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Angela H. Kellogg, Debora L. Liddell

Journal of College Student Development, Volume 53, Number 4, July/August2012, pp. 524-541 (Article)

Published by The Johns Hopkins University PressDOI: 10.1353/csd.2012.0054

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“Not Half But Double”: Exploring Critical Incidents in the Racial Identity of Multiracial College StudentsAngela H. Kellogg Debora L. Liddell

This qualitative study explored how critical inci­dents shape multiracial students’ understanding of race and identity at predominantly White institutions. Participants included 14 multiracial undergraduate students from two institutions in the Midwest. Four categories of critical incidents were identified from the data: (a)  confronting race and racism, (b) responding to external definitions, (c) defending legitimacy, and (d) affirming racial identity. The incidents took many forms and occurred in many contexts. The majority of incidents involved interactions with other students, underscoring the influence of peers. The study also suggests implications for higher education practice and research. In Loving v. Virginia (1967), the Supreme Court struck down restrictions against inter­racial marriages. Now just four decades later, multiracial individuals represent one of the fastest growing segments of the population in the United States. According to the 2010 United States Census, 9 million (3%) of respondents indicated membership in two or more racial groups. Accordingly, a growing number of multiracial youth are enrolling in colleges and universities across the United States (Roberts, 2003). In addition to their rising numbers, multiracial students are becoming more visible and vocal as a group, evidenced by the number of multiracial student organizations, programs, and services

appearing on campuses nationwide (Wong & Buckner, 2008). Despite their growing presence, there is still much to be learned about the ways that multiracial identity is understood by students within the unique context of colleges and uni­versities. Institutions of higher education are rich sites for studying identity (Chickering & Reisser, 1993), and provide multiracial students with ample opportunities to explore and reflect on their racial heritage, prompting them to think about their identity in different ways (Renn, 1998, 2004). Literature indicates that some multiracial college students feel pressured to choose one race, and at times have the sense of being “misperceived, misrepresented, miscategorized, and misunderstood” by faculty, staff, and peers (Cortes, 2000, p. 10). However, much of the previous college student research has been conducted with the underlying assumption that the identity processes of multiracial students are the same as for monoracial students, instead of recognizing the unique needs and developmental processes of multiracial students. In recent decades, various theories and models have been developed to explain the identity development processes of multiracial persons. Early models of multiracial identity development were grounded in models of Black racial identity (Cross, 1971, 1991), and depicted racial identity as occurring in a series

Angela H. Kellogg is Director of Academic Advising and Career Services at the University of Wisconsin–Stevens Point. Debora L. Liddell is Associate Professor and Program Coordinator of the Higher Education and Students Affairs Program at the University of Iowa.

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of stages. Later stage models of multiracial identity development—such as those by Poston (1990) and Kich (1992)—addressed the limitations of monoracial identity models and underscored the uniqueness of multiracial identity. In general, most multiracial stage models demonstrate a hierarchy of stages that begins with the multiracial person becoming aware of racial differences, then feeling pressured to choose only one group, and finally achieving a multiracial identity in which all racial heritages are accepted by the multiracial individual and integrated into his or her overall identity (Aldarondo, 2001). Although stage models of multiracial identity have been regarded as a positive contribution to the literature, research indicates that multiracial identity does not always progress in a linear fashion nor end in a final resolution (Root, 1990; Standen, 1996). Current conceptions of multiracial identity emphasize the important role of contexts and interactions within those contexts. Models, such as those of Root (1990, 2001) and Rockquemore and Brunsma (2002), viewed multiracial identity as a fluid process occurring throughout the life span. According to Root (1992), these models “allowed the possibility that an individual can have simultaneous membership and multiple, fluid identities with different groups” (p. 6). For instance, Root (1990) proposed a schematic metamodel that outlined four general resolutions of biracial identity, which she suggested can all lead to a healthy and integrated racial identity, as long as the individual does not deny any part of his/her heritage. The identity resolutions are as follows: (a) Acceptance of the identity assigned by others, (b) identification with a single racial group, (c) identification with both racial groups, and (d) identification as a new racial group. These resolutions are not mutually exclusive and can occur simultaneously, or an individual can move among them.

Root proposed that individuals may shift resolution(s) at different points in their lives and in different contexts to nurture a positive racial identity—a process often propelled by the “internal conflict generated by exposure to new people, new ideas, and new environments” (Root, 1990, p. 202). These models of multiracial identity are consistent with constructionist views in that they position identity as contextual, and as negotiated and defined within relationships. Various qualitative studies of multiracial students (Ganesan, 2003; Standen, 1996) confirmed that racial identity is a fluid construction that evolves through interactions with individuals and groups. In a study of 56 multiracial students from six geographically diverse institutions (Renn, 1998, 2004), participants described how various aspects of college—such as classes, campus activities, friendship groups, and social and dating life—influenced and were influenced by their racial identity. In particular, interactions with peers have been found to play a critical role in the ways in which multiracial college students negotiate identity on a daily basis (Calleroz, 2003). A study by Roberts (2003) found that Black/White biracial students employed different strategies—such as joining particular multicultural organizations or having friends and/or dating partners from different racial backgrounds—to convey their racial identities and to position themselves within particular communities on campus. Roberts concluded, “Although students have some agency in constructing, negotiating, and enacting a particular identity, this process is unquestionably social” (p. 38). These studies are consistent with other recent identity models—such as that of Jones and McEwen (2000)—which depict identity as a dynamic and socially constructed process, and highlight the need to understand the contexts in which identity is constructed.

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An exploration of critical incidents provides a way to understand experiences within the college environment that shape multiracial identity. The critical incident technique, developed by Flanagan (1954), provides a method for exploring significant experiences and for analyzing the ways in which these experiences influence processes or outcomes by focusing on the participant’s understanding of what is “critical.” This method emphasizes the importance of con text of phenomena, and typically requires partici­pants to describe an experience they have had that makes a significant contribution to an activity or phenomenon. The critical incident technique has been shown to be beneficial in understanding college students’ identity. Dissertation studies have explored critical incidents in college that have contributed to lesbian identity (Stevens, 1997), gay identity (Stevens, 2000), and White identity (Christensen, 1997); but the critical incident technique has not been applied to the study of multiracial identity to date. Given that the research review indicates that individual interactions and experiences play an important role in the construction of multiracial identity, there is a need to learn more about these incidents and how multiracial persons interpret particular incidents that occur in their daily lives. However, in general, research on racial identity has not examined these encounters in depth. This study sought to understand multiracial students’ perceptions of how experiences in college have shaped their understanding of race and racial identity. Data reported here comes from a larger study exploring how critical incidents have shaped multiracial students’ understanding of their racial identity at two predominantly White institutions. For the purpose of this study, critical incidents are defined as descriptions of experiences that students believe have had significant influence on their racial identity

and may be one­time events or ongoing experiences. An exploration of these incidents can provide insight into incidents that occur in multiracial students’ day­to­day lives at college and the ways in which racial identity is made relevant in the contexts in which they interact both in and out of the classroom.

MetHoDs

This section describes briefly (a) the inquiry paradigm used in the study and the researcher’s biography, (b) settings and participants, (c) data collection and analyses, and (d) trustworthiness.

Approach to the studyBecause participants were asked to make meaning of reported incidents and their racial identity, an interpretivist, or constructivist, paradigm framed the study. Interpretivists assume multiple, socially constructed realities, and seek to understand and interpret how participants construct the world around them (Glesne, 1999). This framework allowed identity to be understood as not only a social construction, but also contextually specific. This study also sought to understand the experiences of individuals by means of their own voices; therefore, a phenomenological perspective was used. Phenomenology explores the lived experiences of individuals through extensive and intensive engagement with a small number of participants, attempting to understand the meaning of a particular aspect of experience (Rossman & Rallis, 1998). These approaches allowed for rich narratives of critical incidents that captured both context and meaning from the perspective of multiracial students themselves and revealed the depth and complexity of students’ unique experiences. Because qualitative research requires the researcher to understand her own assumptions, a personal disclosure is appropriate to under­stand the lens through which the study was

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shaped and understood. Any reference in this manuscript to the first person (“I”) refers to the first author, who was the primary researcher, at the time of the study. I have 16 years of experience in student affairs, and worked with numerous multiracial students and colleagues during that time. I also brought to the study my identity as an Asian American / European American woman—the child of a mother who immigrated to the United States from the Philippines and a father of German descent—and as the mother of three multiracial children.

settings and ParticipantsInstitutions in the study included two co­educational, predominantly White institu tions in the Midwest renamed here as “Ridgeview State University,” a public regional compre­hensive institution of approximately 8,700 undergraduate and graduate students, and “Midfield College,” a private liberal arts institution of approximately 1,500 under­graduate students.

Students needed to meet the following criteria to participate in the study: (a) Have registered as an undergraduate student at the institution, (b) have completed at least two semesters of coursework, and (c) have parents who were of different racial backgrounds from each other. Participants were selected through snowball sampling, which seeks to identify possible participants from people who know people who might be good examples for the study (Patton, 2002). Participants were identified through e­mail announcements to listservs, recommendations of faculty and staff, notices to racially­based student organizations, and flyers posted across campus. Maximum variation sampling was used to select a diverse group of participants who reflected a wide range of demographic characteristics, such as gender, year in school, and major, as well as various racial combinations. Seven participants were selected from each of the two institutions. Of the 14 participants, 11 were women and 3 were men. The ages of

tAbLe 1.Participant backgrounds

Name Institution Year Self-Described Heritage of Father / MotherAnne Midfield College senior Chinese / White

Carmen Ridgeview state senior Latino / Native American and Filipina

elena Midfield College Sophomore White (Jewish) / Filipina

elizabeth Midfield College Sophomore Chinese / White

Jack Ridgeview state senior Native American / White

Jamie Ridgeview state Sophomore Black / Native American and White

Leo Ridgeview state senior Columbian / White

Mandela Midfield College senior African American / White

Mark Midfield College senior Thai / White (both Jewish)

Natalie Midfield College Sophomore Mexican and Native American / Black

Ruth Midfield College Sophomore White / Colombian

sonia Ridgeview state Sophomore Mexican / White

tia Ridgeview state Junior Cherokee Indian / White

Vanessa Ridgeview state senior African American / White

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the participants ranged from 18 to 23 years, and included six sophomores, one junior, and seven seniors. Participants represented a wide array of majors and cocurricular involvements. The participants also represented a diverse range of racial backgrounds and ways in which they chose to racially identify themselves. Some participants chose to identify with all of their parents’ racial groups; others adopted a monoracial identity label; some identified as biracial, multiracial, or mixed; and two participants identified specifically as “raced as mixed” because they said they wanted to emphasize race as a verb and a social construct. Table 1 presents a brief profile of each participant.

Data Collection and AnalysisVarious strategies for data collection were used in this study, providing participants with different ways to express themselves, including interviews, diaries, material artifacts, and focus groups. An interview guide gave structure to the in­depth interviews while also providing flexibility to allow the dialogue to unfold based on the participants’ experiences (Patton, 2002). Two pilot interviews were conducted with multiracial students—one an undergraduate and one in high school—before the first round of participant interviews. As a result of these pilot interviews, some of the wording and ordering of the interview questions were altered. Two interviews were conducted with each participant, with the exception of one student, who was not able to attend the first interview because of a death in the family. Each interview lasted for approximately 55 to 120 minutes; most lasted 90 minutes. At this meeting, participants were asked about how they understood their racial identity, how this understanding had changed over time, and what it was like to be multiracial at their particular college or university. Students

were also given a journal and invited to keep a diary for 1 week to document the times when they felt an incident had occurred related to their multiracial identity. During the second interviews (scheduled approximately 3 weeks after the first), participants were asked to discuss incidents that had occurred in college that they believed had been critical in shaping their multiracial identity. In addition, participants discussed what they had written in their journals. Journals were completed by seven of the fourteen participants. A few participants also brought materials they found to be particularly meaningful related to their racial identity—class papers, a comic strip, a conference booklet, and a photograph—and they reflected on these material artifacts during the interview. After the second interview, saturation had been achieved and I felt confident answering the research questions with the data collected. In addition, nine of the fourteen students participated in optional focus groups at their respective institutions. Participants reviewed the emerging themes and discussed whether they were consistent with their personal experiences, serving as a form of member checking. Participants were also asked to reflect on the process, and to add any other comments they felt were important to share. The focus group setting provided a forum for dialogue among participants and an opportunity to discuss topics that might not have arisen during the individual interviews. The constant comparative method (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) was used to analyze the data. I first unitized the individual and focus group interview transcripts, which entailed “disaggregating data into the smallest pieces of information that may stand alone as independent thoughts” (Erlandson, Harris, Skipper, & Allen, 1993, p. 117). The interview data also contained participants’ reflections on their journal entries and material artifacts, so

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this data was included in the analysis as well. The data were unitized into more than 2,300 separate units, representing phrases, sentences, and combinations of sentences. Each unit was placed on a notecard, and then re­aggregated by sorting into categories. Each category was reviewed to ensure that it was internally homogenous and externally heterogeneous (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). I then began to compare categories and review them for overlap and possible relationships. I conducted this categorization process five times, merging similar categories and grouping categories into clusters, until larger themes developed.

trustworthinessTo establish credibility, various strategies were employed, including member checks and peer debriefing. Participants were given the opportunity to share their reactions to their transcripts. They were also given a summary of the data and emerging themes during the focus group, as well as a summary of the final results, and were asked to provide feedback regarding the interpretations. In addition, two peer debriefers—each with experience working with college students and a deep understanding of qualitative methods and racial identity—gave suggestions on interview questions and reviewed the process of participant selection to ensure that it was conducted fairly. The debriefers also reviewed categories developed during the data analysis process, and based on their feedback, revisions were made in a few codes to more accurately organize the data. The dependability and confirmability of the research was established through both an audit trail and reflexive journaling. An audit was maintained by keeping records throughout the study to document the research process so that others could determine the trustworthiness of the study. A reflexive journal was used to record methodological decisions and their rationale, and to engage in introspection

regarding my personal experience and position within the research. This reflection influenced decisions made throughout the research process, and helped to ensure that the voices of the participants, and not my own experiences, were heard. In addition, ethical standards of honesty, confidentiality and reciprocity were met throughout the study. Rigorous standards for dealing with human subjects were imposed by the home institution, and an informed consent form was used so that participants could make an informed and voluntary choice about their involvement in the study. Participants’ rights to privacy and confidentiality were maintained and identities were concealed. Participants were provided a list of websites that described various multiracial publications, organizations, and other resources, so that they could have access to further information related to multiracial issues. Throughout the study, I attempted to conduct the process responsibly, and was vigilant in considering the impact that the research might have on those participating.

FINDINgS

Participants discussed a wide array of signifi cant incidents in a variety of contexts: class rooms, student organizations, residence halls, dining halls, at summer jobs, and international travel. Table 2 presents the incidents, which were organized into four categories: (a) Confronting race and racism, (b) responding to external definitions, (c) defending legitimacy, and (d) affirming racial identity. These categories are neither discrete nor mutually exclusive; some incidents could be reported in multiple categories. The subcategories refer to groups of incidents that provide detailed examples to further support the larger parent category. Additional subcategories were identified in the larger study; however, for this article, eight are discussed.

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Confronting Race and RacismIn this category, individuals reported incidents in which they were forced to confront the realities of race and the existence of racism on campus and within society at large. Students realized the relevance of race in their daily lives, and were faced with an awareness of racism, both intellectually and experientially. Realizing the Saliency of Race. Incidents in this category marked moments when students realized that race matters to others and to themselves, and began to develop a deeper understanding of race and racism. Several students at Midfield College discussed multicultural recruitment weekend and multicultural orientation—activities planned specifically for students of color before the start of school. Participants described how they immediately realized the “polarization” of racial groups and the emphasis on racial solidarity on campus, which prompted some to think about where they “fit” and how they would identify as a multiracial student. When Natalie attended the multicultural weekend, she felt that the issue of race was “blown out of proportion,” which made her think about how she would identify racially in college as a person of Black, Mexican, and Native American heritage: “I thought it was ridiculous because they were teaching us to segregate

ourselves as soon as we got here. . . . I didn’t understand why we were so caught up on race.” Natalie stated she did not feel comfortable only hanging out with one racial group: “If I don’t identify with one racial group, it’s kind of hard to identify with any racial group because they’re so connected with one another. Here I am stuck in the middle.” Incidents prompted Sonia to realize that her race would be a way in which she would be identified by the institution and her peers. She remembered when, as a first­year student, she was mailed the name of her multicultural advisor—an advisor in the multicultural office who was assigned to first­year students of color. Soon after, she began receiving information from multicultural student organizations, inviting her to join. Sonia was surprised to receive this information because she did not anticipate an emphasis on race in college: “I wasn’t expecting it [race] to be visible.” Later in the year, during a class discussion, a friend referred to Sonia as Mexican. It was in that moment that Sonia realized that her peers would view her as Mexican, even though she did not grow up with her Mexican father and did not identify strongly with Mexican culture. She said:

It made me realize people do care that you’re Black or Hmong. . . . I realized

tAbLe 2.Categories of Critical Incidents

Incident Categories Subcategories

Confronting Race and Racism Realizing the saliency of race; Encountering racism

Responding to External Definitions Dealing with racial ambiguity; Checking one box

Defending Legitimacy Questioning academic legitimacy; Challenging racial legitimacy

Affirming Racial Identity Possessing racial and cultural knowledge; Sharing similar experiences

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that people do care and that I care—the fact that my label was going to be taken into consideration, so I better take it into consideration.

Academic experiences also helped participants to develop a greater awareness of the complexity of race and racism within society, and provided students with the cognitive tools and language to think about and talk about issues of race. Some students, particularly at Midfield College, talked extensively about the influence of particular classes on mixed race issues which exposed them to postcolonial literature, social construction, and the history and politics of race and racism in the United States. Several participants said the courses helped them to see race in an academic sense and that it was important that dialogues of race and mixed­race issues were informed by and grounded in historical and political contexts. Learning about race as a social construction prompted students to question fixed conceptions of race, and gave some participants a way to better understand and express their own multiracial heritage. Mark said:

[The courses] help me figure out my identity even more, as a Jew and a Thai, and not just as an Asian American. . . . Looking at race through an academic lens helped me to think about myself more knowledgeably.

Encountering Racism. Incidents occurred in which participants directly experienced racism, either as a target or an observer. All participants mentioned at least one incident that was an example of this category. Many students reported incidents involving racial slurs, jokes, or other derogatory comments from peers. In some cases, students’ multiracial background and appearance provided them “access” to these difficult situations. For several participants whose race was not easily identifiable by others, their peers would

sometimes make racist comments or jokes, thinking it would not offend anyone present. Carmen, whose boyfriend’s friends knew she was Native American but did not realize she was also Filipina, was upset by an incident in a Chinese restaurant, when the friends referred to Asian Americans as “gooks.” When she told them she was Asian, the friend responded, “I just think of you as Ho­Chunk [her tribal identity].” For Carmen, this incident reinforced the importance of her Filipina heritage:

That’s nice to hear people say that, but at the same time now you’re denying a part of me. You’re overlooking that part because you don’t want to think about it; you don’t want to acknowledge it. I’m not Asian to you, and that’s fine with you. But it’s not o.k. with me.

In addition, nearly all participants (ten of fourteen) discussed hate crimes that occurred on both campuses during the 2­week span between interviews. At Ridgeview State University, a swastika was drawn on a Black History Month flyer posted in the residence halls. At Midfield College, swastikas were drawn in various areas of campus. Elena was visibly upset as she discussed the personal impact of the incident: “It also goes back to the fact, forget being mixed, you’re a student of color. That’s the signifier.” She added:

Last week I felt my identity as being a Jew and as being a student of color on this campus heightened. So this experience in particular right now has been very very relevant as far as the way I see myself and the way this campus community sees me.

Although some participants did not feel affected by the swastika incidents, others discussed their frustration with the lack of student outrage or the inadequacy of the institutional response to the incident. Participants described their anger and hurt

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with peers who did not seem to care or regarded the hate crime as a joke. For Ruth, the incident highlighted the hypocrisy of her peers who publicly proclaim their anti­racism but personally do not seem to care about issues of race or do not associate with students of color. She said: “[The White students] don’t realize the amount of discrimination and racism that they themselves are complicit with or to, like they just don’t know.” Some participants described the all­campus meeting and march against intolerance at Midfield College as “sugar­coated” and unproductive, and felt that more dialogue was needed for students to process their feelings. Mandela said, “There were a lot of people who felt really attacked, and I don’t think that this help them feel less attacked.” Whereas the hate crime represented a blatant act of racism, in most cases, participants described the personal incidents as subtle and open to interpretation, leaving them wondering whether an act of racism had occurred. Elizabeth described an incident when a bartender served her alcohol for an hour and a half, then called the cops. When the police arrived, the bartender described her as “that Asian girl over there.” Elizabeth was arrested for underage drinking, and felt she was treated differently than her “White feminine­looking women friends”:

I didn’t know if it was racism, was it homophobia, what was going on here? Or was it like I was just underage? But there’s definitely something about my gender identity and my racial identity that I think were at play there. I’m still trying to figure out what about it feels worse.

In some cases, the incidents marked the first time the student had experienced racism personally. Vanessa described the experience of being turned away from a downtown nightclub while other White customers continued to be admitted. At that moment, the racism became

personal and real:

I never really knew what it was like to go to an inner city school and not have opportunities and stuff like that. There are other forms of institutionalized racism that I’ve never really experienced. You read about it or hear about it. I guess this incident was something that was more in my face. I actually experienced it.

Although most of the incidents in this category were reported as powerful, emotional, and often negative, the participants also reported becoming empowered as a result of these experiences to recognize the saliency of race and confront the racism they encountered.

Responding to External DefinitionsThis category contains incidents in which the participants encountered external definitions of race and racial identity. These incidents—which tended to be recurring experiences—gave multiracial students insight into others’ perceptions, and sometimes reflected a discre­pancy between public and personal conceptions of racial identity. Dealing With Racial Ambiguity. Because multiracial students’ racial background was not easily identified by their physical attributes, it was often assumed by fellow students, faculty and staff, and community members. Participants also talked about incidents in which others’ labels for them did not match their own identification of themselves. Vanessa overheard a peer referring to her as the “Black girl who lives down at the end of the hall.” She responded, “I’m not just Black. You can call me mixed. You can call me biracial. You pick the term, I don’t care, but make sure it’s inclusive of who I am.” Mark described an incident in which he was cooking food with other Asian and Asian American students, and a Thai student commented that he admired Hitler. Mark believed the Thai student felt comfortable making the comment because he

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assumed that no one in the room was Jewish:

They were making assumptions of racial purity. Because I’m Thai or Asian, I pass as Asian, then I’m not Jewish. . . . Because he assumed everyone else in that room was either Buddhist or Christian, not Jewish, he thought he could say that. That’s an experience of being mixed.

If others could not identify participants’ racial background, they would often make inquiry about it. A common question asked of multiracial students was “What are you?” Participants described many forms that these questions took: What is your ethnicity? Where are you from? What race are you? What is your national origin? Mandela said, “It’s sort of an odd, personal question that people don’t really realize is personal because it’s so based on appearance.” Several participants said their responses to the “What are you?” questions have changed since they started college and thought more about racial categories and their own identity. For instance, instead of referring to herself as “half ” as she did growing up, Elizabeth has thought about the implications of the terms she uses. She now responds to others that she is “double White and Chinese,” a term she heard in a film she had seen in class:

I always say I’m half Chinese and I’m half German. But that’s not how I feel about it. That’s not what I really think about it. It is that I’m part of these two things, not that I’m half part of something.

Checking One Box. Many participants described incidents in which they felt they had to choose only one aspect of their racial heritage with which to identify. This typically occurred when they had to “check one box only” on forms. Checking a box was a visible, powerful, and public assertion of the students’ racial identity, yet many found that they did not have the choice to identify in ways that reflected how they saw themselves. As one

student said, “It doesn’t feel good to check ‘other.’” Participants expressed frustration with having to choose one aspect of their racial identity and did not feel as if existing categories identified them. Carmen recalled an incident in which she had to “pick one box”:

Like if I really think about it, if I wanted to, I’m mostly Hispanic. So do I say Hispanic or Latino? But then I’m enrolled [in the tribe]. So what do you do with that? . . . I wish one of those boxes that they gave you actually defined me.

As children, participants often checked a box because they were told to do so by someone they trusted or viewed as an authority figure. Now in college, participants had to consider for themselves why they would choose a particular racial category. Some of the students at Midfield College began to rethink their responses as they were exposed to readings and discussions on racial categories, racial discrimination, and the population census in courses such as anthropology that focused on culture and mixed race issues. Ruth, for instance, felt conflicted because “on the one hand, most people race me as White. On the other hand, I want to publicly belong to a Latino community—that’s sort of what I want to identify with.” She said she now checks Latina or Hispanic, but “that has different significance to me now that I’ve actually thought about and read about it what it means to do that.” Mark said he changed how he racially identifies based on his experiences in college:

I used to just see myself as Asian American when I was in high school. That’s what I checked on the box, Asian American. And more and more with these classes, [I] thought about and worked through stuff, I realize I’m mixed. I’m not Asian American, I’m definitely not White, and I’m Jewish first of all.

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In addition to the “boxes” on forms, other incidents occurred in which participants felt compelled to choose between aspects of their racial heritage. For instance, in their journals, two participants wrote about a multiculturalism retreat that they attended, and described some of the activities in which students were invited to select a group that reflected their identity. In one activity, Natalie said she did not participate because she did not want to choose only one aspect of her mixed heritage: “Stuff like that is always hard. . . . I always think about going up and participating because I think it’s an issue, but I always have trouble picking where I want to go.” Overall, participants described the examples in this category—such as “What are you?” questions and “checking the box”—as common experiences, which served as ongoing reminders of being multiracial or a student of color.

Defending LegitimacyIncidents in this category include experiences in which participants felt challenged by others, and had to defend their place at the institution or their membership within a racial group. These challenges revealed others’ underlying assumptions and implicit definitions regarding race and identity. Questioning Academic Legitimacy. Others—typically White students—questioned whether the participant “deserved” to be at the insti­tution. Participants described incidents when peers either directly stated or implied that their college admission was the result of affirmative action. Sonia said, “Almost instantly after someone actually believes that I’m Hispanic or Mexican, they ask, ‘do you get lots of scholarships, and do you like affirmative action?’” For some participants, these challenges precipitated self­doubt. Leo said he had believed he was admitted to the institution because of his grades, and then “this one person said, ‘I’m sure you just got

here because you can claim yourself as a multicultural student.’ And it dawned on me maybe that is why I got in.” This issue was compounded by his appearance and multiracial background, as peers asserted that he was merely reaping the benefits of affirmative action policies: “People were like ‘Oh, you’re Hispanic. You don’t really act like it or look like it. You just use that as a blackmail or a scapegoat thing.’” Several participants said that affirmative action was a topic frequently brought up within the college context in courses and out­of­class discussions. These discussions motivated participants to reflect on their own feelings about affirmative action policies and to contemplate their place within race­conscious policies. Some questioned whether they should benefit from affirmative action policies for various reasons—they appeared White, they had not experienced discrimination, or they grew up in a middle­class home. Mandela felt conflicted about affirmative action policies: “Obviously biracial people are in a minority, but I still have so many advantages coming from an o.k. socioeconomic standing that it feels kind of shady.” Jack said:

I’ve even had people say to me, “well, you shouldn’t even be in college.” And I’m like, “why not?” And they’re like “my ACT scores were higher.” . . . I don’t know how to feel about that yet. I’m trying to figure it out. Because I know with people who grow up on reservations, I agree they should definitely have the opportunity I had, but I didn’t grow up on a reservation.

Challenging Racial Legitimacy. Many participants described incidents when they were challenged by their peers—typically peers of color—for not being Asian, Black, Latino, or Native American enough. Students were challenged when they did not fit peers’ implicit definitions of what it meant to be a “real minority.” Students recalled experiences

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in which they were told, “You don’t look Filipino,” “You don’t act Mexican,” or “You sound White.” Ruth recalled an incident at a barbecue during a multicultural recruitment weekend when a Latina student said to her: “Oh you’re trying to say you’re Hispanic?” Ruth expressed shock to have been “called out” in front of other students:

That was one of the moments where I felt angry at the fact that I would have to explain myself or I would have to defend myself. Or that because of the way I look, I assume, or maybe the way I talk, I wasn’t immediately marked as “o.k., you belong here.” I felt very much like I stood out and was like an outsider in that situation.

Some participants also felt challenged by others for a perceived lack of knowledge of language or their cultural background. At a party after a conference, a Native student questioned Jamie whether she knew other Native students or practiced cultural ceremonies. Jamie was upset because she was trying to identify with her Native heritage, and was challenged: “For me to go up there and just say I want to learn about this and learn about myself, and then somebody be like, ‘You’re a poser. You’re just posing. You don’t know what you’re talking about.’” Of the five students with Latino/a heritage, three described incidents in which they felt excluded when student organization meetings were conducted in Spanish, a language they were never taught at home, and so they stopped attending the meetings. Leo said he frequently felt he had to defend himself for his inability to speak Spanish. He described an incident in his Spanish class where he was challenged by the professor:

The second week of class, [a professor] pulled me aside and said flat out, “This is a disgrace that you don’t speak Spanish. I can’t believe you don’t speak Spanish.” I was pissed. Who are you to tell me that

I’m a disgrace? I’m trying to do my best. Here’s my situation. You don’t even know me. And that’s when I dropped it. I’m not going to sit here and have to feel bad for not speaking Spanish.

For some participants, these instances marked the first time in which their racial identity was questioned by a person of color or by friends. Carmen was very involved in the Native American student organization, but became frustrated when one of the student leaders commented that “only full bloods are real Natives.” Carmen was upset because she felt as if the student was saying to her, “You’re not really Native American.” She added, “It made me feel kind of mad, like you’re denying me. My tribe isn’t denying me. I’m a member.” Jamie commented, “I think in college was the only time that I had a Black person challenge me, which was weird for me.” For most participants, the frequency and intensity of these challenges to their sense of legitimacy increased when they entered college. Some students reported that their reaction to this challenge by others was to retreat: to drop the class, quit the organization, or avoid peers.

Affirming Racial Identity

In this category of incidents, individuals felt affirmed in who they were as racial beings. Participants felt as if they belonged, and found comfortable spaces to explore their racial identity without their legitimacy being questioned. Possessing Racial and Cultural Knowledge. Some participants felt affirmed in knowing that they possessed knowledge about racial group(s) within their heritage. Because some students were not exposed to their culture(s) growing up, they took advantage of opportunities to learn in college. For several students, trips to the country of one’s heritage were “pivotal” and “defining” experiences. Students were able to learn more about their cultural background

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and meet members of their extended family for the first time. For instance, Leo did not feel he was exposed to Colombian culture growing up, because his parents wanted him to grow up “American.” After going to Colombia, Leo said, “I was just really hit hard in the chest with this is who I am. I had no idea for the last 18 years. That really bothered me.” The trip cultivated an “awakening” and a growing sense of pride in his heritage: “Realizing once I came back from Colombia, I am Latino. I really am, even though I’m only half, I am. I am different. I’m unique I guess you could say.” Several students described attempts to learn more about their racial and cultural background in college. Some students took language classes, whereas others referred to websites to learn more about their history and genealogy. In addition, participants described helpful academic projects related to issues of race and identity. Carmen had written several class papers on topics such as interracial marriages, Ho­Chunks, and hate crimes. She said the papers provided an opportunity to educate others; in addition, “I’m learning about history, my history, history of people that share my background, maybe my ancestors. I know I didn’t learn a lot of this stuff before I got here.” Carmen, like other participants, also sought to learn more about her racial background from peers who were accepting of her lack of knowledge about her racial heritage. She said, “I wasn’t around Ho­Chunks for all my life, so I don’t know a lot of the ways. I surround myself with my Ho­Chunk friends that will teach me.” Sharing Similar Experiences. Many of the students brought up incidents involving meeting someone who was “like them” in some aspect of their identity, and could relate to their experience as a multiracial person. Several participants discussed meeting a multiracial friend with whom they bonded. Anne said whenever she meets someone

who is multiracial, particularly with Asian heritage like herself, “I get really excited about it. I feel some sort of connection, and I always want to talk to them about it.” These friendships were an important aspect of the college experience for several participants. In her journal, Elizabeth described many conversations with her good friend, who was Taiwanese and White, and described their friendship as “different” than other friendships:

In some ways I feel more comfortable talking with [my friend] about being Asian, for one because she experiences being Asian in a similar way as I do because we’re both raced as mixed. But also I know that she knows that I’m legitimate enough to be talking about it.

A few participants also related incidents such as conferences or other activities where they were surrounded by others with similar backgrounds or interests. Jamie described her experiences at a national summit for Queer People of Color, where she felt she could be herself: “They don’t question my ethnicity or my spirit or my queerness. It’s just like the most comfortable place I’ve found.” Two students, Elena and Mark, attended a Jews of color conference shortly before the first interviews. Elena said:

It was a life­changing experience to go to this conference and to meet prominent Jewish leaders and scholars from all over the world who are doing the same things I’m doing and who can guide me as a future leader of our community.

Some participants connected with others “like them” through membership in student organizations. Carmen related how she and several students started a multiracial organization on campus, in part because of negative experiences in monoracial organi­zations: “If I’ve been through it, I wonder how many other students have.” She envisioned this organization as safe and accepting, and a

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“positive place where no one would get told that you’re dumb. You could come in if you wanted to know questions, or just wanted to get in on a discussion we were having.” Across all categories, participants shared how their conceptions of race and identity had evolved in college as a result of these critical incidents. Elena stated, “A lot of these experiences are ones that have been fundamental in the way that I identify myself and in the work that I do and the work that I will do.” Ruth summed up the meaning that the incidents had for her:

Those were instances where I felt forced to actually stop and think about who I was and what all the social factors that influence how a person develops, like what those were for me. And I was forced to confront whether or not my experience was similar or different to most of my friends, most of my peers, my family. And also a lot of times where there was that strange kind of mixture of feeling very angry, and like feeling like the world is so unfair. But also, usually afterwards, feeling very privileged in a way, like I have a very unique lens through which I see my world which I feel a lot of people don’t share with me.

DISCuSSIoN

The two campuses in this study offered rich settings for the occurrences of critical incidents in the exploration of racial identity. Multiracial students’ understanding of race and racial identity was influenced in a variety of contexts, both in and out of class—not only on campus, but in local downtown bars and in countries on the other side of the world. In addition, many types of incidents were considered “critical” by participants. Racist incidents and challenges to their legitimacy were the incidents most frequently mentioned by participants, and were particularly memor­

able and emotional experiences for many participants. All participants described both blatant and subtle incidents of racism, support­ing the literature in reports that overt verbal expressions of prejudice are fairly common in higher education (Swim, Hyers, Cohen, Fitzgerald, & Bylsma, 2003). In addition, these findings confirm other research that reported on challenges to multiracial students’ legitimacy by their peers of color (Calleroz, 2003; Renn, 1998, 2004; Roberts, 2003). This study found, however, that faculty and staff also made comments based on their perceptions of student identity (informed by the students’ appearance or knowledge of a language). What was particularly disturbing was the profound impact of these interactions on students’ involvement and engagement. Some participants stopped attending multicultural student organization meetings or dropped their class after hearing a racist comment or being challenged by peers of color or a faculty member for not being “minority enough.” Although racist incidents and negative encounters are often the focus in the literature, this study showed that affirming incidents were also important opportunities for learning. This finding confirmed Renn’s research (1998, 2004) addressing the importance of space for multiracial students where they felt they fit in and were free to define their own identities. Sanford (1967) maintained that college students develop in the context of a balance of both challenge and support. Although critical incidents provided challenge and dissonance for some participants, they also found experiences that affirmed their racial heritage or their place on campus. Although some incidents were described by students as “major”—such as hate crimes or confrontations with authority—more typically incidents occurred in the daily course of college living, in conversations with peers, interactions with faculty and staff, or questions

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asked by strangers. These day­to­day incidents shaped students’ understanding of their racial identity in college, confirming what other scholars have discussed regarding identity as an ongoing interactional process (Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2002). It was at these moments when students were compelled to think about their racial heritage, and for some students, recognize the intersections with their other social identities, such as sexual orientation and socioeconomic class. Most of the incidents involved interactions with peers, supporting the critical role of peers in students’ development during their undergraduate years (Astin, 1993; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991, 2005). Through these reported incidents, partici­pants began to understand race and identity within a broader context of awareness and to explore their racial identity in ways that they had not explored before college. They began to ask themselves, “What does it mean—to me and to others—to be multiracial?” and to seek spaces that would support their self­definition and expression. However, it was not only the incidents themselves that were important, but what students brought away from the incidents. Although some had previous outlets to process their experiences (classes, journals, or peer discussions), for others this study provided an opportunity to examine their experiences. The process of reflecting on the incidents in the context of this study was a learning opportunity for participants as they paused to consider how their experiences in college had contributed to their racial identity as multiracial students.

LimitationsThis study is limited in that it covered a relatively small number of participants at two Midwestern institutions. The results may not necessarily be generalized to other institutions of higher education. However, although the intent of qualitative studies is not to provide

generalizable outcomes, there is value to the insights provided by participants’ stories and experiences. In addition, participants had to self­identify to be part of the study, which influenced who chose to be and who chose not to be involved. The e­mails and flyers indicated that the study focused on the experiences of “multiracial” students. If this was not how students chose to racially identify themselves, they might not have chosen to participate. Another limitation was the small number of male participants (three). Although the reason for this low participation was not known, it was consistent with samples in other studies of multiracial students.

IMpLICATIoNS

There was much to be learned from listening to the voices of these multiracial college students. Knowledge of impactful incidents can assist educators in facilitating similar incidents that might have a positive influence on students’ racial identity. Higher education professionals should broaden their understanding of where racial identity is influenced, based on the wide range of type and locale in which these incidents occurred in this study. Although educators cannot structure or control all types of incidents, they can promote learning from them. For instance, given that peers play such an integral role in racial identity, positive peer interactions should be encouraged. Opportunities such as international travel and cocurricular involvement should be supported because these were shown to be significant in the participants’ understanding of their own racial identity. Incidents of racism—both the blatant hate crime and the subtle snide—must be addressed. A failure to do so is perceived as tacit compliance with the act itself, and may compound the possible psychological toll of

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racist incidents on some students. Educators should also recognize the importance of individual and institutional responses to these incidents. In the current study, how faculty, staff, administrators and peers responded—or did not respond—to racist acts or challenges to legitimacy were often as important to the students as the incident itself. Students hurt by racism on campus need not only a remedy but also the opportunity to process their feelings and regain their trust and sense of safety on their campuses. Reviews of existing documents, programs, and services should be conducted to determine whether they are inclusive and accessible to multiracial students. Given that many of the challenges to legitimacy in this study occurred within well­intentioned student organizational settings, staff should ensure that multicultural student organizations and university activities are a welcoming and comfortable place for multiracial students. Organization advisors and student leaders should strive to create climates within organizations in which students feel safe in exploring their heritage and their identity without fear of being challenged. In addition, institutional policy and forms should ensure that students have the opportunity to identify themselves in ways that are compatible with their own understanding of their racial identity. Students can expand the ways in which they think about race and racial identity, in and out of the classroom. For instance, exposure to frameworks such as social construction or multiracial identity models may help students to challenge fixed conceptualizations of race and provide a context within which to understand their own multiracial identity. In addition, educators should challenge implicit definitions of the “criteria” for membership in a particular racial group, and expand students’ understanding of what it means to be African American, Asian American, Latino/a, Native American, or White. It is also critical that

educators challenge their own assumptions about multiracial students, interracial relation­ships, and racial authenticity, and are aware of the implicit and explicit messages that are communicated through their words. Affirming experiences are those that provide opportunities for multiracial students to learn more about their racial background, and cultivate safe and comfortable spaces for students to connect with others. Campus professionals should support the development and maintenance of opportunities, such as multiracial organizations, conferences, and programming focusing on multiracial issues. Because the classroom served as a setting for powerful learning, institutions should develop courses focused specifically on multiracial issues, and include materials on multiracial persons and issues in other courses, where appropriate, via lectures, texts, or assignments. Student Affairs preparation programs should also include information on the needs and issues faced by multiracial students, as well as models, frameworks, and theories that portray identity as dynamic, relational, and negotiated. The findings indicated that it is important to provide opportunities for students to reflect on what they are learning from their experiences in college. This study gave students the chance to process significant incidents related to their racial identity. In fact, the process of talking about their multiracial heritage was important for the participants in this study. Several said that the research study had been a positive experience because it provided them an opportunity to reflect on their racial identity. This process itself served as a significant incident for some students. Other methods—such as reflective papers and small group discussions—should also be encouraged so that all students actively process the meaning of their college experience, and reflect on the personal meaning of race in their lives. There is also a need for additional research

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related to multiracial college students. Critical incidents provided a unique lens through which to explore racial identity, and should be used further to explore college student identity with other student populations. Participant journals proved to be an excellent tool and could be used in future studies to provide insight into students’ daily experi­ences. Journaling provided participants the opportunity to report events shortly after their occurrence, revealing incidents which might otherwise be overlooked, and allowing students to immediately process their meaning. Future research might utilize technology such as e­mail, online discussions, and blogs to document students’ daily experiences with race. Also, other qualitative approaches—such as critical discourse analysis or ethnography—as well as quantitative methods, might also provide a useful perspective for a more complete understanding of multiracial students’ experiences.

This study has shown that multiracial students face unique experiences in negotiating their racial identity and that critical incidents provide a useful lens for understanding the ways in which racial identity is negotiated within the college setting—an understanding that is overdue. When asked about what it means to be multiracial, Sonia replied, “That’s a question no one’s ever asked me.” Listening to multiracial students’ voices and learning from their experiences can provide greater understanding of the complexities of multiracial identity, offer institutions insight into meeting the needs of this growing population, and prepare all members of the campus community for the rapidly changing landscape in which they will live and learn.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Angela Kellogg, 103 Student Services Center, 1108 Fremont Street, University of Wisconsin–Stevens Point, Stevens Point, WI 54481; akellogg@uwsp.edu

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