opinion that no greatreduction of assessment was required . For rice lands he proposedacre rates varying from 88 . 6d. to 43 . 3d. (Rs . 471 Rs . 25) and

averaging 78 . (Rs. For the very small area, 44 acres, of late

1 The details were, hemp Rs . 5 , brinjals and tobacco Rs . 4-2 , and pepper Rs. 1-9 .

Bom. G ov. Sel. XCVI. 8.

2 Born. G ov. Sel. XCVI. 5.

3 The system of classification adopted in the cas e of rice lands was based on their

division into the two main classes of early or halva and late o r garva . Of the early

there were two groups, the pdlnp ik or rain crop, coarse inferior kinds that ripen

about the end of September, and the remaining kinds of [palm that ripen in October.All the finer kinds of rice belong to the late or garva class which fetched from 43 . to 88.

(Re. 2 -Rs . 4) aIchandimore than the early kinds. A calculation of the value of the dif

ferent rice crops showed that if 16 annas were taken to represent the outturnof the late ,o r garva, kinds of rice , from 14 to 12 annas would be the proportionate value of the

better, and from 9 to 10 annas of the inferior early crops . The rules for classifyingthe fields according to their soil and their supply of water, were bas ed

.

on the calcula

tion of the value o f the crop. Thus in the case of a halva field falling into the second

water class, its rate would be 6 annas for water, and 7 or 8 a/nnas for sorl that is a

total of 13 or 14 annas. Againp dnp ikfields would probably be fourth class as regardswater and third class as regards soil. This gives 10 annas for the best pdnpik fields .Bom. Gov. Sel. XCV I. 16 -18.

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1856.

Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

the Co llector maintained the c orrectness of his former views, statingthat cases o f men holding r ice land without uplandwere not uncommon

, and that sales of r ice land and of upland by themselves, thoughnot usual, were not unknown.

1 The Revenue Commissioner cons idered that the Super intendent

’s settlement might be introduced experi

mentally . He so far agreed with the Co llector as to the unfairnessof letting a man with a very small patch of rice land have rightsover a large tract of upland, that he proposed that a minimum of riceland should be fixed beyondwhich the ownership of rice landwouldnot carry the r ight to use uplands . The Superintendentwas directedto watch and inquire . into the custom of selling rice and uplandsseparately.

2

The proposed settlement was reviewed by G overnment in theirletter 33 70

,2nd September Though the sanction to its

experimental introduction was confirmed, the proposals did not meetwith the full approval of G overnment. As regards the reduction ofnearly ten per cent, Government were not satisfied that in the

prosperous state of the sub- division this was necessary. They didnot approve Captain Francis

’

plan of including the charge on the

uplands in the rice payments. They thought that it did not suf

ficiently provide for the inequalitie s in the amount of the upland heldalong with rice land and did not provide for the case of separatesales of r ice land and upland. G overnment were of opinion thatthough the minute survey of upland ho ldings might on the score of

expense be unadvisable , it was necessary that the area g iven toupland holdings should be marked off from the village grazinglands and from the G overnment forest and grass lands . Further,that though the upland ho ldings were not surveyed, that theirboundar ies should be marked and that a list o f the fields should bemade . This would be sufficiently checked by the scientific surveyo f the whole village area, and would give a fair representation of thediiferent fields and of the unoccupied hill lands or waste . If thiswere done G overnment held that there would be little difficulty inassess ing a fixed yearly rental on each of the holdings, to be paidwhether the land was tilled or left fallow. This was to be done infuture surveys, but G overnment granted their sanction to the

experimental s ettlement of the mahalkari

’s division of Nasrapur .

‘

As regards the claims of the pdndharp eshds to specially lowtaxation,G overnmentwere inclined to doubt whether it was advisable or

possible to repeal their privileges .

5

The survey settlement was next introduced in the mamlatdar’s

portion of the Nasrapur sub -division. It had an. area of

acres or 240 square miles, 177 villages, and inhabitants .

.

It

was bounded by the Sahyadris on the east, the mahalkari’s

divis ion of Khalapur on the"

south, a range of hills on the west, andKalyan and Murbad on the north. In the north were stretches

1 Mr. Seton Karr, 723 of l0th April 1855, inBom. G ov. Sel. XCVI. 44 - 49 .

2 Mr. Fawcett, 894 of 23rd April 1855, inBom. Gov. Sel. XCV I. 53 -54.

3 Bom. G ov. Sel. XCV I. 61-71.4 Bom. G ov. Sel. XCVI. 66, 331-332. 5 Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 70.

I onkam]

THANAs

of rice lands broken by ranges o f low hills covered with. teak,win

,and other commbn forest trees . Eastwards the land was

very rugged, the woods'

deepened into forests , and the rice landsnarrowed into straggling patches . In the centre and west wasa thinly wooded plain cro ssed near the south by two of the westernSahyadr i spurs . The fall o f rain though usually less than on thecoast was abundant, and a failure of crops

’

was rare . Its tworivers , the Pej and the Ulhas, were generally dry in the hot season

and there was commonly a great want of drinking water . Of the177 village s, seven were he ld rent-free, six were held on specialservice o r fizdfat tenure , and the remaining 164, o f which one waskhoti or held by a r evenue farmer , were managed by G overnment !Of its people , o r 157 to the square mile, allwere husbandmenit was doubtful whether a single familywas suppor ted by manufac

tures . The Kunbi,o r Maratha was the most nume rous . caste, and

next to them came the Brahmans and Prabhus who were known as

pdndharpeshds.

Three of the five petty divisions o r ta/rwfs had been measur edby Trimbak V inayak and two by Sadashiv Keshav. The returnswere n ominally in bighcis , but in Trimbak

’s mea surements 14

bigha.was recorded as a blight», and in Sadashiv’s the bigha in ;

s tead of thr ee - fourths was nearly equal to a full acre . The highrates introduced by the revenue f armers were continued till Mr.

Davies ’ revision in 1835 - 36. Mr . Davies adopted several ratesin r ice lands of which 9 8 . (Rs. 44) was the highest and 83 . 6d.

(Rs. 44) the mo st general . In some village s he fixed the rates at

78 . (Rs . 3ih and in a fewunder the Sahyadris the ratewas as lowas

5 3 . (Rs. si) . The effec t of the new rates was to lower the

G overnment demand from £ 63 75 to £ 5177 (Rs . Rs .

a reduction of between eighteen and twenty per cent. The valueo f th is relief was increased by the abo lition of transit dues and theremis sion of outstanding b alances ; The result was an increase inthe tillage area from about acres in 1836- 37 to aboutin 1846-47 and in 1854-55, and a corresponding advance inrevenue from about £ 4100 to £ 6400 (Rs. - Rs . In1854- 55 there were less than 2000 acres of arable -waste, the revenueof £ 6449 (Rs . was recoveredwithout difiiculty and with only£ 38 (Rs . 380) remissions, and the people , though not entire ly out of

debt, were les s dependent on the moneylender than in any part ofthe Deccan of which Captain Francis had revised the assessment.Panvel and Kalyan the two chief rice markets were easily r eachedalong go od roads and the railway between Kalyan and Poona wouldbe soon opened . Under these circumstances there s eemed no reasonfor lowering the assessment. Captain Francis propo sed that therice lands should be divided into six classes, paying rates varyingfrom 93 . to 63 . (Rs . 4% Rs . Two hill- top villages were speciallyassessed at 58 . (Rs . Late cr0p lands, of which there was an

area of 119 1 acres, were propo sed for assessment at 3 3 . (Rs.A s regards uplands he divided the villages into five classes ,

1 Two of the 164 villages had no land. Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 75.

Chapter VIII.

THE BRITISH;

Naerripur,

Tm: Burm a .

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

and propo sed that those who had uplands in the'

proportion ofeight

'to ten acres to one of rice should pay 13 . (8 as) , tho se whohad from five to six acres 9d . (6 those who had three to four acres6d .(4 those who had from 15 to two acres 3d . (2 as .) and nocharge should be made for tho se who had less than one acre . Thehighest rate for rice and upland combined was 105 . (Rs . Twentyvillages close to the Sahyadris with a very large area of uplandshould in his opinion be kept under the plough rate system . Theresult of the who le propo sals was a reduction from £ 693 1 to £ 6660(Rs . Rs . or about four per cent.

The pdndha/rp eshds claimed the deduction of one-

quarter of the

area besides their specially low r ates . To this deduction of area

Captain Francis was satisfied they had no better claim than other

landholders . A s regards their specially easy rates he recommendedthat

,as in the other division of the tdluka, the concess ion should be

continued to the actual ho lders . The [chat who held the village of

Khandas held under a deed of Narayan Ballal Peshwa . The landsof th is village were measured and assessed, and showed a rental of£ 149 (Rs . o r more than £ 100 (Rs. 1000) in excess of the

khot’e payment. The six special service o r izafat village s were also

measured and assessed. Except in one,where itwas much less, the

actual payments differed little from the survey rates .

In forwarding Captain Francis’report, the Collecto r Mr . Seton

Karr approved of the proposals fo r rice and late - crop lands , but,as in the cas e of the other part of the sub -divis ion, he objected to thesys tem propo sed for uplands . H e thought that the privileges of thep dndha

frpeshds should at once be stopped. The khots dealt mostharshly with their tenants , and the tenure should in his opinion, if

po ssible, be abolished . H e thought that the special service, or izafat,village

'

s might be leased to the holder s at the survey rental and thatthey should not be allowed to rack-rent their tenants -at-will.Capta

in Francis ’ propo salswere sanctioned as a temporary measurein April

The survey of Panvel was begun in“

1853 -54 and finished in

1854- 55 .Under the Revenue Commissioner

’

s sanction the newse ttlement was provisionally introduced in 1856- 57. The sub-divisionwas bounded on the west by the sea, on the south for ten miles bythe

l

Avra creek,then along a chain of hills that separated Panvel

from Pen till it met Nasrapur, whence branching to the northit stretched to Prahal hill and skir ting Matheran extended nearlyto Malanggad hi

ll.From Malanggad there was no well marked

boundary to the Taloja creek which formed its north-west limit on

to the coast. It had an abundant and regular rainfall of over

100 inches, and .had great natural advantages being intersected bytwo tidal r ivers and many tidal creeks, and havmg the importantmarket of Bombay close at hand . It contained a superfiCial

.

areaof

207 square miles with 229 villages, ofwhich thirty- Sixwere alienated,seven were service, and 186 were G overnment. Of the G overnment

1 G ov. Letter 1700, 9th April 1857. Born. G ov.Sel. XCVI. 97.

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formed into two classes according as they yielded the more valuablechoka or whi te , or the po orer rdta. or red. These were found to“

correspond very clo sely with the sweet rice classes and the scalerequired little adjustment. A s regards the sweet rice lands CaptainFrancis proposed to divide them into six classes, twenty-eightVillages paying 103 . 6d. (Rs . fifty-eight paying 103 . (Rs .

thirty paying 9 3 . 6d . (Rs . twenty- six paying 9 8 . (Rs .

twenty - one paying 6d. (Rs . and thir teen paying 83 . (Rs .

Six specially r ich andwell placed villages were charged 123 . (Rs .

A few reclamations or khd rs being well washed with fresh water,yielded a sweet late crop and could be charged sweet rice rates.With this exception the salt rice lands belonged to two classes tho senear the sea and those safe from flooding. The best lands wererated at 9 3 . (Rs . and the more expo sed lands at 83 . 6d. to 83 .

(Rs . 4} Rs . In the case of the latter the specially lowratesfor the .red or rate. r ice came in and lowered the charge to

(Ra and in a few spo ts to 28 . (Re . The result of theserates was a total rental of £ 8650 (Rs . or an increase ofabout 3 1, per cent. In the mahalkari

’s petty division where

unrevised grain rates were in force, the area under tillage had risenfrom about 4000 acres in 1840 to 6000 in 1855-56, leaving almostno arable land untilled . Under the system of grain commutationpayments, large remissions averaging about £ 300 (Rs . 3000 ) a yearwere granted and the collections varied greatly from year to year .

They fell from ab out £ 2400 (Rs . in 1840 to a little over

£ 1800 (Rs . in 1848 and then ro se irregularly to £ 2400

(Rs . in 1853 - 54. Very high commutation rates in the yearbefore the survey had forced them up to £ 2732 (Rs .

Compared with that year the propo sed rates in the petty divisionshowed a fall fr om £ 2732 to £ 2216 (Rs .

- Rs . or a

reduction o f about 19 per cent. But on the average o f ten

year s the fall was £ 7 (Rs . 70 ) only. Taking the figures of the

sub -division and the etty division together, the proposed rates

showed a total of .£ 10,866 (Rs . or an increase of £ 624

(Rs . 6240) on the average collections in the ten previous years .

Late crop and garden lands were of little importance . Gram tar

and tilwere the crops, and the total rental, if all thewaste was takenfor tillage,would no t come to more than £ 263 (Rs . The rates

proposed were 33 . (Re . except in Panvel where, as both the sod

and the market were specially good, a rate of 3 3 . Get. (Re . was

proposed

. In the hotweather , with the help of lever hits or budkis,

a small strip on stream banks grew onions, vegetables, and a littlesugarcane . The proposed rate was 53 . (Rs . and the probablerevenue £ 28 (Rs .

As regards uplands a new system was introduced in accordance

with G overnment orders. Uplandswere of two classes, those held in

connection with r ice tillage and tho se which remained With G overnment. The landwas measured by taking points fixed at the time ofmeasur ing the rice lands or the survey of the V illage circuit andjo ining them together, the new lines being marked by boundarystones. The area was then calculated from its outline on the map.

In some cases whe re there was a specially large area of upland,

Konkan ]

THANA .

measurement by the chain and cross -staff was necessary. But as a

rule itwas found enough to take the map as the basis fo r dividingthe land into number s . About acres were measured in thisway at an average co st of 13d. (11pies) an acre . Captain Francispropo sed an acre rate of 6d . (4 as .) on the coast and 412-d . (3 as .) on theinland uplands . This would give from the allotted land, that is theland held along with r ice fields, a revenue of £ 289 (Rs . 2890) andfrom the o ther lands a revenue of £ 153 (Rs . 1530) or a to tal of£ 442 (Rs . a sum £ 170 (Rs . 1700) in excess of the averagerevenue from uplands dur ing the ten previous years . A further sumof £ 40 (Rs . 400) was due from forest or dali tillage .

There were no péndha/rpeshds enjoying the favour of specially easyrates . The seven special service or fizdfat villages were surveyedand assessed. In all cases the survey rental was higher than thatformerly paid. But it was propo sed, as in Nasrapur , to ofier the

villages to the izdfatddrs on a th irty year s’ lease on condition of_their

paying the survey rental . The question of the tenure of the em

banked o r reclaimed lands was one of importance . These reclaimedlands were held in two ways e ither there was one owner

, calledshilo tr fidci/r

, who repres ented the o riginal reclaimer , or the land washeld by a body of men called kula’xrags . In the first instance the ownerwas responsible for the repair of the dams and levied a specialman of

grain to meet the co st. The owners were said to be very exacting.

Where the reclamation was held by a body of husbandmen no specialman of grain was levied for repairs . The ho lders paid direct to G overnment and arranged among themselves for the repair o f the dams .

In G overnment reclamations the man was levied and G overnment

was responsible for th e repair s . Captain Francis thought that in thecase of reclamations held by a private person o r by a body of men the

present plan should continue . In G overnment reclamations insteadof the man of rice an acre fee of Is . (8 as .) should be levied and the

amount set apar t as a fund to meet any expenses required fo r repairs .

The -repairs would be carried out by the villager s and the paymentmade by the as sistant co llectors . A s regards the question of the grantof leases to reclaim salt wastes, Captain Francis was of opinion thatthe term of the lease should vary from fifteen to twenty years .

Mr . Jones the Co llector, though he thought some of the ratesrather high, approved of Captain Francis

’

proposal .1 The proposalswere also approved by the Revenue Commissioner andwere sanctioned by G overnment on the 5th of Apr ilThe next par t of the distr ict settled was

‘

Kalyan . At the time

of settlement (1859 ) Kalyanwas bounded on the north by the Kalyancreek and its tr ibutary the Bhatsa river, on the east by Murbad, onthe south by Nasrapur, and on the west by the Malanggad hills .

The area was about 215 square miles, 3 the length from north to

1 Mr .Jones, 23 of 5th January 1857, in Bom. G ov. Sel. XCV I. 122 - 126.

2 G ov. Letter 1127 of 1859 . Bom. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 134 - 138.

3 These 215 square miles or acres contained acres of rice land, 1755

pf late crop land , 180 of garden land,of uplands , of unarable and hill

land, and about acres occupied by alienated Villages. Bom. G ov. Sel.X CVI.269.

THE BRITISH .

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS.

south varying from eighteen to twenty-three miles, and the breadthfrom east to west from six to thirteen. The people numbered

or 160 to the square mile . Of 165 vill 147were Government, three were held on izafat or special service tenure, and two

'

were partially and thirteen entirely alienated.

1 Of these only thethirteen entir ely alienated villages were excluded from the surveysettlement. Of the Ulhas, Kalu, and Bhatsa rivers that crossed thesub -division and fell into the Kalyan creek, the Ulhas andKalli werenavigable for only a short distance from their meetingwith the maincreek . Boats of small tonnage could pass up the Bhatsa as far as

Vasundri about tenmiles above Kalyan. AsKalyan was partly a coastand par tly an inland tract, some of its villages had a navigable riverfor the transport of their produce, while a fewwere rather far frommarket and difficult of access by carts . On the who le its means ofcommunicat ion were good. Besides its river and the made roadfrom Kalyan to Chauk, Kalyan was cro s sed in two directions bythe Peninsula railway, by the Kampoli (Khopo li) branch to the southand the Vasind branch to the north . Except Kalyan the railwaystations were little used. A small“ quantity of rice was shipped forBombay from Vésundri and one or two vi llage s on the Bhatsa ;with this exception the who le rice produce was brought to Kalyanfor export to Bombay . There were several warehouses in the townwhere the rice was cleaned before it was shipped. Kalyanwas a

fair ly large town with above 7000 people.

During the ten years ending 1841- 42, remissions were large and

co llections irregular . The two years 1834- 35 and 1835-36 showedthe atest fluctuations . In 1834- 35 the remissions were about£ 335 (Rs . 3350) and the colle ctions £ 7136 (Rs . whichwas the largest amount realised during the ten years . In the

succeeding year (1835 -36) the remissions amounted to £ 2240

(R8. and the revenue to £ 5307 (Rs . For the

latter half of this period of ten years (1837 - 1842) the revenue

averaged about £ 5900 (Rs . During the whole period of

these ten years (1832 1842) the largest remissions £ 2240 (Rs .

were granted in 1835 - 36, and the smallest revenue, about £ 5300(Rs . was collected in 1832 - 33 and 1835 36. In 1842 -43‘

Mr . G iberne ’s reduced assessment, which had been introduced in1837 - 38, was finally sanctioned by G overnment, and from that dateduring the sixteen years ending 1857-58 remissions were small,2

and co llections ro se s teadily from about £ 7200 (Rs . in

1842 - 43 to about £ 7800 (Rs . in 1857-58. During the

twenty- six year s ending 1857- 58 co llections averaged £ 7000

(Rs . and dur ing the ten years ending -58‘

£ 7700

(Rs .while during the five years before Mr . G iberne’s

assessment the average was estimated at £ 5900 (Rs .

1Under the Peshwas Kal n formed one of the p rdnts or districts of the Konkan.

Besides the present siib-diyvi'

sion of Kalyan it included Murbad, Talon,and

Bhiwndi, and part of Nasrapur; Bom. G ov. Sel. XCVI.0

2'

Mr . Cihemo’s as sessment was introduced in 1837-38, but,

”

until it was sanctioned

1) Government in 18424 3 , the reductionwas shown as remission. Born. Gov. Sel.

CVI. 275.

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The following statement shows the cfiect of the survey :

Kal'ydn Settlement, 1858-59 .

Waste. Total.

Total

The result of the new settlement was an increase of about threeper cent in revenue . A further increase o f £ 1000 to £ 1200

(Rs .- Rs . was expected as the arable waste came

under tillage ._

The survey se ttlement was in the same year (1859 ) introducedinto Talo ja,1 which was the smallest sub - division in the Thanadistr ict with a tota l area of only 169 square miles .

2 It was boundedby the Kalyan tidal river on thenorth, by the Chander i andMalanggad

hills on the east, by Panve l on the south - east, by the Taloja creek

on the south, and by the Thana river on the west. The generalsurface was flat, with a gentle rise from the Panvel creek on thes outh and the Kalyan creek on the north to a raised be lt of land

that running east andwestformed thewater -

parting between the tworivers . Of 150 villages , 148 were G overnment, one was alienated,and one was a shardkati or share village paying Government halfof its assessed rental.Though bounded on three sides by!tidal creeks Talo ja did not

enjoy convenient water carriage . The boat stations on the Thanacreek were available only for the villages in the narrow beltbetween the creek and the Persik hills, for the hills being too

high and rugged for carts or bullo cks, shut out the inlandvillages from the advantage of water communication. Along the

Kalyan creek there was scarcely a spo t where boats could be

anchored . Talo ja was the only port convenient fo r any considerablenumber of villages . In respect of land communications the sub

division was also rather unfavourably placed . Though the railwaypas sed through the southern part of the sub - division, there was nos tation within its limits and the only made road was the small piecefr om Thana creek to Persik po int. At the same time the surface of

the sub -division was generally flat ; and during the fine. weatherthere were many rough cart tracks which served for the transport ofproduce . Rice was the staple product and Kalyan and Panvelwere

1 Taloja originally formed part of the Peshwa '

s district or print of Kalyan. It

was afterwards put under Panvel, and, in 1840 , at the general re -distribution of

sub -divisions , was formed into a separate sub -division. Bom. G ov. Sel. XCVI. 278.2 Of the 169 square miles or acres , were rice land, 3984 late crop

land, 11 garden,upland, and unarable and hill land. 779 acres were

included in one alienated village . Bom. G ov. Sel. XCVI. 278 -279.

Konkan]

THANA.

the markets to which the bulk of the ricewas taken. A small quantitywas sent from Talo ja direct to Bombay, and the Khairna belt ofvillages , lying between the Thana creek and the Persik hills, exportedthe greater part of the ir produce direct to that market .In 1835 - 36 the assessment rates were reduced by Mr . Davies by

about £ 1800 (Rs . or near ly twenty-five per cent . BeforeMr . Davies’ revision the rental had been taken in commuted grainrates . In their place he introduced in many of the best villages an

uniform bigha. rate of 68 . (Rs . During the three“

years ending1834-35 the average collections amounted to £ 7684 (Rs .

the largest sum realized being about £ 8400 (Rs . in 1833 - 34.

Dur ing the se years remis sions averaged £ 500 (Rs . the largestsum remitted being about £ 1000 (Rs . in 1832 - 33 . In the

twenty years (1838- 39 to 1857- 58) after the introduction of Mr .

Davies’ rates , the remiss ions averaged about £ 200 (Rs .

During the ten years ending 1847-48 the yearly co llections averagedonly about £ 7110 (Rs . or about £ 500 (Rs . 5000 ) less thanbefore the revision . For the next five years there was littleincrease . But in 1852 - 53 the revenue reached its former standardand continued to rise, fill in 1857- 58 it stood as high -

as £ 8200

(Rs . The spread of tillage was from about acres in

1832- 33 to about acres in 1857- 58 .

The survey was begun in 1854- 55 and finished in 1858- 59 .

The rates were fixed on the same scale as in Kalyan,except that

there was an additional acre rate fo r salt- rice lands . The firstgroup, extending from Kalva the village next the Thana ferry to

Tehtavli about five miles distant,included twelve villages of the

Khairna belt,andwas charged a highest r ice acre rate of

'

12'

s . (Rs .

The remaining villages of"

the Khairna belt,tho se along the course

o f the Taloja creek as far as the town of Taloja, and a group on the

no rth - east corner a fewmiles from Kalyan, fo rmed the s econd groupof thirty- three villages for which a rate of 118 . (Rs . was fixed.

For the rest of the sub-divis ion, except seven villages, a rate of

103 . (Rs . 5) was fixed . The s even excepted villages lay under the

Chanderi range of bills, in a valley far from markets and with an

unhealthy climate . For these a rate of 9 3 . (Rs . at) was fixed .

There was a small extent of salt- r ice land in some of the villagesnear the different creeks . But these salt- rice lands , or kt , werenot generally go od. They were in many cases exposed

“

to the

South -West monsoon, particularly tho se along the borders of the

Thana creek where the chief part of'

the salt r ice cultivation lay.

These lands were not so good as the corresponding lands in Panvel,and a highest rate of only 88 . (Rs . 4) was fixed .

Of land under garden cultivation there was a very small extent ofeleven acre s for which a rate of 63 . (RS. 3 ) was fixed. The ratefixedfor late - crop or rabi land was 3 3 . (Re . 15) A geod deal of the land‘

classed and asses sed as late - crop seemed capable of being broughtunder r ice cultivation at a small outlay . In its existing state it wasfitted only for the cultivation of cold-weather crops .

In this sub-division uplands were more than“

ordinarily valuable, onaccount of the ease and cheapness with which grass could

' be carried

THE BRITISH .

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS.

Chapter VIII. to Bombay along the Talo ja and Thana creeks . A considerableand quantity was yearly sent to that market. But as the produce of

Administration. great part of the uplands was always used for ash manure, the usualTn Burm a .

rate of four a/nnas was fixed. From the operation of this rate theTalqia, grass lands

.

of the Khairna belt were excepted and reserved for1359 , annual auctmu sale .

The following statement shows -the effect of the survey

Total

The statement shows that the increase in revenue in consequenceof the survey rates amounted to twenty-five per cent on the land(1858) under tillage ; and that a rise of fifteen per cent more wouldtake place whenall availab le land was brought under tillage .

The next sub-divis ion to which the survey was extended wasMurbad

,where measurements were begun in 1856- 57 and the

settlement completed in 1859 - 60 . Murbad was bounded on thenorth by Ko lvan, on the east by the Sahyadri hills, on the south byNasrapur, and on the west by Kalyan. As regards dis tance frommarkets climate and genera l productiveness, therewas little differencebetween Murbad and Nasrapur . Except perhaps some villages inKo lvan no part of Thana was worse off for markets . There was nota. mile of made road and much of the country was too rough forcarts . A lmost all its r ice was carried to Kalyan, carts were usedfor seven or eight miles beyond the town of Murbad, but the roadwas very rough and roundabout . Another cart track in the northpassed to vasind, but by far the most of the r ice crop went tomarket on pack bullocks .

Almost the whole population was engaged in husbandry. Unlikethe people of the coast who added to their means by fishing saltmaking and labour, the Murbad people were entirely dependent on

the ir fields . Though this was in some ways an evil it would seemto have had the good effect of improving the style of tillage. Theland was unusuallywell cultivated and the people were fairly off.The reduction of rates 1 in 183 7-38 had been followed by a most

marked improvement. During the fifteen year s ending 1858-59

the revenue of the mahalkari’s division was steadily increasing

1 Rates were reduced in the best parts of the district from 110. to 88. and

7s. 6d. (Rs . 5} to Rs . 44, Rs . 4, and Rs . Si). In the poorer parts they were

Sr

it

lluie

illt

lo 4e., and 3a. (Rs. 3 , Rs . Rs .2, and Re. 125) the bigha . Bom.Gov,

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Murbdd Settlement, 1859 -60.

a r Sm nunnur, 1869-60 .

l,88,981

A t the time of settlement (1860) the Bhiwndi sub -division had a

length from north to south of twelve to twenty- two miles and

a greatest breadth of nineteen miles . In shape‘

it was an irregulartriangle with the apex on the Kalyan r iver in the south . It wasbounded by Bassein on the west, by Kolvan on the north, and byKalyén and Taloja on the east and south . The total area was 258square miles or acres . Of 205, the to tal number of villages,ninety-nine formed the mamlatdar ’s charge and 106 themahalkari

’s.

Of the 205 villages, 19 9 were settled, ofwhich 189were G overnment,five service, and five share villages the six villages into which thesurveywas not introducedwere alienated. Most of the sub-division,especially the villages lying between the town of Bhiwndi and the

great tidal creeks to the south and east, suffered from a scanty supplyof drinking water during the latter part of the hot weather.

Communications were good . The town of Bhiwndi was a fairlocal market and Bombay was within easy distance by water.

Other parts of the sub-divisionwere helped by the railway and bythe Bombay-Agra road . The villages in the no rth - east, near the

Mahuli bills,werewild, thinly peopled, generally inac cessible to carts,and at a long distance from markets . In the remaining villages thebulk of the husbandmen were (1860) well off and some near Bhiwndiwere r ich.

Mr . G iberne revised the assessment rates in 1840-41, and the

reductions he propo sed, which amounted to about £ 1311 (Rs .

were sanctioned .by G overnment in 1842 . In the following year(1842-43 ) when the reductions were permanently sanctioned, theremis s ions were reduced to a little above £ 200 (Rs . A

perceptible decrease of tillage took place in 1843 -44 and the

revenue in that year amounted only’ to about £ 9 380 (Rs.From that time it steadily ro se till it reached (Rs .

,860)in 1859 -60 when remissions were only a little above £ 90 (Rs.The spread of tillage in the four or five years before the surveysettlement (1854 1859 ) was chiefly due to the

-high price of grain,“

1 The price of rice in the Bhiwndi market varied in 1840-41 from £ 2 168 . to £ 34 3.

(Rs . 28 -Rs. 32 ) the muda ,while in 1859 -60 itranged from £ 5 48 . to £ 5 148 . (Rs . 52

R s . The very high price in 1860 was chiefly owmg to the local failure of crops

in 1859 -60. But the average of the five years ending 1859 -60 shows an increase of

about 60 per cent'

over the average of the five years ending1844 figures ofthe

first average being £ 3 178. (Rs. for coarse and £ 4 48. (Rs 42 ) for fine rice, and those

Konkan ]

THANA.

which, in the five years ending 1859 -60, averaged about sixty percent over the prices in the five years ending 1844-45.

The 199 surveyed villages were arranged under seven classes withhighest rice rates varying from 12s . to

'

63 . (Rs . 6 -Rs . The firstclass consisted of Bhiwndi and the five neighbouring villages, whichcould avail themselves of the Bhiwndi market without any expense

of carr iage .1 The rate fixed for them was 128 . (Rs . In the

second class were seventeen villages occupying the tract betweenthe creeks on the south and east, the lands of villages near

Bhiwndi not included in the fir st class, and lands of villages on or

adjo ining the Nasik road and not above five or six miles from thetown of Bhiwndi . The rate fixed for this group was (Rs . 5k).The third class consisted of seventy- four villages, including thevillages near the Nasik road and stretching to the eastern boundaryof the sub-division near Vasind and a group of villages, aboutfour or five miles from the road, in the central part of themamlatdém’s division of Bhiwndi. The rate fixed for this third classwas 103 . (Rs . The rates fixed for kha’ rdpdt o r salt-rice land, ofwhich there was a small area, were (Rs . 41g ) and (Rs .

the second rate being applied to village s near the salt creeks or inplaces exposed to the influence of the tide . The main considerationson which the rates for the remaining four classes were fixed, weredistance from Bhiwndi and difficulty of access to that market, abelt of country about five miles broad being assigned to each

group of villages. The rates fixed for these four classes were 98 .

(Rs .(i t) for thirty-five villages, 83 . (Rs . 4) for thirty -nine villages,

7s . (Rs . as) for nineteen villages , and 63 . (Rs . 3 ) for nine villages .

The last nine villages were those in the north - east near Mahuli.The late crop or m bi area was small. The rate fixed was 38 .

(Re . Garden tillagewas almos t confined to mdl'ua bdga'

fyata termapplied to the cultivation by irrigation from r ivers, we lls, and ponds,dur ing the fair season. No change was made in the existing highestrate of 68. (Rs . 3 ) for this cultivation. Vegetables, coil, and other

of the second average £ 2 48. (Re. 22) and £ 2 123 . (Rs. Born. G ov. Sel. XCVI.3 z329 33

Bhiwndi Prim , 18141- 1960.

Mada Price.

1 To villages thus situated, rice strawwas a source of considerable profit, ,as itready sale among the cartmanwho daily halted at the town, and thus part ofthe

(produce at rice lands, which was of no appreciable value in an inland Vlua. ea

yi el ed a considerable vretum in a village near Bhiwndi. Bom.Gov. Sel.’

XCVI. 354.

!Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

pulseswere also grown as second crops in rice lands by well irrigationin a few villages near Bhiwndi . The lands in such cases wereclassed as rice in the fir st instance, and then, as

‘

in Kalyan, an extrawater -ratewas impo sed on account of the second crop. The highestacre rate in such cases was 128 . (Rs . 6) besides 38 . (Re . 15) of waterrate, or 153 . (Rs . in all.The uplands were not more valuable than in Kalyan and Talo ja.

The highest acre rates fixed were four annas and three annas, the

latter being applied to the distant and wild villages whose rice rateswere fixed at 78 . (Rs . and 63 . (Rs.

Exclusive of arable waste the survey settlement, compared withthe co llections of the ten previous years, showed an increase of£ 1348 compared with the co llections of 1859 -60 theincrease was £ 9 61 (Rs .

The fo llowing statement shows the effect of the surveyBhiwndi Settlement

,1860 -61.

Fosns s . 81mm .

1859 -60.

Dm sxos s.

Total. Waste.

Mahalkari's

7610

When it was settled in 1861 the Salsette sub-division includedthe islands of Salsette and Karanja . Karanja or Uran which was apetty division under a mahalkari was not classed, and the work of

settlement was confined to the mamlatdar’s charge the fifty-three

villages of the island of Salsette . These villages were arranged inthree groups . The first group consisted of fourteen villages, Bandra,Danda, six adjo ining villages on the Ghodbandar road and six

villages round Trombay . For the sweet rice land in this group a

highest acre rate of 163 . (Rs . 8) was fixed applicable to single cropland only . In cases where onions, pulse, and vegetables were grownas a second crop in the hot season, and there was a considerableextent of this cultivation in the r ice lands of salsette, an extra waterrate was impo sed, calculated on the scale of four annas the rupee, sothat the highest acre rate for the best double crop lands came to £ 1(Rs . The second class consisted of twenty- two villages somebetween Bhandup and Thana, others surrounding Thana, and othersnear the Ghodbandar road adjo ining the Bandra group for these a

rate of 143 . (Rs . 7) was fixed in addition to an extra double croplevy calculated as above . For sixteen villages most adjoiningGhodbandar and a few on the nor th-eastern boundary the rate fixedwas 128 . (Rs . subject to the increase of four annas the rupee

where there was irrigation sufficient for a double crop . In the case

of salt-r ice lands 128 . (Rs . 6) and 108 . (Rs.5) were fixed for the firstgroup and for some villages of the second group, 9 8. (Rs . was

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Bo th had a good market, the plantains inBombay and the sugarcanein Bassein where it was used by the Bassein Sugar FactoryCompany. The gardeners, who were chiefly Native Christians ,were hardworking skilful husbandmen. The sub-division had theadvantage of goodmarkets at Basse in and at Agashi, a cons iderabletown on the coast. The two tidal r ivers by which it was enclosedsupplied an outlet to the sea, while the Baroda railway furnishedeasy communication by land. The rates on garden lands had beenthoroughly revised by the Revenue Commissioner Mr . Williamson

in 1836-3 7 when, owing to over -assessment and the want of a

market, the people Were sunk in poverty and the gardens fallen out

of cultivation . Mr . W illiamson’s revision of rates, which over the

who le area of garden land,

represented a r eduction of about a

hundred per cent, had proved very successful. The people hadamassed much capital and the landwas in a high state of cultivation.

About the time o f the revision of garden rates the rice rates had

also been greatly reduced in several villages .

In 1862 three forms of assessment were in use, dhepgwnna. andhunddbandi forms of a contract payment for an indefinite area of

land,and a: bigha. rate which had been introduced in some lands

shortly before 1862 . Dur ing the twenty year s ending 1860 -61 the

collections ranged from £ 8665 (Rs . in 1841-42 to

(Rs . in 1860 -61.

The survey was begun in 1858 -59 and finished in 1861-62.

The 100 villages were arranged in four classes . The first class of

twenty-nine villages had a highest acre rate of 123 . (Rs . 6) the sameas the highest rate in Bhiwndi . These wer e co ast villages near localmarkets and po rts who se lands were also the mo st productive in thesub-division . The second class, consisting of thir ty-five villages,was charged highest acre rates of 113 . (Rs . 55) and 108. (Rs .

Besides villages near the first class , this group included villages onthe bank s of the Bassein r iver and o thers near the town of Bhiwndi .The third class cons isted of twenty- three villages fur ther inlandand consequently fur ther from markets and ports . The rates fixedfor this class were 9 3 . (Rs . 45) and (Rs . The fourth class

consisted of thirteen villages on the outskirts of the sub-division,mo stly on the bo rder s of Mahim,

running to the foo t of the hillsunder Takmak fort. These, which were more or less wild and

feverish, were charged 7s . (Rs . 3 5) and 6s . (Rs .

As regards the garden lands, the large amount of capital thathad been amassed and the r ise of about fifty per cent in the valueof garden produce , were considered to justify a considerable increasein the rate s . On the basis of diiference in productive power theywere arranged under three classes . The best garden lands were inthe villages round Basseinwhere the people had the advantage of

nearnes s to a good market ., These lands formed the first group

and were charged a highest acre rate of (Rs . The second

1 The intermediate rates of and 78 . (Rs. Rs. 45, and Rs . 35) were fixed

with a view to distribute the assessment more fairly over the villages on the outskirtsof each group . Born. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 379 .

Konkan ]

THANA .

’

group included all the villages along the coast which lay beyondthose of the first class andwere charged at the rate of 143 . (Rs . 7) anacre . The third group included a small batch of village s on theinland border of the garden tract. They were charged at the rateof (Rs . 6) an acre . Compared with the previous rates there wasno change in the highest class . But the second and third classeswere raised from 83 . to 14s . and 123 . (Rs . 4 to Rs . 7 and Rs . The

reason of this great advance was that, when the former rates wereintro duced, these lands were out of tillage and specially light rateswere required to induce the people to take them up .

In some of the coast villages there was a smallarea of late cropor rabfi land, which though unsuited for grain yie lded go od pulseand o ther crops . It sometimes grew unwatered, or nipdn'i, sugar

cane . For this land an acre rate o f 3 8 . (Re . It) was fixed . The

uplands o f villages near markets were charged 6d. (4 as .) and

tho se of themore outlying village s 4M. (3 as .) an acre .

The following statement shows the effect of the survey

Bassein Settlement , 1861-62 .

Late crop

Upland.

YnAss .

Increase

The 1860-61 land revenue co llections of (Rs . l,06,440)

were higher than in any of the previous nineteen years . The 1862

settlement showed an increase from to (Rs . l,06,440

Rs . or a . r ise of £ 1221 (Rs . More than half ofthis rise was due to the enhanced rates on garden lands bywhich therental had been raised from £ 2277 to £ 2988 (Rs .

-Rs .

In rice lands , though in individual case s there were great changes

both of enh ancement and of decrease, the general result was a veryslight increase of about three per cent. Compared with the average

co llections of the ten years befo re the settlement, the rates fixed in1862 yielded an increase from £ 9 723 to (Rs .

Rs . o r a rise of £ 2142 (Rs . There was also theprospect of a further increase of £ 830 (Rs . 8300) from the cultivationof arable waste.

In Mahim the survey was begun in 1858 and finished in 1862 .

At the time of settlement (1863 ) the Mahim sub - divis ion was 24kmiles from north to south and from sixteen to nine miles from eastto west. Itwas bounded on the north by Sanjan ; on the east loftybut irregular hills separated it from Ko lvan and Jawhar ; on thesouth the V aitarna separated it from Bassein and on the west wasthe sea. Of the to tal area of 3 30 square miles or acres,

were arable, upland, and the rest hill and forest.For some distance inland, the country was fairly flat and muchbroken by swamps and creeks ; the interior was very h illy and

T1111:Barman.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

covered with forest . At the close of the rains, both inland and on

the coas t,the climate was very unhealthy, and fever especially

prevalent. The rainfall at Mahim was 96 3 in 1861 and

inches in 1862, the corresponding Bassein figures being 79 5 andinches and the Sanjan figures 103 5 and 672 inches .

Therewere no made roads , but, dur ing the fair season

, most of the subdivision was passable for car ts . The chief cart road

, running parallelwith the coast

,was cro s sed by numerous broad creeks at Dantivra,

Kelva -Mahim,sa pan, and Tarapur, which rendered traffic mo st

tedious . Ano ther cart track from Bhiwndi passed through ,

thissub- division between two ranges of bills and jo ined the coast linebeyond Tarapur . This route avo ided the large creeks but wasvery hilly and broken . There were also cart tracks by which trafliccould be conveyed from all parts of the sub -division to the differentports on the west of the range of hills which run north and southnearly through the centre of the sub -division . The villages to thee ast of that range were saved from iso lation by the Vd‘itarna, whichbeing navigable to Manor afforded an outlet fo r field produce andtimber . The chief markets were Mahim,

Kelva, Shirgaon, Tarapur,and Manor . There were ports on the seaboard at Dantivra

, KelvaMahim,

and Tarapur . Much r ice and wood were exported to Surat,Bombay, and Thana .

Dur ing the twenty year s ending 1861- 62 the average net rentalhad amounted to about £ 7400 (Rs . and during the ten yearsending 1861

-62 to a little over £ 8200 (Rs . Except in 1845-46

when they amounted to about £ 7400 (Rs . between 1842 -43

and 1855 9 56 collections varied from £ 6000 (Rs . in 1843 -44

to £ 7200 (Rs . in 1851-52 and 1855 - 56 in no case sinc ehad they fallen below £ 6400 (Rs . After 1855-56

they continued to rise until in 1860-61 they reached(Rs . the highest sum co lle cted during the twenty yearsending 1861- 62 they then fell in the next year to £ 9200

(Rs . The largest remissions were £ 600 (Rs . 6000) grantedin 1849 -50

,£ 400 (Rs . 4000) in 1853 v54

,and £ 610 (Rs . 6100 ) in

1855—56 in none(

of the remaining years did remis sions amount tomore

,than £ 250 (Rs .

The existing rate s o f assessment were very unequal .1 Of the168villages , two alienated and one khoti village were excluded fromthe survey settlement.2 Of the 165 settled villages 164 were

G overnment and one was shared or shardkatt. They were arrangedin four classes with highest acre rates varying from 118 . to 58 .

1 The rice land of Tarapur paid an acre rate of about 28 . 6d. (Rs . and the

neighbouring village of Kudan 5s . 92d . (Rs . 2 -14 Duktan, which had some excellent

rice land, paid only 3 8 . 8d. (Re . 1-13 and the neighbouring V illage of Kambloli

53 . 92d. (Rs . 2 -14 Bo rn. G ov. Sel. LXXIII . 11-12.2 Of the khoti villages Mr . ,

nowSir H. , Ellis wrote , The V ehloh Village though

called Ichotz’

is not held on the same tenure as the Ichott villages of the South Konkan,which are liable to revision without reference to the wishes of the holders. This

village is held at a rental which is not to be raised on survey ,a tenure more like

the udhad jamdbandi o f G ujarat than th e khoti tenure of the SouthKonkan.

’

7th

April 1863 , in Born. G ov. Sel. LXXIII. 5-6, l l.

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Mdhim Settlement, 1862-63 .

Tru man.

In 1864, when it was surveyed and settled, the Umbargaon pettydivision of the SanJan sub-division included the villages in the

extreme north of Thana . It was bounded on the north-west byDaman

,on the north and north -east by the Damanganga river

separating it from Surat, on the east by Daman, on the south bythe mamlatdar ’ s division of 83 111811, and on the west by the sea.

The total area was about 206 square miles or acres, dividedinto s ixty -nine G overnment villages, in all ofwhich the surveysettlement was introduced. The villages along the coast

, thoughnot free from fever between October and the close of the year,had a fair climate and were generally rathenthickly peopled . Theyhad the advantage of coast harbour s for the export of their produce,and were within easy distance of the Bar oda railway . None o f the

inland villages were far from these means of communication, _the

eastern border of Umbargaon being in no place more than eighteenmiles from the coas t . But the scanty population and the unhealthyclimate of the inland villages outweighed their advantages .

Especially in the north near the Damanganga river, the countrywas unusually flat for the Konkan and could be crossed by car ts in

all directions . Though neither of them were made , the main coastroad from Surat to Bombay, and, a few miles inland

, the trackknown as the Army Road, always used by troops on their marchto Gujarat, were both broad serviceable lines of communication.

The greater part of the Umbargaon producewent to Surat. Bes idesUmbargaon which was the best port, there were o ther place s alongthe coast where boats anchored to land and take in produce. But

except a small traffic with Surat there was no trade .

The greater part of the Umbargao n petty divisionwas held underthe hunddbandi or unmeasured plot system and paid an assessmentfixed in the lump on a certain combined area of r ice and upland.

The boundaries of these hwndds or unmeasured plots were never wellmarked, probably owing to thewild character of the district

, and

in the lapse of time their original limits seem to have been entirelylost. Survey inquiries showed marked discrepancies in the size andvalue of the hundds, and proved that a large portion of the landhad been held at nominal rates .

1 In some cases the survey ratesraised individual holdings from 78 . 4501. to £ 6 58 . 9d. (Rs . 3 -11

l Bom. Gov. Sel. LXXXVIII. 13 .

Konkan ]

THANA.

Rs . 62 Still, in spite of these instances of increase, thepeople readily accepted the settlement and showed themselves mostanxious to secure the waste .

The sixty-nine villages were divided into five classes . The fir stclass included almo st all villages near the coast. They were fifteenin number and were charged a highest r ice acre- rate of 128 . (Rs .

The second class for which highest rates of 118 . (Rs . 59 and

103 . (Rs . 5) were fixed, consisted of twenty- four villages generallyfair ly peopled and from three to six miles from the coast . The

third class for Which the rates of 93 . (Rs. 45) and 88 . (Rs . 4)were fixed, consisted of ten villages which though somewhatunhealthy were fairly tilled . They lay east of the preceding group,and stretched eight or ten miles inland. Nine wild, unhealthy, andthinly peopled villages, s ituated further east than the third class,constituted the fourth class and were charged 7s . (Rs . 3g) and 63 .

(Rs . 3) The fifth was a special class including eleven unhealthy andthinly peopled inland villages for which 58 . (Rs . 2g) and 4s . (Rs . 2)were fixed.

2

The so il and climate of the coast villages were well suited to the

growth of cocoa palms and o ther garden crops . But theirnatural advantages had not been turned to account, as there wereonly ten acres under garden tillage . The highest acre rate for gardenlands in coast villages was fixed at 128 . (Rs . There was also a

small area of garden land in some of the more inland villages, wherecultivation was almo st confined to vegetables irrigated from unbuiltwells worked in the co ld season only. The rate fixed for these lands

l The following are instances of the great increase in village rentals caused by theintroduction of the survey rates

Umba/rgmm Settlement.1864.

Surveyassessment.

Anklfie

The increase in the following single holdings was stillmore markedUmba/rgaon, 1864.

Increase.

RB. u.

44 14

2 The rates of and 58. (Rs . 55, Rs . 4g, Rs . 345, and 29 mg“

intermediate rates adopted with a view to meet the ease of villages in such a.positionthat the rate of the group above them was too high and that of the group belowthem too low. These intermediate rates obviated inequalities of assessment inneighbouring villages. Bom. G ov. Sel. LXXXVIII. 7.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

was 6s. (Rs. For cold weather or late crop land therate of (Re. It) was continued. The uplands were unlikethose of any other sub-divis ion. The soil was of a dullish black of

depth and too retentive of moisture for the growth ofmic hwi and migli the chief upland crops of other sub-divisions . At

the same time it was suitable for the castor -oil plant which waswidely grown in some parts. The people also grew an infer iorr ice in these black soils . Though more valuable than the ordinaryuplands, these lands requir ed a thr ee years

’ fallow after two or

three years of cropping . Thus, on the average, the soil yielded a

return only every other season. The rate fixed for this land wasIs . Set. (10 as .) to be aid every year, an amount equal to an acre

rate of 28. 6d. (Re . on lands capable of continuous cultivation.

The following statement shows the effect of the survey

1863 -64. Cou tmos s.

actual collections were Rs. Bom. Gov. Sel. LXXXVIII. 11.

As part of the settlement a capitation tax which yielded (1864)£ 64 (Rs . and a cess styled mahdlmaj kur which yielded £ 4 68 .(Rs. 43 ) were abolished.

In 1865, when it was settled, Ko lvan was a very large and

diversified sub-division . Itwas irregular in shape, especially alongits western frontier, the Talasri petty division in the northwest being almost detached from the res t of the sub-division by a

strip of the Jawhar state . It was bounded on the north by Peint,on the east by the Sahyadri hills , on the south by Bhiwndi andMurbad, and on the west by Mahim and Jawbar . Its area of 9 50

squarel

miles was divided into six chief tamfs, two p etas, and one

mahdl.As a who le Ko lvan was wild and .broken,

with many hillsand large forests . The most open parts were in the southwhere there were pretty wide stretches of rice land. The

east under the Sahyadris and the west near Mahim and Jawhar,were rougher, and there was less rice tillage . Northwards beyondthe Vaitarna the country gradually rose, the roads or paths werenearly impassable, and the ravines very steep. Towards Mokhadawere long waving uplands or down s, broken by steep and rocky

ravines, rice tillage being almost confined to isolated patches alongthe banks of small streams . In the north of Mokhada and m

1 The taraj e were Afihai, Sakurli, Panlbara, Konepatti, Gargaon, and Kohoj the

p etds were vada and okhada the mahdlwas Talasri. Born. Gov. Sel. XCVI. 415.

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At the time of settlement there were 3 35 villages in theKolvan sub -division .

-In 325 of them the survey settlement wasintroduced in 1865-66. The highest acre rate fixed for rice land wasfrom 108 . to 68 . (Rs . 5 Rs . 3 ) in the more open portions of thesub -division, while ,

Mokhada and Talasri, on account of their isolatedposition and want of roads, were granted a special rate of not morethan 53 . (Rs. ai) and 4s . (Rs . There were no garden lands .Co ld weather crop lands, which were but of small extent

, had 3

highes t acre rate of 3 3 . (Re . lg) For uplands the highest ratewas fixed at 6d. (4 as .) and the lowest, for some villages of Talasri,at l lgrd. (l anna) . Wood-ash or deli numbers were marked off in a

few villages on the rugged sides of the Sahyadris and in Talasri.The area was small and the total assessment only £ 25 (Rs .

Dur ing the twenty years ending 1863-64 the average co llectionshad amounted to £ 5983 (Rs . and dur ing the last ten ofthose years to £ 6409 (Rs . With ins ignificant remissionsthe revenue seems to have steadily increased since 1844-45.

Compared with £ 7096 (Rs . the co llections of 1863 -64, thesurvey rental (Rs . showed an increase of £ 2985

(Rs . or 42 per cent. Of this £ 2398 (Rs . were on

account of land in actual o ccupation, while £ 587 (Rs . 5870) was therental expected to be realised when the whole arable assessedwastecame under tillage .

The survey asses sment absorbed various levies known as

laj fima , lagcmtaka, mohtarfa, and telikhut, which in 1864-65 yieldeda sum of £ 36 (Rs . In Mokhada the pdtils had usually somefie lds which they tilled fr ee of rent and called their ind/m. A s the

people were most anxious that their pdtils might be allowed to ho ldthese lands free, and as the lands were of small extent, theywere

the assessment being leviable from each individual as in other.parts o f the district.

Half the gains in this cas e were to go to the headman if he s igned the agreement,and the other half to the cultivators . To protect the an!in case the number of

ploughs in any particular village should be seriously iminished, a condition wasinserted in the agreement, that if the number of ploughs were reduced by one half

,

a petition for remissionwould be entertained. The uplands, mdl or t axi-Ices , of thevillage were left in one large number , and assessed at a lump sum fixed on its qualityand extent at from three a/rmas to one anna the acre, the amount being payable _

bythe whole bod of cultivators . The loss in this casewas to be bo rne hy allthe partiesconcerned. hiajor Waddington, 2oth Dec. 1865, in 3 0111. Gov. Sel. XCV I. 418-419.

B'

d th'

s acres of unassessed land were s et apart as forest and

aziis

i

l

g hs

umliers. The boundaries of some of the forestswere left undefined. Bom.

gov. Sel. XCVI. 422 .

Konkan ]

THANA.

entered in the registers as indm. In Talasri the pdtile had formerlybeen freed from payment to the extent of the value of a plough,half a plough, or less , according to the size of their village . In

place of this arrangement they were granted five per cent of the

net revenue of their villages . It was also arranged that the termof the survey lease in estate and plough rate villages should belimited to ten years , and, in the r est of the sub -division, shouldcome to an end at the same time as the Bhiwndi leases.

1

The survey settlement was introduced into the mamlatdar’s

division of the Sanjan o r Dahanu sub-division in 1866-67. It lay tothe north of the Mahim sub -division, and contained an area of 470

square miles and a population of or 67 per square ,mile .

There was a marked diiference in the character o f the villages.Those of the westerly parts were open and with fine rice landstravers ed by rail and with sea transit within easy reach, while theo thers were very rough and wild, and with no means of communica

tion. The population was unequally distributed . While the twocoast village groups, Dahanu and Chinchni, containing 32 villagesand an area of 80 square miles , had a population of 166 to the

square mile , the 140 villages wh ich formed the rest of the divisionand contained 3 90 square miles, had no more than sixty souls tothe square mile . In po int of climate and means of communicationthe mamlatdar’s division differed little from the subordinateUmbargaon petty divis ion settled in 1864-65 .

The principal tenures were the hundafibandi o r an assessment fixedin the lump for a certain extent of rice and hill-crop land combinedthe mudkebandi (muddbandi) or lump asses sment in grain commutedinto a money payment ; and the ndnga/rbandi o r plough tax tenure .

The two former were found in the village groups of Chinchn i,

Dahanu, and Asheri, and the last prevailed throughout the who le ofthe r est o f the sub-divis ion.

The 172 villages were arranged in five classes . Sixteen villagesalong the coastwere placed in the first class with a highes t acre rateo f 128 . (Rs . Three villages immediately adjo ining the first groupwere placed in the second class with a highest acre rate of 103 .

(Rs . 5) Seven villages near the railway and two of them nearManor

formed the third class with a highest acre rate of 8 3 . (Rs . Thefour th clas s consisted of twenty -one village s for wh ich highest acrerates of 7s . (Rs . and 63 . (Rs . 3 ) were fixed . This groupo ccupied the more open and better cultivated parts of A sheri andG ambhirgad and some of the poorer villages of Chinchni . The fifthclass consisted of 124 villages with highest acre rates o f 5s . and 4s .

(Rs . 2 % and Rs . It included the village groups of Barha, Udva,Balapur, and Dharampur , andparts of A sheri and Gambhirgad. Theremaining village had no rice land .

For the cocoa-

palm gardens which were confined to the twovillages o f Chinchni and Dahanu, a highest acre rate of 128 . (Rs . 6)

1 A short lease was advisable for the upland settlement. And as the villages , forwhich the ten-

year lease was recommended , were in the same division (the Mokhadaget

rkr

éo

‘c

l

onf

fisionwas likely to result. Major Francis, 27th June 1866, inBom. Gov.,

e7

8.

THE BRITISH.

1866.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

was fixed . It raised the payment fr om £ 102 to £ 125 (Rs. 1020Rs .

For late crop land which was small, the highest acre rate 3 3 .

(Re . l%) was retained. The total assessment under this head wasonly £ 4 68 . (Rs .

For hill crop land the usual highest acre rate o f 6d . (4 as .) in theco ast villages, and 4§d. and 3d. (3 and 2 annas ) in tho se furtherinland and more scantily populated, were retainedThe rates on liquor -

yielding palms varied from 6d. (4 as .) a yearon each tree in villages on the coast to 3d. (2 as .) in the inlandvillages . On date trees a uniform rate of one anua, was fixed . In1865- 66 the number of persons licensed to se ll liquor was 887 andthe payment on account of them was £ 380 (Rs . Under thenew se ttlement the number of shops fell to 156 and the amount oftax levied for 1866- 67 was £ 651 (Rs .

The fo llowing statement shows the effects of the surveySanj dn Settlement , 1866.

In addition to the assessment on the cultivated lands a further

sum of £ 190 (Rs . 1900) assessed on the waste lands raised the totalsettlement to £ 6149 (Rs . 6 l

,490) .

The increase on the twenty years average was very great, no

less than 9 2 per cent. But the old settlement was so imperfectthat it was useless as a means of estimating what assessment the

division could bear . The incidence o f the old payments had beenvery unequal . In 1868 the Superintendent wrote,

1 The completionof the Bar oda railway which crosses the district with three stationswithin reach of many parts of it has greatly increased the valueo f land, and when the low rates o f the wild villages in which the

principal increase o ccurs are taken into consideration,no fear need

be entertained regarding the fairness of the settlement.’ Several bdbs

o r cesses , such as mahdlmaj kwr, tup ,a did, were abolished .

In 1856 when the survey sett lement was introduced in Panvel,Uran consisting of nineteen villages formed part of Salsette . Thisgroup was subsequently transferred to Panvel before the settlementof Salsette in 1861. Consequently the survey assessment was notintroduced in it till November 1866. At this time the Uran pettydivision comprised the tract of country lying between the Karanjahill on the west and the tablelands of Panvel on the east includingHog Is land and the island of Elephanta . G reat part of this tractwas a low- lying swamp, flooded formerly by the backwaters of the

harbour flowing round H og Island on the one side and on the other

1 Major Waddington, 474, 14th October 1868.

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Thdna Survey Rental, 1854-1866

Former. Survey .

Karjat (Nasrapur) 1854-56Panvel 1856 67

1858-591859 -60

1860-611860-62

1861-621862-63

vada (Kolvan) 1864-65Shahspur (Kolvan 1865-66Dahanu (Sanjan) 1864-66

Total

The available revenue returns show that a marked increaseof revenue accompanied and has fo llowed the introductiono f the revenue survey. The collections ro se from

(Rs . in 1855 when the revenue assessment was introducedin 114 villages to (Rs . in 1866, when the newrates had been introduced over the whole 19 56 villages . Between1866 and 1878 collections have slowly but steadily increased to

(Rs . l3 ,16,490) in 1870 - 71, (Rs. in

1875 - 76, and (Rs . in 1877- 78. This increasein rental is not so lely, probably not mainly, due to the surveysettlement . The spread of tillage and rise in revenue, during theyears of the unnatural pro sperity that was caused by the Americanwar , were as marked in the unrevised as in the revised sub -divisions ,and since the time of unnatural pro sper ity has passed, thoughevenness and certainty of tenure have no doubt helped, the maincauses of increased revenue seem to be the spread of population all

over the distr ict and the greater demand in Bombay for almost allkinds of field produce .

The following statement gives the land revenue receipts before,during, and s ince the introduction of the revenue survey settlement:1

Thdna. Land Revenue Receip ts, -1878

G OVERNMENT.

1 This statement is supplied by Mr. Harrison, Deputy Superintendent of Survey.

Konkan ]

THANA .

As far as information is available , dur ing the thirty- four yearsending 1879 -80, population has increased from to

o r 63 72 per cent houses from to or per cent

carts from to or 33 09 per cent ploughs from to

or 24 26 per cent ; and wells from to or 18 6

per cent live - sto ck returns show a fall fr om to or

88 7 per cent . The land revenue co llections have risen fromto (Rs . - Rs . or 2 per cent the

tillage area has spread from acres in 1868-69 to

acres in 1879 - 80 or per cent nine municipalities, elevendispensaries, and 150 schoo ls have been e stablished . The Barodarailway runs north and south for about 100 miles along the coast .The Peninsula railway crosses twenty- six miles o f country, and thendividing has a length of forty miles along its south- eastern and of

forty- two miles along its north- eastern branch. The two main trunk

roads through'

the Tal and Bo r passes were in use before the beginning of this per iod .Beside s them several of the small Sahyadripasseshave been opened for traffic, and in difierent parts of the district,about 230 mile s of road have been made and are kept in repair .

The fo llowing statement shows these results in tabular formThdna D evelopment, 1846 -1880.

v r.Srocx.

Increase per ce ntDecrease per cent

SECTION V .—SEASON REPORTS.

The fo llowing is a summary of the chief available facts regardingthe state of the distr ict dur ing the last thirty yearsDur ing the early part of the rains of 1851, the rain was so

heavy and incessant that embankments were destroyed and the cropsnear creeks and rivers were injured o r lost. Many of the sweet andsalt r ice fields were left waste , and in those that were re - sown thecrops were not so good as usual. During the latter par t of the season

no rain fell and the late r ice , and r ice in dry or salt lands failed .

The land revenue for co llection ro se from to

(Rs .- Rs . £ 2080 (Rs . were remitted,

and £ 1491 (Rs. left Outstanding .

The season of 1852 - 53 was tolerably favourable, though in partsof the district, some land was left waste for Want of rice plants,and, in others, lo ss was caused by delayed planting, and nearrivers by floods and blight . Unusually high spring tides in Apriland May damaged some of the salt rice lands .

'

The land revenuefor collection rose from to £ 106 350

_(Rs.

SeasonReports.

1851-52;

Season Reports.

1857-58.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS.

Rs . £ 2157 (Rs . were remitted, and £ 1204

(Rs . left outstanding.

In 1853 -54 a failure of the latter rains greatly damaged thecrops, and the breach of embankments by spring tides caused seriouslo ss. The land revenue for co llection fell from to

(Rs .- Rs. £ 1504 (Rs . were remitted,

and £ 1904 (Rs . left outstanding.

The rains of 1854-55 were favourable . All classes agreed thatthe harvest was the best for seven or eight years. In Kolvanand sai the late rain harmed the crops, and in Bassein the saltrice crops were partially injured by grubs ; everywhere else the

yield was abundant. A hurricane on the let November causedgreat damage in some of the co ast villages . The land revenuefor collection fell from to (Rs . ,920R s. (Rs . were remitted, and £ 1848

(Rs . left outstanding. Rice rupee prices averaged thirty:four pounds .

In 1855-56 the rainfall was very scanty. The monsoon beganfavourably but after the middle of July it suddenly stopped, or

at best fell scantily, causing much injury to the crops. Nearlyone- s ixth of the area prepared fo r tillage was thrown waste and

much young rice ready for planting was left to wither . In the

beginning of September rain again began to fall plentifully and

continued till the end o f the month . In spite of this s easonablefall considerable remissions were necessary . As is usualin irregular seasons the health of the distr ict was greatlyaffected . Fever was prevalent especially in the sub-divisions of

Thana and Kalyan. Cholera broke out here and there, and thoughit did not spread, it caused considerable lo ss of life . The landrevenue for collection fell from to (Rs .

Rs . £ 3010 (Rs . were remitted, and £ 2016

(Rs . left outstanding . Rice rupee prices rose from thirtyfour to thir ty-three pounds .

1

The season of 1856- 57 was favourable for all kinds of

produce . The land revenue for co llection rose from to

(Rs . Rs . £ 1590_(Rs . were

remitted, and £ 1658 (Rs. left outstanding. Rice rupee pricesrose from thirty- three to thirty pounds .

The rainfall in 1857- 58 was plentiful, except in

Bassein. The land revenue for co llection rose from to

(Rs .- R s . £ 1381 (Rs . were

remitted, and £ 23 18 (Rs . left outstanding. Rice rupee

prices rose from thirty to twenty- seven pounds .In 1858-59 the early rainwas not favourable but the late rains

were abundant and seasonable. The land revenue for collection rose

1 In this year some advance was made -in makin roads . Rs . 20 a mile were

sanctioned for the repair of roads and the removal of o staples. The south branch ofthe

'

Peninsula railway was carried fromKalyan to Khopoh (Kam 011) andwas opened

i or trafi c in the beginning of 1856. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 19 of 856, part 3, 1010.

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Season Reports.

1866-67

1867-68.

1868 -69

1869 -7 0 .

1870 -71.

1871- 72 .

18724 8.

1873 -74.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

The season of 1866-67 was, on the whole, favourable, though!

thefall of rain, “3 72 inches, was rather heavy in the beginning andscanty towards the close . Rice and some o ther crops sufferedslightly on account of this irregular ity ; yet the outturn was

,on

the whole, satisfactory . Public health was good. The land revenue

for co llection fell from £ 141,066 to (Rs .

Rs . £ 1948 (Rs . were remitted, and £ 136

(Rs ; 1360) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices fell from nine toeleven pounds .

In 1867-68 the rainfall of 110 49 inches was favourable,and

public health generally good. The land revenue for co llection ro se

from to (Rs .- Rs . £ 270

(Rs . 2 700) were remitted, and £ 120 (Rs . 1200) le ft outstanding.

Rice rupee prices fell from eleven to twelve pounds .

In 1868-69 the rainfall of 103 53 inches was hardly sufficient. Thecrops were fair and public health generally go od . The land revenue

for c o llection fell from to (Rs .

Rs . £ 1416 (Rs . were remitted, and £ 210

(Rs . 2100) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices fell from twelve tothirteen pounds .

In 1869 - 70 the rainfall of 100 70 inches was favourable and the

crops flourishing . Cholera prevailed in part of the district duringmo st of the season. The tillage area ro se from to

acres and the land revenue for co llection from to

(RS Rs . £ 112 (Rs . 1120) were remitted, and£ 143 (Rs . 1430) left outstanding . Rice rupee prices ro se from

thirteen to twe lve pounds .

In1870- 71the rainfall of incheswas seasonable andsufficient.There were several cases of cholera

,but the disease was never general.

The tillage area fe ll from to acres, while the

land revenue rose from to (Rs .

Rs . £ 72 (Rs . 720) were remitted, and £ 134 (Rs . 1340)left outstanding. Rice rupee prices fell from twelve to fifteen and

a.half pounds .In 1871- 72 the rainfall of inches was unseasonable and the

crops were below the average. Public health was generally go od .

The tillage area again fell from to acres , whilethe land

‘

revenue ro se from to (Rs .

R s . £ 122 (Rs . 1220) were remitted, and £ 3 14 (Rs . 3 140)left outstanding . Rice rupee prices rose from fifteen and a half tothirteenand a half pounds .

In 1872- 73 the rainfall of inches was copious and seasonable.

Public health was generally good . The tillage area rose from

968 462 to acres and the land revenue from

to (Rs . £ 96 (Rs . 960) were

remitted, and £ 319 (Rs . left outstanding . Rice rupee prices

fell from thirteen and a.half to fourteen pounds .

In1873 - 74the rainfall of inches,though sufficient, was inmost

s ub-divisions unseasonable. The rice harvest suffered slightly, butthe yield of cartandndglz

’

was satisfactory. Fever prevailed slightly in

Konkan ]

THANA.

some sub-divisions, but on the who le public health was go od . The

tillage area rose from to acres, and the land revenuefrom to (Rs. Rs . £ 134

(Rs . 1340) were remitted, and £ 101 (Rs . 1010) left outstanding.

Rice rupee prices fell from fourteen to fifteen and a half pounds.

In 1874- 75 there was an unusually heavy rainfall of inches.

Though generally more than sufficient for field work it wasunseasonable in a few sub -divisions and excessive in others . The

yield on the whole was satisfactory . Public health was good .

Fever prevailed s lightly and cattle -disease raged over a lmost all thedistrict. The tillage area ro se from 971,9 l5 to acres whilethe land revenue fell from to (Rs.

Rs . £ 73 (Rs . 730) were remitted, and £ 100 (Rs. 1000)left outstanding . Rice rupee prices remained unchanged at fifteenand a half pounds .

In 1875- 76 the rainfall of 118 51 inches was abundant and the

harvest was good. Cholera prevailed throughout the dis tr ict andfever in a few sub-divisions . There was a good deal of cattle -dis

The tillage area ro se from to acres but

the land revenue fell fr om to (Rs .

Rs . £ 111 (Rs . 1110) were remitted, and £ 45 (Rs . 450)left outstanding. Rice rupee prices rose from fifteen and a half tofifteen pounds .In 1876-77 the rainfall o f inches was short and untimely.

Owing to the failure of the late rains the c rops suffered and a

s carcity of water was feared. In Dahanu and Mahim, the rainfallwas about two - thirds of the average . In Murbad and Kalyan itwas about equal to the average, and in Karjat it was greater .

Public health was not good. Cho lera raged in mo st o f the

sub-divisions during the rains, small-pox in some, and cattle diseasein four sub -divisions. The tillage area ro sefrom to

,190

acres, and the land revenue from to (Rs .

Rs . £ 188 .(Rs. 1880) were remitted, and £ 163(Rs . 1630) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices rose from fifteen tothirt een pounds .

In 1877- 78 the rainfall of inches was both scanty and

unseasonable . It was especially unfavourable in the coast sub-divisions o f Dahanu and Mahim where the crops suffered seriously, and,particularly in Mahim, much land bordering on the sea remainedwaste . The crops in the V663 ,

Shahapur , Murbad, and Bhiwndisub-divisions suffered ; but in the remaining sub- divisions they werefair . Public health was not good. Cho lera prevailed throughoutthe district ; small-pox in three and cattle-disease insix sub -divisions .

The tillage area rose from to acres , and the landrevenue from to (Rs . Rs . 320)£ 27 (Rs . 270) were remitted, and £ 278 (Rs . 2780) left outstanding.

Rice rupee prices ro se from thirteen to twelve and a half pounds .

In spite of a rainfall o f 14486 inches the season of 1878- 79 wasnot unfavourable, especially for rice. A too long continuance of rain,and in some parts the appearance of locusts were the only dr awbacks

Season Reports .

1875 -76.

1876 ’ 770

1877-78.

1878-79x

1879-80.

1880-81.

Statistics .

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

to what would have been an excellent harvest. The district was onthewhole

!

more fle e fromcho lera and small-poxthanin the yearbefore .

The tillage area fell from to acres, and the landrevenue from to (Rs . Rs .

£16 (Rs. 160) were remitted, and £ 29 7 (Rs . 29 70) left outstanding .

Rice rupee prices rose from twelve and a half to eleven and a halfpounds .

In 1879 -80 the rainfall of inches was an average one, butit fell unfavourably. A break in July delayed field work and wasfollowed by excessive rain in August and a somewhat short falllater on. The rice especially ear ly and salt- land rice sufferedconsiderably. But the inferior crops of naigh

'

and s ari, whichafford the staple food, were good. N0 great change occurred in theprices of cereals . Rice and twr fell very slightly and wheat rose . The

prices of labour remained stationary. A few

,trifling advances

or purchase of'

seed and cattle were made to the poorer classes.The seasonwas not healthy. There was some cholera and small-pox,but fever was very prevalent. The tillage area rose from 1

to acres, and the land revenue for collection fell fromto (Rs . Rs . £ 21 (Rs . 210)

were remitted, and £ 38"

(Rs. 380) left outstanding . Rice rupee

prices fell from eleven and a half to twelve and a half pounds.In 1880-81 the rainfall of inches was rather uns easonable .

The crops in all the sub-divisions but two suffered slightly, and

in Dahanu about one-third of the rice was lost. n li and s ari

were good. The prices of cereals fell considerably ; and wagesremained unchanged. A few trifling advances were made to the

poorer clas ses for the purchase of seed and cattle. The season wasnot healthy. There was a little cholera and small-pox and muchfever . The tillage area ro se from to acres, but

the land revenue for co llection fell from to

(Rs . Rs. £ 18 (Rs. 180) were remitted, and

£ 74 (Rs . 740) left outstanding. Rice rupee prices fell from twelveand a half to fifteen and a half pounds .The following statement shows in tabular form the availableearly statistics of rainfa ll, prices , tillage, and land revenue duringthe thirty years ending 1880-81 :1

d /na/ Revenue Statistics , 1851

From the earl AdministrationReports . The price figures are for ThAna town, andare the averages of t

She prices of the twelve calendarmonthsbeginmnflm th January 1855.

They are taken from a return forwarded by the Deputy Collector to r .A .Cumma,

under No . 1926 of 9th November 1878. As noticed at page 314 the difl'

erent price

returns vary so greatly that they cannot be consideredmore than estimates.

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Chapter IX.

Justice.

North Konkan,1817.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

C H A PT E R 1X .

J U S T IC E

IN1 1774, on the conquest o f Silsette, Karanja, Hog Island, andElephanta, a resident and factors were appointed for Sélsetteand Karanja, and a res ident for Hog Island and Elephanta . TheG overnment provided that the residents or chiefs should inve stigateall except capital offences and misdemeanours, through the meanso f two sens ible and respectable men of each caste who were to beselected and appo inted for the purpo se .

’ Disputes regardingpropertywere to be decided by arbitration. The arrangement continued till1799, when an officer styled Judge and Magistrate with civil

,

cr iminal, and police jurisdiction was appo inted in place of theres idents and factors .

”3 The Judge had under him judicial oflicers

styled native commissioners .

3 In 1803 the jurisdiction of the

Judge and Magistrate of Thana was extended to Bankot and itsdependencies .

‘ In 1817, on the overthrow of the Peshwa, the

districts of Be lapur, Atgaon, and Kalyan, and all territor ies to thenorth as far as the Daman river, lying between the Sahyadris and

the sea, were annexed to the zillah court of salsette who se title waschanged into the zillah court of the Northern Konkan. The lawsand regulations established for the administration of justice in

Surat, Broach, and Kaira were declared to be in force in the districtof the Northern Konkan .

5 In 1818 the office of dis trict Magistratewas transferred from the distr ict Judge to the Collector . In 1819

the jurisdiction of the Judge of the North Konkan was extendedsouth as far as the Apta river .

° In 1830, when thr ee northern

sub-divisions of Ratnagiri were placed under the contro l of the

Thana district Judge, Ratnagiri was for purposes of civil and

criminal justice, reduced to a detached station o f the Thana districtwith a senior assistant and sessions judge . Ratnagiri remained a

detached station under Thana till 1869 .

In 1828, the earliest year for which records are available , of 8032cases filed 7910 were original and 122 were appeals . Of 8032 cases,

6399 original suits and fifty appeals were disposed of, leaving at the

end of the year 1583 cases undecided . The total value of the suitsdecided was (Rs . or an average of £ 4 128 . (Rs.

1 An account of the Portuguese administration of justice is given above, page 459.

2 Reg. III. of 1799 section 3 , and Reg. V. of 1799-

section 2 .

3 The designation native commissioner was abohshed by Act XXIV . of 1836.“

In

its stead three grades were appointed, rincipal sadar amin, sadar amin,and munsif.

4 Reg. III. of 1803 sec. 2 .5 Reg. 1. of 1817 sec. 2.

6 Reg.111. of 1819 sec. 9.

Konkan ]

THANA .

In 1850 there were ten civil courts and 5694 suits disposed of,the average duration of each suit being one month and twenty-five

days. Ten years later (1860) the number of courts remained thesame, but the number of suits fell to 5574 and the average durationro se to two months and five days . In 1870 the number of courtswas reduced to nine, the number of suits had risen to 8399 , and theaver age duration to three months and e ighteen days. At present

excluding the first class subordinate judge of Nasik, whoexercises special jurisdiction above £ 500 (Rs . there are eightjudge s . Of these the District Judge is the chief with original civiljurisdiction in cases inwhich G overnment or G overnment servantsare parties and with power to hear appeals, except in cases valuedabove £ 500 (Rs . 5000) when the appeal lies direct to the High Court .The as sistant judge tries original cases below £ 1000 (Rs . and

hear s such appeals as are transferred to him by the District Judge .

There are six second class subordinate judges , who have power totry original cases of not more than £ 500 (Rs . They are

s tationed at Thana,Kaly

’

an, Bhiwndi, Murbad, Panvel , and Basseinand Dahanu . The Bassein and Dahanu subordinate judge holds hiscourt fo r six months from November till January and from Junetill August at Bassein, and fo r five months from February till Apriland in September and October at Dahanu. The subordinate judgeshave an average charge of about 700 square miles withpeople .

The average distance of the Thana subordinate judge’

s court fromits six furthest villages is fifteen miles of the Kalyan court thirtyfour mile s ; of the Murbad cour t twenty miles of the Panvel cour ttwenty-six miles ; and of the Bassein and Dahanu courts, thirty-twomiles in Bassein and forty in Dahanu.

Exclusive of suits decided by the first class subordinate judgeof Nasikwho exercises special jurisdiction in cases valued at more than£ 500 (Rs . the average numberof cases decided during the twelveyears ending 1881 is 7166. Exceptin1873when therewas a considerableincrease, the number of suits has of

late years fallen from 8399 in 1870to 573 7 in 1880 . In 1881 therewas an increase to 7152 . Of thewho le number of decisions duringthe twelve years ending 1881,

TOW 359 92per cent have, on an average , beengiven against the defendant in his

absence .During the first five years the proportion of cases

decided in the defendant’s absence fell gradually fromin 1870 to in 1874. It rose slightly (441 ) in 1875 and has

s ince, except in 1880 when there was a slight rise, continued tofall to 347 in 1881. Of contested cases per cent during the

twelve years ending 1881, have been decided for the defendant, theproportion varying from 19 in 1874 and 1877 to 11 in 1878 and

Thdm M artaDecrees , 1870-1881.

Chapter IX.

Justice.

Civil Courts,1850 l880.

Chapter 1X.

Jusfice.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

1879 . In 191 or per cent of the suits decided in 1881 thedecree was executed by putting the plaintifi in possession of theimmovable property claimed. This class of cases fell from 189 outo f 8399 in 1870 to 182 out o f 5276 in 1878. In 1879 it ro se to 269out of 5893 and fell to 191 out of 7152 in 1881.

In 208 1per cent of the 1881 decis ions decrees for money duewere executed by the attachment or sale of property. Of these

per cent were by the sale of movable property and

per cent by the sale of inimovable property . Compared with 1870the 1881 returns showa fall in the attachments or sales of movableproper ty from 1760 to 823 and from 1626 to 666 in the attachmentsor sales of immovable property . The number of decreesexecuted by the arre st of debto rs during the twelve years ending1881 has fallen from 619 in 1870 to 187 in 1881. The followingtable shows that during the same twelve years (1870 - 1881) thenumber of civil prisoners, with a s light rise in 1873 and again in.

1877, fell from 168 in 1870 to 66 in 1878. It ro se to 82 in 1879

and 89 in 1880, and in 1881 again fell to 75

e fo llowing statement shows the working of the district civilcourts during the twelve years ending 1881

Com m .

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chapter

[Bombay Gazetteer ,DISTRICTS .

mamlatdars or mahalkaris , is 385 square miles with a population ofIn 1881 these magistrates decided 5869 original criminal

cases. At Kurla there is at present an honorary magistrate withthird class powers .

To decide petty cases of assault and other minor offences, 2108village headmen, under section 14 of the Bombay V illage PoliceAct

, have power to confine offenders for twenty-four hours in theV illage lock-up. The average yearly emo luments of these village

tl

ggi

zt

zptes in cash, land, and palm-trees amount to about £ 2 88 .

s .

The rugged nature of the country and the wild character of theSahyadri Kolis have made the district of Thana liable to outburstsof daco ity and gang robbery. For about twenty years after thebeginning of Bri tish rule (1818 - 1840) security of life and propertywas imperfectly established. Since 1840 there have been three

periods marked by an excessive number of gang robberies, Raghoji‘

Bhangria’

s disturbances b etween 1844 and 1848 Honia Naik’s

beween 1874 and 1876 and vasudev Phad-ke’s between 1877 and

1879 . Bes ides these dis turbances caused by gangs of hill robbers,

there has been an unruly element along the sea coast, the remainsof the old pirates against whom the coast was formerly pro tectedby lines of small forts. These pirate raids on coas t villages

'

weremost numerous between 1829 and 1837.

At the beginning of British rule the hill Ko lis and Ramo shis of

Thana, Ahmadnagar, and Nasik, led by Devbarav Dalvi, KondéjiNaik, Umaji Nails , Bhargaji Naik, and Ramj‘i Kirva, caused such

mischief and terror, that a reward of £ 3 (Rs . 30) was offered for thecapture of every armed man and of £ 10 (Rs . 100) for the capture of

every leader .

1 The Co llector!pr

opose

dto grant Ramp Kirva a

sum as blackmail to ensure sedom from Ko li raids, but theproposal was not approved .

2 In 1820 Devbarav appeared at the

head of a band of armed men in Panvel, and sent round a smallbundle of hay and charcoal in token that he meant to burn and

lay waste the country. He was bo ld enough to send a parcel ofhis symbo ls to the mamlatdar

’s o ffice . The mamlatdar at once

sent out a body of armed peons who divided into parties . Aftersearching the woods for a day and a night, one of the parti es came

across Devbarav and his gang, and in the scofiie Devbarav was shotand his body brought to Thana . During the six years ending 1825,the number of gang robberies varied from 147 in 1824 to thirty

- two

in 1821 and averaged e ighty. The number of persons implicatedvaried from 1094 in 1825 to 132 in 1820, and the number of personsarrested varied from 112 in 1821to twenty-eight in In 1827

1 Inward Register'

153 . In 1820 the reward for the capture of a leading

robber was raised to (Rs. Collector to G overnment, 2oth June 1820.2 Mr. W . B. Muloek

’s Extracts from Thana Records .

8 Outward Register 451. In 1820 there were 47 robberies, 132 robbers, and

41arrests in 1821, 32 robberies , 193 robbers , and 112 arrests m 1822, 76 robberies,733 robbers , and 73 arrests ; in 1823 , 81 robberies, 807

.

robbers , and 72 arrests ; in

1824, 147 robberies , 204 robbers, and 80 arrests ; and m 1825, 100 robberies, 1094airesfirobbery, and 28

Konkan]

THANA .

a band of Ramo shis, who then infested the Purandhar hills in Poona,under one Umaji, cro ssed the Sahyadris with horses, tents, and

300 men,and camped at the foo t of Prabel hill about twe lve miles

east of Panvel. From Prabal they sent a proclamation, callingon the people to pay their rents to them no t to Government, and

distributing bundles of straw, charcoal, and fuel in sign of the

ruin which would fo llow if rents were not paid to them .1 On the

loth of December a gang of about 200 men, armed with fir e -arms

and other offensive weapons, attacked the Murbad treasury, beatand wounded the guard, and carried off between £ 1200 and £ 1300

(Rs .—Rs . of treasure.

2 In 1828 and 1829 dis turbanceswere still mo re general . The Ahmadnagar Ko lis, who heard thatthe demands of the Purandhar Ramo shis were granted, formed intolarge bands, and coming down the Sahyadri passes, caused muchlo s s and suffer ing in Thana. These Ko li disturbances have beennoticed in the History Chapter . CaptainMackintosh was appo intedto put down the disorders, and after very severe labour wassuccessful in 1834. Even after these gangs were suppressed , so

unsettled were the rugged inland tracts, that in 1836 the people ofNasrapur were afraid to roof their houses with tiles or to show anys igns of being well- to - do.

3

Besides from hill robbers Thana suffered at this time from raidso f sea robbers . At Shirgaon in Mahim, on the night o f the 9 th

March 1829, a gang of seventy-five to a hundred men, armed withc lubs and swords, landed from a boat and plundered the p a

’

til’s

house . On their way back they were met by the police , and afterwounding two constables, made good their escape .

4 In 1834-3 5 in

Uran and Salsette in fourteen robberies one person was killed,

fourteen were wounded, and property valued at £ 2238 (Rs .

was carried oif . In 1836 four robberies, two by landmen and twoby seamen, were committed by gangs of more than thirty men. The

coast robbe rs landed from boats and entered villages in disguise .

They sent out spies to discover the most profitable hous es to attack,

and carried out their plans with such skill and vigilance that theygenerally succeeded in making off in their boats before the policecould arrive . In 183 7 three raids were made on coast villages bygangs of about twenty-five pirates , Cutchis , Kho jas from Bombay,and some Thana Kolis .

5 In 1839 there were no inroads of largegangs of hill robber s, but numbers of small bands committed as

many as ten robberies a month .

6

1 The proclamation ran : Knowallmen that we Rajeshri Umaj i Naik andBhargaj iNaik from our camp at the fort of Purandhar do hereby give notice in the yearSureann Suma 4 81mmMaa

'

yatain Va. alaf 1827 to all Patils, Mhars , and others of

the villages of Ratnagiri in South Konkan and Salsette in North Konkan, that theyare not to pay any port ion of the revenue to the British G overnment, and that anyinstance of disobedience to this mandate shall be punished by fire and sword. A11revenues are to be paid to us . This proclamation is sent to you that you may makeand keep a copy of it and act according to it without any demurring on pain of

having your village razed to the ground. G iven under our hand this 25th December2 Magistrate to G overnment, 519 of 15th December 1827.

3 Second As sistant Collector, 26th June 1836.

4 Collector’s Letter, loth March 1829 .

5 Magistrate’s Report, 13thNovr. 1837.

9 Magistrate’s Report, 4th April 1839 .

Gang Robberies,1827 1834.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

In 18441 began the diso rders, of which Ra ho 1 Bhan'

a wasthe head. There was an increase in the numbeg0 gang gibberieswhile the detections and recover ies of sto len propertywere extremelysmall . Much valuable merchandise, especially opium, pas sed alongthe Agra road, and the wild nature of the country and the

nelghbourhood of the Jawhar and Dharampur territories madedetection and punishment difficult and uncommon. The roadfrom Bhiwndi to the foo t o f the Tal pass was infested by organ

ized

gangs of as many as two hundred robbers, with a proportion ofwell-mounted horsemen. In December 1843 three opium robberieswere committed, and opium to the value of (Rs .

was carried off . In the beginning of January 1844 there were twomore opium robberies one o f eight the other of forty- three chests.Cloth-dealers and o ther merchants were plundered, officers ’ baggagewas cut off, and the po st was stopped. No travellers were allowedto pass without a permit from the robbers and the road-side villageswere deserted. Even in Bhiwndi, where there was a detachmentof the Native Veteran Battalion, the terror was so great that thepeople shut themselves in their houses . The cotton and Op

iumcarriers who were camped in the town were attacked and the trpopshad to be called out . In January 1844 the police along the Agraroad were strengthened, and fifty of the Poona Irregular Horsewere placed temporar ily at the disposal of the District Magistrate toprotect the traffic.

2 The leading spirit among the freebooters was aKo li named Raghoji Bhangria, the son of a robber chief who hadonce been an ofiicer in the police . In October 1843, at the headof a large gang, Raghoji came down the Sahyadris and committedseveral robberies . The hill police acted against him with greatvigour, and though Raghoji e scaped, many of his leading men werecaught and the strength of his gang was much reduced . In 1845Réghoji again appeared burning villages in Panvel, and spread the

greatest terror by killing two village headmen who were known tohave helped the police . A reward of £ 400 (Rs . 4000) was offere

dfor Raghoji

’s ar rest, and a specia l party of police under Captain

G iberne was detached in their pursuit. So active and unceasmgwere the efforts of the po lice , that, before the year

'

was over, four ofhis leading men Javji Naik, Padu Nirmal, Lakshman I

’ilaj i Bande,and Bapu Bhangria were captured. Raghoji Bhangria, the headof the insurrection, alone remained

,at large, and in spite of all

efforts he continued uncaptured till January 1848. At the clo se ofDecember 1847, the late General G ell, then lieutenant and adjutantof the Ghat Light Infantry, heard that Réghop had left the hills andwas making for Pandharpur , the great Deccan place of worship.

Mr. Gell started with a party of his men, and, after marchingeighty-two miles in thirty- two hours, reached Kad-Kumbe about

1 Th'

onut is com iled from a letter from the commandant of the detachmento f the

l

l‘ltt‘ive Veteraa attalion, Bhiwndi, 5th Janu 1844 ; e l Surgeon of

Nasik to Collector of ThAna, 18th January 1844 ; Mr. an dson to Commandant

23 rd Regt. N. I. , 2oth January 1844 ;1

0

51

4n4lmandant, N. V.B 2oth January 1844 ;

D '

dson’s Re rt, 2oth February

p

M; d rnment Lg

o

tters No. 194 of 23rd January 1844, and No. 291of 30th January1844.

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[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

property valued at £ 607 (Rs . At midnight the daco its cameto the village of Palaspe, wounded three men

, and took awayproperty valued at £ 6000 (R s . On the return of the gangto the Deccan, Major Daniell pur sued it, killed several men amongthem, the leader Daulata, and recovered the greater portion of the

property taken from Palaspe .

‘

The fo rtunate disper sion of thisband of robbers and the loss of their chief prevented the repetition_of any robbery on so large a scale. vasudev Phadke

’s attempts

to o rganize an insurrection were unable to make head against theactivity of the po lice in Po ona and Satara, and the r isk of anys erious outbreak ceased with the brilliant pursuit and capture o

vasudev by Major Daniell in July 1879 .

Of minor forms of gang robbery, the commonest are waylayingand robbing travellers, and housebreaking which is seldomaccompanied

‘

by vio lence . The practice of poisoning travellers bysweetmeats mixed with thorn-apple, dhotra, Datura hummatu, andthen robbing is not uncommon. Cases of assaulting creditorsand burning their houses sometimes occur, but they are unusual.Except some settlements of Kathkaris, who are much given to pettyp ilfering , there are no criminal class es ; nor is there any crime towhich the upper classes are specially addicted . Drunkenness wasuntil lately one of the chief causes of crime . The wild characterof most of the district and the neighbourho od of the Portugue seterritory of Daman, and of the state s of Jawbar and Dharampur,are the chief special difficulties in the way of bringing offenders to

justice .

In 1880, the total strength of the district or regular police forcewas 842 . This included the District Superintendent, twosubordinate officers , 150 infer ior o fficers , and 689 fo ot constables.The cost of maintaining this force was, for the Superintendent ayearly salary o f £ 780 (Rs . 7800) for the two subordinate oflicers

year ly salaries of not less than £ 120 (Rs . and for the 150inferior subordinate officers yearly salaries of less than £ 120

(Rs . a to tal yearly co st of £ 3832 8s . (Rs . the 689 foot .

constables co st altogether a yearly sum o f £ 6680 168 . (Rs .

r epresenting a yearly average salary to each constable of £ 9 143 .

(Rs.-Besides his pay, a total sum of £ 241 163 . (Rs . 2418)

was yearly granted for the horse and travelling allowance of the

Superintendent £ 219 43 . (Rs . 2192) for the pay and allowance of

his establishment ; and £ 63 7 23 . (Rs . 63 71) for contingencies and

o ther petty charges . Thus the total yearly cost of maintaining the

po lice force amounted in 1880 to 63 . (Rs . On an

area of 4242 square miles and a population of these figuresive one man for about every five miles and about 1000 people.

The co st of the force is £ 2 6d . (Rs . 29 -4) the square mile, or alittle over 35d. (2 as . 4 p ies ) a head of the p opulation. Exclusweo f the Superintendent, 3 58 were provided with fire-arms and 483

with swords or swords and batons . Besides the Super intendent,111

,fifty

-one of them oflicers and sixty constables, could read and

Write .

The Superintendent was an European and the rest were natives

Konkan ]

THANA.

of India . Of these one officer and one man were Christians ;thirteen officers and thirty men Musalmans eleven officers andseventeen men Brahmans ; eighty-four oflicer s and 469 menMarathas three officers and forty men Ko lis thirty- seven officersand 117 men Hindus of other c astes one officer was a Parsi andtwo constables were Jews and one was a Rajput.The following statement, fo r the seven years ending 1880, shows

a to tal of 120 murder s, thirty- eight culpable homicides, 189 cases

of grievous hurt, 460 daco ities and robberies, and o therofiences . The number of murders var ied from twenty-one in 1879to twelve in 1880, and averaged sixteen culpable homicides variedfrom one in 1874 to nine in and averaged about five cases

of grievous hurt var ied from twenty- one in 1876 to thirty- four in1879 , and averaged - twenty - seven dac o ities and robberies variedfrom twenty-five in 1875 to 145 in 1879, and averaged sixty -five ;and o ther ofiences var ied from 3265 in 1880 to 6834 in 1879 ,and averaged 5499 . Of the whole number of persons ar restedthe convictions varied from 32 09 in 1876 to 543 in 1874, andaveraged 39 1. The percentage of stolen property recovered variedfrom 2 11 in 1876 to 451 in 1875, and averaged 36 9 . Thefollowing a re the details

TMna Crime and Police, 1874-1880.

OFFENCES AND CONVICTIONS.

DAcorrms ANDRonnnmns .

OFFENCES AND CONVICTIONS—cominued.

Yum .

Chapter IX.

Justice.Police;

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

Corresponding details are available for the five years ending 1849Thcina Crime, 7845 -1849 .

During the five years ending 1849 , of a population of or

about th irty - eight per cent les s than in 1880, murders var ied fromfo urteen to twenty- six and averaged twenty- one homicide s variedfrom one to eight and averaged four ; grievous hurts varied fromtwenty - seven to seventy- six and averaged forty

- eight and robberiesvaried from seventy

—six to 201 and averaged 13 0 arsons variedfrom eight to thirty - one and averagedtwenty - two and miscellaneousoffences varied from 7147 to and averaged 8617 . The

percentage of convictions on the number of arrests varied fromto 383 0 and averaged 32 2 9 . The returns of the recovery of

property alleged to be sto len are incomplete ; they are shown as

varying from 7 18 per cent in 1845 to 172 5 per cent in 1848.

A compar ison o f the two statements shows that the amount of

crime in the five year s ending 1849 was comparatively larger than inthe seven years ending 1880. In the five years ending 1849 there

was a year ly average of 8843 cr imes, or , on the basis of the 1846

census,one crime to every sixty- three inhabitants . In the s even

years ending 1880, there was an average of 5614 cr ime s a year, or,

according to the 1881 census, one crime to every 161 inhabitants .

A compar ison of the yearly average of daco ities and robberiesduring these periods shows a fall from 130 in the first to sixty- six

in the second period.

Bes ides the lock-ups at each mamlatdar s office, there is a centraljail at Thana . The number of convicts in the Thana jail on the

3 1st December 1880 was 650, o f which 5 70 were males and eighty .

females . Of these 210 males and twenty- seven females weresentenced for a term not exceeding one year 224 males and thirtyfemales were for terms above one year and not more than five

years ; and thirty- one males and nine females were for terms of

between five and ten years . Eighteen males and four females werelife prisoners, and eighty- seven males and ten females were undersentences of transportation. The convicts are employed in-doorsin weaving cotton clo th and carpets and in wood and metal work.

Out of do or s they are employed in road-making, gardening, andquarrying . The daily average number of sick in the jail wasamong males, and four among females . The number of deaths duringthe year was four from fever and twenty-nine from bowel complaints .

There was no cholera during the year. In 1880 diet co st £ 2060 4s.(Rs . or an average of £ 2 168 . (Rs . 28) to each prisoner .

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Chapter X.

Revenue andFinance.

Excise .

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

S tamp receipts have risen from £ 2411 to (Rs.

Rs . and stamp expenditure has fallen from £ 751

(Rs . 7510) in 1819 -20 to £ 436 (Rs . 4360) in 1879 - 80.

Excise receipts have r isen from £ 3867 to (Rs .

Rs . and excise expenditure from £ 502 to £ 1841 (Rs . 5020

Rs . From very early times the coast districts of Thanaseem to have had a lavish supply of palm- liquor . An inscriptiono f the second century after Christ mentions the grant of

cocoa -

palms in the village of Nargol (Nanagol) one mile north of

Umbargaon, and in the fourteenth century the European travellerJo rdanus (1320) notices the abundance and strength of the palmliquor and the drunkenness of the people . In sals ette the

Po rtuguese levied bud-dene,1a duty for leave to draw the juice of

the palm they farmed the right o f selling palm and make spiritsand they charged the Bhandaris a still- tax for the right of

distilling and selling spirits in their houses . The Marathas, contraryto their usual practice , seem not to have forbidden the use of liquor ,but to have levied a tree cess, a still cess, and a tavern cess . On

the acquisition of salsette in 1774, the British G overnment continuedthe levy of the bud-dene on brab and date palms, but farmed theexcise cess on the manufacture and sale of palm- spirit, combining itwith the farm of the manufacture and sale of moha spirits . Thiscombinedmonopoly raised the revenue but the changewas unpopularbo th with the Bhandaris and with G overnment. The spirit was notso pure as

‘it used to be, and much more of it was drunk . In 1808

G overnment introduced the Bengal still system,under wh ich the

Bhandaris or distillers paid a fixed still rate under a licenseentitling the ho lder bo th to distil and sell palm- spirit . This systemwas continued till 1816, but without good results . In 1816-17 the

Central o r Sadar Distillery system was introduced. In certainsuitable places a space was walled round, and the Bhandaris wereallowed to

'

set up stills, paying a duty in Sélsette of 6d. (4 as .)on every gallon of spirits removed . This system was completelysuccessful in preventing the illicit distilhng and sale of spirits , andin bringing the use o f liquor under control ; but financially the

result was unsatisfactory . During the nine years ending 1825 -26

the excise revenue of salsette fell from £ 7600 to £ 4071

(Rs .- Rs. The cause of this fall in revenue was

the heavy cost of the staff, as each distillery had its superintendentand es tablishment, invo lving an expense, which in the opinion of

G overnment, overbalanced the advantages of greater regularity inco llecting the duty and of complete control . In o ther parts of thedistrict where liquor -making was uncontro lled, except by a lightdirect tax, drunkenness was universal. In 1826 (30th September)Mr . Simson, the Co llector, was so impressed with the hard drinking

1 Bud-dens is the cess levied as assessment to land revenue on toddy-

producingtrees. It was a tree tax or tree rent, and gave the payer the sole right to the tree,

fruit, l eaves , _and juice .

2 The details are 1817-18 Rs . 1818-19 , Rs . 1819 -20, Rs .

1820 -21, Rs . 1821-22 , Rs. ; 1822-23 , Rs. 1823 -24, Rs . 5

1824-25, Rs . and 1825-26, -Rs. Bom. Gov. MS. Sel. 160, p. 358.

Konkan ]

THANA .

or gross intoxication which pervaded the North Konkan, that hepropo sed to G overnment that all brab - trees not required for a

moderate supply of.

liquor should be cut down.

In 1827, under Regulation XXI. the salsette central distillerieswere handed over to a farmer and in the other coast divisions , tocheck the excessive use of liquor , a new cess of (8 as.) a gallonon spirits was impo sed and the right of co llecting it was farmed.

The Bhandaris resisted the levy by a general strike . The measurewas withdrawn, and from 1829 the Bhandaris were required to selllicensed spirits at a fixed price to the farmer, who alone was allowedto retail. In salsette , Bassein, and Mahim the farmer sublet hisfarm and the sub- farmer allowed the Bhandaris to distil intheir own houses and sell whatever they chose . So long as the

Bhandari paid he was free to manufacture and sell as much as he

could . In Sanjan the farmer dealt directly with the Bhandariaor Talvadis

,and taxed them at 43 . to 68 . (Rs .2 - Rs .3 ) according to

the number of trees they undertook to tap . This tax was knownas the tapping-knife or autbanoli cess .

1 The payment of the tax

entitled the palm - tapper or talvddi to set up a still and open a

shop. A special duty was impo sed o f 13 . (8 as .) a gallon on all spiritsbrought within or sent beyond the limits of any farm, and leviedaccording to agreement either by Government or by the farmer.In 1833 Mr . G iberne, the Collector, reported to Government that

in Bassein the farming system had failed, the Bhandaris assaultedand harassed the farmer ’s agents and set fire to hiswarehouses. H e

recommended that cer tain concessions should be made in the

Bhandaris’ favour . H e advised that in Sanjan the tapping -knifesystem should be recognised, and suggested that it should be

worked by direct v ernment agency. G overnment “

recognisedthe tapping-knife cess in Sanjan, but left .

it to be co llected bythe farmer . They approved of the grant of concessions to theBasseinBhandaris

,directed the Collector to fix the price atwh ich the

Bhandaris should sell to the farmer ; permitted the free finport

of spir its inland from the coast allowed th e Bhandaris to sell to thefarmer of ano ther division, if the local farmer declined to take theirstock; forbade the distilling ofmoha

’

where palm- spiritjwas made and

drunk affirmed the farmer’s r ight to make sure that the distillerso ld him all the spir it he distilled, and required the number and

situation of the shops in a farm to be fixed. No twithstanding theseconcessions, the Bassein Bhandaris continued unruly and

discontented, and complaints were heard from other parts of the

district . Mr . Simson, the Collector , and his assistant Mr. Daviesexamined the Bhandaris’ complaints and urged G overnment to doaway with the farming system in all parts of the distr icts wherepalm- spirit was used, to levy a conso lidated tree tax which wouldinclude both the old stem cess and the excise or tapping cess, and to

1Aat means a tool. It is used of the chief tool in husbandry, either the plough r

the' nce , according to the style of t illage. In liquor matters it is the heavy broad.

bladed tapping-knife.

Chapter X

Excise.

Finance.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

issue licenses to individual Bhandaris . On this report Governmentord ered that farming should be discontinued at

'

the end of the

terms for which the existing farms were granted ; that the RevenueCommissioners should draft rules legalising the levy of a tree taxfixed at a maximum o f 63 . (Rs . 3 ) a tree ; and that

,pending the

passing of such an A ct, the Collector should contro l the

manufacture and sale of spirits under the provisions of RegulationXXI. of 1827. The Collector arranged that the Bhandaris shouldmake spirits on their own account under the superintendence ,

oi a

farmer of excise ; that they should retail spirits within the farmlimits on the payment to the farmer of an excise duty of 6d. (4 as .)a gallon of spirit or l id. (1 anna ) a gallon of raw palm- juice ; thatthey should sell spirits to the farmer without payment of excise ;and that they should pay G overnment a yearly tree cess of 4s .

(Rs . Though they differed cons iderably from those contemplatedby Government, and though the Bassein distillers alone agreed to

them, G overnment sanctioned these proposals . Theywere introducedin 1836-3 7, and are the or igin of the tapping or excise ces s nowlevied on all tapped palm trees .

In 1837, to place the excise system on a better foo ting,G overnment a po inted a committee consisting of Mr . G iberne as

President and s eer s . Davies, Y oung, and Davidson as members .

Towards the close of the year the committee reported that theywere unable to propose any improvement on the farming system ;

they recommended that farming should be continued, that thenumber of shops should be restricted, that in certain places the

making and selling of other than local spirits should be forbidden,that the number o f Bhandaris allowed to work s tills should belimited, and that the free use of unfermented palm-juice shouldbe allowed on paying the bud-dens cess . The committee alsorecommended that the newarrangements introdued into Bassein in

1836-87 should not be interfered with, as they had brought peaceand order into what had been one of the most troublesome parts of

the district. G overnment approved of the report, but the proposalswere not carried o ut as the Imperial Government contemplatedlegislation. In 1844, owing to the peculiarities of the country and

the temper of its people, G overnment sanctioned the continuanceof the system introduced into Bassein in 1836-87, though theyagreed with the Collector in condemning its principle and oppo sedits extension to other parts of the district. In 1845-46 and 1846-47,at the urgent re nest o f the Co llector, the Sanjan tapping-knife taxwas brought un er direct G overnment management, but_in 1847-48the tax was again farmed.

Act III.of 1852 legalised the levy of a tapping cess, andGovernmentdirected the Revenue Commissioners to frame rules for the guidanceof Co llectors in managing the excise revenue. The Commissionerssubmitted a report which is known as the bkari Joint ReportNo . 6 of 1852, and in 1855 supplemented it by a second report,No . 2 of 6th January 1855 . The Commis sioners disapproved of the

tapping-knife system, and advocated the universal adoption of

farming. They proposed to forbid the distilling of spirits above a

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Chapter X.

Revenue andance.

Excise.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

to land revenue . Except in a fewcases, inwhich an extra or tappingcess was likewise levied, the payment of this tree- cess under certainconditions entitled the payers to draw and distil palm- juice withoutany further charge . The details of the arrangement varied greatlyin different parts of the district . InPanvel the monopoly of the retailsale of palm and o ther country liquor was yearly so ld by auction.

The payers of the bud -dens cess were not allowed to distil, only tosell the p alm- juice to the farmer who enjoyed the exclus ive righto f distilling. In Uran the bud-dene cess was paid by the personwho held the dis tilling monopo ly, and

,as the survey occupants

had refused to pay the bud-dens cess which in 1868 was fixed bythe survey department on the palm trees in their holdings,themonopolist employed his own servants to tap the trees . In salsette,under a system introduced by Government Reso lution 3550 of 14th

October 1863, the monopoly of the retail sale of palm- juice and o thercountry liquor was year ly sold by auction, and it was only to the

monopo lists that the payers of the bud-dens and tapping cesses couldsell palm- juice . Payers of the bud-dens cess were allowed to draw,

distil, and sell to the monopolist on payment of an additional ortapping cess at the rate of 4s . 301. (Rs . 2 - 2 -0) on each brab-

palm, 3 3 .

2 361. (Rs . 2 -10 -6) on each cocoa epalm, and ls . 0%d . (8 as . 6 p ics) _ou

.

each date -

palm . No tapping license was granted for fewer thanfifteen, and no supplementary license for fewer than five trees. In

Bassein and Agashi the bud-dens cess was compounded with an

excise cess varying from 23 . 4gd. to 23 . 2id . (Re . l - 2 -11- Re . 1-1- 6)on each co coa and brab palm, and 8gd. (5 as . 9 p ies) on each

date -

palm . Any one paying the compound rates for not less thanfifteen trees could, on passing a stamped agreement, distil thepalm - juice and open a shop in his own village for its sale . In the

saivan, Kaman,andManikpur divisions ofBassein, and over the wholeof Mahim,

the monopoly of the retail sale of palm and o ther countryliquor was yearly sold by auction, and the payers of the bud-dene

cess were allowed to draw, distil, and sell only to themonopo list. In

the Umbargaon division of Dahanu any landho lder o r any person

owning trees enough to represent a tree - cess of £ 1 (Rs . or

any o ther person willing to pay £ 1 (Rs . could on paying a

further sum of 23 . (Re . 1) get a license to distil and sell liquorwithin the limits of his village . Persons who were unwilling to takeout a distilling license could tap the trees and sell the juice to the

holders of a distilling license, but not to o thers . In o ther parts of

Dahanu no distilling and selling license was given for less thans ixteen brab-

palms assessed at 45d. and 6d. (3 4 or for

less than twenty- six brab -

palms assessed at 3d. (2 as) , or for lessthan fifty-one date -palms

, provided that the total assessment in each

case was not less than £ 1 (Rs . To make up the requiredminimum number of date trees, brab-trees were added, one brabbeing counted equal to three date trees if assessed at 45d. and

6d. (3 4 or equal to two date trees if assessed at 3d. (2Any man could tap a cocoa-

palm growing on his land, and distilthe juice on paying a fee of 4s. 3d. (Rs . 2-2) on each tree and

(Re .1-1) for the license. Co coa-

palms on unoccupied landswere putto auction, and in addition to the sum bid at auction, the above rates

Konkan }

THANA.

were levied . In the inland sub-divisions of Kalyan, Bhiwndi,Karjat, vada, and Shahapur , there are fewpalm trees, and most ofthe l iquor drunk is made from moha . The right to distil and retailmoha liquor in certain tracts or groups of, villages was yearly so ldby auction. A tree - cess was levied on all palms tapped for liquorin this part of the district, but the payer was forbidden to sell theproduce to any one but the liquor -farmer .

The only special excise staff was in Salsette for co llecting thetapping cess and preventing illicit tapping . This establishment,Which was maintained at a yearly co st of £ 406 (Rs .included one inspector, nine sub- inspectors, and eleven peons . The

result of this system was unsatisfactory . It was impo ssible to

supervise the countless stills thatwere atwork allo ver the district, andthe abundance of spirit and the lowness of the excise made liquor so

cheap that drunkenness was universal . In addition to these evils a

marked increase of smuggling fo llowed the enhanced excise rateswhich were introduced into the Town and Island of Bombay in 1874.

The work of introducing a new excise system was entrusted to Mr.

C. B. Pritchard, O.S .,the Commissioner of Customs . Mr . Pritchard’s

recommendations were embodied in Act V . of 1878, and the newsystemwas introduced from the lst of January 1879 . The mixedinterests of the landho lders and the Bhandaris , and the dislike of theconsumers to a system which increased the price of liquor , made thecarrying out of the des ired reforms a task of much difficulty. But the

energy, untiring efiorts , and determinedwill ofMessr s .A . C . Jervoise ,C . S ., and W . B. Mulock, C. S

: ,the Co llectors of Thana, have

enabled the Commissioner of A bkari to place the system on . a

sound and permanent footing.

l

The main. principles of the reform were, (1) to confine the

manufacture of moha spir it to central distilleries and to collect theexcise revenue by a still-head duty fixed according to the alcoholics trength of the liquor ; and, (2) to introduce a tree tax on all tappedpalm trees and to regulate the palm tax in places where palm

' juicewas distilled so as to correspond with the still-head duty on moha

and equalis e the price of the two liquors . The next step was toseparate the excis e cess from the bud-dam cess, and to strip thebud-dens cess of the pr ivilege of tapping, distilling, and sale . Thiswas efiected by fixing in addition to the old bud-dene cess a distinctexcise tax on each tree tapped. As a tempo rary measure, and pendingthe introduction of a general rate of taxation afte r the enforcementof the Anglo

-Po rtuguese treaty of 1879 , the new excise tax was

graduated on a scale falling from a highest r ate in sub-divisionsnear Bombay to a lowest rate near the Portuguese settlement ofDaman.

In 1882, except in the Umbargaon petty division where it was(Rs . the still-head duty on every gallon of moha. liquor of 25

°

under proof was fixed at 3 3 . 6d. (Rs . It) The following statementgives the 1882 83 rates of the excise cess on palm trees

1 Commissioner’s.Report 1321, 25th March 1881.

Chapter X

Excise.

Chapter X.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

Sun-Divis ion.

The chief remaining provisions of the new system were : (1) Thedividing o f the district into three ranges, the north- coast range

including Bassein, Mahim,and Dahanu,

the south coast range

including Salsette and Panvel, and the inland range includingShahapur, Véda, Murbad, Bhiwndi, Kalyau, and Karjat. Each

range was placed under an European inspector with a staff of subinspectors and excise po lice ; the buying of all r ights underwhich landh o lders were free from the payment of excise taxation

and the leas ing for £ 3200 (Rs . a year of the excise rightsof the Jawhar state .

1

In 1878- 79 the right to retail palm and other country liquor inSailsette and Panvel was farmed. The farmer was requir ed to

bring all the mafia liquor he required from the Uran distilleriesand pay the still-head duty in addition to the amount of his farm, and

to buy his palm- juice from licensed tappers, who were forbidden tosell the produce to any one but the farmer . The Bhandaris stronglyoppo sed the increased tree-cess, and, in 1878- 79

,no palm trees were

tapped in Bassein and very f ew in Mahim and Dahanu. The fewBhandaris who took out tapping licenses inMahim and Dahanu, wereallowed to distil . The Dahanu tapper s were also allowed to open

palm and other country spirit shops,while the Mahim tappers wererequired to sell all their produce to the liquor farmer. The liquorcontracts were given separately for each sub -division, and thefarmers were allowed to make and sell moha spirit on paying the

regular still-head duty.

In the six remaining inland sub-divisions, where there are fewpalm trees, the distilling of palm- juice was stopped, but any person

wishing to tap was given a license on paying the tree—tax . Thelicense entitled the tapper to sell palm-juice in its raw state. In

1878- 79 the right to retail moha. spirit was farmed for threeyears , the farmer being forced to bring all the liquor from the Urandistilleries under passes granted by a supervisor straight to a centrals tore at Kalyan. The inspector in charge of the Kalyan store keptan account of the liquor received and distributed.

In 1879 -80 a single farm system was introduced for Bassein,Mahim, and Dahanu, and in 1880-81for Salsette and Panvel. Underthis system the two groups of sub-divisions were farmed together,the farmer guaranteeing a certain minimum payment for the year forthe tree -tax on trees to be tapped, for still-head duty on moha.

liquor to be so ld by him, and for the privilege of opening shops and

1 G overnment Resolution 1771 of 6th May 1880.

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Justice.

Forests .

Custom .

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

Previous to 1880- 81 licenses for the sale of intoxicating drugs,'

bhdng gdng'

a. and mdj am,in shops or groups of shops were sold by

auction and the sums obtained were small. A newsystem has beenintroduced since the l st of January 1881, and rules have beenpassed for regulating the manufacture, sale, and transport of

these drugs .1 The result of the greater secur ity against illicit sale

and consumption which the licensed retailers enjoy under theserules thanwhen the trafficwas free is shewn by the rise in the averageyearly receipts from £ 192 (Rs . 1920) during the ten years ending1881- 82 to £ 452 108. (Rs . 4525) in 1882-83. Most of the drugscome from Ahmadnagar to Panvel, and are there shipped to o therparts of the Presidency.

Lawand justice rece ipts, chiefly fines, have risen from £ 1127 to£ 3560 (Rs . Rs. and charges from to

(Rs . Rs . The rise in the expenditureis due to an increase in the pay of officers and establishment.Forest receipts have risen from nothing to (Rs.

and charges from £ 45 to £ 8474 (Rs. 450 to_Rs . A

s tatement of the yearly receipts and charges for the tenyears ending1879 -80 is given above at page 3 7.

The following table shows, exclusive of official salaries, the amountrealised from the different assessed taxes levied between 1860-61

and 1879 -80 . The variety of rates and incidence prevent anysatisfactory comparison of results

c imt Assessed Tamas , 1860 1880.

1867-68

1868-69

Customs and opium receipts have fallen from to £ 1041

(Rs .- Rs. This is due to the abolition of

transit duties, the reduction of customs duties, and the creation of

new de artments to which the cus toms and opium revenues are

credits The large expenditure in 1819 -20 represents the paymentsmade to landho lders on account of h ereditary land and sea-customsallowances, which have s ince been commuted. The Opium revenuehas risen from £ 860 (Rs . 8600) in 1879 -80 to £ 1930 (Rs .

in 1882-83 . This increase is due to the system introduced in1880-81, under which holders of licenses to sell opium are requiredto purchase monthly from Government a certain minimum quantityof opium.

1 Government Resolution No . 442 1, datedsth August 1880.

Konkan]

THANA.

Details of the salt revenue have been given in the Trade Chapter .

According to the Thana returns salt receipts have risen from £ 211

to (Rs . 2110 Rs. but the revenue fromThana salt is very much greater than the amount shown in the

balance sheet. In 1880 -81it amounted to (Rs .

The reason why so small an amount is credited to salt in the Thanaaccounts is, that the greater part of the payments are made direct atthe Salt Co llector’ s office in Bombay . On the basis of ten poundso f salt a head, at 43 . (Rs . 2) the Bengal man, the revenue demandfrom the salt consumed in the district may be estimated at about

(Rs .

The public works receipts are chiefly derived from tolls levied onProvincial roads .In 1879 -80 military receipts amounted to £ 571 (Rs . and

charges, chiefly pension payments, to £ 3468 (Rs .

In 1879 -80 mint receipts amounted to £ 154 (Rs. and

charges to £ 1585 (Rs .In 1879 - 80 post receipts amounted to £ 4165 (Rs . and

post charges to £ 2502 (Rs .

In 1879 -80 telegraph receipts amounted to £ 15 (Rs . and

telegraph charges to £ 135 (Rs .

In 1879 -80 registration receipts amounted to £ 1265 (Rs .

and registration charges to £ 945 (Rs .

In 1879 -80 education receipts including local funds amounted to£ 6940 (R s . and education charges to £ 83 17 (Rs .

In 1879 -80 police receipts amounted to £ 1097 (Rs . and

po lice charges to (Rs.In 1879 - 80medical receipts amounted to £ 1 (Rs . and medical

charges to £ 3 993 (Rs . a

In 1879 -80 jail receipts amounted to £ 1240 (Rs . and jailcharges to £ 7250 (Rs.Transfer receipts have risen from to (Rs .

Rs . and transfer charges from to

(Rs. Rs. The increased revenue is due to

receipts on account of local funds, to remittances from o thertreasuries, and to Savings Banks deposits . The increased charges

are due to a large surplus balance remitted to other treasur ies, to theexpenditure on account of local funds, and to the repayment of

deposits.In the fo llowing balance sheets the figures shown in black type on

both sides of the 1879 - 80 balance sheet are book adjustments . On

the rece ipt s ide the item of (Rs . represents theadditional revenue the district would yield, had none of its landbeen alienated. On the debit side the items of £ 2062 (Rs .

under land revenue and £ 69 (Rs . 690) under police are the rentalsof the lands granted for service to village headmen and watchmen.

The item of (Rs . shown under allowances and

assignments, represents the rental of lands granted to hereditaryo fficerswhose services have beendispensed with, and of religious andcharitable land-

grants . Cash allowances to village and districto fficers who render service are treated as actual charges and debitedto land revenue.

Chapter X.

Revenue andance.

Public Works.

Military. 5

Telegraph.

Registration.

Education

Police.

Medicine.

Transfer.

Balance Sheets,1820 and 1880.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS

Rscnrrrs. Cs saess.

Head. Head.

Forests ForestsAs sessed Taxes

Customs and OpiumPublicWoriis

Total

” W ar Itsms .

Local FundsLocal Funds

Revenue oth er than Imp erial.

140 0313111155 The district local funds, which since 1863 have been collected topr omo te rural educat ion and supply roads, water , drains, rest-houses,and dispensaries, amounted in 1879—80 to (R s . and

the expenditure to (Rs .This revenue i s drawn

from three sources, a special cess of one- sixteenth in addition to theland tax, the proceeds of certain subordinate local funds, and

some miscellaneous items of revenue. The special land cess, of

which two - thirds are set apart as a road fund and the rest as aScho ol fund, yielded in 1879 -80 a revenue of £ 9298 (Rs.Smaller heads, including a ferry fund, a cattle -

pound fund, atravellers’ bungalow fund, and a school fee fund yielded £ 6368(Rs. Government and private subscripti ons amounted to£ 4099 (Rs . and miscellaneous receipts, including certainitems of land revenue, to £ 1398 (Rs .

Thi s revenue is

administered by committees partly of ofiicial and partly of privatemembers . Besides the district committee consisting of the

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Municipalities.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

instead of a managing committee. In 1879 - 80 the total municipalrevenue amounted to £ 783 1 (Rs . Of this £ 1978 (Rs . 19 ,780)were recovered from octroi dues, £ 1740 (Rs . from house tax,£ 2324 (Rs . from tolls andwheel taxes, £ 715 (Rs . 7150) fromassessed taxes, and £ 1074 (Rs . frommiscellaneous sources .

The following statement gives for each of the municipalities thereceipts , charges, and incidence of taxation during the year endingthe Slst of March 1880

Thana Municip alDetails, 1879 -80.

Rncnirrs.

Octroi.

Kurla

Total

CHARGES .

NAnn. Works .

Health .

Panvel

Konkan ]

C H A PT E R X I .

IN S T R U C T IO N .

IN 1879 -80 there were 154 G overnment schools or an averageof one schoo l for every fourteen inhabited villages, alienated as well.as G overnment, with 7842 names on the ro lls and an average

attendance of 5560 pupils or 6 31per cent of the populationbetween six and fourteen years of age .

Excluding superintendence char es the expenditure on theseschools amounted in 1879 -80 to £ 6106 (Rs . of which £ 2593(Rs. were debited to G overnment and £ 3513 (Rs. to

local and other funds.

In 1879 -80, under the Director of Public Instruction and the

Educational Inspector, Central Division, the education of the districtwas conducted by a local staff 291 strong, consisting of a deputye ducational inspector with a yearly salary of £ 210 (Rs . andmasters and assistant-masters of schools with yearly salariesranging from £ 150 (Rs . 1500) to £ 7 43 . (Rs .

Of the 154 G overnment schoo ls, 117 taught Marathi, fourG ujarati, seven Urdu, and one Portuguese . In thirteen of the

s cho o ls Marathi and Gujarati were taught, in four Marath i and

Urdu,and in two Marathi and Portuguese . In two of the six

remaining schools instruction was given in English Marathi and

Sanskrit, in three in English andMarathi, and in one in English andPortuguese. Of the 117 Marathi schoo ls six were exclusively forgirls .

Besides these G overnment schools, there were four primary schoolsinspected by the educational department, of which one is attached tothe jail and a second to the police head-quarters . There were no

private schools aided by Government.Before G overnment took the education of the district under their

care every large village had a scho ol . These schools were generallytaught by Brahmans and attended by boys under twelve years of age .

Since the introduction of state education these local private scho olshave suffered greatly. Still it is the feeling among husbandmen andtraders that the chief obj ects of schooling are to teach boys the fluentreading and writing of the current or Mach: Maratha hand and

ar ithmetic. These subjects they think are better taught in privateschools than in Government schools, and for this reason in largevillages and country towns several private schoo ls continued to

compete successfully with Government schools till within the lastyear or two when the Government schools began to give more

Schools.

Instruction.

Private Schools.

Private Schools .

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

attention to the teaching o f Modi or Marathi writing. In 1879 -80

there were s ixty- three of these private schoo ls with an attendance ofabout 109 5 pupils . The teacher ’s education is limited, but they teachthe alphabet, the multiplication table , and some of the simplerrules of arithmetic with skill and success . The masters are

mo stly Brahmans .

1 In many cases they are men who have failed toget G overnment or o ther employment. They have no fixed feesand depend on what the parents or g uardians

-

of their pupilsare inclined to pay. In addition to the fees they levy smallfortnightly contributions and receive occas ional presents . The

entrance fee, which is offered to the teacher in the name of Sarasvatithe goddess of learning, varies from 3d . (2 as .) for a poor boy to2 3 . (Re . 1) fo r the son of well- to - do parents. Wh en a boy has

finished his first or uj alml course and is taught to write on paper,the teacher gets from 1501. to (anna l - Re . On the last dayof each half of the Hindu month, that is on every full-mo on or

Pa rnima and every new-moon or Amci/vcisya , the master gets fromall except the poorest pupils, a quarter to a full shefr o f r iceaccording as the boy

’s parents are rich or poor . Such of the parents

as are well disposed to the teacher or are satisfied with their boys’

progress, give the master a turban or a pair of waistcloths on the

o ccasion of the pupil’s thread- ceremony or marr iage . A ltogether the

income of the teacher of a private school varies from about £ 3 to £ 7(Rs . 30 Rs . 70) a year . Boys of six to eight are taught reckoningtables or aj a lat

’

. They are then made to trace letters on a sandedboard or to write them on a black board with a reed pen dipped inwet chalk. The pupils seldom learn to wr ite well, but mentalarithmetic is taught to perfection and the method of teaching the

tables has been adopted in G overnment scho o ls . The boys go to

the ir teacher’ s house in the morning and evening. As his houseis often small the pupils are grouped in the veranda where theywork their sums and shout their tables . The po sition of the teacheras a Brahman, and the religious element in some of their teaching,help them in their competitionwith the secular state schools . The

course of study in these private schools is so on finished. Most ofthe boys leave before they are twelve .

The following figures show the increased means for learning to

read and wr ite offered by G overnment to the people during the lastfifty- three year s . The first G overnment vernacular school wasopened at Bassein in 1827, and the second three year s after at

Kalyan . Five years later a school was established at Thana, and

in the fo llowing thirteen years two scho ols wer e added one at

Panvel and the other at Mahim . Thus in 1850 there were only five

G overnment schools in the district . The first English schoo l wasopened at Thana in 1851. Within about four years ten newschoolswere opened at different places, raising the number to sixteen. In

1857- 58 the number o f schools had risen to twenty- seven with 1588

names on the rolls . By 1870 the number of schoo ls had risen to

123 , and the number of pupils to 702 7. The attendance was

1 Of the sixty -three village schoolmasters in 1879 -80 twenty-two were Brahmans,elevenwere Marathas, fifteenwere other Hindus, and fifteen were Musalmans.

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[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

Of 7479, the total number of boys in Government schools at

the end of March 1880, 1715 were Brahmans, 594 Prabhus,twenty-three Lingayats, twenty-six Jains, 599 vanis and Bhatias;1611 Kunbis, 781 Artisans (Sonars, Dollars, Sutars, Khatris, and

Shim is), 147 Labourers and Servants (Parits and Ehnis) , 400Misce laneous (Bhats, Vanjar is, and Bharviids), 770 Musalmans ,308 Parsis, one Indo -European, 428 Native Chris tians, forty—eightJews, and twenty-eight aboriginal tribes . Though boys of the

depressed classes , such as Chambhars and Mhars, do not attendthe regular schools, in some towns and villages special schools havebeen opened for them and have proved successful. Of 363 , thetotal number of girls on the ro lls of the six schoo ls in 1879 -80

,

318 were Hindus, two were Musalmans , and forty-three wereentered as Others.’

The following tables, prepared from special returns furnished bythe Education Department, showin detail the number of schools andpupils with their cos t to G overnment

Vernacular

Vernacular

Konkan ]

THANA.

THA'NA SCHOOL RETURN, 1856-66. 1866-86 AND 1879 -80—continued.

Cos'r rim Perm.

8 s. d

Vernacular

1 19 4

Total

Rncmr'rs .

Government. Municipalities .

Ou ss.

Total

firearms—continued.

Private.Cu es.

Exrm mmr.

Cu es.

Vernacular

1855 1880.

Town Schools ,

[Bombay Gazetteer ,DISTRICTS.

TEA 'NA SCHOOL RETURN, 1856-56, 1866-06, AND 1879-80—continued.

Cosr to

Total

A comparison of the present (1879 -80) provision for teaching thedis trict town and village population gives the following results. Inthe town of Thana, there were in 1879 - 80 six schools with 661names on the ro lls and an average attendance of 473 pupils. Ofthese six

'

schools, one was a high school, two were Marathi, oneUrdu, one Anglo -Portuguese, and one a girls

’school. The average

yearly cost of each pupil in the high schoo l was £ 2 123 . (Rs. 26) inthe other schools it varied from 13 3 . (Rs . to £ 1 ls. (Rs . lot) .In addition to the six G overnment schools,_ there were seven privateschools, one with 162 boys on the roll. Of these private schools onewas an Anglo -vernacular school teaching to the fifth standard whichhas since been closed, four were Marathi schools, one an Urdu school

,

and one a G ujarati scho ol. In 1879 -80, in the town ofKalyan therewere five Government schools with 451 names on the roll, and an

average attendance of 339 pupils . Of these schoo ls one was a firstgrade Anglo -vernacular school, one an Urdu school, one a Marathischoo l, one a G ujarati school, and one a girls

’school . The average

yearly co st o f each boy in the English s chool was £ 4 13s. 11d.

(Rs . 46- 15 -6) and in the Urdu school 168 . 10d. (Rs . 8 In the

o ther schoo ls it varied from 118 . 701. to 17s. 8d. (Rs . 5-13 - Rs. 8

In the town of Bhiwndi there were three Government schools, twofor boys and one for girls .

“

The number of boys on the rollswas280, the average attendance 182, the average yearly cost for each

pupil in the boys’schoo l was 6d. (Rs. and in the girls

’

s chool 168 . 6d. (Rs . In the town of Panvel there were threeG overnment schools, a second grade Anglo-vernacular school, an

Urdu school, and a girls’school, with 271names on the rolls and an

average attendance of 197 . The average yearly cost for each pupilwas 168 . 601. (Rs. in the Anglo -vernacular school and in therest it varied from 58 . 6d. to l9a. 6d. (Rs. 2fi-Rs . In the

town of Mahim there were two Government schoo ls for boys with267 names on the ro lls and an average attendance of 186. The

average yearly . cost of each pupil was 4d. (Rs. 5 . In the

town of Bassein there were two Government schools, one of them a

second grade Anglo- vernacular school."

There were 232 names onthe ro lls, and

"

an average yearly cos t of 148 . 9d. (Rs . 7-6) in theEnglish school and 12s . 9d. (Rs. 6-6) in the Marathi school.

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[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

The Uran Native General Library was opened in 1865 the

people of the town. In 1879 -80 itwas maintained by a cont tionof £ 6 (Rs. 60) from the municipal fund . The library has 271 booksand subscribes to one English and two vernacular newspapers .The Native G eneral Library at Bhiwndi was started in 1865 bythe people of the town, and is maintained partly by monthlysubscriptions and partly from funds received from the municipality.

In 1879 -80 it subscribed to twelve newspapers, two of them Englishand ten vernacular . The subscribers were divided into two classes

,

those of the first class paying a monthly subscription o f Is . (8a s .) and tho se of the second paying 6d. (4 as) . In 1879 -80 therewere twenty- six subscribers and a revenue of £ 22 (Rs . 220) allof which was Spent. The Bhiwndi L ibrary contains 482 books,The Panvel Library was founded by the people of the town in1867. It is supported partly from subscriptions and partly from a

municipal grant . In 1879 -80 it had 216 books and took one

vernacular newspaper and two monthly magazines . There weretwelve subscribers, some paying 13 . 6d. (12 as.) a month, others 18.(8 and the rest 6d. (4 as) .

The Kelve -Mahim Reading-roomwas founded by the people of

Mahim in 1877, and is supported solely by the subscribers . In

1879 -80 it subscribed to four Marathi newspapers and to six

monthly magazines . The Shahapur Readingproom was opened in1876 and is maintained entirely by subscription. It takes fourvernacular newspapers . The yearly charges are about £ 3

’

(Rs . 30)Newspapers. There are four weekly Marathi newspapers in the district. The

Arunodaya or Dawn is of seventeen year s'standing. It is

published at Thana on Sundays, at a yearly subscription of 108.

(Rs. The Suryodaya or Sunrise is of s ixteen years’

standing.

It is published at Thana on Mondays, at a yearly subscription of

103 . (Rs . The Hindu Punch of eleven years’standing is

published at Thana on Thur sdays, at a yearly subscription of 4s .

(Rs . The Vasai Samachar or the Bassein News is of five years’

standing. It is published at Bassein on Sundays, at a yearlysubscription of

”

58. (Rs. 2g) .

Libraries.

KonkanJ

C H A PT E R X II

HEA LT H }

Tun lowlevel of the plains of the dis trict, its heavy rainfall, andthe large area of salt marsh, forests, and rice fields , make theclimate hot, damp, and feverish . The most feverish months are

October November and December, when, after the south-westmonsoon is over and under a powerful sun, decaying vegetablematter produces an atmosphere charged with fevers and throat andbowel affections .The chief disease is malarial fever complicated by enlarged spleen

and enlarged liver. Malarial bloodlessness and scurvy also largelyprevail and complicate nearly every disease that comes undertreatment. Many of the people of the district are under -fed andunder -clothed, and indulge freely, some of them excess ively, incountry liquor . This fondness for liquor is one of the causes of thepoor physique and meagre appearance of man of the lower classesm Thana. Syph ilis , gonorrhoea, and skin iseases are common.

Children suffer from intestinal worms, which are generally round,though the thread-worm is also common. Guineaworm is endemicand gives r ise to various affections of the cellular tissue which lastfor months . Epidemics of cholera used to be frequent. They stilloccasionally occur, but at least in the town of Thana, the introduction of purewater

‘

has diminished the virulence of the outbreaks.The chief causes of disease are impure air, scanty and impure

water, scanty and improper food, and scanty clo thing . As regardsfood, rice is

_often taken in excessively large quantities causing

chronic dyspepsia and swelling and weakening of the stomach . The

working in the fields without covering from the sun in the hot

months or with only a blanket or leaf- shade to ward off the rawdamp of the south-westmonsoon severely try the constitutions of the

Intermittent fevers of the daily-recurring or quotidian typethe prevailing afiections, the hospital returns showing a bout twentyfive per cent of fever cases .

9 Remittent fever is comparatively rare ;when it does occur it is complicated w

i

th jaundice and congestedliver or spleen. One of the most painful followers of malarial fevers

1 The details of diseases and epidemics have been conspiled from informationsupplied by Surgeon K. R . Kirtikar, Civil Surgeon of Thana.2 Of a total of admissions in 1879 0

and in1880, or 276 per centand or 26‘8 per centwere for malarial fevers.

Climate.

Diseases.

Dysentery.

Throat and

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

is hemicrania a pain on one side of the head which is not amenableto nerve- sedatives or to quinine .

‘Repeated attacks of malarial fevernot uncommonly produce intense bloodlessness or anaemia whichsometimes proves rapidly fatal. During the five years ending 1870the number of deaths returned from fever averaged 5393 . In 1871it ro se to or near ly four times the number in 1867. Duringthe ten years ending 1881 deaths from fever . averaged theto tal varying from in 1881 to in 1875 .

During 1879 there were and during1880 therewereadmiss ions for bowel affections . Of these 5151 in 1879 and 4834 in1880 were for diarrhoea. Among children many bowel diseases aredue to round worms, a disease from which grown men also largelysuffer. This affection seems to prevail chiefly among the poorerclasses who give their children crude molasses . Natives who can

afiord to use purified crystal sugar seldom suffer from round worms .

Apart from the irritation they cause to the whole intestinal canalthese worms indirectly cause congestion of the liver, jaundice, fever,and o ther affections . The disease is well treated by native practitioners who are generally successful in killing

“

the worm by usingsantonine .

Dysentery caused 2187 admissions in 1879 and 19 14 in 188& It

is doubtful whether these dysentery cases are no t the result of

aggravated diarrhoea rather than examples of the specific affectionWhich is technically known as dysentery.

Next in numerical importance c ome ski

n diseases, for which therewere 7136 admissions in 1879 and 7525 in 1880 . The chief skindiseases are scabies , eczema, and r ingworm. Nearly all skin diseasesin the Konkan are complicatedwith an eczematous condition showingthat the skin is deficient in nerve tone. Few of these skin diseasesare cured without constitutional treatment by iron, cod- liver oil, andnutritious diet.There were

'

6665 admis sions in 1879 and 6156 in 1880 for

affections of the breathing organs, chiefly bronchial catarrh and

bronchitis . Pneumonia is rare .

Liver and spleen diseases pure and simple are rare . As a rulethey are complications of malarial fevers. Heart disease

_

is rare:

A large number of men suffer from gonorrhoea and syphilis whichare often terribly neglected , Lepro sy and phthisis also prevail toabout an equal extent. The chief cause of affections of the cellulartissue is guineaworm which is endemic in the Konkan

.The

entrance of this worm into the body of man is the direct resulto f bathing or wa shing in -or wading through streamlets and pondscontaining its minute germs . The stagnant waters after the rains

are doubtless filled with the germs of these parasites and withcountless o ther earth-worms whose structure is closely like that ofthe guineaworm. The affections resulting from the existence of

this parasite under the skin, and from its sometimes marvellousjourneys from one part of the limb to another, are as troublesomeas they are destructive of the tissue they invade . It is hoped thatthe introduction of water-works in Thana, Alib

'

ag, and otherKonkan towns will reduce the number of cases of guineaworm.

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Cholera.

Small-Pox.

H ospitals andDispensaries

Thana .

[Bombay Gazetteer.

DISTRICTS .

was recorded in July and the smallest in December . In 1879 cholerabegan in April in Bassein and continued till the close of the year .In June it travelled through Dahanu and Sélsette, in Augustthrough Mahim,

Bhiwndi, Panvel, and the town of Thana. The

greatest number of deaths were in June and July and the least inApril and October. In 1880 it prevailed during the first four monthscausing seventy deaths, of which forty were registered in Februaryand four in March. In January, February and March the diseasewas confined to Karjat. It appeared in the town of Thana at theend of March and continued in April. In 1881 cho lera prevailedfrom April to November, the largest number of cases having beenregistered in August and the smallest in October and April. Thedisease began among the fishermen of Kelva Mahim in April andprevailed in Basse in from May to July, when also it appeared inBhiwndi and Kalyan. In August and September it prevailed inThana town and in Dhokati, Majevdeh, and Rabodi, villages to thenorth of Thana. A fewcases occurred in Thana jail. InNovember itprevailed in Kalyan. During the current year (1882 ) cho lera visitedSailsette and Panvel in January, Kalyan and Karjat in February,and Bhiwndi in March . In June it reappeared in Panvel andKarjat and a fewcases o ccurred at Murbad . It thus appears thatcho lera is almost never absent from the Thana district that nowand then it assumes an epidemic form and that the progress of theepidemic seems to depend on the frequency of human intercoursenot on neighbourho od.

Small-pox still prevails in the Konkan,but the epidemics are

rarer and less virulent than they used to be . In 1877 of

deaths from small-pox in the Bombay Presidency 1301 wereregis tered in Thana . The corresponding returns were in 1878

e ighty-one out of 4475 in 1879 five out of 1156 ; in 1880 five out

of 940 and in 1881 sixteen out of 539 .

From year to year the mortality returns show a marked variationin the ravages of disease . In the year 1873 the death rate in the

Thana districtwas per thousand though the year was elsewherehealthy in 1876 in the who le of the district it was 19 42 per

thousand and in 1877, 278 6 per thousand ; in 1878 it was 24 74 ;in 1879 , and in 1880, 202 2 . In the Sanitary Commissioner

’s

report for 1880 the mean annual mortality for the previous fourteenyears is given as 175 3 per thousand. The greatest mortalityis from fevers . This in 1879 was as much as and in 1880 as

much as per thousand. Dur ing the fourteen years ending1880 the deaths from fever averaged 12 74 per thousand.

In the year 1881, besides one civil ho spital at Thana there weretwelve dispensaries, seven being supported from local funds, fourfrom endowments , and one by Government. In 1881,

patients were treated, 566 of them ind oor and out-door .

The total amount spent in checking disease in the same year was£ 4728 (Rs . The following details are taken fr om the 1881

reportThe Thana civil ho spitalwas established in 1836. The commonest

diseases are ague , skin diseases, dysentery, and diarrh e a. The

Konkan ]

THANA .

number treated was 381 ln-door against 248, and 1989 out-doorpatients against 1692 in the previous year . Ten major operationswere performed, of which two proved fatal . The total cost was£ 623 128 . (Rs. 6236)The Sir Kavasj i Jehangir Bandra dispensary was established in

1851. The commonest diseases are malarial fevers , intestinal wo rms,bowel complaints, bronch itis, and rheumatic and skin affections . The

number of patients was including seven in-patients, agains tin 1880 ; 598 children were vaccinated with success . Nine

major operations were performed. The total cost was £ 488 28.

(Rs .

The Balvantrav Hari NaikBassein dispensary, established in 1872 ,though conveniently s ituated, is in bad repair . The prevailingdiseases are fevers , worms , rheumatic and respiratory affections, andskin diseases. Twenty- three in-door and out-door patientswere treated against forty and in the previous year . In

August fifteen cases of cho lera occurred with five deaths . The co s twas £ 536 63 . (Rs .

The Bhiwndi dispensary, established in 1866, is held in a hiredbuilding. The commonest diseases are malarial fevers, intestinalworms, and skin affections . 8451 out-door patients were treatedagainst 8755 in 1880 ; the cost was £ 442 103 . (Rs .

The Kelva Mahim dispensary, established in 1872 is convenientlylodged in a hired building in good repair . The chief diseases weremalar ial fevers, re spiratory affections, bowel complaints, and

skin diseases . The number treated, including thirty- seven in-doorpatients was 8077, and the cost £ 585 28 . (Rs .The Shahapur dispensary, established in 1877, has a building of

its own. The commonest diseases are malarial fevers, skin diseases ,respiratory and rheumatic affections, and diseases o f the stomachand bowels. Except two cases of cho lera no epidemic occurred.

The number treatedwas 7105 out-door and four in-door patients andthe cost £ 170 88 . (Rs .

The Panvel dispensary, established in 1873, is held in a hiredbuilding . The commonest diseases are malarial fevers, rheumatism,

bronchitis, intestinal worms and other bowel complaints. No

epidemic Occurred. Two major operations were performed . The

number treated was 63 75 out- door and thirty- three in-door patientsand the cost £ 109 108 . (Rs .

The Sakurbai Chinchni dispensary, called after Sakurbai the wifeof Mr. DinshawManekji Petit, was opened in 1878 . It has a building of its own. The commonest diseases are ague, respiratory andrheumatic affections, diseases of the ear, eye, stomach and bowels,and skin diseases . The number treated was 9 121 out-door andnineteen in-door patients and the cost £ 154 23 . (Rs.The Rustomj i Wadia dispensary at Thana was established in

1865. It has a building of its own. The commonest diseases are

malarial fevers, skin diseases, respiratory and rheumatic affections,bowel complaints and ophthalmia . 8516 out-door patients weretreated at a cost of £ 188 48 . (Rs.

Dispensaries.

Bassein.

Bhiwndi.

Kelva Mahim.

Panvel.

Chinchni.

Dispensaries .

Karla.

Matheran.

Infirmities.

Vaccination.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

The Rukmanibai dispensary, called after Lady Mangaldas

Nathubhai, at Kalyan, was established in 1865 by Sir Mangaldas

Nathubhai, C .S .I. It is a large handsome building of which

details are given in the account of Kalyan. Intestinal worms,fevers, re spiratory affections, and skin diseases are the most commonforms of disease . The number treated was 5474 out- door andfifty-nine in-door patients, and the cost £ 515 (Rs .

TheMithibai dispensary atKurla, called after Mithibai the motherof Mr. Bomanji Hormasji Wédia, was opened in 1855 . Malarialfevers, rheumatism, respiratory afiections , bowel complaints, skindiseases and injuries caused most admissions . The number treatedwas out-do or and three in-door patients against 7469 and

twenty respectively in 1880, and the cost £ 502 48 . (Rs .

The P . DeSouza dispensary at Uran,called after the wife of Mr .

M . Desouza, was established in 1859 . The prevailing diseases are

ague, rheumatism, respiratory affections , bowel complaints includingwo rms, diseases of the eye, ear, and skin

'

afiections. There was no

epidemic disease . Three major operations were performed withsuccess . 5322 out-door patients were treated at a cost of £ 340

(Rs .

The G overnment dispensary at Matheran was opened about 1856.

It is held in '

a part of the Superintendent’s o ffice . The commonest

diseases are intestinalwo rms, fevers, respiratory diseases, and skin

diseases . The number ofp atients was 3 74, and the co st £ 72 168 .

(Rs .

According to the 1881 census returns 319 7 (males 1787, females1410) persons o r per cent of the populationwere infirm. Of theto tal number 2881 (males 1594, females 1287) were Hindus 141

(males 83 , females 58) were Musalmans ; 111 were Christians and

64 came under the head of Others . Of 3 19 7, t he to tal number ofinfirm persons, 396 (males 244, females 152) or per centwere of

unsound mind ; 139 7 (males 635, females 762) or 43 6 per° cent wereblind 655 (males 39 3 , females 262) or per cent were deaf anddumb and 749 (males 515, females 234) or 23 4per centwere lepers .

The details areThana Infirms, 1881.

Hluous . Tou t .

Insane

Deaf andDumbLepers

In 1881-82, under the supervision l

of the Deputy Sanitary Commissioner Konkan Registration District, the work of vaccination wascarried on by s ixteen vaccinators with yearly salaries varying

.

from£ 16 163 . (Rs . 168) to £ 28 168 . (Rs . Of the operators thlrteenwere distributed over the rural parts of the district, two for each of.

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[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

Thana Births and Deaths , 1866 6 1881.

HealthFevers.

The unsettled character of a' large section of the population and

the difficulty of collecting accurate statistics render the figures in

the statement doubtful.

KonkauJ

O IIA PT E R X I I I

S UB- D IV IS IO N S .

Da’ha

’nu is in the extreme north of the district. It includes

the pet d ivis ion of Umbargaon and encloses the Jawbarstate . t is bounded on the north by Surat and on the eas tby Daman Mokhada and Jawhar, on the south by Jawbar and

Mahim, and on the west by the sea. Its area is 643 square miles,its population1 (1881) or 170 to the square mile, and its

(1880) land revenue (Rs .The whole of the 643 square miles are occupied by Government

villages . They wntain acres or 433 per cent of arableassessed land, acres or 29 2 per cent of arable unassessed,

acres or 104 per cent of unarable, and acres or

per cent o f village sites, roads,ponds, and river beds . Of the

arable acres 8624 are alienate land in Government villages . In

1880-81, of the remaining acres of arable Government land,or 26 7 per cent were under tillage .

“

The country is rolling and picturesque , mo st of the interiorbeing occupied by fo rest-clad hills in small detached ranges of

varying height. Towards the coast are broad flats, hardly above sealevel and seamed by tidal creeks .Though pleasant and equable, the climate of the coast villages is

feverish for two or three months after the rains, and, except in thehot weather, the interior is very unhealthy . During the ten yearsending 1881, there was an average rainfall of s ixty- three inches .

The sub-divis ion is watered by four chief str eams , the Damangangain the north, the Kalu in the east, the Surya in the south, and theVaruli in thewest. The supply ofwater is fair especially on the coast.In 1881-82 there were four river dams, 157 ponds, 685 wells eightwith and 677 without steps, and 217 rivers streams and springs .

Though the so il is said to be fit for garden tillage, garden crops

are not grown to any great extent. Rice is the chief crop, butmuchmichni is raised in the interior and the cas tor plant is common in thenorth .

In 1866-67, when the survey rates were introduced, 7853 holdingsor khoitds were recorded . In 1879 -80 there were 7582 ho ldingswith an average area of 223

90 acres and an average rental of

about £ 1 148. (Rs . If equally divided among the agriculturalpopulation, these holdings would re resent an allotment of 5,1,gacresat a yearly rent of 88 . 8M. (Rs . 4 If distributed among the

whole population of the sub-division, the share to each would amountto It acres, and the incidence of the land tax to 28 . 4d. (Re . 1-2

In 212 G overnment villages rates were fixed in 1863 -64 and

1866-67 for thirty years in the petty- division of Umbargaon and

l The revised population is about 700more than the.original total given

above at p . 2.

Chapter xm .

DAHANU.

Area.

Asp ect.

Climate.

Water.

Produce,

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

for twenty- seven years in the sub-division of Dahanu. Theoccupied acres , at average acre rates of 43d. (2 as . 11p s .) for drcrop, 7s . 11%d . (Rs . 3 -15-10) for garden land, and 105d . (Rs . 2 - 7)for rice, yielded 163 . (Rs . The remainingacres o f arable waste was rated at £ 439 (Rs . 4390) and alienations at£ 702 163 . (Rs . Deducting alienations £ 702 163 . (Rs .

and adding quit-rents £ 462 4629 ) and grass lands £ 26183 , (Rs . the total rental of the 212 villages amounted to

3312 8

1

79 143 . (Rs . The following statement gives the

etai s :

d dnu Rent Roll, 1879 -80.

Occurmp .

Total

Alienated

Total

1881 people owned 5678 carts,9803 ploughs,

oxen, 74 cows , 3390 buffaloes, 133 horses, and 729 7 sheep and

oats .gIn 1880 -81, of acres, the total area of tilled land,

o r 52 5 per cent were fallow. Of the“

remaining acres 2 139

were twice cropped . Of the acres under tillage , grain crops

o ccupied o r 83 5 per cent, of which were under ricebhatt Oryza sativa, under kodm Pa spalum scrobiculatum

,

under ndchm: or rdgi Eleusine coracana, 527 under chenna.

Panicum miliaceum,128 under wheat gahu Triticum aestivum,

and

57 under great millet jvdri Sorghumvulgare . Pulses occupied 8241acres or 101 per cent, of which 206 were under gram harbham

Cicer arietinum,2115 under cajan pea tur Cajanus indicus

,333

under green gram mug Phaseo lus radiatus 2217 under black gram

adid Phaseo lus mungo , 2 79 under peas vatdna. Pisum sativum, and

3091 under other pulses . Oilseeds occupied 3 780 acres or 4 8 per

cent, 433 o f which were under gingelly seed til Sesamum indicum,

and the rest under other Oilseeds . Fibres occupied 43 5 acres

o r 0 6 per cent, all o f them under ambddi Hibiscus cannabinus .

Miscellaneous crops occupied 317 acres or 0 4 per cent, 224 of them

under sugarcane us saccharum ofiicinarum, and the rest undervegetables and fruits .

The 1881 population returns show, that of peopleor per cent were Hindus, ,

1679 or l '53'

per cent Musalmans,13 91 or 12 7 per cent Parsis, and 100 or 0 09 per cent Christians .

The details of the -Hindu castes are 23 35 Brahmans 589 KayasthPrabhus, writer s 683 va ns, 587 Jains , 197 Lohanas , 15 ,

Tambolis,14 Bhatias, and 8 Lingayats , traders ; 9560 Kunbis , 915 Kamlis,303 Malis, 279 Vanjaris, 167 Agris, 118 Chokhars,

‘

7 Charans, 3

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fair. The Vaitarna rises in the Sahyadris and meets the easternboundary of the sub-division. It then runs north for about eight milesalong the border, and enters the sub -division after it is joined by theDeherja at Teneh . From Teneh it takes a sudden bend south-westfor eight miles till it is met by the Surya . Af ter its junction withthe Surya it runs south for about twelve miles

, and, thence westalong the border of the sub-division to

_

the sea . It is navigablefor good- sized native craft o f twenty-five tons (100 khandis ) toManor twenty-five miles from its mouth . In the bend of theVaitarna two ranges of forest- clad hills enclose a valley alongwhich runs a streamlet . There is a hot spr ing on the bank of thisstreamlet at Sativli, and ano ther near Saye on the bank of theVaitarna not far from Mano r . In 1881- 82 there were 2 70 ponds,1284 wells ninewith and 12 75 without steps , and 154 rivers streamsand springs .

The so il varies from red to black and sandy black. The staplecrop is r ice . The area of dry

- crop land, including various or uplands,is larger than of r ice land. Ndchni and pulses are grown to someextent

,and on the coast there is considerable garden cultivation of

plantains and betel leaf. The palmyr a-palm abounds everywhere .

In 1862 -63 , when survey rates were introduced, 6846 ho ldings o r

Ichdtcis were recorded . In 1879 - 80 there were 6785 holdings withan average area of 129

10 acres and an average rental of £ 1 15s . id.

(Rs .17-8 If: equally divided among the agriculturalpopulation,these holdings would repre sent an allo tment of 3 1,

—76 acres at a

yearly rental of 9s . 9éd . (Rs . 4-14 If distributed among thewho le population of the sub - divis ion, the share to each would amountto 17

1

5 acres and the incidence of the land- tax to 3 3 . 2d . (Re .1- 8

In 19 0 Government villages rates were fixed in 1862- 63 for

thirty years . The o ccupied acres, at average acre rates of

35d . (2 as . for dry crop, 83 . 23d . (Rs . 4- 1- 9 ) for garden land,

and 5s . 5d . (Rs . 2-11-4) for rice, yielded 88.(Rs .

The remaining 8115 acres of arable waste were rated at £ 331 48 .

(Rs . 3 312) and alienations at Deducting aliena~

tions £ 860 (Rs . and adding quit- rents £ 512 83 . (Rs . 5124)and grass lands £ 60 183 . (Rs . the total rental of the 190

village s amounted to (Rs . The following statement gives the details

Mahim Rent Roll,1879 -80 .

Occo rmn.

Au nt s LAND.

Total

Alienated

Total

Konkan ]

THANA .

In 1881 people owned 4364 carts, 7969 ploughs ,oxen

, cows, 6967 bufl’aloes, 100 horses, and 5664 sheep and

goats .

In 1880-81,of acres the total area of tilled land,

acres or 447 per cent were fallow. Of the remaining acres

532 were twice cropped. Of the acres under tillage , graincrops occupied o r 92 95 per cent, of which wereunder rice bhatt Oryza sativa, 2014 under ndchmfior rcig

'i Eleusinecoracana, 1990 under kodm Paspalum scrobiculatum,

and 180 underchenna, Panicum miliaceum . Pulses occupied 1712 acres or 3 95 per

cent, ofwhich 296 acres were under gram harbha/mCicer arietinum,

thirty under cajan pea tar Cajanus indicus, twenty-nine undergreen gram mug Phaseolus radiatus, 1030 under black gramfad/id Phaseolus mungo , sixteen under peas fudté/na Pisum sativum,

and 311 under o ther pulses . Oilseeds occupied forty- eight acres

o r per cent,of which twelve wer e under rapeseed sirsav

Brassica napus , eighteen under gingelly seed til Sesamum indicum,

and eighteen under o ther o ilseeds . Fibres o ccupied twenty- eightacres or

‘07 per cent, the whole of which was under ambddi

Hibiscus cannabinus. Miscellaneous crops occupied 1261 acres o r

2 9 1 per cent, o f which 303 were under sugarcane us Saccharumoflicinarum, 253 under ginger a

’

le Zingiber officinale, and 705 undervegetables and fruits .

The 1881population returns show, that of peopleor 96 25 per cent were Hindus 2335 or 3 02 per cent Musalmans401 or 05 2 per cent Parsis and 161 or 02 0 per cent Christians .

The details of the Hindu castes are 2697 Brahmans 455 KayasthPrabhus, writers 716 vanis, 195 Jains

, 32 Lingayats, and 3

Tambolis,traders ; Kunbis, 5949 Agris, 4411 Malis , 2400

V anjaris, 3 Charans, and 2 Kamathis , husbandmen and gardeners6 Telis , oil-pressers 5 Khatris, weavers ; 1881 Sutars, carpenters ;466 Sonars, gold and silversmiths 367 Kumbhars

, potters ; 255Shimpis, tailors ; 215 Lohars, blacksmiths ; 111 Beldars and 14

Patharvats, stone-masons 83 Kasars, bangle-sellers ; 14 Jingars,saddlers ; 55 Guravs, temple servants 5 Bhats, bards ; 181Nhavis,barbers 33 Parits,washermen 56 G avlis, milk- sellers 32 Dhangars,shepherds ; 5245 Mangelas and 166 Machhis

,fishermen ; 128

Kharvis, sailors 40 Bhois, river -fishers 4948 Bhandaris, palm - juicedrawers ; 106 Pardeshis , messengers ; 10 Khatiks , butchers ;Konkanis , 9443 varlis , 1458 Kathkaris , 3 92 Dublas , 106 Ko lis ,185 Vadars

,and 25 Thakur s, early tribes ; 420 Chambhars, leather

workers ; 29 74 Mhars, village servants ; 12 Bhangis, scavengers ;and 170 Bharadis, 62 Go savis and Bairagis, 8 Jangams, 6 Jogis,and 4 G ondhlis, religious beggars .

Va’

da until 1866 was a petty division of the old Ko lvan, thepresent Shahapur . It is bounded on the north by the Jawhar stateand the Deherja river which separates it from part of Bassein, onthe east by Shahapur, on the south by the Tansa r iverwhich separatesit from Bhiwndi, and on the west by ,

the Vaitarna and the hillycountry on its south bank which separate it from Bassein andMahim. Its area is 309 square miles, its population (1881)

Chapter XIII.Sub-divisions.

VADA .

Asp ect.

Climate

Water .

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

or 118 to the square mile, and its (1880) land revenue£ 4895 (Rs .

Of its 309 square miles , about forty- two are occupied by the landsof alienated villages . The remaining containacres or 3 3 1 per cent of arable land ; acres or 112 per cento f unarable land acres or 24 7 per cent o f village forests andpastures acres or 251 per cent of G overnment fo res t and9 724 acres or 5 6 per cent of alienated land in G overnmentVi llages . From 1 acres the total area of G overnment villages ,9 724 acres have to be taken on account of the alienated land inG overnment villages . In 1880- 81

,of the balance o f acres

the area of Government land, acres or p er cent were

under tillage.

Along the valley of the Vaitarna which divides the sub-d ivisionfrom nor th to south, the land is well cultivated and the villagesare fairly numerous . The rest of the sub -division

,especially in the

north -west and the east, is very hilly and the population extremelyscanty . There are no made roads, and, during the rains, the countrytracks are impassable .

FromO ctober to February the climate is exceedingly unhealthy,fever being rife in every village . In the hotweather abundant shademakes the climate less unpleasant than in some other parts of thedistrict . During the ten

_ years ending 1881 the yearly rainfallaveraged ninety- four inches .

In the interior the supply of water from the Vaitarna and the

Behya is constant and fair . In o ther parts, where it is obtainedfrom wells, the supply is doubtful and the water bad. TheBebya, taking its source in the hills of Mokhada, flows into the

V aitarna near vada after a winding south-westerly cour se of over

fifty miles . The united waters of the Vaitarna and the Bebya thenflow into the sea under the name of Vaitarna . The rivers are

nowhere navigable . In 1881-82 there were thirty- one ponds, 249wells twelve with and 237 without steps, and 143 rivers streamsand springs .

Rice is the chief crop, but nci

chml tar and 0 am?are also largelycultivated . Much gram is grown on the banks of the Vaitarna.

The whole sub - division is wooded, the forests in some partsstretching fo r miles . The chief trees are teak, din, moha, andkha'i/r.

In 1864-65, when the survey rates were introduced, 2311

ho ldings or khdtds were recorded. In 1879 -80 there were 3261ho ldings with an average area of acres and an average rental of£ 2 23 . 15d . (Rs . 21- 0 If equally divided among the agriculturalpopulation,

these ho ldings would represent an allotment of 62—3acres at a yearly rent of 103 . 112

-d. (Rs . 5 - 1 If distributedamong the whole population of the sub- division, the share to each

would amount to 2 5 acres and the incidence of the land-tax to

9d. (Re .1

In 154 G overnment villages rates‘ were fixed in 1864-65 for

twenty - six years . The occupied acres, at average acre rates

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Bassnm.

A rea.

Aspect.

Clima te.

Water.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

207 Sonars, gold and silver smiths ; 119 Lohars , blacksmiths 73Sutars , carpenters ; 40 Shimpis , tailors 20 Patharvats and 14

Beldars, masons ; 13 Kasar s, bangle - sellers 6 Gaundis,masons ;

18 Bhats, bards 3 Guravs, temple servants 75 Nhavis

,barbers

11 Parits, washermen 12 Dhangars, shepherds ; 10 G avlis , milksellers 3 7Bhois, r iver fishers 7Mangelas, fishermen and labourers ;52 Pardeshis , messengers 44 Kalans, palm- juice drawers ; 34

Khatiks, butchers ; 27 Buruds, bamboo -workers ; 7073 Konkanis ,

6601 Kathkaris,3298 Thakur s

,2899 Va

’

trlis, and 73 Vadars , earlytribes 341 Chambhars , leather-workers 1728 Mhars and 13

Mange, village servants ; 38 G o savis and Bairagis , 19 G ondhlis, 44Kolhatis and 10 Bharadis

,re ligious beggars and wanderers .

Bassein lies in thewest o f the district . It is bounded on the northby the Vaitarna r iver andMahim, on the east by Vada and Bhiwndi,on the south by the Thana or Bassein creek, and on the west by thesea . Its area is 221 square miles, its population1 (1881) o r

312 to the square mile, and its (1880) land revenue

(Rs .

Of the 221 square miles square miles are occupied by thelands of alienated villages. The remainder contains acres or

46 4 per cent of arable land 2859 acres or 2 07 per cent of unarable

land 328 acres o r 0 24 per cent of grass or kuram. and acres

o r 512 per cent of village sites, roads , ponds, and river beds . Fromacres, the total area of the Government villages , 209 5

acres have to be taken on account of the alienated land in

G overnment villages . In 1880-81, of the balance of acres

the area of G overnment land, or 26 9 per cent were undertillage .

In the centre of the sub - division is Tungar hill, and south fromit runs a high range , in which Kamandurg is conspicuous,separating Bas sein from Bhiwndi . To the north -west of Tungar arelower but considerable hills, of which the chief are Nilimora,Baronde, and Jivdhan. These hills vary in height from 1500 to

2000 feet . The country to the east and west of Tungar is almoston the sea level, and is intersected on either side by important creeksnavigable by boats of considerable size . The coast district isthickly peopled and abounds in large r ich villages .

On the coast the climate is generally pleasant and equable, but attimes it is very hot. Inland in the hot weather

,the heat is great

and in the co ld weather, the variation in temperature betweenday and night is great . In the rains, the weather is unhealthy andfeverish, and towards the close of the hot weather cho lera is of

usual o ccurrence . During the ten years ending 1881 the yearlyrainfall averaged inches .

There are no important fresh -water streams and the supply fromponds and wells is poor . In 1881- 82 there were 191ponds, 2624wells twenty -five with and the rest without steps, and forty rivers

l The revised population (68, 967) is about 300 more than the original total givenabove at page z 2 .

Konkan ]

THANA .

streams and springs . Most of the wells are little better than ho les,sometimes only a foot deep .

The so il varies from red to black and sandy black. In a narrowbelt of coast land about three miles broad, the so il is a rich alluvial,with a good supply of water a few feet from the surface . Whenwatered fromwellsworked by Persian wheels it is excellently suitedfor garden tillage , plantains sugarcane and cocoanuts being the

chief products . In other parts the staple crop is rice and ndchni,some of the coast villages having fertile patches which grow ta r and

other late crops except gram .

~In 1879 -80 there were 8064 holdings or khdtafis with an average

area of 6§ acres and an average rental of £ 1 9 3 . 73d. (Rs . 14- 13

If equally divided among the agricultural population, these ho ldingswould represent an allotment of 28 acres at a yearly rent of 12s. 23d.

(Rs . 6-1 If distributed among the whole population of the sub

division,the share to each would amount to of an acre and the

incidence of the land tax to 3 3 . 55d. (Re. 1-11

In eighty- eight G overnment villages rates were fixed in 1861-62

for thirty years . The occupied acres, at average acre rates

of 18 . lid. (9 as . 3 p s .) for dry crop, 103 . 2&d. (Rs . 5-1- 9) for gardenland, and 5s . 10gd. (Rs . 2 - 14-9 ) for rice, yielded 168 .

(Rs . The remaining 1063 acres of arable waste wererated at £ 9 5 (Rs . 959 ) and alienations at £ 75 7 (Rs .

Deducting alienations £ 757 63 . (Rs . and adding quit- rents£ 270 148 . (Rs . 2707) and grass lands £ 10 23 . (Rs . the totalrental of the eighty- eight villages amounted to 108 .

(Rs . The following statement gives the details :

Bassein Rent Roll, 1879 -80.

Occurmn. Us occurmn. TOTAL .

As sam LAND.

Acres. Acres .

Total 2 7 8

Alienated

In 1881 people owned 299 7 carts,5308 ploughs , 8160

oxen, 4879 cows, 6466 buifaloes, 128 horses , and 3142 sheep and

goats .

In 1880-81,of acres the total area of o ccupied land,

o r 2 19 per cent were fallow. Of the remaining acres,

460 were twice cropped. Of the acres under tillage, graincrops occupied acres or 871 per cent, acres of whichwere under rice that Oryza sativa, 1846 under mam: Eleusinecoracana, 64under chenna Panicummiliaceum, and 338 under kodra

BASSEIN.

BHIWNDI.

A rea.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTEICTS .

Paspalum scrobiculatum . Pulses occupied 1555 acres o r 4 2 per cent,of which 126 acres were under gram harbhara Cicer arietinum,

26 under cajan pea twr Cajanus indicus , 24 under green'

gram mugPhaseo lus radiatus , 872 under black gram adid Phaseolus mungo ,and 507 under other pulses . Oil- seeds o ccupied 575 acres or 15

per cent, 568 acres of which were under gingelly- seed til Sesamumindicum, and 7 under other oil- seeds . Fibres occupied 9 1 acres o r

02 per cent all under ambdd/i Hibiscus cannabinus . Miscellaneouscrops o ccupied 2485 acres or 6 8 per cent, 1188 acres of which wereunder sugarcane u s Saccharum officinarum, and 129 7 under variousfruits vegetables and o ther garden crops .

The 1881 population returns show, that of peopleor 76 23 per cent were Hindus, 2292 or per cent

Musalmans, or 20 40 per cent Christians,and 27 Parsis .

The details of the Hindu castes are 5382 Brahmans 327 KayasthPrabhus

, writers ; 880 vanis, 80 Jains , 3 2,

Lohanas, 30 Bhatias, 9Lingayats, and 7 Tambolis , traders 8461Agris, 59 73 Kunbis, 19 75Malis , 74 Vanjaris, 43 Charans, 13 Kamathis, and 3 Kachis,husbandmen ; 13 Khatris , weavers 9 Telis

,oil-pressers 5 Sélis,

weavers 839 Sonars, go ld and silver smiths 519 Sutars, carpenters3 76 Shimpis, tailo rs ; 216 Kumbhars , po tters ; 214 Kasars, banglesellers ; 146 Patharvats and 66 Beldars

,masons 143 Lohars ,

blacksmiths ; 33 Tembete, coppersmiths ; 18 Jingar s , saddlers 57

Guravs, temple servants ; 6 Bhats, bards ; 343 Nhavis, barbers18 Parits,washermen ; 11Akarmashes, house servants ; 321Dhangars,shepherds ; 172 G avlis, milk- sellers 7 Kanadas, herdsmen ; 23 75

Mangelas and 77 Machhis, fishermen ; 16 Bhois, r iver -fishers 3 334

Bhandaris, palm-juice drawers 113 Khatiks,butchers ; 101Pardeshis,

messengers 4 Buruds,bambo o -workers 7308 Vérlis 7048

Konkanis, 1600 Kathkaris, 957 Vaitis , 59 8 Thakurs, 114 Dublas,

54 Bhils, 52 Vadars , early tribes 3 21Chambhars , leather -workers ;1482 Mhars and 50 Mangs, village servants 31Bhangis , scavengers ;28Dheds, sweepers ; 66Bairagis and G osavis , 17 Garudis, 5 Bharadis,4 Jangams , and 2 Chitrakathis, religious beggars .

Bhiwndi is bounded on the north by the Tansa rive r whichseparates it from Vada, on the east by Shahapur, on the south bythe Bhatsa and the Ulhas rivers, and on the west by hills and bythe Thana or Kalyan creek. Its area is 250 square miles, its

(1881) population or 301 to the square mile, and its

(1880) land revenue (Rs .

Of its 250 square miles, twenty are o ccupied by the lands of

either to tally or partly alienated villages . The remainder containsacres or 49 8 per cent of arable land, 7259 acres or 4 9 per

cent of G overnment forests, and acres or 452 per cent ofvillage pas tures and forests . From acres, the total area ofG overnment villages, 854 have to be taken on account of alienatedland in G overnment villages . In 1880-81 o f the balance of

acres the area of Government land, acres or 34 1 per centwere under tillage.

1 The revised population is about 270 more than the original total given

above at page 2 .

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DISTRICTS .

Bhiwndi Rent Roll, 1879-80.

Arm anLAND.

Alienated

In 1881 people owned 2011 carts, 763 7 ploughs, 11,139oxen, 7607 cows, 9311buffaloes, 81 horses, 18 asses, and 2077 sheepand goats .In 1880-81, of acres the total area of tilled land,

acres or 33 2 per cent were fallow. Of the remainingacres 404 were twice cropped. Of the acres under

tillage, grain crops occupied acres or 823 per cent, of whichwere under rice bhat Oryza sativa, 5964 under nachai

Eleus ine coracana, and 412 under chan/nu. Panicum miliaceum.

Pulses occupied 3708 acres or 74 per cent, of which 599 were undergram harbhara Cicer arietinum, 70 under cajan pea twr Cajanusindicus, 20 under green gram mug Phaseolus radiatus, 2418 underblack gram udid Phaseolus mungo, one under hor se gram ka lith

Do lichos bifiorus, and 600 under other pulses. Oil- seeds occupied3627 acres or 72 per cent

,all under gingelly seed til Sesamum

indicum. Fibres occupied 946 acres or 19 per cent, 753 of which wereunder hemp, ambéd iHibiscus cannabinus and 193 underBombayhempsan Crotalaria juncea . Miscellaneous crops occupied 559 acres or

11 per cent, of which 2 ac res were under sugarcane us Saccharumofiicinarum, 185 under chillies mirchi Capsicum frutescens , and 874

under fruits and vegetables and o ther garden crops.

The 1881population returns show, that of peopleor 8814 per cent were Hindus, 8815 or 116 9 er centMusalmans, 75 Christians , and 46 Parsis. The detai s of the

Hindu castes are : 1714 Brahmans ; 454Kayasth Prabhus and 10

Paténe Prabhus, writers ; 1156 vanis, 73 Jains , 52 Lohanas, 18A tél'ls, and 14.Lingayats , traders ; Kunbis , 6631 Agris, 155Malis , 31 Charans, 24 Vanjaris, and 21 Kamathis , husbandmen ;52 Telis, oil-pressers ; 33 Khatris, weavers ; 27 Sangars, blanketmakers ; 10 Rangaris, dyers 545 Sonars, gold and s ilver smiths ;.477 Kateris, turners 458 Kumbharl , potters 268 Sutare,carpenters ; 244 Lohars , blacksmiths ; 243 Kasars, bangle-sellers ;,101 Shimpis, tailors 44 Beldars and 12 Patharvats, stone-masons ;.74 Guravs, temple servants ; 2 Bhats, bards ; 410 Nhavis,barbers ; 11 Pan ts, washermen 146 G avlis, milk-sellers ; 59Dhangars, shepherds ; 3 2 8 Bhois, r iver -fishers 27 Kharvis, sailors ;7Mangelas, fishermen ; 459 Pardeshis, messengers ; 244 Bhandarisand 59 Kalans , m- juice drawers ; 140 Buruds, bamboo-workers54Khatiks , butc ers ; 7 Halvais, sweetmeat-makers ; 5187Konkaniss

Konkan]

THANA .

4838 Kathkaris, 2254 Thakurs, 13 78 Varlis, 44 Vadars, 18 PhansePardhis, 35 Kaikadis, and 2 Bhils, early tribes ; 937 Chambhars, 18Mocbis, leather-workers 6578Mbare and 23 Mange,village servants ;17 Bhangis , scavengers ; 187 Gosavis and Bairégis, 69 Jo shis, 42Bharadis, 24 Kolbatis, 12 Vaisudevs, 11 Jengame, 10 Gondhlis , and3 Jcharis, religious beggars and wanderers .

Sha’

h a’

pur , which includes the petty division of Mokhada, wasformerly known as Ko lvan. It is a strip of country fifty mileslong and from five to thirty miles broad, stretching in the east of

the district below the Sahyadris. It is bounded on the northby Daman Dharampur and Point in Nasik, on the north- eastby the Sahyadris which sepu ate it from Nas ik and Ahmadnagar,on the south by the Kala and Shai rivers which separate it fromMurbad, and on the west by Jawbar and Dahanu, vada, Bhiwndi,and Kalyan. Its area. is 870 square miles , its (1881) population

or 123 to the square mile, and its (1880) land revenue

(Rs.

Of its 282 villages ten are alienated and unsurveyed. The restcontain an area of acres o r about 849 square miles, o f

which acres or 46 1per cent are arable land, acres

or 14 3 per cent are unarable , acres or 25 per cent are

G overnment forests, acres or 32 5 per cent are village pasturesand forests, 9660 acres or 17 per cent are grass lands or kurans , and

acres or per cent are village s ites, roads, ponds, and riverbeds . From the acres of arable land have to be takenon account of alienated land in Government villages . In 1880 -81 ofthe balance of acres of arable G overnment landacres 436 or per cent were under tillage .

Shahapur is very wild, broken by hills and covered with largefo rests . The openest parts are in the south, in Paulbara,Konepatti,and Agayri, where are wide tracts o f good rice lands . North ofKonepatti and beyond the Vaitarna, the country gradually rises,the roads or paths are nearly impassable, and the ravines are steep.

TowardsMokhada, ins tead of broad rice fields, there are longwavinguplands seamed by steep rocky ravines, the rice being almostconfined to isolatedpatches in the bottoms of small streams. Furthernorth the country is impassable exec t on foo t, and rice is supersededby upland grains . The east near the Sahyadris and the west nearJawhar are rough wi th little rice tillage . The only made road isthe Bombay-Agra road which passes north-east and south -westnearly on the same line as the Peninsula railway.

The climate ' is very unpleasant except in the rainsgenerally healthy. For four months after the rains fever prevails,and from March to June the heat is intense and oppressive . Insome parts the climate is very injurious especially to Europeans butMokhada, which is considerably above the level of the sea, has a

climate little inferior to that of Matheran. During the ten yearsending 1881the yearly rainfall averaged 102 inches .

1 The revised tion is ab t 590 thali ve at page 2.

popala on more anthe original totalgiven

SnAq rm.

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS .

The Vaitarna in the north, the Bhatea in the centre, and theKalu in the south supplywater to the villages in their neighbourhoodthroughout the year . In the rest of the sub -division the peopledepend on wells and ponds who se water, though generally good,fails towards the close of the hot weather (May) . In 1881-82therewere 42 ponds, one temporary and three permanent river dams ,612 wells fif ty- one with and the rest Without steps, and 368 riversstreams and springs .

The so il is mostly red and ston—y . The leading crops are rice,fndchni, vafm

'

, til, and khurdsni. Trees grow freely, chiefly teak, am,

mangoes, and moha .

In 1879 - 80 there were 8880 holdings or khata’

s with an averagearea of 263—3 acres and an average rental of £ 1 73 . 11d. (Rs .13 -15

If equally divided among the agricultural population, these holdingswould represent an allotment of 6715 acres at a yearly rent of £ 1 68 .

23d . (Rs . 13 - 1 If distributed among the whole population ofthe sub-division, the share to each would amount to acres and the

incidence of the land- tax to 23 . 4éd. (Rs .1- 3 -O) .In 270 G overnment villages rates were fixed in 1864-65 and

1865 -66 for twenty - six years for the sub -division of Shahapur and

ten year s for the petty division of Mokhada.

1 The occupiedacres

,at average acre rates of (2 as . 1pic) for dry crop, and

5s . 71d . (Rs . 2 - 12 -10) fo r rice, yielded 163 . (Rs .

The remaining acres of arable waste were rated at £ 511 88 .

(Rs . 5114) and alienations at £ 1537 143 . (Rs . Deductingalienations £ 153?148 . (Ra 7) and adding quit- rents £ 706 168 .

(Es . 7068) and grass lands £ 53 the to tal rental of the270 villages amounted to £ 12 065 183 . (Rs . The followingstatement gives the details

Shdhdp ur R ent Roll, 1864-65 , 1865 -66.

'

Am nr.LAND.

Total

Alienated

Total

In 1881 people owned 1716-

‘

carts, ploughs,oxen, cows, 7005 buffaloes, 189 horses, 6 asses, and

5121 sheep and goats .

In 1880- 81 of acres the to tal area of tilled land,acres or

,

52 ‘4, per cent were fallow. Of the remaimng

1 In Mokhada survey measurements have not been yet fully introduced. In

1865-66 mingar and kdsba/ndi rates were fixed and guaranteed for ten years. The

guarantee was extended for a year more andwas to have expired in 1875-76.

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SALSETTE.

Aspect.

Climate.

Water.

[Bombay Gazetteer,THANA .

kuran ; and acres or 114 per cent of village sites,roads,

ponds, and river beds . From acres, the total area ofGovernment villages, acres have to be taken on account ofalienated land in Government villages . In 1880-81 of the balanceof acres the actual area of Government land, acres

or 20 7 per cent were under tillage .

Along the centre of the island from north to south runs a broadrange of hills, gradually fall ing southwards till it sinks into the

plain near Kur la, and, after a break, crops up again in the southernmost po int of the island at Trombay .

Towards the east along the foo t of the hills, rough wood- landsare separated from the creeks and tidal swamps by a belt of riceland prettilywooded andwell supplied with ponds. Spurs from the

main range of central hills run west towards the sea, from whichthey are separated by a wide plain broken by isolated hillocks.The low-lands are much intersected by tidal creeks, which, especiallyon the north -west, split the sea-face of salsette into many smallislands .

On the west coast the climate is pleasant and equable . In Thanathe cold weather is agreeable, but the hot weather and the rains are

oppressive. During the ten years ending 1881 the yearly rainfallaveraged ninety-eight inches .

There are no large fr esh-water streams . One of the largestcarries the waste and escape water of the Vehar lake southwardinto the Mahim creek. Next to the Vehar outlet is perhaps the

streamwhich rises at the Kanheri caves and flowing north -west pastMandapeshvar falls into the Vesava creek . The supply of waterfrom Wells is of fair quality and is pretty constant. In 1881- 82

there were 294 ponds, one r iver dam , 2080 wells for ty- six with and

the rest without steps, and fifty- six r ivers streams and springs .The soil varies from red to black and sandy black. The

staple crop is rice, except a small area which is given to ndchmi.

Mo st of the uplands are reserved for grass for the Bombaymarket. The coast abounds in cocoa gardens, and the palmyra or

brab-

palm grows plentifully over most of the island.

In 1879 -80 there were 8808 ho ldings or khalda with an

average area of 67}acres and an average rental of £ 1 123 .

(Rs . 16-1 If equally divided among the agricultural population,these holdings would represent an allotment of 24acres at a yearlyrent of 133 . éd. (Rs . 6- 8 If distributed among the wholepopulation, the share to each would amount to gof an acre and the

incidence of the land- tax to 28 . 74d. (Re . 1

In eighty- six G overnment villages rates were fixed in 1860-61 for

thirty years . The occupied acres, at average acre rates of 2s .

l %d. (Re . 1-0- 9 ) for dry crop, 13s . l03d. (Rs . 6-14-11) for garden -lands,and 7s. 2%d. (Rs . 3 -9 -7) for r ice, yielded 123 . (Rs .

The remaining 735 acres of arable waste were rated at £ 1171 88 .

(Rs . and alienations at £ 9 76 (Rs. Deductingalienations £ 9 76 (Rs . and adding quit- rents £ 258 163 .

(Rs . 2588) and grass lands £ 46 68 . (Rs . the to tal rental of the

e ighty- six villages amounted to 28. (RS. The

fo llowing statement gives the details :

Konkand

THANA .

Sdlsetlc Rent Roll, 1879 -80 .

Total

_

2 15 o

Alienated

1881 people owned 2012 carts, 5853 ploughs,oxen, 4901 cows, 5446 buffaloes , 236 horses, two asses, and 1187sheep and goats .

In 1880 -81, of acres the to tal area of occupied land,acres o r 47 '6 per cent were fallow. Of the remaining acres

234 acres were twice cropped. Of the acres under tillagegrain crops o ccupied acres o r 941 per cent, acres

of which were under rice bhcil Oryza sativa, 131 under ndchwiEleusine coracana, and 11under chenna. Panicum miliaceum. Pulseso ccupied only three acres under black gram a did Phaseo lus mungo .

Fibres occupied 42 acres or 02 per cent all under ambddi Hibiscuscannabinus . Miscellaneous crops occupied 1338 acres or 5 7 per cent,ofwhich 212 were under chilliesmirchi Capsicum frutescens, and 1126under vegetables and fruits and other garden crops . No oil- seedswere grown .

The 1881population returns show, that of peopleor 69 9 2 per cent were Hindus, 7036 or 65 0 per cent Musalmans ,

or 22 42 per cent Chris tians , 948 or 0 87 per cent Pars is ,and 293 or 02 7 per cent Jews . The details of the Hindu castes are2078 Brahmans ; 996 Kayasth Prabhus, 46 Brahma -Kshatris, and42 Patane Prabhus, writers ; 986 vanis , 440 Jains, 133 Lohanas,43 Lingayats, 34 Komtis, 28 Bhatias, and 2 Tambolis , traders ;

Kunbis, Agris and Ko lis, 730 Malis , 216 Vanjaris,118 Kamathis, 12 Gharane, and 10 Kachis, husbandmen 184Telis , oil-pressers ; 127 sans , weaver s ; 16 Rauls, tape-makers15 Khatri s, weavers ; 9 Koshtis , weaver s ; 2 Sangars, blanketmakers ; 1070 Sutare, carpenters ; 9 92 Sonars, gold and silversmiths ; 770 Kumbhars, potters 316 Lohars , blacksmiths 254

Shimpis, tailors 231Kasars, bangle - sellers 149 Beldar s, masons ;148 Jingars, saddlers 9 Tambats, coppersmiths 4Kataris, turn-

ers

194 Guravs, temple servants ; 11Bhats, bards ; 526 Nhavis, barbers ;591Parits

,washermen 606 Dhangars , shepherds ; 296Gavlis, milk

sellers ; 321Kharvis, sailors 284Bhois, river-fishers 104Mangelas,fishermen ; 123 7 Bhandaris and 14 Kalans, palm- juice drawers ;526 Pardeshis, messengers ; 54 Khatika, butchers 41 Burada,bamboo -workers ; Konkanis, 1045 Virlis, 1029 Kathkaris, 713Thakurs, 3 77 Vadars, 42 Bhils, 15 Ramoshis, and 8 Véghris, earlytribes ; 1043 Chains and 70 Mo chis , leather-workers 5016

Mhars and 142 Mange, village servants ; 85 Bhangis, scavengers ; 55

Chapter XIII.

Produce,

KALYAN.

Asp ect.

Water .

[Bombay Gazetteer,DISTRICTS.

Dheds, sweepers ; 128 Gosavis andBairagis, 40G ondhlis, 18 Jangams,12 Kolhatis, 11 Garudis, and 8 Bharadis

, religious beggars andwanderers .

,

Kaly a’

n is bounded on the north by the Ulhas and theBhatea rivers which separate it from Bhiwndi and Shahapur, onthe east by Shahapur and Murbad, on the south by Karjat andPanvel, and on the west by the Persik range of hills . Its area is 278square miles, its (1881) population or 280 to

‘the squaremile ,and its (1880 ) land revenue (Rs .

Of its 278 square miles are occupied by the lands ofalienated villages . The rest contains acres or 5 88 per cento f arable land, acres or 152 per cent of unarable land

,

acres or 72 per cent of forest,and acres o r 188 per cent of

village s ites , roads , ponds , and river beds . From acres theto tal arable area, 1783 acres have to be taken on account of alienatedland in G overnment villages . In 1880- 81

, of the balance ofacres the area of G overnment arable land, acres or 42 5 percent were under tillage .

The sub- division is tr iangular in form,the narrowest tract or the ,

vertex being in the north . The west is a rich Open plain. In the

south and east, ranges of hills, running parallelwith the boundaryline, throw out spurs into the heart of the sub-division. Fo r the

transport of produce Kalyan has the advantage of the large tidalUlhas creek, and of the Peninsula railway to the Tal pass in the

north- east and to the Bor pass in the south- east.Except that the heat of

_

April and May is accompanied bydisagreeable east winds, and that fever is prevalent in the coldseason, the climate of Kalyan is fairly healthy and agreable . The

rainfall is uniform. During the teny ears ending 1881 it averagede ighty- six inches .Kalyan is watered by three rivers, the Kalu in the north flowing

from east to west, the Ulhas flowing through the sub-division fromsouth to north, and the Bhatsa, the largest of the three , flowingsouth-west along the northern boundary of the sub-division. The

Bhatsa receives the water o f the two o ther streams no t far from the

head of the Thana or Bassein creek . In the beds of these rivers waterremains in poo ls throughout the year, but in other parts of the sub .

division the want of water is seriously felt during the hot season.

The Kalu is navigable to country craft of about ten tone as far as PiseBandar about nine miles above Kalyan, and boats of small tonnageget up the Bhatea as far as the village of Vésundre about ten milesfrom Kalyan. In 1881-82 there were 107 ponds, 983 wells seventy- six

with and the rest without steps , and 197 rivers streams and springs .

The prevailing soil is black, and the east, though rocky in

parts, is excellent pasture land . A tract of land near Kalyan,where rice is grown duringthe monsoon, has a second crop of onions,vegetables, and o ther garden produce, raised during the fair season

by pond and well water .

1 The‘

revised population is about 330 more than the original total given

above at page 2 .

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KAYLAN.

MvaBAn.

Asp ect.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

292 or 03 7 per cent Parsis, 143 or 0 18 per cent Christians, and22 Jews . The details of the Hindu castes are 2292 Brahmans ;531Kayasth Prabhus and 9 Patane Prabhus

,writers 833 Vanis,

218 Lohanas, 34 Bhatias, ‘

18 Jains and 15 Lingayats trade rs ;Kunbis

_

Agris , 163 Malia, 124 Charans, 53

Vanjaris , 44 Kamathis, and 3 3 Kéchis , husbandmen ; 267 Telis ,oil-pressers ; 106Khatris , weavers ; 13 secs ,

weavers 556 Sonars,

gold and silver-smiths 509 Kumbhars,potters ; 277 Shimpis, tailors265 Lohars, blacksmiths 220 Sutérs

,carpenters ; 144 Kasars,

bangle - sellers ; 45 Beldars and 10 Patharvats , stone -masons ;25 Kataris, turner s one Tambat, coppersmith ; 30 G uravs, templeservants 3 69 Nhavis, barbers 9 3 Parits, washermen 206 Dhangars, shepherds ; 29 Gavlis , milk- sellers , 634 Bhois , river -fishers

15 Mangelas, fishermen ; 309 Pardeshis, messengers ; 9 7 Buruds,bamboo -worker s 21 Bhandaris and 20 Kalans, palm - juicedrawers ; 17 Ghisadis, tinkers 13 Khatiks

,butchers ; one Halvai,

sweetmeat-maker 5322 Kathkaris, 4915 Thakurs, 29 76 Konkanis ,589 Kolis , 144 Vadars , 3 7 varlis , 23 Véghris , and one Bhil, earlytribes ; 641 Chambhars and 194 Mochis

,leather -workers ; 5807

Mhars and 68 Mangs, village s ervants ; 51Bhangis, scavengers ;49 Kaikadis

,125 G o savis and Bairagis, 75 Kolhatis , 47 G ondhlis ,

38 Bharadis , 29 vasudevs, 24 Jangams, 12 Jcharis, and 3 Joshis,religious beggars and wanderers.

Murba’

d , in the east of the district, is bounded on the north bythe Kalu and Shau river s which separate it from Shahapur , on the

east by the Sahyadris and the Ahmadnagar and Po ona districts , onthe south by Karjat and the Po ona distr ict, and on the we st byKalyan . Its area is 351 square miles , its (1881) populationor 182 to

_the square mile, and its (1880) land revenue £ 9060

(Rs.

Of its 351 square miles 10% are occupied by the lands of alienatedor part

-alienated village s . The remainder contains acres

o r 58 5 per cent of arable land, acres or 75 per cent of

G overnment forests , acres or 28 04 per cent of publicpastures and forest land, 7875 acres o r 3 6 per cent of grass or

kuran, and 4820 acres o r 2 2 per cent of villag e sites, roads, ponds,and r iver -beds . From acre s the total area of the G overn

ment village s, 341 acres have to be taken on account of alienated

land in Government villages . In 1880 - 81, of the balance of

acres the actual area of G overnment land, acres or

23 7 per cent were under tillage.

Mo st of the sub- division is very h illy and is fairly wooded, thoughthe trees are of no great size. The only large area of level land isin the east towards the foo t of the Sahyadris . Murbad is difficultof acces s, and suffers from the want of means of exporting its

’

produce . The people are mo stly Thakur s , Kolis , and Marathas, the

Thakur s and Kolis being found in villages belowthe Sahyadris and

the Marathas in the west.In the hotweather, the climate is oppressive though not unhealthy,

and after the rains and in the co ld season it is very feverish . Thera infall in the villages near the Sahyadris is very heavy, but at

Konkan.)

THANA.

Murbad in the west it has averaged ninety inches during the ten

years ending 1881.

The supply of water is scanty. Two chief rivers, the Kalu in thenorth and the Murbadi in the centre, pass throughMurbad. Theserivers cease to run and the wells dry early in the hot season. Thewater supplied by wells is fairly good. In 1881-82 there were fortythree ponds, 565 wells fifty-nine with and the rest without steps,and 229 rivers s treams and springs.The so il of Murbad is poor. The uplands are of little or no value

except as supplying brushwood for manure . There is no market forthe grass . The staple crop is rice, but small quantities of ndchni,r ari, and til are also grown.

In 1879 - 80, 7180 ho ldings o r khdtc'

is were recorded with an

average area of 144 acres and an average rental of £ 1 58 . 38d.

(Rs . 12 -12 If equally divided among the agricultural population,these ho ldings would represent an allotment of acres at a yearlyrent of 7s . 44d. (Rs . 3 -10 If distributed among the who lepopulation of the sub- division, the share to each would amount to148acres and the incidence of the land-tax to 25d. (Rs .1- 9

In 170 G overnment villages rateswere fixed in 1859 -60 for thirtyyears . The occupied acres, at average acre rates of 4d.

(2 as . for dry crop, and 6s . 2d. (Rs . 3 -1-4) for rice, yielded£ 8750 4s . (Rs . The remaining 6049 acres of arable wastewere rated at £ 186 (Rs . 1860) and alienations at £ 498 103 . (Rs .

Deducting aliena tions £ 498 108 . (Rs . and adding quit-rents£ 213 88 . (Rs . 2 134) and grass lands £ 12 68 . (Rs . the totalrental of the 170 villages amounted to £ 9 161188 . (Rs . The

fo llowing statement gives the details :

Mfwrbdcl Rent Roll, 1879 -80.

Occurmu. TOTAL.

In 1881 people owned 9 74 carts, 8499 ploughs,oxen, cows, 6084 buffaloes, 167 horses, three asses, and 2109

sheep and goats.In 1880-81, of acres the total area of occupied laud,

acres or 49 4 per cent were fallow. Of the remaining acres

131 acres were twice cropped. Of the acres under tilla e,

grain crops occupied acres or 82 8 per cent, of whichwere under rice bhatt Oryza sativa under ndchni Eleusinecoracana and 4508 under chenna Panicum miliaceum. Pulses

Rental,

MURBAD .

PANVEL.

Area .

[Bombay Gazetteer ,

DISTRICTS .

occupied 4832 acres o r 9 4 per cent, of which 86 were under gramharbha ra. Cicer arietinum

,11 under cajan pea tur Cajanus indicus,

352 under horse gram ka lith Do lichos biflorus 3546 under blackgram a did Phaseo lus mungo , 5 under peas vdtdna, Pisum sativum,

and 832 under o ther pulses . Oilseeds occupied 2663 acres or 5 2

per cent, all under gingelly seed til Sesamum indicum . Fibreso ccupied 1317 acres o r 2 5 per cent, of which 841 acres were underBombay hemp sam, Cro talaria juncea, and 476 under aonbddi Hibiscuscannabinus . Miscellaneous crops o ccupied twenty - four acres, of

which three acres were under chillies mi'rchi Capsicum frutescens ,and twenty-one under vegetables fruits and othe r garden produce .

The 1881 population returns show, that of peopleor per cent Hindus, 1640 o r 2 56 per cent Musalmans , and

two Parsis . The details of the Hindu castes are 535 Brahmans

296 Kayasth Prabhus,writers ; 478 Jains, 330 vanis, and 204

Lingayats, traders Kunbis , 3662 Agris, 215 Charans, 139Vanjaris, 69 Malis, 7 Kachis, and 5 Kamathis, husbandmen ; 194

Telis , oil-pressers 52 salis and 4 Koshtis weavers ; 3 Khatris ,weavers 383 Kumbhars, potters ; 3 63 Sonars , go ld and silversmiths 319 Lohars

,blacksmiths ; 232 Kataris, turners 99 Sutara,

carpenter s ; 80 Shimpis , tailors ; 3 7 Kasars, bangle - sellers ; 27

Beldars,masons ; 9 Tambats, coppersmiths ; 3 9 Bhats, bards ; 26

G uravs, temple servants 264 Nhavis, barbers 17 Parits, washermen ; 43 Dhangara, shepherds ; 2 G avlis , milk- sellers 35 Bhois,r iver -fisher s 4 Mangelas, fishermen ; 9 1 Pardeshis, messengers ;63 Kalans and 16Bhandaris ,palm- juice drawers 47Buruds,bambooworkers ; 39 Khatiks, butchers ; Thakurs , 3047 Konkanis

,

2633 Kathkaris,and 12 7 Vadars, early tribes ; 450 Chambhars,

leather—wo rkers 5366 Mhars and 47 Mangs, village servants ; 77G o savis and Bairagis, 2 7 Gondhlis, 3 Bharadis, and 2 Jangams,religious beggar s and wanderers .

Panvel includes the petty division of Uran . It lies in the south

west of the district, and is bounded on the no rth by Kalyan, on the

east by Karjat, on the s outh by Pen in Ko laba, and on the westby the Bombay harbour and salsette . Its area is 307 square miles,its (1881) population o r 329 6 to the square mile, and its

(1880) land revenue (Rs .

Of 307 square miles, 9 1 are occupied by the lands of alienatedvillages . The remainder contains acres or 55 4 per cento f arable land ; 8959 acres o r 6 5 per cent of unarable land

acres or 28 3 per cent of forest land 4021 acres or 2 9 per

cent of salt land 6926 acres o r 5 01 per cent of village sites, roads,ponds, and r iver beds ; and 2512 acres or 18 per cent of surveyedalienated land in G overnment villages . From acres the

to tal area of the G overnment villages , 2512 acres have to be takenon account of alienated land in Government villages . In 1880-81

of the balance of acres the actual area of G overnment land,acres o r 36 7 per cent were under tillage .

1 The revised population is about 2700 more than the original'

totalgiven

above at page 2 .

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[Bombay Gazetteer;

DISTRICTS .

In 238 G overnment villages rates were fixed in 1856- 57 and1866-67, for thirty year s for the sub- division of Panvel and twentyyears for the petty

-divis ion of Uran. The occupied acres,

at average acre rate s of 83d. (5 a s . for dry crop, 83 . 73d.

(Rs . 4- 5 - 1) for garden lands , and 73 . 6M. (Rs . 3 - 12 -2 ) for rice ,yielded 103 . (Rs . The remaining 4766 acres ofarable waste were rated at £ 593 2 3 . (Rs . 5931) and alienations at£ 3 73 0 188 . (Rs . Deducting alienations £ 3 730 188 . (Rs .

and adding quit-rents £ 381 (Rs . 3810) and grass lands £ 26(Rs . the total rental of the 238 villages amounted to

128 . (Rs . The fo llowing statement gives the details :Panvel Rent Roll, 1879 -80 .

Oocurmn. Unoccurmn. Tor/m

Total

Alienated

Total

In 1881 people owned 1200 car ts, 8599 ploughs,oxen, cows, buffaloes, 109 horses, nine asses, and

4080 sheep and goats.

In 1880-81, of acres the to tal area of occupied land,or 413 per cent were fallow. Of the remaining acres 3 64

were twice cropped. Of the acres under tillage, grain crops

o ccupied or 934 per cent, 43 9 36 of which were under ricebhcit Oryza sativa, 1859 under nachnfl Eleusine coracana

, and

740 under chenna Panicum miliaceum . Pulses o ccupied 2382 acres

o r 4 7 per cent, of which 1868 were under gram harbham Cicerarietinum,

10 under cajan pea twr Cajanus indicus, 16 under green

gram mug Phaseo lus radiatus, 124 under black gram adid Phaseo lusmungo, and 364 under other pulses . Oilseeds o ccupied 434 acres

or 08 per cent, all of it under gingelly seed til Sesamum indicum.

Fibres o ccupied 29 acres or per cent all under ambdd'lHibiscuscannabinus . Miscellaneous crops occupied 450 acres or 09 per

cent, of which 16 were under sugarcane u s Saccharum o fficinarum,

and 434 under fruits vegetables and other garden crops .

The 1881population returns show, that of peopleor 93 04 per cent were Hindus, 5920 or 58 5 per cent Musalmans,500 or 0 49 per cent Jews, 4 86 or 04 8 per cent Christians

,and

131 or 0 12 per cent Parsis . The details of the Hindu castes are :

3476 Brahmans 9 04 Kayasth Prabhus, and 101 Patane Prabhus,

writers ; 1123 Vanis, 328 Jains, 166 Lohanas , and 72 Lingayats,traders ; Agris, Kunbis, 749 Malis, 106 Kamathis,69 Vanjaris, and 51 Charans , husbandmen and gardeners ; 132Te lis, oil-pressers 39 Rangéris, dyers 5 25 Salis, weavers ; 1143

Konkan ]

THANA .

Sonars, go ld and silver smiths ; 662 Sutars, carpenters 484

Kumbhars, potters ; 358 Lohars, blacksmiths 211Kasars, banglesellers ; 173 Shimpis tailors ; 171 Beldars and 9 Patharvats ,stone -masons 15 Tambats, coppersmiths 75 Guravs , templeservants ; 26 Ghadshis

,singers ; 5 Bhats , bards ; 664 Nhavis ,

barbers ; 124 Parits, washermen ; 411 Dhangars, shepherds ; 315G avlis, milk- sellers 147 Bho is , river -fishers 118 Kharvis

, sailors629 Bhandaris and 316 Kalans , palm - juice drawers 3 72 Pardeshis,messengers ; 20 7 Buruds , bamboo -worker s 24 Ghisadis

,tinker s

8 Khatiks, butchers ; 8 Halvais sweetmeat-maker s 6 Lodhis,

labourers ; 7636 Konkanis , 4309 Kathkaris, 3611Thakurs, 387 Bhils,107 Vadar s and 29 Kaikadis , early tribes 1092 Chambhar s, leatherworkers 4429 Mhars and 71Mange, village servants 29 Bhangis,scavenger s ; 77 G o savis and Bairagis, 76 Jangams

, 70 Gondhlis,28 Bharadis , and 2 Chitrakathis, religious beggar s and wanderers .

Karjat, in the south - east of the district, includes the petty - divisionof Khalapur . It is bounded on the north byKalyan andMurbad

, on

the east by the Sahyadris which separate it from the Maval sub

division o f Po ona, on the south by Pen in Kolaba, and on the westby the Matheran hills and Panvel . Its area is 3 53 square miles , its(1881) population or 232 to the square mile, and its (1880)land revenue (R s .

Of its 353 square miles, thirty-two are occupied by the lands of

alienated villages . The remainder contains acres or 3 9 4

per cent of arable land, acres or 245 per cent of unarableland, acres o r 22 6 per cent of fo rest, and acres o r

13 2 per cent of village sites , roads, ponds , and r iver beds. Fromarable acres , 515 the area of alienated land in G overnment

villages has to be taken. In 1880 - 81, of the balance of acres

the area of arable G overnment land, acres or 514 per centwere under tillage .

Karjat is the rough hilly tract between the Sahyadris and the

Matheran hills . A long its northern s ide , the country is prettilydiversified with hills and dales, the low lands divided into rice fieldsand the higher grounds covered with teak, am , and other common

forest trees and a little blackwood. Towards the east, near theSahyadris the country becomes very rugged, the woodlands thickeninto forest, and the flat rice grounds disappear .

The climate varies greatly at difierent seasons . In January and

February the nights and early mo rnings are sometimes excessivelyco ld, and in the ho t months, except on the hill tops, the heat ismost oppressive . During the ten years ending 1881 the rainfallaveraged 121 inches .

The Ulhas, with the Dhavri Chilar Po sri and o ther tributaries,and the Patalganga have their source near the Bor pass in the

Sahyadris and flow,the Ulhas with a northerly and the Patalganga,

with a north -westerly course . Except in pools these streams are

1 The revised population is about 1900 more than the original totalgiven

above at page 2.

KARJA’P.

Area.

Asp ect.

Clim le.

Water.

KARJAT.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

dry during the ho t season. The rainfall though usually less thanin Thana is generally sufficient, and a failure of the rice crop is rare .

But the storage of water is defective, and during the hot season thesupply of drinking water is very scanty. In 1881-82 there wereeighty - six ponds, three r iver dams , 642 wells seventy

-five with and

the rest without steps, and 302 river s streams and springs .

The rice so il is a sticky black, richer than mo st of the districtexcept Panvel . The uplands are reddish. The staple crops are rice,rod/chm: and

In 1879 - 80 holdings or khdtds were recorded, with an

average area of 679—0 acres and an average rental of

’

£ 1 ls . 3%d.

(Rs . 10-10 If equally divided among the agricultural population,these ho ldings would represent an allotment of 44 acres at a yearlyrent o f 14s . 9gd. (Rs . 7—6 If distr ibuted among. the wholepopulation of the sub- division

,the share to each would amount to

one acre and the incidence of the land-tax to 3 3 . lgd. (Re . 1-8

In 2 73 G overnment villages rates were fixed in 1854- 55 and

1855-56 for thirty years . The occupied acres,at average

acre rates of 2&d. (1 cum»5 p ies ) for dry crop, 13 . 1050l. (15 as .) for

garden land, and 7s . 3d. (Rs . 3 -10) for rice

, yielded 83 .

(Rs . The remaining 484 acres o f arable waste wererated at £ 159 (Rs . 1596) and alienations at £ 941 (Rs .

Deducting alienations £ 941 (Rs . and adding quit-rents£ 173 63 . (Rs . 1733 ) and grass lands £ 14 83 . (Rs . the totalrental of the 273 villages amounted to 143 . (Rs.

The fo llowing statement gives the details :Karj at R ent Roll

,1879 -80.

ARABLE LAND.

1

Total

AJienated

Total

In 1881 people owned 1274 carts, 8953 ploughs,oxen, cows, buffaloes, ninety -two horses , and 4166 sheepand goats .

In 1880-81, of acres the to tal area of tilled land,or 47 ' 2 per cent were fallow. Of the remaining 72 acres 1504

were twice cropped . Of the acres under tillage , grain crops

occupied or 9 3 5 per cent of which were under rice

bhdt Oryza sativa, 4807 under nachfnfl Eleusine coracana, and 2273

under chenna, Panicum miliaceum . Pulses occupied 2210 acres

o r 5 3 per cent, of which 2 70 were under gram harbham Cicer

arietinum, 120 under cajan pea tufr Cajanus indicus, 39 under greengram mug Phaseolus radiatus, 361 under black gram adid Phaseolus

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Jawbar.

Production.

Population.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

Except good building stone, no thing is known about the

Jawbar minerals . The chief forest trees are teak,sag, Tectona

grandis blackwo od, sisam, Dalbergia sissoo khaifr, Acacia catechudin

, Terminalia tomentosa palas, Butea frondo sa tfl'vas, Ougeiniadalbergioides kalam, Stephegyne parvifolia ; dsam, Briedelia retusa ;and had, Nauclea cordifo lia. Though the reckless forest managemento f former Chiefs has left few trees fit for cutting, there is no villagewithout its forest. The timber season b egins about November andcloses befo re the rains set in . The bulk of the timber is carried toManor in the Mahim sub-division, and thence shipped to G ogha,

Traders are allowed to Cut timber under a permit. When leave isgiven, twenty-five per cent of the fees are recovered at once, and anagreement made ' regarding the time for cutting and carrying awaythe timber . After the trees are cut, they are inspected by themahdlkaml, the head sub-divisional revenue officer,and, when he issatisfied that the agreement has been properly carried out, the timberis allowed to be taken away. During the fair season,

to lls or ndkdsare set at suitable points along the chief timber routes, and the

cartmen’s permits are examined . Including a charge of 6d. (as . 4)

for marking, a cart of timber has to pay 6s . 9d. (Rs . 3 either forone trip or fo r as many trips as it canmake during the eight months .

In 1878 an a ttemptwas made to introduce some system into the forestcuttings by fixing, in each year , the parts of the forest in whichcutting may go on . The forest establishment, consisting of one

inspector and two peons, is kept up only during the eight workingmonths . In 1881 the forest receipts amounted to £ 8290 (Rs .

and the charges to £ 158 The Domestic Animals are

cows, buffaloes , bullocks, sheep, and horses . The cows vary in pricefrom £ 1 to £ 2 103 . (Rs .10 -R s . 25) and the he -buifaloes from £ 2

to £ 5 (Rs . 20 Of Wild Animals there are the Tiger, weigh,Fe lis tigris the Panther, bible , Felis pardus the Bear, ashval,Ursus labiatus the Hyaena, tam s, Hyaena striata the Fox, khokcwlorlokrl

,Vulpesbengalensis ; the Jackal, kolha, Canis aureus ; the sci/mbhar,

Rusa aristotelis the Spotted Deer, chllal, Axis maculatus the

Barking Deer, bhekm‘

, Cervulus aureus and the Wild Dog, kolsunda,Cuon rutilans .

According to the 1881 census the population was of whom

were Hindus, 501 were Musalmans,and ninety-one were

Christians, Parsis, and Others . Of the total number of souls,

o r 518 per cent were males and or 48 1 per cent

were females . In 1881 there were 116 villages of which 102 hadless than 1000 inhabitants, eleven had between 1000 and 2000, and

three between 2000 and 3000 . There were also 9375 houses of

which 8307 were o ccupied and 1068 uno ccupied. Of the

to tal p opulation males, females) or per

cent were early tribes . Of the early tribes males,

females ) o r 53 08 per cent of the who le were Vérhs ;

7671 (3873 males, 3 798 females) Thakurs 3246 (1659 males,1587 females) Kathkaris or Kathodis, and 8362 (4228 males, 4134females) o ther early tribes . Besides the early tribes there were5943 (2941males , 3002 females ) Ko lis , 4773 (2706 males, 2067females) Kunbis, and 6869 (389 1males, 29 78 females) other Hindus.

Konkan ]

THANA .

The people especially the varlis are poor. Their staple food is riceand ndchnfl ; their clo thing is coarse and scanty. A fewwell-to - dofamilies wear silver ornaments, and one or two wear go ld ornaments .

But the ornaments of most of the people are of brass and copper, andtho se of the poorest are of wood . They keep the same ho lidays as

o ther Thana Hindus,and at their festivals freely indulge in liquor

and flesh . The Kolis are of four divisions, Raj Kolis, MahadevKo lis, Malhar Kolis, and Dhor Kolis . The Raj Kolis are MahadevKolis ,who have taken the name Raj Kolis because they are connectedwith the Chief. The Dhor Kolis are said to have been Raj orMalharKo lis, who became Dhor or cattle eaters andmarried Kathkari girls,and so have fallen to the rank of Mhars andKathkaris. The Thakurs,who are like Raj and Malhar Ko lis in their habits and dress, areo f two main divisions, Ma-Thakurs and Ka-Thakurs . Ma-Thakurscall a Brahman to their marriages ; Ka -Thakurs call no Brahman.

The Ka -Thakurs are said formerly to have called a Brahman and to

have given up the practice, because at a wedding bo th the brideand the bridegroom died so on after the Brahman had finished theceremony . This seems improbable as in o ther respects , such as

visiting sacred shrines and bathing in sacred poo ls, the Ma -Thakursare much better Hindus than the Ka-Thakurs . Of the origin of thetwo names Ma -Thakur and Ka -Thakur, the people seem to have no

explanation. A ccording to one story both speak a stammeringMarathi, the Mas putting in a meaningless m and the Kas a

meaningless k. The Kunbis,who are generally calledKonkaniKunbis

or Kunbis from the southern Konkan, are like the Marathas . In

their habits and religion they resemble the Raj Kolis and are lesswild than the varlis and Kathodis . They are go od husbandmen .

The varlis are strict Hindus like the Raj and Malhar Ko lis, Thakurs,and Kunbis . They wor ship the ordinary gods, but do not call aBrahman to their marriages . They a re idle and fond of wandering.

They are po or husbandmen and almost penniless . The Kathkaris,or Kathodis as they are more often called, like the Dhor Kolis, fe at

cow’s flesh and worship the tiger-

god.

Inquiries dur ing the first management of the state (1859 - 1864)brought to light a curious form of vassalage, which was common in

the establishment of most large Maratha families . There wereabout eighty state vassals, the bondsmen called ddscs and the

bondswomen ddsz’

s . These people were said to be the offspring of

women who had been found guilty of adultery, and in punishmenthad been made slaves of the state and their boys called dds andtheir girls ddsi. These vassals did service in the Chief’s househo ldand were supported at his expense. All children of a dds and the

sons of a ddslwere free and had to provide for themselves, so thatthe number of vassals never became very large.

Except in Malvada and Ganjad the so il is stony and unsuited for

the better class of crops . From the hilly nature of the countrymosto f the fields are uplands, or various, and over a good deal o f the areathe tillage system is dalhl, or sowing

.

seed ln wood ashes . The chiefCrops raised are rice, bhatt, Oryza sativa ndchnt or nagli, Eleusinecoracana ; hemp, trig, Crotalaria ju

'

ncea , and gram, Cicer arietinum,

Jawhar.Population,

Agriculture.

Jawbar.

Agriculture.

Trade .

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

in the better class o f so il in Malvada and Ganjad. Among the

husbandmen Raj Kolis, Malhar Ko lis,Thakurs

,and Kunbis are

fairly off, but Vérlis, Dhor Ko lis, and Kathkaris are very poor .

There is no regular market“

. The state buys every year a quantityof tobacco for distribution during the rains to each landholder, andrecovers the

“

price at a fixed rate along with the instalments of landrevenue . The wages of field labourers are very low,

being 83 . (Rs . 4)a month ; but the wages of craftsmen are high, being from 23 . to

(Re l - Rs . 15) a day for a carpenter and a mason. In 1877, owingto the failure of crops, one- fourth of the assessment in the GanJadand one -eighth in the Malvada sub-division were remitted . In

1876 the practice of fixing the market prices of articles, and, in 1877,the practice of exacting forced labour were stopped.

In so wild and rugged a country communication is difficult.Eastward the Sahyadris can be crossed by laden bullocks and horsesthrough the Chinchutara and G onde passes to the north of, and

through the Dhondmare and Shir passes to the south of, the highhill of Vatvad. These routes lie through Mokhada, and, owing tothe hilly nature of the ground and the deep rocky banks of theVagh river, the difficulties to traffic are very great. How greatthese obstacles are is shown by the fact that , except one or twoin Mokhada town, there is not a cart in the Mokhada sub-division.

Occasionally carts bring timber through the Talasari pass, and in thisdirection the produce of the state finds an outlet towards Peint, andNagar

-Haveli in Dharampur , The westerly route, about thirty-fivemiles from Jawhar to the Dahanu railway station, crosses the Kasatvadi and Deng passes by a well- engineered and metalled road

,

built between 1872 and 1874 by the public works department,during theminority of the present Chief at a cost of £ 9500The making of twenty-five miles of the road in Dahanu was begunand stopped until some arrangement could be concluded for takingdif the heavy transit dues levied, in the detached Jawhar sub-divisiono f G anjad, on goods passing from the eastern or inland portion of

Dahanu to the sea coast. The Chief proposed to forego all dues ontraffic passing along the newroad, provided G overnment made andrepaired the road to the west of Talavali and forewent their rightto levy tolls . This arrangement has been sanctioned.

1

Export and transit dues on British goods are levied in thirty-twoplaces in Jawbar . Almost no article escapes untaxed. The rateson grain vary from 13 . 4éd. to 18 . 6d. (annas 11- 12) a bullockcart the rates on cattle are 3d. (annas 10) a head, those on timberfrom 6d . to Is . (annas 4 - 8) a cart, and tho se on liquor, hides, andmake , from 9d. to 3 3 . (annas 6 Ra lé) a bullock cart. A high lineo f hills runs parallel to the sea coast from opposite Sanjan to thesouth of Dahanu, and the roads acro ss these hills pass throughJamshet, Karadoho , or A ine in the Ganjad sub-division. All timberand grain from the east of Dahanu have to pass one of t hese tolls ontheir way to Savta near Dahanu or to the railway. The heavy dues

1Bom. G ov. Res . 4470 of the 19th September 1881, and India Gov. Letter 1096 of2nd September 1881.

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Jawhar.

History.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

coast po ssessions, held the strong hill of A sheri and had severalstockaded forts in the inland parts of north Thana . They had

constant quarrels and made several treaties with the chief of theKo lis , who se followers they describe as causing much mischief,jumping like monkeys from tree to tree.

1 About this time the Ko lichiefs seem to have held the wild north -east apparently as far south

as about Bhiwndi and the hill- fort of Mahuli. Besides these the

Kolis had three leading towns, Tavar to the north of Daman, Vazen

perhaps vasind, and Darila apparently Dher i near Umbargaon a

large town of stone and tiled houses .

2 In the decay of Portuguesepower (1600 - 1650) the Kolis regained their importance . The

Moghal generals, to whom mountain warfare was hateful, were gladto secure the alliance o f the Jawhar Ko lis . A t the close of the

seventeenth century with the help of the Musalmans, the

Jawhar chief marched over the north Konkan with 4000

so ldiers, plundering the Portuguese villages and churches . Aboutthe beginning of the eighteenth century, except the sea coast, theJawbar rulers held the whole of the north Konkan from Bassein toDaman, _

as well as some districts as far south as Bhiwndi.3Their lands were strengthened by. ten forts , and they enjoyed a

yearly revenue of about (Rs . chiefly from transituties .

Later on, in the eighteenth century, the Jawhar chief had to

meet a more formidable foe than the Portuguese . Their successes

between 1739 and 1760 threw into the hands of the Marathas notonly the Portuguese coast tracts, but great part of the southern

districts of Jawhar. The Jawhar chief became dependent on theMarathas . The Peshwa levied the bdbti and sardeshmukhi cesses,employed the chief and his troops, more than once attached the

state to punish the chief for not putting down Ko li raids, and levieda yearly tribute or naza fr of £ 100 (Rs . In 1742, on the deathof V ikramshah, one of hiswidows, saiKuvarbai, was allowed by thePeshwa to adopt a son. Shortly after, the o ther widow Mohan

kuvarbai succeeded in effecting the death of the adopted son, and

the Peshwa assumed the management of the state . The state wasagain attached in 1758, and a third time in In 1782 an

arrangement was made with the Peshwa, under which the Jawbarchief was allowed to keep territory yielding a yearly revenue of from£ 1500 to £ 2000 (Rs .15,000 In 1798, on the death of

Patangshah II. the Peshwa allowed his sonVikramshahIII. to succeed,but made him agree to manage his affairs in submission to the

Peshwa’s government, to pay a succession fee of £ 300 (Rs .

and to be subject to the supervis ion of the mamlatdar of Trimbak.

“

In 1805, in consequence of a Bhil outbreak near Ramnagar, thePeshwa sent a force and ordered the Jawhar chief to place himselfunder the orders of his officers.7 Vikramshah III. died without heirs

1Da Cunha’

s Bassein, 257. 2 Nairne ’s Konkan, 45.

3 Born. G ov. Sel. XXVI. 15.

4 Peshwa’

s State Diaries for 1725 , 1729 , 1738, 1758, 1760, 1766, 1770 , 1772 , and 17745quoted by Col. Etheridge, Alienation Settlement Officer, 16th September 1865.

5 Peshwa’s State Diaries for 1758, 1760, and 1762, in 0 01. Etheridge

’

s Report quoted,above .

3 Peshwa ’

s State Diary for 1798, quoted by 0 91. Etheridge as above.7 Peshwa’s State Diaries for 1805 as above.

Konkan]

THANA.

in 1821, but shortly after his death a son named Patangshah wasborn. The succession was disputed by the widows of two bro therso f the late chief. To prevent disorder the Collector of the northKonkan went to Jawhar and installed the posthumous child as

Patangshah III . During his minority the management of the statewas entrusted to Patangshah

’

s mother Sagunabai, and a jo int yearlyallowance of £ 200 (Rs . 2000) was fixed for the maintenance of theother two widows and the ir sons . The succession fee due to theBritish G overnment was , without affecting its future payment,remitted as a favour . In 1835 there were eighty-three villages and ayearly state revenue of £ 1000 (Rs . of which £ 600 (Rs . 6000)were from transit and excise duties and £ 400 (Rs . 4000) from landrevenue. In succession to Patangshah III. who died without heirsat Bombay in 1865 (11th June) , his widow adopted Narayanravgrandson ofMadhavrév, Patangshah III.

’s uncle . This Narayanrav

'

called V ikramshah IV . died on the 23 rd July 1865 . It seems thatbefore the dispo sal of Narayanrav

’3 body his young widow

Lakshmibai, at the advice of G opikabai his mo ther and guardian,adopted as her son Malharrav the present Chief, who was thenabout ten years . As is shown in the accompanying family tree, hewas the son of one Madhavrav,

a descendant of Lavjirav, a brotherof Krishnashah the ninth chief.A t the time of Malharrav’ s adoption the state was attached, and

the mamlatdar of Dahanu Was fo r a time placed in charge . Whenthe a doption was sanctioned, the management of the s tate wasentrusted to the Rani G opikabai, on condition that a success ion feeof £ 2000 (Rs. was paid and that the young Chief should betaught English and be sent, to the Po ona High Scho o l ; that notmore than half of the state income should be spent 5 that an officer

should be chosen to manage the state, who could not be dismissedwithout the approval of the British G overnment and that

provision should be made for the administration of civil and

criminal justice . On these terms the young Chief was invested at

Poona on the 29 th October -1866, and installed in Jawhar on the

28th March 1867. The average of six year s’

rece ipts between1859 -60 and 1864-65 showed a yearly revenue of (Rs .

and on the 29 th April 1866 a credit balance o f

(Rs . The expenses of the establishment were reduced, so

that the expenditure was not more than one -half of the revenue .

Schools were opened important roads were made through the

Kasatvadi and Dheng passes , at a co st of £ 9500 (Rs . and

wells dug and the water - supply improved.

In 1869 an enquiry by the late Mr . Havelock, O .S ., showed thatthe Jawhar accounts were carelessly kept, and confused, if no t

falsified . The manager Kuvarji Shapurjiwas tried, and, though

acquitted of criminal conduct, was found incompetent, and replacedinMarch 1870 by Mr . JaisingravAngria . Mr . Jaisingwas succeededby Mr. Shivram Nilkant, who remained in charge till the youngChief came of age in 1877. The young Chief, with a suitableestablishment, went to Poona and studied under a private tutor.In 1874 he was married to a

' da-

ughter of Mahad Khan Patil of thevillage of Kalusta, near I-gatp

’

uri in Nasik. The marriage tack

B 310—89

Jawhar.

Land.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS

place at Jawhar on the 2oth Apr il 1874, in the presence of thePo litical Agent Mr . J.W . Robertson. On the 28th March

,1875 the

Rani regent G opikabai died, and the direct management of the statewas assumed by the Co llector and Po litical Agent.1 In December1875 the Chief was withdrawn from the Poona High School, and fora W e attended the Poona Judge

’s Court that he might learn how

the business of a British Courtwas carried on. At the end of May1876 he was allowed to take a share in the management of thes tate, and on the 22nd January 1877 he assumed complete charge.

”

The Chief, who is (1882) twenty- eight years old and has a son,enjoys second class jurisdiction, which, according to G overnmentRe solution 670 of the 5th of February 1877, gives him ,power tocarry out capital sentences in the case of his own subjects only.

Otherwise he has full jur isdiction over native British subjectscommitting crimes in his territory, subject to the advice of thePo litical Agent, should there be ground for his intervention.

Except the succession fee, the Chief pays no tribute to the BritishG overnment. He has no military force . Adoption is allowed onlyby the sanction of Government, and in matters of succession the

family fo llows the rule of primogeniture .

Sixteen chiefs seem to have ruled over Jawhar. The names ofthe first eight are (l ) Paupera or Jayaba, (2) Nemshah I. or'

Dho lbarav, (3 )'Bhimshah , (4) Mahamadshah, (5) Krishnashah I.

adopted son of Mahamadshéh , (6) Nemshah II., (7) Vikramshah I.,and (8) Patan shah I. The names of the remaining eight rulers areshown in the gollowing family tree

(8) Pa h

I I(9 ) Krishnashah II. Lav irav.

(adopted) .

l Kudtop rav.

(10) Vikramshah II.

Madhavrav, (alive).

(13) Vikrar'nshah III. Yashvantrav.

(14) Patangshah III.

(15) Narayanrav,(afterwards named

V ikramshah IV. adopted).

(16) MalhArrav, (nownamed Patangshah IV.

adopted).

For administrative purposes the lands of the stateare distributedover the three divisions or mahdls, of Malvada, Kariyat-Haveh,

’

and

1Gov. Res. 2532, 13th April 1875.2 G ov. Res. 7127, 8th December1876.

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Registration.

Police .

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS .

cases of murder and gang-robbery were written depositions taken.

fientences of fine, imprisonment, whipping, or the sto cks, werefinally passed according to the Chief’ s discretion. During the

Political Agent’s management of the state (1865 -1877) four civil

courts were established . . Of these the courts of the mahcilkam'

s of

Kariyat—Have li and Malvadawere authorised to dispo se of

‘

suits of

less than £ 20 (Rs . Claims over that amo unt and appeals fromthe mahdlkm'is

’decisions were heard in the minister ’s court . The

fourth court, that of the PoliticalAgent, exercised the power s of theHigh Court. In 1878 a newmakdlkari’s court was established in

the G anjad sub - division,with the same powers as the courts in other

sub - divisions . In 1879 the court in each mahcilwas abolished, andan itinerant judge was appo inted. There. are thus three courts, theitinerant judge

‘s and ka

’

rbha/ri’s cour ts for original, and

“

the Chief scourt for a

‘

pellate suits . In judicial proceedings the Penal Code andA cts IX . 0 1859 andX . of 1872, modified by certain lo cal practicesand usages, are generally fo llowed . A fee of

’

125 per cent (2 as . in:the rupee) is levied as a stamp duty on allplaints . In 1881, of

,

133

cases including arrear s,two were disposed of by the kdrbhcfvri,

’

andninety-four by the circuit judge . The average length of time takento dispo se of a case was bo th in the kdrbhdri

’s court and in the

"

ci

rcuit judge’s court two months . Only one appealwas dispo sed of

in the Chief’ s court. In 1881 there were 135 applications for the

execution of decrees , o f which 107 were dispo sed of. Civilprisonersare confined in a separate ro om attached to the c rimina l jail .In 1872, registration was introduced based on the principles

of the,Indian Registration A ct

,the minister being appo inted

registrar . and the mahdlkam’

s sub -registrars . In 1881, nineteendocuments were registered, transferr ing property of the value of

£ 405 (Rs .

'

The registration fee is'

a half per cent and theWho le receipts amounted to £ 3 163 . (Rs . Under the management of the Political Ag ent five criminal courts were established.

Thre e of these were the courts of mahdlkaris, invested with thepower s of third class magistrates, the fourth was the minister

’s

court with the powers of a second class magistrate and power tocommit cases beyond his jur isdiction to the Po litical Agent, thefifth was the cour t of the Po litical Agent, who exercised

‘

the powerso f a sessions judge and heard appeals from the decisions of subordinate magistrates . Since the Chief has as sumed charge of the

state, he decides first class magisterial and sess ions cases , and hearsappeals .

In 1881, 195 crimina l cases of which 174 were original and

twenty-o ne were. appealwere dispos ed of. The people are orderlyand free from crime . Robbery, insult, assault, house—t respass, theft,hur t, mischief, and misappropriation of property are the .mo st usualforms of crime.

Up to 1875 -76 the state police force comprised only six canstables

and one head constable, who were po sted in the town of‘Jawhar, and

o ccasionally to ld off on duty to o ther places . In that year the polityeforce was increased by the addition of one chief constable and sixconstables . At present (1881) the state po lice is twenty-one strong,

Konkan ]

THANA .

and is maintained at a monthly cost of £ 17 (Rs. In 1881,

of 248, the total number of persons arrested,158 were convicted ;

and of the property of £ 21 148 . (Rs . alleged to have been stolen,£ 20 (Rs . 204) or 94 per cent were recovered . There are nomounted po lice .

The jail is under the charge of an officer called thd/neddr . It . isin a healthy po sition near the Chief’s residence . It has room fo rabout fifty prisoner s, who are employed in keeping the town cleanand in in-do or work. The health of the convicts is attended to . bya native medical practitioner belonging to the state . In 1881 therewere ninety-two convicts on the jail roll and the jail chargesamounted to £ 53 (Rs . There are no jail receipts.Excluding (Rs . invested in G overnment

securities , the state revenue amounted in 1880-81 to £ 9010

(Rs . of which £ 243 5 (Rs . or 27 per cent of thewhole were from land, £ 2784 (Rs . from forests, £ 2191(Rs . from excise , £ 535 (Rs . 5350) fr om trans it duties, and£ 1065 (Rs . from o ther sources . The to tal charges amountedto £ 6520 (Rs . o f which £ 1526 (Rs. were spent onestablishments , £ 762 (Rs . 7620) on public works , £ 304 (R s . 3040)on medicine and education, and £ 39 28 (R s . onmiscellaneousaccounts . The excise revenue is under the exclus ive managemento f the British Government, to whom, in 1880, the chief so ld hisrevenue for five years at a yearly sum of £ 3200

In 1879 four primary schools were supported by the state . In1881 the number of schools rose to six. Of these one at the townof Jawhar, which teaches English up to the second standard, isheld in a large scho ol-house lately built by the Chief. In 1881 itwas attended by 116 pupils Brahmans, Prabhus vanis, Sonars,Shimpis, Par

-its, Marathas, Ko lis, and Musalmans, and had an

average monthly attendance of seventy-nine pupils . The o ther fiveschoo ls, atMalavda, Kurja, Deheri, Nyahale -Khurd, and Alavde, had172 pupils and amonthly attendance of 105 pupils . According to the1872 census the number o f persons able to read and write was 208.Until 1878 therewas no dispensary . The Chief employed a native

medical practitionerwho occasionally dispensed European medicines .In 1878 a dispensary was opened in Jawhar in a building madeby the Ch ief. In 1881 it was attended by 1133 persons, of whomfifteen were in- door patients . The case s treated were malarialfever, bronchitis, dysentery, and diarrhoea . In 1879 the vaccinator,who is paid £ 24 (Rs . 240) a year, with the help of a peon on £ 7 48 .

(Rs . 72) a year, performed 2050 operations, all of which weresuccessful. The average number of births and deaths registereddur ing the five years ending 1879 was 23 7 births and 219 deathsthe returns are very incomplete.

Jawba ’

r , the capital of the state, is a growing place of about twohundred houses . It is built on either side of a broad street, whichruns north and south between two deep gorges, on a tablelandabout 1000 feet above the sea. The place is healthy and free fromexcessive heat. The water supply is at present scanty, but the

Revenue.

Instruction.

Health.

JAWBAR.

Jawhar.

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DISTRICTS.

Chief is considering a plan for making a reservoir and bringing thewater into the town b pipes . Within the last few years the Chiefhas done much for awhar . He has built a large public o ffice,schoo l-house, and dispensary, and, by free grants of timber, hasinduced the townspeople to rebuild their houses in a much better

formerly. The only remains are near the Chief’sresidence, the ruins of a large palace and music- room or nagarkhdna ,which were built by Krishnashah about 1750, and destroyed by firein 1822 . On the same tableland as the present town is old Jawbar.

There is now nothing to‘

mark the s ite of the old town. In 1881.

a stone step well was found completely hidden in the ground. Theonly place of interest in the state is said to be the ruined fort of.Bhopatgad, about ten miles south-east of Jawhar.

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that the rule of Manu making sea -faring a crime and the modern Brahmanfeeling against the sea applied to all H indus at all times. H e therefore

also Laskara or Indian seamen (pp. 297, 299 , 300, There were Cutch men in

Madagascar (p . and at Lourenzo Marquez on the north o f DelagoaBay there wasa large proportion o f half-castes

,Banyans , Musalméns , and Brahmans Finally ,

in central Africa at Taberah to the south of Lake Nyansa, Cameron in 1873 found a

thousand Beluchis , an outpost of the Sultan of Zanzibar (p .

To the special notices given in the text and in the History Chapter on Hindu

e

agl

elments in Persia and on the African coast, the following general remarks may be

a e

PERSIAN G ULF. Oderio (1320 ) speaks of the Lower Euphrates as‘India within

land’

(Yule ’

s Cathay , I. and Marco P010 (1290 ) brings G reater India or

Hindustan nearly as far west as Ormuz. (Yule ’s Marco Polo , II. Under the

Arabs (640 - 1000 ) the lands near the head of the Persian Gulf -were colonised byJats and Sanghars (f) (Jatan and sagan ) from the mouth of the Indus , and wereterm ed Hind (Rawlinson in J. R . A . S ., New Series , XII. 208 and Proc. R . G . S. I.40 ; Yule ’

s Cathay, I. 55 note, Masudi (Prairies d’

Or , IV . 225 ) states that at the

time of the Arab conquest (A .D . 640) the land near Basra was called India, and this

practice seems to go back to the beginning of the Christian era. (Rawlinson in J . R.

G . S. XXV II. The formidable invasions of the Persian Gulf from India bys ea during the sixth, seventh, eighth , and ninth centuries (compare text and Reinaud

’

s

Abu-I-fida, ccchtxxm. and Rawlinson P '

roc. R . G . S. I. 40 ) are perhaps one reason

why the country o n the coast was called India. Sea invasions from India may also

be the reason why the early Persians 330) built no cities near the coast (Elliotand Dowson, I. and why they dammed the Tigris (Rooke ’

s Arrian, II. 149 ;Elliot and Dowson, I. It

"

seems also possible that the Indian-named tribeswho some time before the Christian era were deported to near the Caucasus mayhave been Indian pirates or invaders from the Persian Gulf (Elliot and Dowson, I.

A s is noticed in the text (p . 404 note 3 ) one of the earliest fragments of historyis the doubtful settlement in the Persian Gulf of the Indian Andubar who taughtthe Babylonians religion and crafts. (Rawlinson in J. R . A . S . XII. (N .

AFRICA. The references in the History Chapter showthat from very early times the

connection between Western India and Eastern Africa has centred in three places , in

Socotra and in the Abyssinian and Zanzibar coasts. In addition,to its Sanskrit name

Masudi (915 ) notices (Prairies d’

or, III. 37) that , before the G reeks came , the islando f Sokotra was colonised by Hindus, and pas sages in Masudi, Marco P010 , and Ibn

Batuta (Prairies d’Or, III. 37 Yule ’s Marco Polo , II. 328, 344 , 345) showthat from

the tenth to the fourteenth century the island was a centre of Hindu piracy . Ithas been recently argued (Philological Museum, II. 146 in Smith ’

s Diet. of G reekand Roman G eography , I. 60) that the Memnones of Ethiopia came from Western'India , and, in the early part of the century , Wilford

’

s Essay on Egypt (As . Res. III.2 95 -462) satisfied Sir W . Jones (Ditto 467) that the early Hindus had a knowledgeo f Misr and the Nile. Jo rdanus (1320) calls Abyssinia India the Lesser (Yule ’

s Marco

'Polo, II. and Marco P010 (1290) andBenjamin of Tudela (1150 ) call Abyssiniao r Abash Middle India (Ditto 360, In the fifth and sixth centuries Aby ssiniawas in clo se connectionwith India (J. R . A . S. XX. 292) mention is made of Indianand Ethiopian elephants being used in the wars o f the kings of Abyssinia (Marco Polo ,II. Apollonius (AA) . 100) a doubtful authority, mentions acolony from India toEthic ia (Priaulx in

'

J. R . A . S. XVIII. In Roman and G reek writers fromV irgi to Homer India and Ethiopia are used as convertible terms (see Smith

’

s

Anc. G e og. II. a confusion which, in Sir William Jones’ opinion (As . Res .

III. 4, can be explained only by Indian settlements in Abyssinia. As regardsZanzibar settlements Jordanus (1320) calls the Zanzibar coast India Tertia (Yule ’

s

Cathay , and Marco Polo (1290) calls Zanzibar an Indian island (Yule ’s Ed . II.Ritter holds that the Hindu colonies in Zanzibar were not confined to the

coast . H e notices that in modern times banian trees or Indian fi

gs have been

found planted near the falls of the Congo river on the west coast of A rica in nearlythe same latitude as Zanzibar (Erdkunde, Band IV . Abch . II. The existence

of a h ighway of trade across Africa from the Congo river Was known to the Portuo

gucao before they rounded the Cape of G ood H ope . (Ditto and compare Stevenson’s

Sketch of Discovery, When they reached Mozambique they found that the

people of the coast easily understood a Kafir of G uinea Who was in Paulo da

’

.G‘

ama’soat (Three Voyages o f Vasco da Gama, 7 Ptolemy (A.D. who had a consi

derable knowledge of Central Africa, shows two inland trade routes from aboutZanzibar, one we st to the Atlantic, the other north to near Tripoli (see Africa MapV . in Bertius

’, The traffic across Africa still remains. Cameron in 1874, who

Konkan ]

THANA.

concluded that,the first seamenwere Arabs, and that the Hindus,

“

thoughthey may have beenmerchants and shipowners ,were never sailors. On the

cro ssed from near Zanzibar to the Gen 0 river, found the traffic of the Indian Oceanand the Atlantic meet in the heart of ‘

entral Africa (Keith Johnston’s Africa,

AlBiruni (1020) notices that the Comayris to the south of Zanzibar professed the Indianreligion (Reinaud

’

s Abu-l-fida, cccviii. ) and Smee (1811) detected an Indian element inthe Sawahilis of the Zanzibar coast. (Trans.Born. G eog. Soc. VI. The fact thatthe people of Mada

glascar are of the same stock as the Malays . (Keith Johnston’

s

Africa, or per aps rather of the pi e

-Malay Polynesians (Fernander’s The

Polynesian Race I. shows across what wide stretches of sea early settlements were made .

Hindu s ettlements in Africa have the special interest that recent writers on therude s tone monuments of the east and the wes t are inclined to explain the samenessin character and in certain details to a movement of an eastern tribe through Africainto W estern Europe. 0 01. Leslie (Earl

ylTribes of Scotland, II. 478) holds that the

remains of rude stone monuments furnis proof of a Celtic migration from the heart ofAfrica through Spain and France to the north of Scotland . This implies no moredirect connection betweenWest India and East Africa than the general acceptedview of the spreading of races from Central Asia . But Dr. Fergusson goes furtherand holds that the apparent Indian element in the monuments in Algiers is due tosome wes tern movement of an Indian people, probably within historic times, or to

the influence of Buddhist missionaries . (Rude Stone Monuments , 414, 426, 496,498,Two somewhat doubtful instances of large Indian settlements in East Africa remain

to be noticed. In the Central Soudan to the west o f Abyssinia is a settlement ofKanuris whose name and certain eculiarities of language suggest a connectionwiththe Indian Dravidiaus (Caldwell’sDravidian G rammar , 80 Keith Johnston’

s Africa,176,Another section of the people of Africawhose language undoubtedly oints to anIndian origin are the gypsy tribes of E yp t.

* In 1799 (As . Re s. 111. 7) it W. Jonessuggested that the famous irates the anghars or Sanganians of Sindh , Cutch, andKathiawar had settled on t e shores of the Red Sea and passed throu h Egypt intosouth-east Europe as the Zin ani or Zingari that is the gypsies. here are twodifficulties in the way of t theor The present gypsies of Egypt seem to

have no trace (Newbold in J. R. A . S.X I. 285 - 300 ) of the word Sanghar or Zingari,and , except th e Helebi who may have come from Yemen, their lan e points to a

passage from India throu h Persia, Turkey , and A rabia. The secon difficulty isthat though the earlies t Iorm of the name by which the gypsies were known inEnt ope At-sykanoi, or aeikamoi seems connected with 88.11n , the form Tchinghnnior Zingeneh is known in Turkey, Syria, and Persia and may have passed from Asia

Minor into . In its of these difiiculties the followingevidence may be

o ffe red in on port of Sir illiam Jones ’

suggestion that part 0 the gypsies passedwest by sea t ugh E t to Europe .

0

The Sanghars are e widely s read in India . Besides in Cutch and Kethiawar, under the names Sanger and inghar they seem to occur to the south-east

of Agra, in Umarkot, the Gangetic provinces , and eastern India . (Elliot’s Races ,

North-West Provinces , I . 332 ; Elliot’

s Sup lementary Glossary, 51 BombayG azetteer, V 95-96 Cutch). Perhaps also t ey are the same as the Changers,a low-class Panjab tribe whose similarity in habits has already led to their proposedidentification with the Zingari or Gypsies (Trumpp in Edin. Rev. CXLVIII.So famous were the Sanghars or Sanganians in the seventeenth centurythat in Ogilby

’s

Atlas (1670) Cutch is referred to (p . 293 ) as Sanga . Sanghat s or Sengars appear in the

list of Rajput tribes, but according to Tod (Rajasthan (Madras Edn.) I. 75 -107) they

Among English Gypsies the words for water, (_ire. hair, and eye _are prim/i gay. but, yak ; among

Norwegian Gyp sies , 4mm, bat, j ab ; amongPersianG yps ies p rim, ask, _bdl, a and among EgyptianGypsies palm; da, r an. The corresponding Gujarati words are psi/m,

i1The chief modern forms of the name are in Spain c ali ,m‘

ltaly Zin an , n Germany Zigeuner , inRussia Ziganeh , in Turkey Tchinghian inSyria Jinganih , and in Persia mi

s t. In the fifteenth cen

tury the name appears as Sekanae in m any and in the thirteenth and per ape as early as the ninth

century in Tur ey in Europe and inG reece as Asigkanoi or At-Sigkanox. Between t he tenth and theseventh century they a in Persia as Sagan. Besides from the Sanganians or San hats these

names have been derive from the Chan s a Punjab tribe. Trumspp in Ed. Rev. 0 VIII. 142 ;

h omSakan that is Salim or 8 this? z

llawliizg’on Prpc

iR '

rdd'

d alga;g

emag (P negro

Burton in Amdemit

'lth March 18 5 '

rom ang ms or y m tom gemsaddler Capt. New id J. R. A. 8. XVI. 810 ; from a Kurd tribe z bench 3 67ml "?CyclopediaU 324 and from two gypsywords chmmoon and ham sunby Leland. e Gypsies. 841.

B 310—90

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DISTRICTS .

other hand, from the Sanskrit name Socotra, (

that is Sukkatam or theFortunate

,and from certain H indu-like divisions and customs among

were.

never famous . Ibn Batuta Marco P010 and Masudi (920)mention Sokotra as a centre of Hindu piracy (Masudi

’s Prairies d’

Or , III. 37 Yule’

s

Marco Polo , II. That the Sokotra pirateswere the Sanghars , Jats or Jets ,and Kerks who fromSindh Cutch and Kathiawar ruled the Indian seas is maderobable by Masudi

’s statement (III. 37) that Sokotra was a station for the Indian

awdmy, a name.

which A l Biruni (1020) applies to the pirates of Cutch andSomnath and which he derive s from baim or bera the name of their boat. (

'

AlBiruni111Elliot and Dowson, I. 65, It curiously supports the connection between theSanghars and the Zingari or Gypsies, that bera. the name of the Cutch pirate craft isalso the Romani or Gypsy word for boat (Encyclopwdia Britannica, Ninth Edition,

X. 614 Borrow’s R omaniWord Book, In the eighth century the Sanghars seem

to.

appear as the Tangameras or Sangameras whom the A rabwriters associate in piracyW ith the Meds Kerks and Jate (Elliot and Dowson, I. 376, A ccording to Arabwriters these tribes , taking their wives and children, went inmighty fleets moving longdi stances as far as Jidda on the Red Sea and o ccasionally settling in great strength .

In the sixth century their piracies and raids are said to have made Naushirvan theSassanian insist on the cession of the Beluchistan coast (Indian Antiquary, V lII.In much earlier times the Sanghars perhaps again appear in the Sangadas or Sangaraswhom Alexander

’

s G reeks (B. 0 . 325 ) found to the west of the Indus and between itseastern and western mouths (McCrindle

’s Commerce and Navigationof theErythraean

Sea, 177 Vincent’s Commerce of the Ancients, I. Apart from this doubtful

mention in Alexander’s times the evidence seems sufficient to support Sir WilliamJones ’ suggestion that from early times the Sanghars or Sanganians of Cutch and

Kathiawar were in a position to make settlements on the shores of the Red Sea. SirWilliam Jones ’ theory that the gypsies of Europe passed from India through Egyptseems to have been accepted for a time . A fuller knowledge of the Romani or

European gypsy tongue proved the correctness of his main contention that the

gypsies came from north~west India. A t the same time the traces of Persian and

Armenian in Romani and the absence of traces of Coptic or Arabic discredited theview that the gypsies entered Europe from Egypt .

That some perhaps most Euro can Gypsies passed west through Persia and A sia

Minor to eastern Europe seemsgieyond doubt. Besides the evidence of language,within the last two thousand years there are traces or records of at least sixwesterlymovements among the frontier tribes ofnorth -west India whichmay be includedunderthe general term Jam The last movement seems to have been caused by Taimur’sconquests (1398 - 1420 ) and the wanderers seem to have picked up and carried withthem into Europe a number of the earlier Indian settlers in Persia and westernAsia. At the same time it seems probable

'

.that under the name of At Sigka

noi or Asikani an earlier horde entered Europe from Egypt. The argument that

becaus e Romani has no Coptic or Arab words the gypsies never passed throu h

Egypt loses its force when it is remembered that there is no trace of Arabic,Syrian, or Turkish in Bomani, though some of the gypsies are known to have

settled in A sia Minor on their way west. (Edin. Rev. CXLVIII. Therefore,even though it left no trace in their language, the A sikani or Singani mayhave passed through Egypt on their way to Europe . But is it tlie case

that there are no traces of Egypt in the Romani tongue ? The earliest G reekform of their name At Sigkanoi, and a later form Asigani, suggest that the initial

A t or A is the Arabic Al the , and that the Al was changed into At because like

Their settlements and raids on the Persian Gulf in the eighth and ninth centuries were on so great

a scale that the whole strengh of the Khalifs was brough t against them andwhen defeated they werenauspo rted to Asia Minor (Rawlinson inProc. R . G . S. I. 40 ; Eno. Brit. X. According to Ibn-al-Atir

the Kerks mad e desce nts as far up the Red Sea as Jidda (Re inaud'

sMemoir Sur l’Inde 181noteThe resemblance between some of Masudi's Abyssinian tribes and these as sociated pirates. the

Zn awah with the Sanghars, the Ka/rkamh with the Kerks or Karaks , the Medideh with the Medsandthe Mum’

s with the Mars seems wort hy of notice (compare Prairies d’or, Ill. 38, and Elliot an

Dowson, I. 506,1These sixmovements are , 1, a doubtful transplantin of Kerks, Sindis, Kolis, Meds, and other west

Indian tribes some time before the Christian era (Elli and Dowson, I. 50 9 2 , the bringing of

the Luris or Indianmusicians to Persia by Behram Gor about A.D. 450 and th eir subsequent disper

sion (Rawlinson in Proo. R . G . S. I. 3 , th e deporting ofKerks , Sangars , and . Jfits in the eighth and

ninth centuries from the Persian Gulf to Asia Minor. (Ditto and Enc. Brit. X . 4, a doubtful

migration of Jats Westward after their defeat in India by Mahmud of G hazni in 1025 5, a displacementof the Indian element in Persia and Asia Minor during the conquests of the Seljuki (i2th century)and Osmanli Turks 1sth century) ; 6, a.finalwestwardmovement at the close of the fourte enth centurythe result of Taimu s ravages.

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encouraged the early seamen to venture long distances from the land ;its islands offered them safe havens in stormy weather and the necessitiesof Egypt and the products of A rabia ensured the seamen a rich reward.

1

Job , probably about 1500, mentions the ships of Ebeh,2 and it

has been no ticed that the silver models of ancient Egyp tian vessels in

Marrio tt’sMuseum atBoulak closely resemble the present A rab baghla.

8 In

the words used for the different grades of seamen in the names of vessels

and in the names of the parts , rigging, and outfit of vessels, there is as trong A rab element and there is abundant evidence that from

'

veryearly times the A rabs have ranked among the most daring and skilfulseamen of the Indian Ocean. The early history of the Phoenicians seemsto point to the islands and narrows of the Persian Gulf as a third veryearly .centre of seamanship and ship

-building,4and there is also a strong

Persian element in modern H indu seafaring terms .

Of the words in use for the different grades of seamen only a small

number are H indu. Of the terms for the higher grades ndlchoda. or

chief captain is the Persian ndichuda ;5 sai/rang , properly sarimng , is a word

meaning commander or boatswain from sar head and Immy the Persian armyor soldier 5 and mdl

'i/m or navigator. is the A rab m a llixm teacher or master.Toindel, or captain of a small boat

,alone seems to be Hindu from toinda

a band or crew. H indus generally ,call H indu seamen or boatmen by

their cas te name, [charm in Gujarat, Icoli on the Maratha coast, and

ambi on the Karnatak rivers. The only general terms in use for sailor

are the Ar abic kka ldsi from kkalcis freedom or discharge, and laskar from

the Persian laskkafr an army. The use of these Persian and Arab termsdoes not arise from the want of H indu words. Captain in Sanskrit ism akddhyaksh and m ukddhiqoati, and sailor is samudm ga and net/vile. But

none of these words are in common use. The fondness for foreign termsfor seamen is shown by the general adoption, at least in Bombay harbour,of the English or part

-English [cap tain and botvdla .

Among the present H indu sailors and boatmen of W estern India the

chief deep-sea sailors who make voyages across the Indian Ocean are

the Kharvas of Gujarat and Cutch. These men are of Rajput or partRajput descent, and perhaps represent the fresh seafaring element thatwas introduced into the H indus of Western India between the first and

the sixth century after Christ. The only Hindu sailors of the NorthKonkan coast who nowmake voyages across the Indian Ocean are the

Kharvas of Daman. They sail Portuguese brigs of about a hundred tonsin all weathers , steering by the compass and by charts , and voyagingas far as Mozambique, j ourneys which sometimes take as long as eightmonths .

6 During 1881, exclusive of Daman and Bombay traders , thechief long voyages made by native craft were two dbingis , probablyKarachi boats, which went from Jaitapur in Ratnagiri to U rmada in

Makran ; one ganj a of Karachi which went from Balsar to Madagascar ;a Cutch ganj a which went from Broach t o A rabia ; and a Bombay ba

'frlcas

of 35 tons which went from Broach to. A rabia. Two of the captainswere Musalmans , the res t were Cutch Hindus of the Kharva caste/7 ,

1 Laborde’

s Arabia Petraea, 300, 301. 2 Chapter IX. 26.

3 I

s

aborde‘s Arabia Petraea, 301 Mr. James Douglas, Book ofBombay, Angria

’s

Kola a.

4 Lassen Ind. Alt. II compare Rawlinson’s Herodotus, IV. 241.

5 From mic shi and khua'

ci from [chad self and d or as coming, in the sense of

owner or captain. apt. J. S . King, Bo.S.C .

5 Mr. Miller. 7 Mr.E. H . Aitken.~

Konkan]

THANA .

For purposes of comparison the present names of the different craft

that belong to or visit the Thana coast may be arranged under three heads :G eneral terms meaning ship , vessel, or craft names of trading and fishing.vessels 3 and names o f small craft or canoes.

There are seven general terms meaning vessel or craft, d/rmdr , bdrkcw,galbat, glut/nib, j ahaz, note , and tixr/cati.Bar/ces is in general use in Thana in the sense of coasting craft.

It includes such small vessels as the mach/m to which the term galbat

is not applied. On the o ther hand it does not include cano es ; a hodiis not a bd'rlcas . A ccording to the wags or H ead Patil of the Alibag

.Kolis a canoe or hodi is called a barakf'

xn. The origin of the words bar/canand ba/rakin is doubtful. The early Portuguese (1500 - 1510) in the

Straits of Babelmandeb found brim/case applied to small boats attached to

ships . In Europe also the barkwas originally a small boat.1 A s barca in

Portuguesemeans a great boat andbarquinha a little boat, the use of baralcinnear Chaul favours the view that the word came to India from the

Portuguese. But,as is noticed later , bark seems to be one of the boat

names which the east and the west have in common. Barca is used in

the Latin writers of the fifth century, and two or three hundred years

aster ha

rga and barka are the names of the Danish and Norman pirate

oats.

Ga lbat is generally used of large foreign vessels such as English shipsand steamers. The word seems to be the Amharic or Abyssinian j albaa boat, the Arabicyam.being pronounced hard in Yemen and final It beinginterchangeable with as The early Portuguese (1510) found geluas or

j eluas smallboats in the Straits of Babelmandeb .

4 The word is interestingas it seems to be the origin of the English jolly-boat. JOlly-boat . is

generally derived from yawl, but as the yawl was itself a small boat,it is difi cult to explain the addition of the word boa t. The word jollyboa t appears as gelly watts in several of the seventeenth century voyages .

Kerr (V oyages, VIII. 169) sugges ts that the original form is gali/mt,and ' Dr. Da Cunha notices that galeota is a Portuguese word for a vessel.

In the las t century the ga.bt was a war boat, a large row boat of

about seventy tons with one main and one small mast. It carried six

or eight three or four pounder guns and was generally used to tow the

ghwrdb.‘The word galba seems also to be the origin of galley, galleon, and

galleas s, names said to have been brought into the Mediterranean by theV enetians from the Saracens about the fifteenth century.

6 The same

word seems to appear in gm loi, which, according to Stevenson, was thePhoenician word for a merchantman.

7

t ab, according to Candy’s Marathi Dictionary, means Arab. But,

as the word is used by the A rabs, this seems unlikely. A more likelyderivation seems to be the Arabic glvwm'db crow. A l is shown in the

1Commentaries of Albuquerque, II. 230 and III. 98. In the seventeenth centurythe words bark and frigate were applied to small vessels, grabs, and pinnaces. Kerr ’

s

Voyages, VIII. 130, 265, 351.

9 Skeet (Etymological Dictionary, S. V.) makes bark and bar e the same, andtraces both to the E yptian ba/ri a row-boat. Captain King and unshi Lutfullahsugges t that the R Sea barkea may be a dis tinct word and be derived from thePersian bar -huh or Weight dragger . See belowunder Barge.

3 Captain J. S. King ; compare Rigb in Trans . Bom. G eo Soc. VI. 93.4 Commentaries of Albuquerque, I 230 and HI. 20. e j elua is described as a

kind of ha ue like a caravelwhich plies in the Straits.5 G rose

’s 0 age, I. 41and 11. 214 -216

Lindsa’s et chant Ship ing, I. 491. .

Taylor (Words and Places, 445, note 2 )derives ga eon from the Wal cons or Flemish.

7 Sketch of Discovery, 144.

Bd/rlcaa.

Ghurdb.

Tirkati.

Foreign Vessels .

Dkau.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

Trade Chapter the gk'wrabwas formerly the chiefwar vessel of the Thanacoast. The word is nowused of large deep-sea A rab and Indian vessels,especially of the Konkan patama

'r.

Jakaz is a general term for a large vessel. The word in A rabic meansvessel in the general sense of utensil ; in Persian it means a ship.

1 It isused by Friar Oderio in 1320, and is the o rdinary Musalman word for avessel.

Nae is used“

chiefly of creek ferry-boats about the size of a mackva

(3 - 20 tons). The word is of Sanskrit origin, and is one of the few sea

terms which the Ar yan languages have in common.

Tirkatfi in Marathi and ta/rlcati in Gujarati, perhaps tinkatlzi or threemasted, is the common Hindu word for an European sailing ship. Itcorresponds to the A rabic safari or voyager. Steamers are known as

agbots.

Of the twenty-four vessels that are found on the Thana coast, five are

foreignand nineteen are local. The five foreign vessels are the baghla , thedkau , the betel, the dhangi, and the kothia .

Baghla is a large deep-sea vessel of Arab or R ed Sea origin . The nameis generally derived from the A rabic bagkla, a mule, because of its carryingpower. A better derivation seems to be from baghgha l slow, the tradingvessel, opposed to sanbuk the passenger

-boat apparently from sable fastor outstripping.

2 The shape of the bagkla is said to have remained

unchanged since early Egyptian times. Ganj a the name for a large baghlawith a figure-head is of doubtful origin.

3

Dhan is a large vesselwhich is falling into disuse. They never visit the

Thana coast. Their origin is in the R ed Sea. The word is used vaguelyand is appl

i

ed to baghlas. It seems to appear in Nikitin’s (1470) travels

as the tavas in which people sailed from Persia to India .4

Botel is a large vessel found bo th on the Arab coast and in the PersianGulf . According to Dr. G . DaCunha, the word, like the Gujarat batila ,and the Suaheli or Zanzibar coast batilla comes from the Portuguesebatel a boat.5 This derivation. is confirmed by Captain Low,

who , withoutnoticing the similarity of name , says, The batilhas more of the Europeanf a

form than any o ther Indian vessel. The after -

part shows the origin to

have been Portuguese they are said to be of the same shape as the vessel‘

in which V asco da G ama came to India’s

"

The Portuguese batel is the

same as the French bateau and the Celtic bat. The word seems to belongto the east as well as to the west, as it appears in the bahita of Java.

7

It seems also to be used both in the east and in the west in the double

sense which the word vessel bears , that is both a sailing and a drinkingvessel, boat and bo ttle in the wes t corresponding curiously to batel and

batalu the Kanarese for a cup or small vessel.8

1 Pictet’s Origines Indo -Européennes , II. 179 -180.2 Capt. J . S. King.

3 Capt. King suggests the Persian ganj a granary‘

or store-house Munshi GhulamMuhamma

dd suggests the Persian ghunj a a rosebud in reference to the form of the

fi t e -hea8? India in XVth Century , Nikitin, 9 . 5 Trans. Bom. G eog. Soc. VI . 92 .

o

3 Indian Navy, I. 169 . See a picture of the San Rafael in Lindsay’s Merchant

Shipping, II. 4. The puzzlingdifference of opinion among the Portu ese authori

ties as to whether Vasco s ship was the San Rafael or the gai

n G abriel is

explained by the fact that the San Rafael, which was Vasco da Gama ’s original

ship, was wrecked, and that he went home in the San Gabriel. Three Voyages of

Vasco da G ama, 38, 247.7 Crawfurd’

s Dictionary of the Archipelago , II. 167 .8 Mr. Ebden.

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Mum.

Paddo.

Palav.

Pdmadla .

S hy/bar.

Surat.

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DISTRICTS

tons (100 200 Ichamdis) burden. The word is perhaps connected withmanj i a bed in the sense of a load carrier.

Mwm also is doubtful ; it is apparently nu—Sanskrit H indu.

used of a water vessel as well as of a sailing vessel. The word suggests a

connection with mumbe or Bombay, Mamba and‘

Trwnbe, Bombay andTrombay, forming one of the popular jingling name couplets. Molesworthno tices a emanbda or greater mwa .

Paddo is a small trading vessel. It is apparently of Dravidian origin,as the word seems to mean undecked from pad Open, opposed to the

kap al or decked boat.l Pan to is one of the Malay words for a boat.’2The word may be compared with the G reek prom a boat and with theEnglish prowor forepart of a boat.

Palav seems not to be in use. The word is Sanskrit. Palva is the

name of one of the Java boats , and it is one of the fewboat names which thean tribes have in common.

3 It has been thought to give its name tothe Palva or Apollo Bandar in Bombay, but it is doubtfulwhether theHindu Pelva is not a corruption of the English Apollo.

Panwala is used of small fast-sailing patimars from Chaul which bringfruit and vegetables to Bombay. The name probably comes from pan or

betel-leaf.4

Pri timdr is a fast sailer and coas ter south ofBombay, apparently theHindi

path/mar courier or messenger .

5 The Musalmans have twisted_

the wordinto phatema'ri to make it the Arabic snake (mar ) of victory (phatek) .The Portuguese (1510, Commentaries of A lbuquerque, II. 78) found it on

the Malabar coast. The name was used by the'

people of the Malabar

Coast, who perhaps adopted it from the path/mars or Brahman couriers

from the north who were high in favour with the Nair women. These

Brahmans are said to have come from Gujarat. They seem to have played

the same part as the Chitpavans played, who, before the Peshwa rose to

power, were chiefly known as harkards or spies. Dr. Da Cunha states that

p atamar has been adopted by the Portuguese as a vessel carrying advices,and inAdmiral Smyth

’s Sailor’sWordBookPaw/mamappears as an excellent

old class of advice boat. Mr . Whitworth finds it known in G ujarat as a

Malabar boat, too sharp and deep for the Gujarat rivers .

I’M/ m?is a small coas ting trader, apparently of Indian origin. Its odd

wedge-shaped prow suggests that the word is pita/m?a wedge.6

Slut/brim, apparently the Persian royal carrier, shah -bar , is a greatmm .

The Gujarat form is chibd/r . H amilton (1700, NewA ccount, I. 134) callsthe 871b a half galley. The word is now used for very large vesselsemployed in the Malabar timber- trade

Sal/val is said to be a South -Konkan name for the mach/m. The word is

Tarappa is a ferry-boat, the use being now confined to the double raft

like ferry-boats used for horses and carts. The word is of Sanskrit origin,

one of several words twralu, tamandlm, tame/Jet, and tend, all from tar across.‘

It appears in the Periplus (A.D. 250) as trapp aga , one of the local boats

1Caldwell’s Dravidian G rammar, 2nd Ed. 501.3 Crawfurd’

s Dictionary of the Archipelago, II. 167.3 Crawfurd’s Dictionary of the Archipelago, II. 167 ; Pictet’s Origines Indo

Euro éennes, II. 181.r. Miller. 5 Captain J. 8 . King.

“Captain J. S. King.

Konkan ]

THANA .

that piloted G reek ships up the Cambay Gulf.1 The tarap h or taf orea wasa favourite vessel with the early Portuguese.

53 The word seemsconnected with the Arab and Persian tranlcz

'

, a vessel not now in use .

3

H amilton (1700 , New Account, 1. 56) described the traxnlci as an undeckedbark

,and G rose (1750, V oyage, I. 18) speaks of it as an uncouth vessel of

from 70 to 100 tons. Valentia (1800 , Travels , II. 379 ) describes it as a bigdow used in India and Y emen.

There are eight words in use for j olly-boats and canoes, bambat, baralcih,dhangi, hodi, pagar , shipil, samba/c, and tom).

Bambat is now in common use for a canoe or small ferry-boat not only

in Bombay harbour but in the Ratnagiri creeks. In spite of its generaluse it seems to be derived from the English bumboat, the, boats thatconvey provisions and vegetables to ships

}! The RatnagiriMusalmans,whoare employed in large numbers as watermen in the Bombay harbour ,

probably took the word home wi th them.

Baralcin and Bhangi have been mentioned above.

Hodi seems to be an nu—Sanskrit Hindu word.

Sh'gnil, said to mean a small kodi, is of doubtful origin it is apparentlyIndian. The Sanskrit sip is a sacrificial vessel shaped like a boat, andshe

'

qnil is a shell. The word seems connected with the English ship whichalso meant a drinking vessel.

Sannbulc is used in Kolaba as the small boat of amama . The word is

also applied to low-lying bagklas from Y emen. It is the Arab soubah or

sanabile, perhaps , as opposed to the slow bagkla , from the A rab sable fast oroutstripping. In Barbo sa“

(1500 , Stanley’s Edition 5 , 64 - 68, 171) sanbucs

and sambucos are generally smallvessels of the Malabar country. It o ccurs

frequently in V asco da G ama’s Three V oyages (79 , 80, 109 , 246,

Early in the sixteenth century V arthema (Badger’s Ed. 154) described the

sambuchi of Kalikat as a fiat-bottomed boat, and Albuquerque (1510,Com. I. 18) described it as a Mo orish boat. In the seventh century thisword was introduced by the Arabs into Spain, and has been adopted as

xabeque into several European languages (Taylor’

s Words and Places,A lmadia a small canoe , though apparently not known on the Thana

coast, has a history closely like the history of the samba lo. The word whichis the A rabic elJmadiya or ferry was brought by the A rabs into Spain,where it still means a raft (Taylor

’s Words and Places, The same

word almaida is noticed among the Kalikat shipping (Badger’s Varthema,

154) as a small bark of one piece, and is mentioned by Albuquerque (Com.

I. 26) and by Barbosa (9 ) on the African coast as hollowed out of a single

trunk. It is still used in Portuguese as a small canoe .

Tom!is a. dug-out canoe. It is used in Bombay harbour instead of bode},but it is generally believed to have been introduced by the Europeans.

Dom’

is a Kanarese word for a canoe. Smyth gives tones a cano e of some

burden in use on the Malabar coast. Dani or dolma is the Somali for a

boat. R igby in Trans. Bom. G eog. Soc. V I. 92 ; IX . 168.

McCrindle’

s Periplus, 118.

9 Commentaries of Albuquerque, I. 18.3

ow’ Indian Nav I . 169 .

‘The os

rigin of the English bumboat is doubtful. .

Webster gives the improbablebum for buttock from its broad sha e ; Skeat gives the Dutch bin, the bin beingoriginally a.well to keep fish alive ; mythg ives bumbard or bombard the name

of a barrel, because these boats used to bring beer to soldiers on duty ; CaptainKing sugges ts burn to dun, as in bum-bailiff, because the womenused to advanceon credit and dun the seamen on pay day .

a 310—91

Bambot.

BarakinandBhangi.

H odi.

Sambuk.

Word Adap tions.

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DISTRICTS.

Of eight names of parts of a vessel, three are Sanskrit-Hindu, three ofwhich one is doubtful nu—Sanskrit Hindu

,and two of which one is doubtful

European. The keel is sometimes called ads an unlSanskrit H indu word '

and sometimes p atkan a Sanskrit word. The bow is mil a Sanskrit word,and a piece of wood at the bow is called bh'wrda, perhaps the Englishboard as the word is used in the Bombay harbour in the phrase bard-

par onboard.

l The stem is w e also we'd/m, perhaps nu

-Sanskrit Hindu from ear

meaning the high part. The cross beams or thwarts are wile, the ordinarySanskrit-Marathi across or athwart. The long beams are dwrmedk an nu

Sanskrit Hindu word for shaft or post. The side timbers are percki,perhaps from the Sanskrit p er a joint or a space be tween joints.Of fourteen words for the fittings o f a vessel seven are nu-Sanskrit

H indu, three Sanskrit, two Eur opean, two Arab, and one H industani.

Eire rudder or sulccin is the Arabic sale/tan. The mast is dolkathi,e moving or swaying post, a parentl H indu, the dol bein nu

Sanskrit and the was or post Selfish -it.

yThe yard, pa/rman or pirban,

is said to be Hindustani. For sails there are four words. The main

sail is skid, a Hindu word apparently nu-Sanskrit. The stem sail is

kakabi of unknown origin The bow-sail is bom, apparently from theEuropean boom and that from the G erman baum or tree, that is pole ,because it is fas tened to a boom or loose bow-sprit. Mr. Whitworthnotices that the G ujarat sailors

.use the words bom and j ib more correctly.

than the Konkan sailors , using bom for the lo ose bow-spli t and j ibfor the jib~sail.2 The storm-sail is burleas, apparently the A rabic bwrkaa veil. The sheet is wide, apparently un-Sanskrit Hindu. The pulley

~

is kapp i and the pulley-rope idali, bo th apparently Hinduwords. The

thole pin is dole apparently Hindu. The car is either calhe, apparentlyun—Sanskrit Hindu, kabisa among the Musalmans, or phalati properly the

s teering paddle perhaps the European float. The anchor is nanga/r, com?

mouly called la/nga/r, apparently the Sanskrit langalmeaning plough.

The two sea terms in commonest use, ghos and dama/n, are Persian.

6‘s from goskak, apparently in the sens e of corner or point, means thelower end of the sail~yard, the tack. A s

,in going in a wind, the tack is

always fastened on the windward or wea ther side, the order to the helms

man, ghee or ghee Isa/r, means lufi'

o r go into the wind. Dame/n, from

the Persian and Sanskrit damn/n. in the sense of row or fringe, means the

sheet of the sail, and, as in sailing into a wind, the sheet is always madefast on the lee side, def/ma nmeans leeward, and the order to the helmsman,damcm or damn/n ka/r, means ease off the wind.These details show four cases inwhich the east seems to have taken names

of vessels from the west the adoption of the Portuguese batel in the Ar abbotil and the G ujarat batela the adoption of the Portuguese barea in theThana barkas or small craft and the Kolaba bar-akin or small boat the adoption from the Portuguese of armafr by the KolabaKolis to mean a war-ship,

and the adoption of the English bumboat. In seven cases EurOpe has takennames of boats from A sia, four

‘

of them before and three of them since the

Portuguese discovery of the sea route to India. Of the four cases before

Portuguese times, two belong to the Arab rule in Spain in the eighth

1 Mr. E. H . Aitken.f

2 Jib seems an Englishword, the sail that is easily turned Jib meaning turn as inthe phrase a jibbing horse. Like the Qu

'

e rst sailors some 0 the Bombay boatmenuse j ib for the sail and bom for the loose ow-sprit.

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Laue” Sail.

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTEICTS

a light lateen-rigged vessel of small burden formerly used by the Spaniardsand Portuguese. The word seems to come through the Italian diminutivecaravella and the Latin carabus and G reek karabos from the A rab gk

'wrdbo r khfwrab. Cam e, cam

-ao, carack, like carve] is no longer in use. In the

sixteenth and seventeenth centuries it was a favourite word for a ship o f

great burden. Taylor makes it one of the shippmg terms which came to

Europe from A rabia. But, as far as is known, no word like lea/rah occurs

either in Persian or in A rabic. O ther accounts state that itwas introducedby H ippus the Tyrian, and the early Phoenician connection with thePersianG ulf suggests that the original form may have been kellek, a word still(1810, Rich

’s Kurdistan,

II. 120) in use on the Euphrates. The wordseems to appear in the British kurale or coracle

,the Welsh kyryg or [money

a round body or vessel.

Another bond of connection between the east and thewest is the lateensail. The ancient sailors in the Mediterranean, the Phoenicians, G reeks,and R omans seem to have used square sails only. In late Roman times

(A.D. 100 200) a triangular sail was introduced. It was called Suppara, a

wordwhich is very seldommentioned and is of unknown origin.

1 The 'wordlateen o r Latin shows that the knowledge of the triangular sail came toW est Europe from the Mediterranean. The A rab word for a lateen sail

shira-cl—faukani literally top - sail seems to show. that they borrowed_the

lateen sail from W estern In dia where it is the sail or skid. It therefore

seems probable that the knowledge and use of the lateen sail spread westfrom India .

2

Another seafaring word that seems to have travelled from the east

westward is cargo . The usual derivation of cargo is from a low Latin

word carricare to load. But the old English form ,

of the word, its presentform in Portuguese and Spanish is cargazon, and its use by one of the

sixteenth century voyagers shows that cargazon was then applied not to

the lading but to the documents referring to the lading, and so suggests the

A rab kcighaz or papers.3

1 Lucan Pharsalia, V. 429 . Summaque pandens Suppara-

Velorum perituras colligit

auras . And loosing the top Supparas of the sails catches the dying See also

Statius, VII. 32 ; Lindsay ’s Merchant Shipping, XXXVIII. In the passage from the

Pharsalia the Suppara seems to be a top sail, and the word Suppara may have thatmeaning and be a translation of the Arab name skira -ol-faukani.

2 The use of a lateen sail, as the main s ail, in Europe seems to date from the timeof Constantine the G reat (A .D. whose fleet is specially mentioned as sailingwith a side wind . Stevenson, 266. Another debt which the west owes to the e astin the matter of sailing is the device of reefing. See G aspar Correa’

s (1514 -1583)description of the Indian practice of making the sail as small as they pleased.

Three Voyages of Da G ama, 242 .

3 The merchants do give the cargazon, of all their goods to the broker. Om ar

Trederick (1563 - 1585 ) Hakluyt’

s Voyages, II. 343 .

Besides gallies, grabs, galvats,'

balcons,’ prows , and shebars , which have been

described either in the text or in the History Chapter, the early English accounts“

mention several curiously named vessels . The chief of these are ketches or dorishis,hoys, foists , and snows . The Ketch is described as a. square-rigged vesselwith a large

and a small mast. The name is said to be a West Europe corruption of the Turkish

kailc o r haique . According to Low (Indian Navy, I. its o ther name dorish -comes

from the Gujarati dodka one and a half , because its mizzen mast was about half theheight of its main mast. The Boy , which according to

' Smith took its name from

stopping to pick upcar a and passengers when called Hoy to, was a slo

'

op. The

Foist was a quic sai ing boat from the Portuguese fasta a tree or b eam. The

Snowwas very like a brig, except that in the snowthe boommainsailwas hooped toa trysailmast close to the mainmast. (Low

’s Indian Navy , I . 209 note) . The word

snowis said to come from the G erman snau, a snout or beak.

Konkan ]

THANA .

In connection with the sea trade between the east and the west thedisputed question of the origin of the compass claims notice. The

magnet and its power of drawing iron were as well known to the Romans

(Pliny, A.D. 77, Nat. His. Bk. xxxxv, chap. xiv. and xvi.) as to the earlyHindus. But Pliny does not seem to have known that the magnet had

power to make iron turn to the north, while the early H indu astrologersare said to have used the magnet, as they s till use the modern compass ,,in fixing the north and east in laying foundations and in o ther religiousceremonies . Though the compass now universally, or at least generally,used by H indu Joshis is the European compass, there is said to have

been an older compass, an iron fish that floated in a vessel of oil and

pointed to the north. The fact of this older Hindu compass seems placed

beyond doubt by the Sanskrit word machchk-

yantm or fish machine, whichMolesworth gives as a name for the mariner

’

s compass.1

In .the eighth and ninth centuries the Khalifas induced learned Brahmans to settle at Baghdad, and, under their teaching, the Arabs made

great progress in navigation, trigonometry, astronomy , and medicine.2

The fact that in the A rab word for the polarized needle lamb-nomad, kutb thenorth pole is A rabic and nam ci. the pointer is Persian, suggests that theA rabs did not know of the polarity of the needle, till after their conquestof Persia , and that they learned it from Brahman astrologers. Masudi

’s

(915) accounts of navigation seem to show that the Arabs of his time had

not begun to use the needle .3 When the A rabs began to steer by the

needle is not known. Early in the thirteenth century a Mediterraneancaptain is mentioned as steering at nigh t by the help of a polarized iron

needle buoyed on the surface of a jar of water by a cross reed or piece of

wood. About the same time captains in the Indian seas are said to have

steered by the help of a magnetised iron fish which pointed to the north.

Ano ther'

writer of a slightly earlier date (1218) no tices that the magnetwhich made iron point to the north came from India.

*

It is curious that about seventy years later Marco P010 (1290) takesno notice of the Indian knowledge of this north-

pointing fish, and that theItalian traveller Nicolo Conti (1420 who was specially acquainted

with navigation, says that the Indians never used the compass (India inXV th Century , Nicolo Conti, At the same time Fra Mauro ,

ano ther Italian writer of the fifteenth century (V incent’s Periplus , II. 673

Stevenson’s Sketch of Discovery, notices that all Indian ships carried

astronomers, who seem to correspond with Nicolo Conti’s (India in XV th

Century, - 26) Brahman astronomers who by supernatural power were

1 Colonel J.W . Watson (Nov. 2, 1882 ) supplies the following valuable note fromKathiawar. The modern compass under the name of halcka. yantm is used by all the

coasting crews. But there was an older compass aneedle in the shape of a fish whichwas kept floating in a vessel of oil or water and by some magnetic power alwayspointed 'to the north. It is said to have been invented by Mai Danav the father-inlawof Ravan. An account of it is given in the Kashyap Sanhita of Kashyap Rishi.Mr . Miller says (2oth Octber about fifteen ears ago a Kharva from Veraval

toldme hewas going to sail his khotz'

a. to Aden. asked him how he steered. He

said by the compass. But that his forefathers di d no t use the compass but steeredby a small iron fish floating in a basin of oil and pomting to the north.

3 The Arab knowledge of astronomy dates from the eighth century, Reinaud’s. .Abu-l-fida, xl c ompare Reinaud’

s Memoir Sur. l’Inde, 309, 311, 315 .

3 Reinaud’

s Abu-l-fida, cccix.

4 Reinaud’s Abuél-fida, ccm . cciv. It is worthy of note that these writers do not

5 eak of the needle or fish com ass as newinventions . Another account (Stevenson’

s

Sketch , 328) cites a notice 0 the compass in a French poet of the end of the

twelfth century.

[Bombay Gazetteer.

DISTRICTS.

able to raise and to still storms. Fra Mauro tells that an Indian ship,in crossing from India to Africa, was driven about 2000 miles to thesouth and west, and that the astronomer on board brought her backafte r sailing north for seventy days. In such a storm, when sun and starsmust have been hid for days , it seems . .probable that nothing could havesaved the ship but the north-

pointing fish. The Brahman as trologer’s

assumption of supernaturalpower and the fact that the Indian knowledge ofa north-

poin ting fish escaped the notice of Marco P0 10 and Nicolo Conti,make it probable that the j oshis or astrologers kept their knowledge of thefish a secret and claimed to tell the north by supernatural means.In the beginning of the fourteenth century , according to awriter in the

Encyclopeedia Britannica,l the Italian Flavio G ioio worked out the moderncompass by combining the north-

pointing needle with the.

old wind-card.2

The use of the European compass spread east in the fifteenth centuryduring the close connection between V enice and Egyp t. In 1500 thePortuguese found the Turkish and Red Sea Musalmans provided withcompasses ,whose Italian name of busola.or box showed that they came fromItaly. The A rabs seem also to have translated busola

, the Italian-box,into koklca. the A rab box.

3 The Hindu sailors picked up the word hole/ow,and the astrologers, who soon found the new compass more suitable thanthe old fish-machine, Sanskritized and adopted it under the title kolclcafyantm or the box-machine.

There remains the question whether the knowledge of the polarity of theneedle came to the Hindus from the Chinese. The Chinese claim to haveknown of the polarity of the needle as early as the twelfth century beforeChris t.4 It is doubfiul whether they turned this knowledge to practicalaccount. If they did they seem afterwards to have lost it. None of theA rab writers mention the use of any form of compass by the Chinese , andthe Ar ab writers of the eighth and ninth centuries distinctly no tice thatthe Hindus of that time were ahead of the Chinese in philosophyand astronomy.

6 A ccording to R einaud,in spite of the silence of

Marco Polo (1290) and of Ibn Batuta there is no doubt thatthe Chinese knew of the compass in the twelfth century after Christ andhave since improved it into themodern Chinese compass. The modern

Chinese compass , like the modern European compass, is a combination of a

needle and a wind- card. But the facts that they call their needle the

south-

pointer, ting nan chin, and that the card is divided into twenty-four

instead of into thirty-two points, seem to show that the Chinese and the

European compasses are distinct inventions.7 The want of information

about the early Hindu use of,

the fish-machine, and the long period thatpassed between the introduction of H indu astronomy and astrology into

Persia and the earliest recorded use of the north-

pointing fish,make theH indu share in the discovery of the compass doubtful. Still, so far as it

goes , the evidence favours the view that the Hindus found out that themagnet polarized iron, and from this knowledge invented a rough but

serviceable seaman’s compass in the machchhywntra or fish machine.

1Article Ship-building. Other writers seem more doubtful about the origin-of

the modern compass, Stevenson’s Sketch of Discovery , 328, 3 4.

2 The wind card seems originally to have been made by the G reeks, Remand(Abu-l-fida , cc.) gives a specimen of an old Arab wind card.

3 Reinaud’s Abu-l-fida, ccxi. H akka is Arab-Persian for a box or casket, Munshi

Lutfullah.4 Reinaud

’s Abu-l-fida, ccv.

A

5MemoirSur l’Inde, 321.

6 Reinaudis Abu-l-fida, ccvi. eev n.7 LordMacartney inVincent, II. 656, 658, 660.

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Jordanus with four Franciscans,landed at Thana.

l Details o f Jordanusand his companions are given in his own letters and in those of Oderioanother Franciscan missionary in India. They are also noticed by the

papal legate John de Marignola, who was sent by Pope Benedict XII in133 9 at the head of fifty missionaries to China, where he stayed for fouryears and then sailed to India.

2 H e visited the tomb of St. Thomas the

Apos tle at Meliapur and the Chr istians on the Malabar Coast Afterfourteen months he returned to Europe, and, in 1353 , related to PopeInnocent IV the report of his missionary expeditions in the east.3

1 Wedding, AnnaleeMinorum Ad. An. 1321. The suggestion may be offered thatsome of the monks who were connected with these miSSIODS may have passed inlandby Nasik down the G odavari. Near Nirmal on the Godavari, about half-waybetween Haidarabad and Negpur, open air chamber-tombs or dolmens have beenfound” marked with large stone crosses . Jordenas found the poorer classes ofHindus near Sopara most to become Chris tians . Had it no t been for the

hostility of the Musahnans he fe t confident of success. It seems possible that therewas at that time a connection between the So ara Kode and the inland Kols and thatsome of the Sopara converts may have advise the missionaries to go to a land which

phey knewwould be friendly andwhich was free from the fear of Musalman intererence .

Dr . Fer on (Rude Stone Monuments , 489 ) notices these crosses beside the rude

tombs as lustrations of Pope G regory the G reat’s policy not to destroy heathentemples and buildings but to turn them to the service of G od. Perha

epflmissionary who consecrated the old form of burialwas influenced by the fewhich Colonel Dalton (Ethnology of Bengal, 204) has given expression in

account of the Mundas or eastern Kols, who are probably related to the builders of

thes e cross-adorned tombs. I think that Mundas who become Christians may beallowed to keep as much as they wish of their beautiful funeral ceremonial. There is

nothing in it repulsive to our religious sentiments."2 Yule’s Cathay .

8 J. G . Meinert, John de Marignola’s Travels in the East, 1339 -1353 . Prag. 1828.

Bitter Asien IV. 2 p. 57 -62. Dr . Kunstman,Hist. Pol. Bl. 1856. 5th and 6th Art.

Missions in India and China of the 14th Century

These crosses are single stones dressed inthe latest form of cross about ten feet long of which seven

feet are above the ground. InDr. Fergusson’s o inion they proban belong to the eleventh or twelfth

century . Bee illustration and descriptioninRu e StoneMonuments, 4815, 488.

the

g tohis

Konkan ]

THANA.

PO RTUG UESE LAND REVENUE, 15 3 5-1547 .

153 5.

Forts of.Sinkehi anKarnala

Sopara

Other Sources

Total

812 and 313 the sizebf the m da varied in dinerent parts of the district. Ao

and Mgasures , 1825) one muda was equal to twenty-nve phares , which, onthe basis of one pita/rs to eighty-nine pounds, is equal to 2226 English pounds.

a 3 10—92

[Bombay Gazetteer,

DISTRICTS.

THE NAME SlLAHARA.

R ea sons have been given in the text (p. 422 and note 4) for holdingthat Siléhara is a Sanskritized word and that the Silabar a family

“

belongedto the early or eastern tribe of which a trace remains in the commonMaratha and Marathi-Kunbi surname Shalar. The original of this nameseems to be the un-Sanskrit (Dravidian or Kolarian) Marathi shela he-goat.The Shelar tribe are peculiar among Marathas or Marathi-Kunbis inrefusing to eat the goat. This rule against eating goats

’flesh and the

resemblance of their name to the word for goat suggest that this is anexample of the practice, common among Bengal Kolarians , ofa dopting thename of an animal as a tribal distinction, making. it the crest or totem,

called devak in Marathi, and abstaining from feeding on it.1 This trace ofwhat is considered to be a K olsr ian practice is in teresting in connectionwith the apparent relation between the Kods of the Sopara burial circlesand the Kols and Gonds of the Central Provinces.2

1 Dalton’s Ethnolo of Bengal, Lubbock’

s Primitive Condition"

of Man,172 -173 . Colonel D ton notices the case of certain Khassis s who , contrary to thecustom of their tribe, refuse to eat the shee Probably, he says , they call themselvesthe sheep tribe and so, according to Kolanan custom, are debarred from eating thesheep. Ethnology

of Bengal, 161.

2

110

; Ill

)

;K0 s see above p . 409 and note 1 and Vol. XIV. p . 325 and Appendix

pp. 1

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732 INDEX.

Arsacidaa Parthian dynasty, 410 .

Arsaks same as Arsacidee, 411 note 2.

Arthur , Sir George (1842 323 .

Articles of Trade : 361-362, 420, 429431, 444 -446, 465 4 68, 487, 514, 519 note 1.

Agggri :

fort, 455, 456, 457, 480 , 491, 493 ,

Ashok : 404,405, 406 and note 1, 407

note 1, 409 .

Aspect : 2 - 4, 671, 673 , 676, 678, 681, 683 , 686,688, 690, 693,695.

Assessment forms of, 550 -551 551note 2 under

the Marathas, 555 note 3 ; improved system558 1788 survey rates , 559 and no te 1

farmers’

rates, 560 instalments , 560 no te 7 modeo f paying

‘

the rent, 561 new system in salsette(1798 562 and 563 note 1 in Karanja saltland 563 note 3 ; forms of 565 ;paid in kind except in Kalyan, 566 ; farmer’srates , 566 no te 2 (1818) extra cesses and fraudmade the G overnment demand oppressive

, 566extra cesses to be abolished and money rental to befixed at one -third 566-567 terms for military classes, 568 note 2 ; Mr . Marriott’s changes,568 note 2 ; proposals for six years, _ 569 ; _ earlymeasurements and as sessments untrustworthy

571 ; Mr.

' Simson’s opinion 571

note 3 ; survey rates abandoned note 8,571-572 ; 576 and note 8 ; assessment (1828) 574575 inSénkshi, Rajput-i, and Raygad grain rental(1830 577 note 6 assessment revised

(1836 578 - 584 ; results (1836 584,,585 cocoa and betel-palms, 587 note 3 co st andprofit of tillage in north Théna 587-589 ;survey needed (1851, 590 no te 2 ; surveyintroduced (1852 590-621 ; effects

, 621note 2, 622 results (1854 622 .

A suras mythic warriors , 406.

Ataris perfume rs , 108.Atgaon temple, 429 .

Attar Musalmans 236 .

Audich Brahmans 74.

Augustine Friars 462 .

Augustus Roman Emperor 36 - A .D. 410

note 3 .

Aungier r G erald, Bombay G overnor (1669

474, 475, 476.

Aurangzeb : Moghal Emperor (A.D. 1658

481, 482 , 489 .

Autbandi or tapping-knife

'

cess : 643, 644.

Avépa, foot-path, 316, 317, 321.

Babylon 403 .

Babylonians : 404 note 3 .

Back Bay 513.

Bad Seasons : 302 - 304.

Baj irav : Peshwa 512.

Baghla, an Arab lateen-rigged vessel, 352-353, 718.

Béglén : 419 ; chief of 440, 442.

BagbanMusalmans 236.

Bahadur : Gujarat king 451.

Bahmanis : (1347 - 1482) 440, 442, 444, 551 and

note 6Bahrain island, 404 note 3, 412.

Bahurupis see Bhorpis .

Bairag'is religious beggars , 195.

Bakar Fakih reclamation, 282 .

3 81551Vishvanath Peshwa 489 .

Balance Sheet District and Local Funds , 652, 653 .Balav or Balyév ; fi shing

-boat, 344, 719 .

Balhéras 432, 434 and note 10.

BalkrishnaAtmaram Gupta Mr. , 378 note 1.Balsar :

Balvant Hari Néik dispensary, 667.Bambot : canoe, 721.Bamboos 30, 431note 8.

Ban : a stone, 105 note 1.Banavasi 423 .

Band Kolis : early tribe , 167.Bandar Boat : the , 344.

Bandra, 451, 457, 459, 462, 476, 484, 485, 562 .

Banians Vanias, 468 note 520 and note 3 .

Bapurav Lambia : Maratha commander

522.

BdraBalutas the twelve village servants , 564, 574.Birap Chalukya general, 435 and note 4.

Barbosa traveller (A .D. 1500 446.

Barge : 723 .

Béris : husbandmen, 117.

Bérkas coasting craft, 717.Basappa. founder of the Lingayats 110.

Bésgad hill, 4, 5 .

Bassein : sea-trade , 358- 359 404, 427 note 1, 437,443 , 448 , 449 , 451, 453 , 454, 455, 457, 459, 461,462

,463 , 465, 466, 476, 479 , 480 ,

483 , 484, 485, 490, 494, 496, 498, 500, 501,

503, 507, 510, 512 ; siege and fall 493

treaty of 512,514, 522 , 523 ; under the

Portuguese (1530 552 survey , 552 note 4re -assessed by the Marathas (1730 555

note 3 ; surveyed (1793 558 ; cesses added,

560 the best tilled spot in India 5 63

prosperity the result of fraud, 563 and note .7,

564 and note 7, 569 note 6 ; dh cp or lumpsystem chiefly in Bassein

,565 assessment

revised 583 ;'tillage cost and profit

'

587 survey assessment introduced609 - 611 ; sub-divisio nal details , bound

aries , area, aspect climate,water, soil, holdings,rental, stock, crOps , people , 2, 678 -680.

Batela : sailing vessel, 346-347, 719 .

INDEX.

Battles : 436, 442, 448, 450 and:noteBdellium : gum, 404 noteBedsa : caves ,

Beherja or Pinjél : river , 9 .

Belapur : 455, 479 , 491, 503, 522 .

Beldars : stone cutters, 135 .

Benares :

Dene-Israels : 273 -274.

Berenike : in Africa, 409 note 2, 410 note 5 .

Berkley : Mr. , Railway engineer 325.

Betel : nuts , 445 ; palm, 298 - 301 ; vine, 293 -294.

Bhagvanlal Indradi : Pandit, 409 note 1, 419 , 420note 8, 423 note 4, 424, 425 notes 1 and 6, 426

notes 3 and 4, 427 n’

otes 1, 2, and 3.Bhfia : caves , 412.

Bhil : village, Maratha and British rent'al com

pared (1817 and 568 note 2.Bhandaria zpa-lm-jnice drawers , 61, 62 , -150 .

Bhandup; distilleries at, 398 428 estate , 545-546.

Bhangis : scavengers, 190 -191.

Bhansalis ..traders, 108.

Bharédis religious beggars, 196.

BhargavBrahmans : 78.

Bharvdds shepherds , 144.BhatelaBrahmans : 75.Bhétias traders, 109.Bhéts : bards, 141.

Bhétsa : river, 10.

BhenKolis see Raj Kolis.Bhillam: Chandor Yadav king (A .D. 424 .

Bhils : early tribe, 156, 522, 523, 524 ,

Bhim : see Bin h.

Bhimashankar : P535 , 321 508

Bhimdev I : Solanki king 1022

Bhiwndi : 523, 524 , 525

assessment revised 584 ; cos t and profit of

tillhge 588 ; survey assessment606 608 , sub-divisional details : boundaries ,

area, aspect, climate, water, soil, holdings , rental,stock, crops , pe0ple,

z

2 , 680 - 683.

Bhois : river-fishers,146.

Bhopi : village Mhar 574.

Bhorande :

pu b, 321

Bhorpig : mimics , 141.

Bhosle : surname, 63 note 4, 493 .

Bigha : land measure, its meaning, 551 note

3 ; 558 note 4 ; 567 and note 5 ; 571note 2 ;

included 30 and 38 guntbas , 579 note 3.

Bighavnj : tenure, 536 ; bigha rate, 565587 ; bigha assessment needed

590.

Bimb or Bhim : traditional chief of Thana: ap3 .

Bonds labourmortgage, 311.Boone : G overnor ofBombay 489 and note 1.

Bor : pass , 61 316,522.

Birds : Raptores, 48, 49 ; Insessores, 49 ; Seansores, 49 ; Tenuirostres , 49, 50 ; Dentirostres ,50. 51 Conirostres, 51 G emitores, 51 Rasores,52 G rallatores, 52 Longirostre

'

s , 52 ; Latitores ,

53 ; Cultirostres, 53 ; Natatores, 53 Megitores ,53 ; Vagatores, 53 ; Piscatores, 54.

Births and Deaths 669 -670.

Birundakram : Aparajit (A.D. 424.

Blind : the , 668.

Boats : 468, 469 , 470, 711-726. See Vessels.Bodhisattva potentialBuddha, 408 note 2.BohoraMusalmans 224

,239-240 , 517.

Bombay : modern port, 403 ; line of road

428 ; temple remains 429 and note 1centre of piracy 434 ; port (1500 and

443, 449 ; pleasant island 450

battle of , 450 note 1 ; a Portuguese district455 ; small mart 465 and note 4

centre of piracy 471 and note 8 ; coded

to the British 472 ; . state 474 ;

Portuguese disturbances (1673 478 JanjiraSidis proposed Maratha invas ion

‘

Keigwin and Child 479 ; President’

s

head-

quarters Child’s death 480

the Sidis depressed state (1694481-482 trade and condition (1664

485 and note 2 ; trade and taxes487 and notes 1 and 2 ; merchants 488

town wall finished recovers from

depression (1710 Portuguese disturbance489 Portuguese wish to buy

490, 492 and note 1 Portuguese refugees

494 ; alarm in Bombay, .ditch.

made

495, 496 ; storm 496 ; danger

from the Marathas Bombay’ prosperous

497 and note 1 new fortifications(1757 499-500 ; Parsons

’account (1775)

501 ; ship building and docks, danger from

Marathas and French , Vadgaon convention502 -504 scarcity of money 509 ; growth,Forbes

’and Franklin

’s accounts 511 and

no te 2 ; cotton trade with China (1790519 ; great fire 515 ; famine

513 trade (1800 514 state (1800Lord Valentia Sir J.Mackintosh (1804

'

Captain BasilHall 514-517 detailsof trade (1800 518-520 summary of trade(1805 526 and note 2 ; population (1665,1669 - 1677, 1764, 1780, 1812, 1816,

1826, 473 , 474, 489, 497 note 500

note 1, 511note 2, 513, 516 and note 6, 526 andnote 3

734 INDEX.

Borrowers : 309 -310.

Botel : sailing vessel, 351-352,Boundaries : 1.

Bourchier G overnor of Bombay (1750 496.

Brahma 406 .

Brahma Tekri : Sopara bill, 408, 409 .

Brahmans : 63 and note 2, 64, 66, 73 -87, 411, 461.

Brahmanism : 66, 406.

Bridges : railway, 329 .

British : receive Bombay (1664) 403 , 472 ; capturesalsette 500 defeated at Vadgaon503 protect the Peshwa 512 conquer

the Peshwa 522, 523 ; management

(Sals'

ette, ,1774 562 - 563 ; early revenue

system, 566 ; difficulties 563, 569 ; see

Land Administration.

Breach 409 , 410 note 4, 415, 418, 424, 429 , 434,440, 486, 504.

Brokers : 332.

Bud-dene palm tree cess , 642 .

Budd-ha. 404 note 2 , 406, 407, 408 and,note 2.

Buddhism : 404 note 3 , 405, 406, 411, 416.Buddhists : 66, 413 , 414.

Buist Dr . , 20 note 2.Burhanpur : 467. 505

Buruds basket-makers , 150.

C .

Cambay : 429, 435, 437, 440, 441, 444, 449 , 465

486.

Campbell Captain 506.

Cane-work 400.

Canoes : 721.

Capital :Capitalists : 305.

Captains : Portuguese ofiicers , 457, 458 and note 1.

Caravans : 406, 446.

Caravel ; sixteenth century craft, 723 .

Cargo derivation of, 724.

Carnac Mr. 503 , 504 and note 2 , 505.

carpet-weaving 401.

Caskets Sopara stupq , 409 .

Caste makin of, 65 note 1.

cathedral T mousse ,462 ; Bombay (1715), 489 .

Cattle Disease 669 .

Causeways : Mahim,Sion, Chambhar, 322, 323 ,

517.

Caves : 404, 414, 421, 455,461note 498, 501.

census : (1846, 1851, 1856, 1872, 69 - 73,

589 and note 4.

Cesses : 454, 460, 498, 552-553 ; 558 ; 560

and note 4 ; petty taxes abolished in Salsette562 cesses, 566 and note 4 ; Mr.Marriott’s

list of thirty-six cesses, 567 575 and note

1 580 .and note 5 589 and note 3 .

Ceylon : 404 note 3 , 418, 420 , 430, 445, 464, 465,

473 .

Chalukyas (970 435.

Chambhars leather -workers , 190 .

Chanda Danda : Ohalul ya general (A.D. 610

420.

Chandre or Bohata : pass, 5, 319.Chi t ims : husbandmen, 118.

Chaudhris zpatil’s assistants, 538 572, 573 .

Chauk : 508.

Chaul : 403 , 410 note 6, 414, 415; 418, 423 , 424,429, 432, 434, 441, 442 , 443 , 444, 446, 448, 449 ,

450,453, 456, 457, 461, 463, 464, 465 , 467, 468,

470, 476, 47—9, 485, 486, 495, 502, 512 , 514.

Chfivdi V illage oflice, 576.

Chembhur : causeway, 323 distilleries, 398.

Chemula Chaul, 423 .

Chhabina guard boat, 719 .

Chhittaraj Dev : e leventh Silabara king422 note 1, 425.

Chikhal a one year tenure ,5 50, 564.

Child : Sir John (1684 479, 480 .

Chillies : 294.

Chimnap Appa, Maratha general 493 ,

495.

China : 413 , 416, 420, 42 9 , 430 , 431, 432 , 487, 519

Chinchvad : rupees, Marétha assessment paid561.

Chitpavan Brahmans : 63, 75-76, 521.

Chitrakathis religious beggars , 196.

Chittha. village revenue statement, 576.

Chokhars husbandmen, M8.

Cholera : (1819 and 69, 569, 572 note 9 ,

627, 665 -666.

Chondhe-Mandhe : pass , 320 .

ChristaPuran Metrical Life of Christ,Christians : Christians perhaps 414

“

notes 2 and 3 , 417 and note 2 Christian Bishopof Kalyan Nestorians in Kalyanand Sopara

friars and eonverts (1230 200, 439 ,

727-728 present Native Chr istians , strength,history, appearance, speech, houses , food, dress ,ornaments , occupation, condition, 199 - 205

religion and’

customs , 206 215.

Christian : missions (1250 727-728 ; village

461 reverts, 117 .

Chumli Koli see Malhari Koli.

Churches : 203 , 206, 439, 461 and note 1,463 , 474, 476, 481, 490, 494, 499, 500, 501, 509.

Civil Suits 630 -632.

Classeswho save 306-307.

Climate 16 - 19 , 514, 671, 673, 676, 678, 681, 683,686, 688, 690, 693 , 695.

Clive Colonel 497 .

Close Colonel 512 .

Cloth : 430.

Coast : aspect of, 2 ; 3 .

Cookham Colonel 503 , 504 and note 2“

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736 INDEX.

Dhepbandi see Dhep.

Dheri 454.

Dhingi Sindh sailing-vessel, 350-351.DhobiMusalmans 237.Dhodias early tribe, 157.Dholagris drummers, 116.Dhor Kolil 159 note 1, 167.Dickinson Captain 523.

Diseases 663 -666.

Dispensaries : 667-668.

Distilleries 395 - 398.

Diu : 448, 449 , 451, 452, 485.

Dobash'

ship-chandler ’s boat, 344, 345 .

Docks Bombay, 499, 500, 501, 511note 2 , 515,

Domestic AnimalsDominican Friars 460 note 7, 462 , 483 .

Dom'

Joao DeMonoy :Portuguese general449.

Dom Joao Decastro :Portuguese Viceroy455 .

DongariKolis early tribe, 168.Doni see Toni.

Drammas coins , 425 note 6, 427 note 3, 428and note 5.

Dravidian :‘

dialect and people, 67 no te 1.

Dress trade in articles of, 430, 439 , 445, 466 andnote '6.

Drugs trade in, 430, 445, 467.Dublas early tribe , 158.

Dugad battle of 507.

Dukanvari a Portuguese cess , 553 .

Dulandi one year tenure, 564 ; people of twovillages, 565 ; tenure discontinued 566.

Duncan : the Hon’ble Jonathan (1799 322

note 2 , 517.Duncker 715.

Dutch the , 453 , 458, 465, 468, 473 , 486, 487 .

Dwarka 423.

E.

Early Hindus administrative history , forms of

assessment, 550-551.

Early Tribes 60 , 153 note 2, 586.

Earthquakes-16.

Ebden Mr . E. J 37, note 1 pp. 60 , 292, 338.

Edict : '

Ashok, 404, 405 .

Egerton Colonel 503 , 504 and noteEgypt : Indian connection with , 403 and note 1,

404 and note 3 , 409 , 416, 420 , 448 464.

Egyptians 404 note 3 , 448.Eksali one year tenure, 536, 550 .

Elephanta 412 , 468, 479, 498, 501 and note 2,502, 508, 514.

Elphinstone : the Bou’ble Mount Stuart (1819

322 note 2.

Fraud assessment and accounts, 564 and note 7,565 note 6, 566, 569 note

French : the , 468, 502 .

Fryer English traveller 317 474, 476,

477.

G .

Galbat general term for vessel, 343 , 717.

Gambhirgad hill,

Gang Robberies 523 , 524. 526, 635

Gangadhar Shastri : murder of 522.

Ganja : trade in, 336.

Gargaon hot spring, 15 .

Embankment : 281, 282.Eggé

and 403 note 1 trade with 488, 518,

English : the, 458, 462, 464, 472, 477,482

, 488, 490, 512 - 526. See British .

Estates Parsi, 256 and note 2.Ethiopia trade with 440, 444.

Europeans 446, 458 note 2, 479 , 481, 482 .

Excise 642 -650.

Exchange Bills 305.

Exports 337, 338, 416, 420, 514.

F .

Factories : 394, 395, 449 , 457, 476.

Fai rs 228, 334, 335 and note 4.

Famine_: 302-303 , 511- 513, 559 note 4, 562.Farming see Revenue.Farmers.

Fartak Point in Arabia, 410.

Fazendeiros Portuguese landlords, 459, 552.Fergusson Dr . , 413 .

Ferries 330, 331.

Fevers : 663 -664.

Fibres 290, 400.

Field Tools 285, 286.

Firangis , or Franks 199.

Fire Bombay 515 ,

Fire Arms import of, 446 note 2 .

Fire Temple 249, 250, 255,f_432 .

Firewood : 29 .

Fire Worship 66, 247 and note 3 , 253 note 4.

Fisheries : 54 -59 .

Fishermen : 54,146-149 .

Fishing Boats 58.

Forbes J. 44 note 3, 500 , 501, 509, 511.Forests : area, blocks , description, 31- 37 ; revenue ,

rights , wood-ash manure,varkas, flee -

grazing,

committee , free grants , demarcation, fruit trees,38 -42 617.

Foro Portuguese quit-rent, 552 .

Forts : Portuguese, 456, 457 490 515,523 .

Fra,Mauro Italianwriter , 725.

Franciscan fr iars 410 note 7. 461, 462 , 483 and

no te 7

INDEX.

Garrisons Portuguese , 458 and note 2 , 490, 491.Garudis : snake -charmers , 197.

Geis

fgar Correa

'

: Portuguese historian (1514

Gatkuli : absentee tenure , 550.Gaundis masons , 136.

Gautama : Nagy. king, 408.

Gavlis cow-keepers , 145 .

Gayakvad : surname , 63 note 4.Gel] : G eneral, 636, 637.

Gemelli Careri : travellerGenealogical Table Silahara, 422 note 1

Jawbar , 706.

Geology : 14. 15

Gerrha : trade with , 404 note 3 , 411note 1, 412 .

Ghadses : singers , l4_1.

Ghdrdpuri island, 11. See Elephanta.

Ghatis laboure rs , 151.

Ghisadis : tinkers , 151.

Ghodbandar : 475, 493 ; sea trade, 358.Ghos the tack of a sail, 722 .

Ghurab old war vessel, 348 note 1,Gibson Mr. G . L ., 1note 1, 23 note 1, 46 note 2,47 note 1, note

ll , 56 note 1, 60 note 1.

Ginger 292 , 293 .

Goa : 447, 451, 453 , 463 , 465, 469, 471, 473 , 476,486, 493 , 494, 495 , 501.

Goddard : G eneral 317, 507, 508.

Goggi sixth Silahara king, 422 note 1, 424.

Golak Brahmans 77.

Golas weavers and labourers, 109 .

Gold Flowers Sopara stup a,409.Gomes Manuel, Franciscan friar (1575 462 .

Gomma. : a Hindu chief (A.D. 425.

Gonde pass , 320 .

Gondhlis : dancers , 197.

GonsalaRodrigues : Jesuitmonk 461.

Gorakhgad : fort, 523 .

Gorakh Machhindar : hot spring, 16.Gordon Captain 495 .

Goregaon : 408, 545 , 546, 578 note 1.Gosavis religious beggars , 196.

Goshirsh sandalwood, 406Gotamiputra I. (A-D 412

GovardhanBrahmans : 77 note 3 .

Goveli : foot-path , 321.Grants : Silahara, 426 and notes, .426 and notes ,427 and notes , 428.

Greeks : settlers in India, 403 , 404 note 3 , 405,407 note 1, 414, 415 , 417, 418.

Grose English traveller 494 , 496, 497

note 1.

Guild trading, 406 and note 3.Gujar vanis traders, 112 .

Gujarat immigration from, 60 tradewith, 414,429 444 465 519 and note 1.

Gujarat BrahmansGuravs temple servants , 142 .

Gypsies European, names and origin history,distribution and language ; perhaps partlydescended from the Sanghars or Sanganians the

famous Gujarat pirates (AD. 600 713

Hajams : Musalman barbers, 244.

Hall : Captain 515 note 2 , 516 note 6, 517Halvais : sweetmeat-makers, 151.

Hamals : carriers,

Hamilton Capt. (1700 485 .

Hamyaman prob

ibly Sanjan, 423 , 428.

Hare -catching :

Harik : tillage , 289 .

Haripaldev : Silabara king 422 noteHarpharan : a Parthian Buddhist, 413.Hartley 3 Captain 504, 506, 507.

Hatra ruins of, in Mesopotamia, 413 .Havala, a rent assignment , 561.Havaldars : village managers 556 ; land

allotments to , 568 and note 2 village threshingifloor keepers 574.

Health : 663 670 .

Heber : Bishop (1824), 2, 318, 571.Hereditary Officers : deshmukhs and others , 538,

cease to be of use , 563 ; theirizafat villages , 564 ; made nominal proprietors bythe Marathas , 565 ; 572 573.

Hetkaris : husbandmen, 119.

Hills 4 - 8.

Hill- :passes 5, 6, 319 322, 508, 522.

Hill-tillage :

Hindus : 403 , 404 note 3 ,428, 431, 520, 521.

Hippalus : G reek sailor (A .D. 410.

History . Political, early Hindu (B.c. 225 A .D.

403 437 ; Musalman (1300 438 446 ;

Portuguese (l500 447 474; Maratha (1670475 511, English (1800 512 526

Administrative, early H indu,Musalman, Po

'

r

tuguese, Maratha, 550 562 ; British manage

ment in salsette and Karanja (17724 562

563 ; over thewhole district (1817 563 629 '

summary of British revenue history , 563 .

Kiwen Thsang Chinese pilgrim 432.

Kodaga boat, 719 .

Hodi : canoe, 721.

Hog Island. 11,

Hokkayantra : the Mariner’

s compass, 726.Holdings : 284

Holi : disturbance , 525 .

Hon : a coin, a tenure, 531 ; probably . forfhunda,

565 note 7

738 INDEX.

E

gga Naik ; a KoliTreebooter (1874 526,

Hornby 3 G overnor 504,"

506.

Horses import of, 431, 444, 468.

Hospital civil, 666,

Hospitallers : order of, 460 note 7.Hot-springs : 15

Houses 275 ; Bombay 5 l6.

Hove’Dr Po lish traveller 509 -510 .

Humayun Moghal Emperor (1530 451.Humba : pass, 5 , 320.

Hunda, lump o r gross . See Hundébandi.Hundabandi : a tenure, 550 and note 2 , 551note5 hunda an unmeasured plot of land

, 565'

hon p robably for hunda, 565 note ~

7 ;574 inMurbad 583 no te 1 587.

Hurricane : see Storms .

IbnBatuta traveller 440 .

Iconoclasm : Portuguese, 462 .

I drisi A rab geographer 436.

Imports : 335, 336, 337, 416,Iném tenure, 534 ; villages , 535 - 537.

Inchbird : Captain 495.

Incline Bor, 326.

Income tax riots 525 .

Indo-Parthians dynasty (a n. 411note 2 .

Indragad fort, 506.

Infirmities : 668.

Inland : aspect, 3 , 4.

Inquisition : the (1560 201, 202, 463 .

Insane : the, 668.

Inscriptions 407 note 1, 408, 409 , 412 , 413 ,420, 424, 428, 437 .

Instalments 560 and note 7.

Instruction schools , cost, staff,instruction

,

private schools, progre ss , girls’ schools, readers

and writers, pupils by race , pupils by caste,

s cho ol re turns , town schools , village schools,librari es, reading ro oms , newspapers, 655 -662.

Interest rates of, 309.

Intoxicating drugs : 650 .

Investments 307.

Irrigation : 281.

Isaiah the Prophet 404 note 3 .

Islands 11.

Ismailian Musalmans : 223 and no te 2 .

Istdva : rising rental, 555 ; 561note 7.

Ive traveller 499 .

Izafat special service tenure, 534 villages , 539

and note 3 , 540 notes 1 and 3 tenure, 540 -544

544 note 1 553 554 note l 556 564 ; izafatvillages found specially prosperous by the Mara

thas , 564 ; izafat villages sometimes resumed, 565note 1.

J.

Jadav Rana : Sanjan chief 249, 421.

Jahangir Moghal Emperor 454.

Jahaz sailing tessel, 718.

Jails 525 , 640.

Jail Industries 400 -402

Jamébandi yearly rent settlement, 575.

JambuBrahmans : 78.

James Commodore, Sir Henry 497.

Jamsetj i Jij ibhai Lady , 323 .

Jangams Lingayat priests , 197.

Janj ira 410 note 6,474 , 475, 498.

Jasag‘

ril palm-juice drawers , 116.

Javg, trade with, 420, 429, 470, 520.Javal Brahmans 79.

Jawhar 1 440, 454, 456, 457, 464, 509 , 555 andnote 3 , 557 state description, area, water,climate, products , population, agriculture , trade ,history ,

administration, revenue, instruction,health, the t0wn, 698 - 710.

Jervis : Major, condition of Thana 578.

Jervoise Mr. A. C . , 647.Jesuits 460note7, 461, 462 , 484.

Jhanjha. fifth 'Silabara king 422 note 1, 424,435 .

Jimutvahan founder of the mythical Silabaras ,422 note4, 424.

Jingars saddlers , 136.

Joharis religious beggars, 198.

John ofMonte Corvino missionary 433 ,727.

Jordanus French friar (1321 251, 439 .

Joshis fortune -tellers, 198.

Julaha. Musalmans : 225, 245 -246 ; cotton-robe

weavers, 388 - 390.

Junnar 411note 3 , 414, note 476,479 .

Justice Portuguese, 459 Maratha and British,630 - 640.

Hachis husbandmen, 119 .

Kadam surname , 63 note 4.

Kairana : Portuguese sub-division, 456.

Kalans distillers , 152.Kaldurg : hill, 7.

Kalikat trade with, 429 , 444, 465 , 470, 486.Kalil : river, 10.

Kalundri : river , 10, l l.

Kalyan : 417, 418, 419 , 420 , 424, 443,

453, 457, 464, 465, 476, 477, 479, 480 ,

491, 509, 512, 522, 523 , 525 ravaged by the Mo

ghals (1682 555 surveyed 558

resurveyed (1788 558 cesses added, . 560

bigha cash rate, 561 cash rental, 566 ; farmer’s

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740

Koriya : dialect,67.

Koshtis : weavers , 133 .

‘Kosmas Indikopleustes G reek monk and mer

chant 200, 419, 420.

Kotaligad : fort, 522 , 523 .

KothalKhaléti surveyed (1785 558.

Kothia. sailing vessel, 349 -350, 719 .

Kotvél Mhar village servant 574.

Koyta : sickle assessment, 565.

Kramvant Brahmans : 79 .

Krishna Nags. king, 408.

Krishnagiri : Kanheri, 412 .

Krishnaraga : Rashtrakuta king 429 .

Kshatraps : (A .D . 78 - 328) settlement of,60, 61 ;

dynasty , 411, 412 , 417.

Ktesiphon 412.

Kudali : hoe as sessment, 531 note 3 , 551 note 2 ,565.

Kulambis see Kunbis .

Kularag : peasant-held, 545 proprietary holders,

551.

Kulkarnis : accountants, 538, 552 ;‘

deshpandes or

sub -divisional kulkarnis 572-573 village

kulkarnis unknown 574.

Kumarpal : Solanki king (1143 426, 436,437.

Kumbhérs : potters , 137 ; their kriyas or obse

quies , 138

Kunbis : husb andmen,124 - 129 , 409 note 1, 477.

Kurhéd pick-axe assessment, 565 .

Kurla : mill, 391 estate, 545 .

Kusur : pass , 322, 508 , 523 .

Kute footpath , 321.

Léd Vinis traders, 63, 112 .

Ladavi : dialect, 67.

Lakes 11- l4.

Lil-langoti Kolis see Solesi Kolis .Land for administration see land administrationfor land revenue see revenue ; transfers of landunder the Marathas, 564 note 2 ; tillage on.

couraiged, 564 low rates ofwaste land , 565 dis

continued 566 ; large landholders

566 note'

11 survey , Mr . Marriott’s (1818area under tillage , 567 ; waste put to auction,567 ; land offered to disbanded troops , 568 andnote 2 ; newlandholders 570 ; cost and

profit of tillage 571 note 2 proposed vil

lage leases 572 waste leases 576

village leases (1830 577 ; cheap grain inThana (1833 577 note 5 5 cost and profit oftillage ditto (1820 and 579

note 5 ditto 587-589 tillage area (1868629.

INDEX.

9.

Land Grants 424 and notes 3 and 7, 425 and

notes 3 , 4, and 6, 426 and notes 1, 2 , 3 , and 4, 427and notes 1 2 , and 3 428.

Land Administration 527-629 English a9q11i8i

tion (1774 territorial changes (1817

527-528 ; administrative staff 528

530 land tenures 530 - 550 ; early Hindus,

Musalmans , Portuguese, Marathas , 550 - 562 ;

British management (1774 562 - 629 ; sal

sette (1774-1819 ) 562 -563 British revenue history(1817 563 -564 ; land tenures 564

565 ; assessment 565, 566 cesses, 566

administrative changes (1818“

566-570 sur

vey 570 ; condition 570 -571 ; details(lS25 571, 572 ; condition 572

hereditary officers , ts latis, and village servants"

,

forms of assessment, cesses , superintendence, revenue system, survey , 572 -576 territorialchanges 576, 577 village leases (1830

577 condition 578, 584 assessment

revision (1835 578-579 ; Nasrapur579 -581 ; Panvel 581, 582 Murbad

582, 583 ; Bassein, Mahim, Kalyan, Bhiwndi(1837 583, 584 ; Salsette , condition584 assessment revision results (1836584 585 ; Kolvan 585 586 north Thana.

586 587 ; cost and profit of tillage587 -589 cesses 589 census (1846

and_

i85l ) , 589 and note . 4 territorial'

changes

589 , 590 ; seasons and revenue (1837590 and note 4 ; survey (1852 590

621 survey efi'

ects, 621 and note survey

results (1854 622 ; 1and revenue receipts(1844 622 ; development _(1846 623

season reports (1851 623 - 628 revenue

statistics (1851 628 629

Land Revenue see Revenue .

Land System : Portugue se, 459.Language 67 - 69 , 428.

Lair country and dialect, 112 , 431, 435.

Lariya : language , 434.

Larike Ptolefny’

s south Gujarat, 414.

Lascar sailors , 521, 716.

L5]; Desh south Gujarat, 414, 435 note 4 .

Lateen sail apparently Indian , 724.

LatinFriars 66, 200, 439, 462 .

Lawrence Mr . E. , 286 note 1.Lazima haks perquisites, 538.

Leasehold : a. tenure, 534 ; villages, 535, 545 550 ;proposed village leases

”

to deshmukhs and desh

pandes 570 ;p roposed village leases to headmen 572 ; village leases (1830 577.

Lepers 668.

Libraries 661-662 .

Light-houses

INDEX .

Lingayats : merchants , 110.

Liquor-drinking see Moha Liquor .

Lisboa Mr. J. C . , 55 note 1, 297 note 1.

LocalFunds 662 -653 .

Locusts 5 13 , 627.

Lodhia : laboure rs , 153 .

Lohanas traders, 111.

Lohars : blacksmiths , 138.

Lonad Gave : 421, 423 , 429 .

Looms 384, 386, 387, 455.

M .

Mackintosh Sir ;I . 515 notes 1 and 2,51s

notes 4 and 6.

Mackintosh Captain 635.

Matchhis sea-fishers , 147 , 719 .

Machhva or Suva] coasting craft,

. 345, 719 .

Maclaran Mr. F . B. , 20 note 1.

Médhavrav Peshwa 498.

Madhvi patil’s assistant 563 573.

MadrasiBrahmans 80.

Magistracy : 633 -634.

Mahabharat 404.

Mahéd 512 .

Mahadev Kolis early tribe, 168.

Mahalakshmi hill, 7.

Mahélkari : petty -divisional oflicer , 529 , 555 -556

revenue farmer, 559 -560 ; settles with patil orkarbhari, 560 allowed interest on revenue

paid in advance , 561 ; had armed messengers,horsemen, and bands of

'

Kolis , 563 no te 4.

Mahars see Mhars .

Mahawanso : 405 .

mahim surveyed (1793 558 ; assessment re

vised 583 cost and profit of tillage588 survey assessment 611- 614 ;

sub-divisional details : boundaries , area, aspect,climate, water , soil, holdings,

'

renta’l, sto ck, crops,people, 2 , 673 - 675 .

Mahim causeway , 323 ; Bombay , 438, 442 , 465,474, 481, 482 , 485, 489.

Mahmud : Bahmani 443 Begada (1459442 , 448.

Mahmud Shah Gujarat king 452 .

Mahuli hill, 7 , 442 , 454, 475 , 522 .

Maitreya Bodhisattva, 408 note 2.

Makta, see Khand .

Malabar 406, 410 and note 4, 429 , 430, 431, 434,440 , 444, 445 , 465 hill, pirates , 484

export of grain to Bombay (1833 577'

note5 ; supplies Bombay 5 79 .

Malacca, trade with, 416, 429 , 446, 464, 465, 486.Mélia an estate , 545.Maths gardeners , 61, 6

2 .

Malcolm Sir John (1827 318.

Malanggad : fort, 8, 506

741

s, 8.

Maskat Fishers 359 note 1.Maskat 359 , 465, 470 , 476, 486, 488, 520, 521.

Masudi Arab histo rian 112, 424, 432, 434,

and note 10.

Masulipatam trade with , 415 note4, 418, 466.Materials for Thana administrative history,527 note 1.

Ma-Thakurs early tribe, 180.

MalhariKolis early tribe, :173.Malik Ambar Ahmadnagar minister 453 ,

464 ; did not introduce dhep, 550 note 4 ; his

revenue system , 553 -554, 554 note 3 .

Malik Eiaz Musalman general 449 .

Malik-ul-Tujar Bahmani minister 441.

Mahm navigator , 716.

Mallikarjun : Silabara king 422 note 1,426, 436.

Mi lkhet Deccan capital 424 434.

Halsej ormalshet pass , 320 , 403.

mamlatdar sub-divisional Officer, 529 , 555 556 ;

revenue farmer, 559 - 560 allowed. interest .on

revenue paid.

in advance , 561 had armed mes

sengers , horsemen, and bands of Kolis, 563 notel

4

grants yearly leases , 564 .

Mamvani thirteenth Silabara king 422

note 1, 425.

Manap Angria, 492 .

Manbhavs religious beggars, 199 .

mandev Baglan chief 440.

Mandvi : 427 note 2 , 457.Mangalpuri old settlement in salsette, 424.

Mangelas fishermen, 147, 719 .

Mango Cultivation 294-295 .

Mangs village servants,194.

manikgad hill, 8.

Manja coasting craft, 719.Mankir Malkhet 434.

Manor 452 , 457, 491.

Marathas 63 and note 4, 409 note 1, 413, 415,

457, 464 ,474, 488 ; details of, 496, 477 - 512

administrative history, 554-562 ; one of their bestsurveys (1788 89 ) 559 connive at land transfers ,564 note 2 .

MarathaKunbis husbandmen, 63 andnoteMaratha vanis 115.

Marathi :‘

dialect, 68, 69 note 1.Marco Polo Venetian traveller 433

,434,

438, 447 .

Markets : 58-59 , 333 -334 .

Marriott , Mr . his revenue system 566

567 his survey, 567, 570 village rents 579 ,

MarviKolis early tribe, 173 .

marwar Brahmans 80.

Matrwar vanis ormarvadis : 113 -115 ; moneylenders 308

742 INDEX.

Métherén 2 hills 6

Mauryas dynas ty 225 -A.D. 409 note 3 ,QO, 421 settlement of, 60, 61.

Meds pirates 433, 711note 2 .

Melizygerus perhaps Malvan, 404 note 3 .

MemanHaselmaus traders , 240 .

Merchants Thana, 403 note 1 ; 404 note 3 406,407, 416, 417, 431-432

,446, 468, 488, 500, 520

and note 1.

Meta Kolis early tribe, 173 .

Metals trade in, 431, 445, 467.

N evada Brahmans 78 .

Mhangiri coas ting craft, 346, 719 .

Mhars village servants , 63 , 191- 194, 524, 529 ,

563 , 574.

Mliétdra. Portuguese village-headman, 552 and

no te 8.

Militia. Portuguese, 458.

Miller Mr. J 342 note 1, 711note 1.Mills :

,

cotton, 391.Minerals : 20, 21.

Miras -suti or vatan, same as mix-as 564 and

note 3 .

Missions Christian (1250 200, 439 note 1,

727-728.

Mithagris salt-makers , 116.Mithibéi dispensary , 668.Mithridates I. : Parthian king 174 410.

Mitne Machhis : fishermen, 148.Modh Brahmans : 80.

Modh vanis traders, 112.

Moghals : 452. 453.474, 475 , 477, 480,488 .

Mogham vague assessment, 565.

Mona.Liquor 395 - 3 98, 647 , 648, 649 .

Mokha trade with, 409 note 2, 465, 468, 469 , 486,487 520 and note 3 .

Mom ms cotton weavers , 385 - 388.

Monasteries 406, 407, 432 , 456, 462, 483.

Monks Christian, 460 note 7.Moneylenders 307 309 .

Moore Commodore 502 .

Moors 447, 449 , 482 , 484.

Moro Pandit Shivaji’s general 476.

Mortaza !Ahmadnagar king 453 .

Mosques : 439. 449

Mostyn : Mr. 503 .

Movements 277.

Mubarik Emperor of Delhi (1317 438.

Muda a grain measure, 536, 547 550 note 2 ; of

25 mans , 562 L6 to 32 mans , 565 and note 6 ;divisions of a muda (dhep system), 565 ; equal tofour khandis, 565 ; not uniform, 565, 574 ; 6 -14

mans and 25 mans , 565 note 6, 569 note 6, 574.

Mudébandi : tenure, 536, 550 and note 2587.

Mudkebandi : see Mudabandi.Muhammad Tughlik Musalman ruler (1325

440 .

Muharram : 524 .

Mulock Mr. W . B. , 46 note 1, 48 , 60 note 1, 281note 4, 321note 1, 530 note 2, 647 .

Mulraj Solanki ruler (943 435, 436.

Mummuni see Mamvani.

Mum : coasting craft, 720.

Mumbadevi temple of, 474 .

Municipalities 653 654.

MungiPaithan :Deccan capital, 62, 90, 412, 415,

416.

Muos Hormuz Red Sea port, 410 note 5 ,Murbad 477 assessment revised 582-583

survey introduced 604 606 sub-divisional

details boundaries , area, aspect, climate , water,soil, holdings , rental, stock, crops, people, 2, 690692 .

Murkebandi seeMudabandi.

Musala Padan hill sage, 408.

Musalmans : history , speech, appearance , house,food, dress , ornaments, calling, earnings , holidays ,character, condition, community, religion, cus

toms , prospects , divisions , 61- 64, 216- 246 ; 4413 ,

428, 429, 431, 446, 438 -443 , 471, 483 , 488, 521,

523 , 524 administration, 550 - 554.

Musiris Muyiri Kotta in Malabar , 410 , 418.

Mustalian Musalmans , 223 and note 2.

Mutiny : 523 , 525.

Muyiri Kotta : 4103

Myrobalans : 30 - 31.

Ndchni a grain, 288.

Nagar Brahmans 80.

Négérjun twelfth Silabara king, 422 note 1, 425.Nagas ancient tribe, 408 .

Nagothna :

Nahapén Parthian or Skythian ruler (Ad ) .

411 and note 3 , 412.Naiks land allotments to, 568 and note 2

Raghoji Naik (l860), 605.

Nairne Rev. A . K 1noteNakhoda, chief captain, 716.

Nékri Kunbis husbandmen , 128 .

Nala, dynasty (610 420 .

Namdev Shimpis tailors, 138.Nana.Fadnavis (1770

1

14, 501, 502, 504,

506, 507, 512 , 556, 559 , 560 note 7 , 561.Nana : pass, 316, 321, 403 , 409, 412 , 415 note 3 ,477 522 .

Kangarbandi plough tenure , 531and notes 2 and

3 , 551 note 2, 565 587 617 and

note 1.

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7441 INDEX.

256-257 appearance , dress, 258 - 260 speech,house , food, life, 261-262 customs , religion, 263273 ;

fl‘owers of Silence at Dehgam (1306) and

Vejalpur, 249 note 6 at Kalyan 254 at

Thana 256 at Tarapur (1786) at Kalyan

256 ; population inBombay and

note .6, 517 traders (810 431 Jordanus ’

account (1320) 251, 439 , 440 and note 1.Parsons traveller 501.

Parthians 403 , 410 , 411 and note 2 , 412, 413.

Parvatibéj 322 .

Passes . see Hill-passes.Pfitalganga : river, l l.

Pétéme Prabhus : origin and settlement, 62 no te2, 89 ; appearance , language, and character , 91 ;house , food,dress , and ornaments,

~

92 - 101; life

and o ccupation,5 102 104 ; religion, community,prospects , 105 - 108.

Patel : Bamanp Behramj i , Mr . , 246.

Pdtils : village he admen, 529 ; 556 ; 560563 pay 564

_

note 1 ; unfit to manage

local funds , 564 note 1 ; 575, 576.

Pfitimér : despatch boat. See Phatemari.

Patharvats'

: stone - carvers , 13 8.

Paupera : Jayaba, Jawhar chief , (1320 440 note"

5 -703 and‘

note 1.

Pavai : estate in Salsette, 545 condition of

578 no te 1.

Pearls : 55 ; trade in, 416 and note 31,Peasants : 477 ; 484.

Pedder ; Mr . W . G 374 - 376.

Pedlers 335

Pelér : temple ruins , 428.

Pendhéris : D eccan freebooters (1800)522 , 523 .

Perfumes : trade in,Periplus of the Erythraaan Sea : (A D 410

notes 4 and 6 ; 411 notes 1 and and

note 8,Persia, Indian connection with , 247 note 3 , 403 ,404 and note 3, 410 , 413 , 421,

431, 432 , carpetweaving, 402 gulf, 403 note 1, 404 note 3 , 410,

417, 418, 420, 432, 433 , 440,

444, 464, 466, 467, 468, 470, 486, 487, 519 .

Peshwas the, 493 , 498, 501, 503 , 512 , 514, 521,

522 take south Thana 555 their manage

ment, 555 revenue farming, 557 Peshwa'

Baj irAV , 559 ; 559 note 5 ; 561 note 7 600

note 1.

Phani coasting craft, 720.

Phase Pardhi' s early tribe, 175 .

Phateméri : despatch boat, 3417-348, 720.

Phwnicians 404 note 3 .

Phfidgis labourers, 153 .

Pimpri pass, 320.

Pirates early (A.D. 41-7 Cutch, Kathiawat‘,and M alabar (600, 920, 1020, 1290, 1340 , 1400 ;

1500 , 1570, 1670 , 1695 , 1700, 1708, 1757-60,

1815 433 and note 8, 434, 438, 449,

458, 472 , 488, 499 , 521. and notes 4and 5 , 711note 2 ; European (1500 , 1695 ,471 note 8, 484, 488 ; Maratha (1695 , 1700,

1756, 484, 488, 521 and notes 4 and 5 ;

Maskat and Johasmi 1570, 1695, 1700,1708, 1760, 1804 , 433 and note 8, 434

458. 482 , 484, 488, 499, 521 and notes 4 and 5.Plague 482 , 484 and note 1, 513.Plantains 291-292 drying of, 292 , 395.

Pliny : 404 note 3, 409 note 3, 410 notes 3and 5, 411 note 1.

Plough of Land 284.

PlOWden : Mr 374, 375 .

Pokarna Brahmans 78.

Police 638 - 640.1

Poona : treaty of 522.

Pophli : hill, 7

Population : suhdivisions, 70 ; sex, 71; age and

religion , 72 , 499 Bombay (1665 1674, 1708, 1750,

1764,

497 note and note 1, 511noteand note note 3.

Ports Thana, 354 - 361, 414, 416, 429;

432, 443 , 465 , 470 , 485 , 514, 519 .

Portuguese the , _403 , 428 (1500 447 - 474,

489 , 492 landholders , 550 ; dhcp system,

550 -551 administration, 552 - 553 ; districts, 552note 2 revenue system , 552 no te 10 cesses, 552

553 ; condition, 553 excise, 553 note 1 districtspassed to the Peshwa(1733 555 pand‘

her

peshas, 556 ; rates , 557PorvédVanis : traders,Post Offices : 331.

Prabhus Portuguese village clerks, 552 . See

Patane and Kayasth Prabhus.

Prénts four divisions of no rth Konkan and their

revenue 563 note 6 ; Kalyanprant, 600

note 1, 602 note 1.

Prices : 312 - 314 ; high prices (1800 562 ;

still high 571 ; doubtful, 571 note 2 ;Nasrapur prices —57l no te 2 ; (1827

576 note 5 ; cheapness of grain 577 note577 note 5 causes of decline in

577 no te 5 ; 579 ; salsette high prices584 ; Bhiwndi yearly prices (1840

606 note 1 (1855 628-629 .

Pritchard Mr. C . B. , 374, 376, 378, 647.

Products Indian 404 note 3 .Frother Colonel, 522 .

Ptolemy : the geographer (A.D. 410 note 6,

Pulashakti : Silabara king, 422 note

INDEX.

Pulikeshi II. : iChalukya king (BIO 247note 3 , 420.

Pulses : 289 .

Pummelo cultivation, 295.

Punavem dye-

yielding flower and cess , 552 .

Punt Ethiopia or India, 404 and note 3 .

Purandhar treaty of 502 , 505 , 508.

Puri Maurya and Silahara capital (590420, 423 and note 2 , 425 , 426.

Purna Sopara Buddhist apostle , story of,404

note 2, 406 - 408.

Quilon 429, 444.

R .

Rdghoba, s ee Raghunathrav.

Baghcha Janardhan Rao Bahadur , 295 note 1.Raghoji Bhangria. Koli freebooter (1844636-637.

Raghoji Naik Koli outlaw -605.

Raghunathrav Peshwa’

s regent 498, 501,

502, 503, 505.

Raids 522, note 4. See G angRobberies .

Raikaris early tribe, 175.

Railways : 324 - 329 .

Rainfall (1860 17, 628, 629 .

Rajapitamaha : Silahara title, 436, 437 no te 1.

Raj Kolis early tribe, 174.

Rajmachi or Konkan Darvaja, 6, 322 449,489 ,

508.

Rajputs surnames , 61note 3 .Ramchandra Devgiri Yadav (1271 437,

438.

Ramp Bhangria Koli robber SM .

Ramoshis early tribe, 177, 522 , 524 .

Ram avNérfiyan M jmachi commandant sur

veyed Vasra (1795 558.

Ramsing' Cutch traveller to Holland 521.

Bandar near Surat, 448, 451.Rangaris dyers, 133 .

ofMurbad Kunbis , 124.

Rashid-ud-din 437.

Rashtrakutas of Malkhet, 423 , 424, 425, 434.

Bates see Assessment.

Rauls tape-weavers , 133 .

Raygad Kolaba fort, 442, 476.

Readers andWriters 657.

Reading-rooms 662.

Reclamations 281-283 .

Recoleta Friars , 460 note 7, 483 .

Red Sea, trade with, 410 note 1, 414, 416, 715.

Registration : 633

Reinaud French writer, 410, 726.

Relics Buddhist, 409 .

RelicMound Sopara.419 .3 310—94

Religion 65 -66, 406, 407 Silabara , 424 Portuguese, 460

Rend-bhatti Portuguese still-cess , 553 .

Bend-darn Portuguese liquor-cess , 553 .

Rend-doli Portuguese net-cess , 553 .

Rand-masli Portuguese fish-cess, 553 .

Rental see Assessment.

Rest -houses 329 -330.

Returns railway , 338-341.

Revenue and Finance 641-654

Revenue 455, 473 , 474, 483 , 498, 512 , 523 land

(1837 590 ; (1844 622 ; (1851628-629 (1830 641 Portuguese (1535

729 .

Revenue Farmers deshmukhs and deshpandes ,553 , 554 revenue farming introduced by the

Marathas , 557 -558 farming extended to talukasand prants, 559 ; farmers unrestricted, 559 note 5could raise the rental, 560 ; their settlement withhusbandmen, 560 ; their tyranny , 561; stipendiaryofficers as revenue farmers 563 resultof farming, 563 note 5 ; disorders, 565 ; talatiaappointed, 566 and note 5.

Revenue System : early Hindus , 550, 551 Musal

maus, 551-554 Portuguese, 552 - 553 Malik

Ambar 553 - 554 Marathas , 553 - 562

British, 562 British changes 566 - 569

efi‘

ect, 568 note 2 ; village accountants571 575-576.

Reverts from Christianity, 117, 201 note 2 , 202,203.

Rice 3 287, 288, 429 , 465, 466 note 1, 501.Riots 456, 523 , 524, 525 .

Rishis Beers , 406, 408.

Rivers 84 1

Roads 316 - 319 Silahara high roads, 428 515,

523.

Robbers (1817) 563 and note 4, 569 (1825

572 note 6.

Romans in India, 410, 417.Rome Indian spices in, 410 note 3 .Routes old, 316.

Rudder : 722 .

Rudradaman Sinh king ofKathiawar417.

Ruk bird, 433.

Rukmanibai dispensary , 668.

S .

abayoShabaz, Portuguese sub-division, 456,

adashivKeshav Maratha mamlatdar, his sur.

‘

vey (1788 558, 559 ; districts surveyed, 559

note 3 his rates changed, 560, 566 note 2.

Sadashiv Raghunath Maratha mamlatdar, hissurvey (1793 558.

Sadrye pass, 320.

746

Sahyadris 4 - 6, 403 , 415.

Sailors : 433, 447, 471, 521.

Sails 722 .

Saimur Chaul, 424, 429 .

saivan : 455, 456, 457, 478, 490.

Saknrbai dispensary ,667.

Salbéi : treaty of 508, 509 .

Saldanha Antonio de, Portuguese admiral451 Manuel de, Por tuguese general 478.

salis : Weavers, 134.

Sélsette : island, 2 , 11, 412 , 454, 455, 456, 457,462 , 476, 480, 481, 483 , 484, 490 , 493 , 494, 498,499 , 500 , 501, 502 , 505 , 506, 508, 509 , 510, 511,

512 , 517, 523 rent system, 547 leasehold vil

lages (1882 ),545 -550 Portuguese, 552 Marathas ,555 no te 3 ; havaldars 556 ; rates, 557 ;condition 558, 562 ; British management(1774 562-563 resident and factors562 revenue system 562 changes

562 condition (1774 562 -563 com

pared with o ther parts, 566 ; improvements in

Pavai, Virar, and G oregaon 578 note 1 ;

577, 578 and note 1 condition 584 ;

survey assessment 608-609 ; sub-divisional

details boundaries, area, aspect, climate , water,soil, holdings , rental, stock, crops

,people, 2

,

685 - 689 .

Salt-making works, 363 - 365 shilotris, 365

workers , 365 -366 process, 366 - 369 trade,

369 - 372 excise, 372 - 374 smuggling, 374 - 376

changes, 376, 377 ; results, 378 receipts , 651317 ; 429

Sambhan : Shir-ap ’s son

Angrie

samble : surname, 63 note 4.

Sambuk Arab passenger -boat, 470 note 1, 721.Samvedi Brahmans 82 .

Sandalwood : 406, 408.

Sandanes : D. 417, 418 and note 1.Sanganians : pirates, 499 note 1, 713 714.Sangars : blanket -weavers , 134.

Sanghars : pirates, 433 , 713 714.Salljan 248, 249 , 403 , 423, 425 , 428, 429 , 430, 432,i

438,455 ; under the Marathas , 555 note 3 ; surveyed (1793 558 Maratha cesses, 560

585 costand profit of tillage 588

survey assessment 619 -620 ; styledDahanu,

Sankh ha, ra : Egyptian king (B.c. 404 note

86.

3

11i jamin : chain surety , not required576.

sankshi fort, 443 , 452 .

Sanskars sixteen Observances , 76.

Saraganes the Shétkamis, 417 .

INDEX .

Sarang boat-captain, 716.

Saranjémi villages , 535 and note 2.sarasvat Brahmans 78, 83 - 85 .

Sarkhot : over -khot, revenue contractor, 538.Sarpatil : over

-headman, 538 ; 572 .

Sarsubhedér Maratha provincial oflicer, 555 , 556Sarvariya Brahmans : 85.

Sassanians : Persian dynasty (n o . 230

421.

sativli hot spring, 15, 16.

Savai Suti one and a quarter remission, 532 note1 see Suti.

savla pass , 322 .

Schools 216, 500 town and village, 660-661.

Schweinfurth African traveller, 715 .

Scott : Colonel, 637.Sea-fishes : 55-56.

Seamen : Hindu, early , 403 , 711- 715 ; 150

417 ; (810 433 ; (1320 447

471 and note 4 ; 716 ;names of, 716.

Season Reports (1837 590 and note 4

(1851 623 - 628.

Sea-trade : 342 -363 , 404 note 3 , 410, 412 , 416, 418,420, 429 -431, 444 - 447, 464 -468, 485 - 488, 514,518-520.

Sects : H indu, 73 .

Seervai Kharsedj l Nasarvanp , Mr . , 246.

Sefareh -el-Hende Sopara in Thana, 404 note 3 .Sefareh -el-Zinge : Sofala in Africa, 404 note 3 .

ServiceMortgage 310 -311.

Settlements Indian, inPersia, Arabia and Africa,s ee Voyagers ; foreign, in Thana, 60 - 65, 403,

404 note 3.Shabaz : 456, 479 , 491.

Shahapur 525 sub-divisional details : boundaries , area, aspect, climate,water, soil, holdings ,rental, stock, crops, people, 2 , 683 -685.

Shahji Shivaj i’s father 464.

Shaks 413 and note 7.Shakra, Indra , 406.Shaligrim : a form of Vishnu, 105 note 2.Shankar god, 406 ; Devgiri Yadav 438.

Sharakati : share village, 539 and note 3 , 540, 544,Shatkarnis the, 409 , 411, 414, 418.

Shell Games 104 note 1.Shenala lake , 13 .

Shenvi Brahmans : 85.

Sheri ; state lands, 564.Shibar large patimar, 348-349.

Shidgad : pas s, 321.Shilotri : salt-marsh reclamation, 534, 544 and note2 , 545, 551and note 4, 553 and note 2, 561note7 Salsette 584note 5.

Shimpis tailors, 138-139 .

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748

(1825 571 parts surveyed (1821 571note8 ; survey suspended 572 slight progress

572 , 576 and no te 8 ; needed (1851,590 and no te 2 introduced (1852 590 -621;effects, 621- 622 and 621 note 2 ; results (1854 ‘

622 classification of rice land, 554 andnotes 4 and 5, 592 note 3.

8118 Skythian tribe, 411note 2.

Susa 413 .

Snti : tenure , 531-532 meaning, 532 no te 1same as miras, 564 and note 3 .

Suval coasting craft, 720.

Svamitva, farmer’s share system, 530.

Syedl Musalmans , 230.

Silveira Heitor de, Portuguese admiral50.

Symulla Chaul, 410 and note 6, 414, 415 .

Tabi shir bamboo pith, 430 and note 15, 445 .

Tagar : Deccan metropolis 200 -am.

409 , 412 , 415, 416, 419 , 423 and note 4, 424.

TaiMusalmans : 225,Tailang Brahmans 85.

Tailap : Chélukya.king (973 425, 435.

Taka, a coin and tenure , 531, 550 and note 2 , 551note 5 probably for toka, 565 note 7. See Toka.

Takbandi see Take and Toke.

Takmak : hill, 6.

Tal pass , 61, 318, 319, 320, 403 , 412, 444.

Talétis village accwntants 529 ;

566 and note 5 569 573 575.

Talegaon : 503 .

TalheriKunbis : husbandmen, 124 128.

Taloja sub-division 528, 602 note 1; surveyassessment in 602 - 604 divided betweenKalyan and Panvel 528.

Taloja Brahmans : 78.

Talvédis : palm-tappers , 643.Tambats : coppersmiths , 140 -141.

Tambolis betel-leaf sellers, 112 .

Tamils 415.

Téndel : boat-captain, 716.Tinsa : river , 9 .

Tape-weaving : 401.

TapodhanBrahmans 86.

Tarappa : boat, 720.

Téré’pur ; sea.trade , 358 451, 456, 465, 483 ,

485, 491, 493 , 522 , 523 under the Marathas,555 note 3 .

Tasu a division of the land-measuring rod, 558

no te 4.

Taxes : 483 , 525 ; assessed, 650.Teak : trade in, 418, 431 and note 8, 466 509 , 510

and note 2 , 518 and note 2 .

Telegraph 331

DIDEX .

8.

Timulla, Chaul, 414.

Tirkati European ship, 718.

Todar Mal his system 553 , 554 note 2.

Tok 550 note 2 . See Taka and Toka.

Toka, tenure, 531 550 and note 2 ; 551 note 5unmeasured plot, 565 assessment, 565 takaprobably for toka, 565 note 7 574 ; in

Murbad 583 note 1.

Tokre Kolis see Dhor Kolis.

Tolls 323 -324.

Toni canoe , 721.

Trade : the Thana coas t natural centre of, by sea,

pro-historic with Persian Gulf, Red Sea,

‘

and

Egyp t, 404 note 3 , 712 ; with east Ar abia, eastAfrica, 404 note 3, 712 ; by land with Deccan

316, 403 ;with Masulipatam (AD .

415 note 4, with Benares 100 406

in Alexander’s time 404 note 3

under the Shetakarnis by‘

land 100

412 ; by sea,with Persia, Ar abia, Egypt , Red

sea 410-411, 412

,416 ;

Kalyan trade with Persia and Ceylon (A.n.

419 -420 ; Arab trade 421 and note 4

Silabara. trade (800 429 -432 ; Musalman

trade 443 -447 ; Portuguese trade

(1500 464-471 Maratha trade (1670485 -488 European trade centres atBombay (1800

499, 514, 518-519 ; opening of Sahyadri

pass roads , 317, 318 ; hampered by transit dues,487, 581, 702 railways , 324-329 ; development,526.

Traders 108—115, 332, 404note 3 see Merchants.

Telis oilmen, 134 -135.

Temperature : 18.

Temples : 407, 408, 413, 424, 428, 439,449 , 455 , 461and note 1, 509 , 524.

Tenures 530 - 550 ; early Hindu, 550-551

564-565 ; British , 566 ; 574-575.

Territorial Changes : (1817 527-528

(1818 569 571 and no te s576-577 ; 589.

Thakurs early tribe, 177 - 181,523 .

Thana 403, 404, 409, 411, 415, 428, 429,

434, 436, 437, 438, 442, 443 , 444, 446, 449 ,

450, 451, 455 , 457, 459, 461, 462, 464, 465, 478,484, 485, 491 492 , 493 , 509, 510, 522 , 523 , 525

clo th, 385 - 388 exports to Bombay , 362-363.

Tha'

nges Kulkarnis’ messengers, 538.

Thankar Kolis early tribe, 174.

Thok 550 note 2. See Taka and Toka.

Thokabandi or Tokdbandi. See Taka andToke.

Tiefl’enthaler : traveller 499 .

Tigers : 44, 501, 510.

Tijai : one-third rental system of Salsette, 547.Timber : 27 - 29 ; 418, 431, 445, 448, 455, 465, 500,

518

INDEX.

Transit Dues : see Customs .Treaties : 451, 452 , 453 , 480, 495 and note 4,

503,Trees : liquor-

yielding, 21 23 ; ,forest 23 27.

Trikuta : perhaps Junnar, 419.Trikutakas : dynasty of (A .D 419 .

Trimbak Vindyak : Maratha mamlatdar, hissurvey (1771 558.

Trimbakj iBenglia 521, 522, 523 .

Trombay sea-trade , 359 , 360.

Tulsi lake, 12.

Tunnels railway, 326 328.

Tungar hill, 6.

Turkey Sultan of (1500 451, 452 .

Turks 438, 439 , 451, 452.

Tyre trade with , 404 note 3 .

mhés river , 10.

11i Naik : Ramoshi freebooter 634

635.

Umbargaon sea. trade , 357 survey assessmentintroduced 614 616.

Un-Brahman Gods 65.

Underi island, 479.

Upton Colonel, 502 .

Uran : sea trade , 360 -361; distilleries, 395 - 397,423 , 428, 456, 528 ; survey assessment620-621.

Urapa or Varaps Christian reverts, 117, 201note 2.

Ushavdét Konkan Viceroy (A.D. 411“

and

note 3.

Vaccination : 668 -669 .

Vida. 420 ; 528 ; sub-divisional details : boundaries ,area, aspect, climate, water, soil, holdings, rental,stock crops , people , 2 , 675 - 678.

Vadars : diggers , 181-182 .

Vadgaon : convention of 318, 504, 505.

Véghachfipathér : T iger’

s T errace , 5.

Véghris : game snarers , 182 .

Vaishakhara surveyed (1771 558.

Vaishya, see Maratha Vania.Vaitarna : river , Ptolemy

’s G oaris (A .D.

sanctity , course , tributaries, 8 -10.

Vaitia early tribe , 182 .

Vajjaddev I. seventh Silabara king, 422 no te 1,424.

Vajjaddev II. ninth Silabara king, 422 note 1,425.

Vajrébéi : hot springs,Vakél : Sopara.hill,Valentia, Lord 303, 515

,110 tes 1 and 3 .

M9 .

Vandidad Parsis’sacred book, 252 note 3, 253

note 2.vanis traders

, 112 - 115 432, 524.

Vaniaris husbandmen, 118, 131.

Vappuvanna, fourth Silabara king, 422 note 1,424.

Varéts rent-drafts, 561.

Vari tillage , 289.

varlis early tribe , 182 - 189 .

Varthema, Italian traveller 443 , 470.Varuna god, 406.

Vasco da Gama 470.

Vésra. surveyed (1795 558.

Vésudevs religious beggars, 199.

VasudevBalvant Phadke 526, 637-638.Vatan service tenure , 534, 537 - 539 .

Vatan Settlement. See Vatan.

Vatvad : hill: 4.

Vehér lake , ,

l l - l2 , 425 note 6, 461.Vengaon bir th place of Nana saheb 525.Versova, 484, 485, 491, 493, 501, 509, 514.

Veskars village gate-keepersVessels Egyptian (B.C . 404note 3 ; A rab

716 Phoenician 1100 716; Greek

(A.D. 62 417 and note 6 ; Roman (A .D.

410note 5 earlyHindu (A .D. 419 Arab (6001000) 432 , 433 ,

Chinese 433note 3 ; piratesof Kathiawar (700 433 -434 ; of Socotra.

434 of the Malabar coast 434 o fthe Bombay harbour 434, 438 449 ;ofMaskat (1600 488, 521 note 4 of Betin Kathiawar (1812 521 note 5 ; Arab,Persian, and Chinese (1300 447, Portuguesevessels 470 and note 9, 469 -470, 471 andnotes 1-3 Dutch and English (1600 471and note 3 ; building of at Agashi 465note 4, 468 at G oa 469 ; atSurat 469note 4 at Bombay (1735 500 and note 3 ,517, 518 and note 1 names of vessels, 717 - 721passed from Asia to Europe, 723 -724 fromEurope to Asia, 722 -723 names held in common,723. See Boats and Pirates .

Viarala lake , 12.

Villages : 274Village Communities 275.

Village Headmen see Patils.

Village Leases see Land.

Village Officers 529 563 -564 howpaid unfit to manage local funds564 note 1, 573 note 2 , 573 -574 575.

Village Schools 661.

Village Servants : 529 563 -564573 -574.

Vincent Dr., 712.

Virar 456

Vithoba gOd, 524

750 . INDEX.

Vologesocerta Parthianmart 412 .

Vovla an estate , 545 , 546.

Voyagers Hindu, prehistoric , 711- 715 in Pales

tine (B.c. Persia Carthage (B.c.

Rome (B .c. G reece ,G ermany ,England

200 403 and note 1 in Egypt, X .

Alexandria, Constantino le and Java (AJ ) .414 and note 3, 417 no

l

te 1 in Persia, AlexanKan“ 3 St

:Francis 200, 201,

403dria, Ceylon, Java, and China 420 and

Xerxes Ema“ “1 the “m y °f ‘B' C‘

note 5 in Persia and Arabia (650 432 andnote 1‘

note 6, 711note 2 inOrmuz, Aden, Zanzibar, andMalacca (1300 446 and note 7 , 712 ; inthe Persian Gulf, Mokha, east Africa, Malacca,

Sumatra, Gong, and Bassora (1500 468

and note 10, 488 ; in Maskat, Red Sea,

Batavia, Yemen, the Somali coast, Holland and

England (1760 520 and note 3 ; in the

Persian Gulf, Arabia ,Africa, and the Bay of

Bengal 350, 716, 730 note 1.

Wages 3 12 .

Wahabis 22 5.

Wa’

jha.Musalmans weavers , 243 .

Wélukeshvar temple , 429 and note 1.

Watch Towers 456, 457. 491

Watson Commodore 497.

Wedderburn : Sir W " 633.

Weights andMeasures 314, 315

Wellesley G eneral, (1803 ) 318 .

Wheat 289 , 444.

Wild Animals : 44 -47.

Wild Tribes 567 condition 567-568

580 and no te 2 586.

Wilson : Professor, W . W ., 411.

Wood-carving 399 .

Wool 445 , 467, 510.

Yadava : DeVgiri 423, 437.

Yajurvedi Brahmans : 86.

Yakshas : 406.

Yavans foreigners in,India, 405, 407 note 1, 413

and note 7, 414.

Yemen trade with , 417, 520.

Yerangal : 457.

Yeshvantrav : Holkar 512.

Z.

Zamindéxs hereditary officers, deshmukhs and

deshpandes, 540 note 1 553 holders of izafat

villages , 565 note 1 Mr . Marrio tt an advocate

of the zamindari system,566 note 11 numerous

in Kalyan, their emoluments and duties

572 -573 .

Zamorin the Kalikat 448.

Zand or Zend : meaning of, 271note 3.

Zanzibar trade with , 444, 446.

Zizerusperhaps JanJira, 410 note 6.