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Antoniya Mincheva

B.A., M.A. Neil Vandermark

Übersetzen als kulturwissenschaftliches Handeln I

21 August 2014

Cultural Differences in Nonverbal Communication: Body Movement

Every communication interaction involves two types of

messages: verbal messages (or the spoken words) and nonverbal

cues, commonly referred to as ‘nonverbal communication’ or

‘body language’. The term ‘nonverbal communication’, as Kendon

defines it, is most frequently used to refer to “all of the

ways in which communication is effected between persons when in

each other’s presence, by means other than words” (Kendon, 3).

In other words, a great deal of human communication involves

means different than speech. People all over the world

communicate not just by words, but also by body movement such

as facial expressions, eye contact, the use of personal space

or even the sarcasm hiding behind the actual speech.

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However, even though the physical movement of a human body

is universal in all parts of the world, the meanings it may

evoke depend on culture. This paper will analyze the different

types of body movement in the communication process and the

cultural differences related to the conveyed nonverbal

messages.

In attempting to fully understand the importance of body

language, one needs to keep in mind that there are thousands of

possible physical actions that the human body can perform, and

it is therefore impossible to catalogue all of them. The

following sections will describe only the main types of body

movement and the different meanings of some selected examples

of nonverbal stimuli.

Culture and Posture. A person’s posture is an important part

of their nonverbal behavior. The way we position our bodies can

indicate our inner feelings, our confidence, openness or

submissiveness and whether or not we are paying attention to

what our conversational partner is saying. Posture can also

reveal a lot about the value system of a particular culture.

One very good example in this respect is the act of bowing,

which is common in many Asian cultures. The Japanese bow (ojigi)

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may have different meanings depending on the social context. A

Japanese usually bows when apologizing, when meeting someone

new, when asking for something, when expressing gratitude, and

when showing respect toward an elder or a superior. But to

members of other cultures the act of bowing may appear somewhat

confusing. In 2009 U.S. President Obama was criticized by many

conservative commentators for bowing to Japan‘s Emperor Akihito

during a visit to Tokyo. They interpreted the bow as a sign of

capitulation and thought that the President was groveling to a

foreign leader, when in reality he was just being polite

(Samovar et al. 268). The act of bowing serves as a greeting

practice in other parts of Asia as well, including Thailand

(wai) and India (namaste).

The sitting manners of a person can also give away a

number of cultural characteristics. While many Americans enjoy

relaxing with their feet up on their desk, in other countries,

such as Germany, Sweden and Saudi Arabia, the same sitting

position is considered rude and indicates poor manners and lack

of education. The same applies for the manner in which people

cross their legs while sitting. An ankle-to-knee crossing is

typical for the United States, where lifestyles tend to be more

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casual, but it could be mistaken for an insult in Saudi Arabia,

Egypt or Thailand. In those parts of the world, it is

considered extremely rude to show a person the sole of one‘s

foot because it is believed that the feet are the lowest and

dirtiest part of the body and should therefore never be pointed

in another person‘s direction.

Culture and Gestures. As Imai so accurately describes it:

The world is a giddy montage of vivid gestures - traffic

police, street vendors, expressway drivers, teachers,

children on playgrounds, athletes with their exuberant

hugging, clenched fists and "high fives." People all over

the world use their hands, heads, and bodies to

communicate expressively. (Imai, 2)

The following section will provide examples of (1)

idiosyncratic gestures, (2) beckoning gestures, (3) agreement gestures, and

of various factors related to the (4) frequency and intensity of

gestures.

Idiosyncratic gestures, as defined by McNeill, “are not held to

standards of good form; instead they are created locally by

speakers while they are speaking” (McNeill, 143). The meaning

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of an idiosyncratic gesture is thus attached to a particular

culture, and usually the same gesture has a different meaning

when used in a different culture. Ferraro and Andreatta give

the perfect example of an idiosyncratic gesture by describing

the different nonverbal ways of expressing admiration: “the

Frenchman kisses his fingertips, the Italian twists an

imaginary moustache, and the Brazilian curls one hand in front

of another as if he is looking through an imaginary telescope”

(Ferraro and Andreatta, 130). There are also idiosyncratic

gestures whose actual movement is not unique to a particular

culture, yet the meaning they carry is exclusive to that

culture. For example, the Chinese place their right hand over

the heart when they are making a promise, while in Iraq, the

same gesture often means “thank you”. The Japanese Sign

Language is based on the manual alphabet of the American Sign

Language with one exception: the ASL sign for the letter “T”

(the thumb protruding out between the middle finger and the

index finger) was modified because it is an obscene gesture in

Japan.

Beckoning gestures represent another category of culturally

based movements. In the United States it is common to beckon

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people with the palm up, but the same gesture is considered

rude in the Philippines and parts of Latin America. In those

cultures only a dog would be beckoned with the palm up. Koreans

and the Vietnamese express beckoning with the palm down and

with the fingers moving toward the body. For many Americans

this gesture seems confusing because they interpret it as a

“good-bye”. In other cultures, such as Germany, tossing the

head back is a beckoning signal, and in Spain one signals the

other person to come by stretching the arm out with the palm

down and by making a scratching motion with the fingers.

Agreement gestures often differ across cultures as well. In

the United States, nodding up and down is usually a sign of

agreement and tossing the head from side to side means “no”.

These gestures can have totally different meanings in other

cultures. As Lynch and Hanson note, “This same gesture is

interpreted quite differently in many other cultures. Among

Asian, Native American, Middle Eastern, and Pacific Island

groups, it often means, “I hear you speaking.” It does not

signal that the listener understands the message nor does it

suggest that he or she agrees” (Lynch, 87). Interestingly, the

same gestures are virtually reversed in other countries, such

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as Bulgaria and India. The Bulgarian turn of the head sideways

from left to right expresses agreement, but moving the head up

and down indicates “no”.

There are also cultural differences regarding the frequency

and intensity of gestures. One might say that it is common

knowledge that Italians, Africans, most Latinos, and people

from the Middle East tend toward more frequent and intensive

gesturing than Asian and Scandinavian cultures. According to

Falassi and Flower, the fact that Italians tend toward

“Speaking with their hands – or all their bodies in fact – is

in tune with the Italian love of theatrics, and their native

gusto for social interaction” (Falassi and Flower, 212).

Generally, southern Europeans also employ more gestures when

conversing than northern Europeans. Germans and members of many

Asian cultures tend to use fewer gestures in their

conversations and often consider the use of too many hand

gestures rude and undisciplined. Gesturing is also common in

the Arab world or more specifically among Arab men. However, it

is wise not to gesture with the left hand since it is

considered unclean in many cultures of the Middle East.

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Culture and Facial Expressions. “Whether it is the Mexican adage

that “One’s face is the mirror of one’s soul,” or the Yiddish

proverb that states “The face tells the secret,” people

everywhere have been captivated by the face” (Samovar et al.

272). Facial expressions of emotions play an important role in

the process of communication because they tell others how

interested and involved we are and they indicate whether our

reactions are spontaneous or deliberate. According to Ekman and

Friesen’s research, there are six facial expressions that are

universal in all cultures: happiness, sadness, anger, disgust,

fear and surprise (Ekman and Friesen, 167).

However, it appears that despite the universality of some

facial expressions, the meaning and circumstances that dictate

such emotions are attached to culture. Ting-Toomey points out

that “Cultural display rules shape when, how, what, and with whom

certain nonverbal expressions should be displayed or suppressed

within a specific cultural context” (Ting-Toomey, 120). For

example, as Sue and Sue note, many Asian cultures suppress

facial expressions: “the Japanese and Chinese restraint of

strong feelings (anger, irritation, sadness, and love or

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happiness) is considered to be a sign of maturity and wisdom”

(qtd. in Samovar et al. 272).

The same degree of control regarding the public display of

emotions is typical for Koreans as well. This restrained

attitude is often the reason why many U.S. Americans perceive

members of those cultures as ‘neutral’ or even ‘cold’. In

contrast, in most cultures of the Mediterranean, public

displays of emotions are tolerated and at times even

exaggerated: “It is not uncommon in this region of the world to

see men crying in public” (Samovar et al. 273).

The smile is yet another example of a facial expression

which can carry different meanings and connotations in

different cultures. Despite the fact that smiling is universal

and every person is born knowing how to smile, it is often our

cultural background that dictates when, why, and how often we

smile. In the United States, a smile carries a positive

meaning; it indicates joy and happiness and is often used as a

greeting. As Richmond points out, “Americans are taught to open

conversations with a smile and to keep smiling” (Richmond,

118). Whereas Russians have a different set of cultural norms

regarding the use of smiles. They often “start out with grim

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faces, but when they do smile, it reflects relaxation and

progress in developing a good relationship” (Richmond, 118).

Thai people also have a very unique attitude toward smiling,

which is why Thailand has been called the “Land of Smiles”. The

Thais smile much of the time and foreigners often find their

behavior confusing, since the Thai smile “can be used to

display sadness, joy, embarrassment, fright, anxiety, and

numerous other emotions” (Samovar et al. 273). The same unusual

use of smiles is common in the Japanese culture. As Nishiyama

points out, “the Japanese may smile when they feel embarrassed

and laugh when they want to hide their anger” (qtd. in Samovar

et al. 273). In contrast, according to Nees, Germans are known

for their restrained attitude toward smiling: in Germany, a

smile “is used with far more discretion, generally only with

those persons one knows and really likes” (qtd. in Samovar et

al. 274). So it appears that culture plays an important role in

terms of facial expressions being displayed or suppressed in

different social situations.

Culture and Gaze. Eye contact and gaze play a powerful role

in the communication process because of the limitless number of

messages they can send. Leathers highlights six major

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communication functions of the eyes: they “(1) indicate degrees of

attentiveness, interest, and arousal; (2) influence attitude change an

persuasion; (3) regulate interaction; (4) communicate affect; (5) define

power and status relationships; and (6) assume a central role in impression

management” (qtd. in Silverblatt, 122).

The amount of eye contact that is acceptable in a

conversation often varies from culture to culture. In terms of

the dominant culture in the United States, it is common to look

at your conversational partner directly in the eye. In fact,

people who avoid direct eye contact are often considered

dishonest or deceitful, as stated in the popular expression

“Never trust a person who doesn’t look you in the eye”.

Interestingly, African Americans tend to engage in direct eye

contact when speaking and look away when listening. In

contrast, European Americans break off eye contact when

speaking but look people in the eye when listening. This often

leads to misunderstandings or conflicts because European

Americans often feel threatened by the direct eye contact

employed by African Americans. African Americans, on the other

hand, may feel offended that European Americans don’t look one

in the eye when speaking.

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In other cultures, however, direct eye contact may be

perceived as an insult. For example, in Japan, prolonged eye

contact is considered rude and disrespectful. In fact, the

Japanese may look away or even close their eyes during a

conversation with a person of higher status in an attempt to

show respect. Latinos, Africans, and people from Caribbean

cultures have a similar orientation toward eye contact. As

Gestrin and Richmond point out, “Making eye contact when

communicating with a person who is older or of higher status is

considered a sign of disrespect or even aggression in many

parts of Africa where respect is shown by lowering the eyes”

(Gestrin and Richmond, 88).

In contrast, Arabs engage in very direct and prolonged eye

contact during conversations between men. Because of this

intense ‘staring’ Americans often think that the communicators

are arguing, when in fact Arabs believe that this type of

contact shows interest in the other person. Germans also use

very direct eye contact as a “sign of honesty and true interest

in the conversation” (Samovar et al. 275).

Finally, eye contact is obviously especially important to

members of the deaf community because they use the American

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Sign Language. Looking away when communicating with a person

who is ‘signing’ is extremely rude and would basically make

them feel ignored.

Culture and Touch. Touch is an important communication tool

because of the limitless number of messages it can send.

According to Jones and Yarborough, the act of touching fulfills

five main communicative functions: “(1) ritualistic interactions such

as shaking hands and bowing; (2) expressing affect such as kissing

and kicking; (3) playfulness such as flirtatious stroking and

poking; (4) a control function such as grabbing someone’s arm; and

(5) a task-related function such as a nurse taking a patient’s pulse

at the wrist” (qtd. in Ting-Toomey, 130). A touch can also be

both intentional, such as a pat on the back between friends,

and unintentional, such as an accidental touch between

strangers. The most intimate type of touch is the sexual touch

used for sexual arousal.

As is the case with all types of body movement analyzed

above, different cultures have different expectations and norms

concerning the act of touching. Each culture defines who can

touch whom, where they can be touched, and what amount of

touching is acceptable in different interaction situations. For

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example, while in many western countries opposite-sex

handshakes are viewed as acceptable, in the Arab world, contact

by opposite-sex touches is taboo even though Arabs engage in

very frequent touch behaviors in their communication style

(again, only between same-sex communicators). Nydell offers the

following observations:

In general, Arabs tend to stand and sit closer and to

touch other people (of the same sex) more than Westerners

do. It is common to see two men or two women holding hands

as they walk down a street, which is simply a sign of

friendship. … Kissing on both cheeks is a common form of

greeting (again, only with members of the same sex), as is

embracing. It is also common to touch someone repeatedly

during a conversation, often to emphasize a point.

(Nydell, 54)

However, it is important for outsiders to remember that

because of religious traditions, Arabs do not greet or touch

others with the left hand because it is considered a social

insult. The reason for this is that the left hand is used to

engage in basic biological functions (Samovar et al. 277).

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Latinos also employ a great deal of physical contact in

their greeting practice. Mexicans and Brazilians will greet

each other with an embrace and a thump on the back or a kiss on

one or both cheeks, which is not as common in the United States

and most Northern European countries. People from Spain,

Portugal, Italy, and Greece tend to touch each other with high

frequency as well as people from Eastern European cultures.

Touch as a form of communication is also common in Costa Rica

where women greet each other with a kiss on one cheek and a

hand on the shoulder (Samovar et al. 278).

Touching as a form of communication is avoided in most

Asian cultures. You are not likely to witness public displays

of affection in China and Japan, especially between men and

women or between supervisors and subordinates in the workplace.

As Rowland points out, “Touching fellow workers and associates

is not common in Japan. Patting someone on the back or putting

a friendly arm around them is not done” (qtd. in Samovar et al.

278). Korea, just like Japan and China, is not a touch-oriented

country. Holding hands in public is permitted, but only as a

sign of friendship. Greetings are carried out with a bow or a

nod of the head; hugging and kissing is not common.

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Culture and Paralanguage. Paralanguage is concerned with the

vocal utterances produced by speakers consciously or

unconsciously that support or contradict the verbal messages

during a communication interaction. Paralanguage is divided in

three categories: (1) vocal qualities, (2) vocal characterizers, and (3)

vocal segregates.

The vocal qualities of a person include vocalic behavior such

as accent, volume, rate, pitch, tempo, tone, and resonance.

They can reveal a person’s emotional state, economic status,

age, height, weight, ethnicity, racial background, and

educational level. Members of one culture often compare the

vocal qualities of others to their own use of vocalics. For

example, Americans often consider the clipped speech typical

for the British as ‘arrogant’, whereas the British may

interpret American English as ‘too casual’ or ‘unsophisticated’

(Ting-Toomey, 118).

The use of volume is another vocal quality that could give

away a person’s cultural identity. Arabs speak very loudly

because they believe that loud voices are a sign of strength

and sincerity. Other cultures feel differently about loud

voices. For example, “people from the Philippines tend to speak

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softly, believing this is a sign of good breeding and

education” (Walker, 170). Thai people also speak in soft voices

since they believe that elevated voices are a sign of anger. In

Japan, loud voices indicate lack of self-control, whereas a

gentle and soft voice is a sign of good manners. Rate delivery

also differs across cultures: Italians, for example, tend to

speak faster than most U.S. Americans.

Furthermore, vocal characterizers refer to specific

vocalizations that carry a learned meaning for members of a

particular culture. Such vocalizations include sounds of

laughing, crying, moaning, whining, yawning, or belching. For

example, belching in public (as a compliment to the chef for a

delicious dish) may be acceptable in some cultures but is

considered rude in most parts of Europe. Many Muslims interpret

the simple act of sneezing as ‘a blessing from God’ and they

often praise and thank God after a sneeze. Laughter can also

carry different meanings depending on culture, even despite the

fact that the act of laughing is universal. As Lynch and Hanson

note:

Laughing and giggling are interpreted as expressions of

enjoyment among most Americans – signals that people are

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relaxed and having a good time. … Among other cultural

groups, such as Southeast Asians, the same behavior may be

a sign of extreme embarrassment, discomfort, or what

Americans might call “nervous laughter” taken to the

extreme. (qtd. in Samovar et al. 280)

Vocal segregates represent the last paralinguistic category

and include sounds that are audible, but are not actual words:

“uh-huh”, “ooh”, “shh”, “um”, etc. Vocal segregates are used as

substitutes for words and are different in every culture. For

example, the Maasai in Africa use an “eh” sound, which means

“yes”, “I understand”, or “continue”. In Jamaica and in some

Eastern European countries, the ‘sucking’ sound made with the

tongue expresses anger, frustration, or a negative reply. The

Japanese hai carries the same meaning, although in some cases

it can mean “I hear you”, which is not necessarily a sign of

agreement. A Japanese person would also demonstrate reluctance

or concern by sucking in his breath, looking doubtful and

saying “Saa…” (Samovar et al. 280).

After having examined the main types of nonverbal signals

and messages in human interaction, it is obvious that body

movement is an important part of intercultural communication.

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More importantly, it also appears that culture and cultural

identity are of crucial significance to successful verbal and

nonverbal communication. In other words, individuals with

different cultural backgrounds may imply and understand

nonverbal cues differently, which may lead to confusion and

misunderstandings. This is why it is so important for people to

be sensitive to cultural diversity and to constantly try to

improve their cross-cultural communication skills in order to

be able to overcome any communication barriers.

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Works Cited

Remland, Martin S. Nonverbal Communication in Everyday Life. Boston:

Allyn&Bacon, 2009. Print.

Imai, Gary. Gestures: Body Language and Nonverbal Communication.

Pomona: California State Polytechnic University, 2005.

Print.

McNeill, David. Language and Gesture. Vol. 2. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 2000. Print.

Ferraro, Gary, and Susan Andreatta. Cultural Anthropology: An Applied

Perspective. Belmont: Wadsworth Centage Learning, 2011. Print.

Lynch, Eleanor W., and Marci J. Hanson. Developing Cross-Cultural

Competence: A Guide for Working with Young Children and Their Families.

Baltimore: Paul H. Brooks Publishing, 1992. Print.

Flower, Raymond, and Alessandro Falassi. CultureShock! Italy: A Survival

Guide to Customs and Etiquette. Tarrytown: Marshall Cavendish

International Asia Pte Ltd. 2008. Print.

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Samovar, Larry, Richard Porter, and Edwin McDaniel.

Communication between Cultures. Boston: Centage Learning, 2013.

Print.

Ekman, Paul, and Wallace V. Friesen. Unmasking the Face: A Guide to

Recognizing Emotions from Facial Clues. Los Altos: Malor Books, 2003.

Print.

Richmond, Yale. From Nyet to Da: Understanding the New Russia. Boston:

Intercultural Press, 2009. Print.

Silverblatt, Art. International Communications: A Media Literacy Approach.

New York: ME Sharpe, 2004. Print.

Richmond, Yale, and Phyllis Gestrin. Into Arica: Intercultural Insights.

Yarmouth: Intercultural Press, 1998. Print.

Nydell, Margaret Kleffner. Understanding Arabs: A Guide for Westerners.

Yarmouth: Intercultural Press, 2002. Print.

Walker, Robyn. Strategic Management Communication for Leaders. Mason:

South-Western Centage Learning, 2014. Print.

Ting-Toomey, Stella. Communicating across Cultures. New York:

Guilford Press, 2012. Print.

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Kendon, Adam, Thomas A. Sebeok, and Jean Umiker-Sebeok, eds.

Nonverbal Communication, Interaction, and Gesture: Selections from Semiotica.

Vol. 41. Hague: Walter de Gruyter, 1981. Print.