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Journal of Retailing 88 (2, 2012) 291–307

Mythic Agency and Retail Conquest

Susan Dobscha (PhD) ∗, Ellen Foxman (PhD) 1

Marketing, Bentley University, 175 Forest Street, Waltham, MA 02452, United States

bstract

This paper expands agency theory by identifying mythic agency as a lens through which retailers can view spectacular events during whichonsumers act heroically to achieve an important consumption goal. Partaking in a stressful and challenging retail experience invokes the stages of
quest, through which successful consumers emerge transformed and where they challenge, at least in part, the culturally prescribed role of bride.etailers who create events that evoke and support consumers’ heroic actions can develop powerful, meaningful, and enduring relationships with
heir customers.2011 Published by Elsevier Inc on behalf of New York University.

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eywords: Retail spectacle; Agency; Quest; Heroes

Introduction

Each of us engages in culturally scripted roles. We might per-orm the role of bride, groom, wife, husband, partner, child orarent. While roles are dictated by cultural norms and mores,hey invariably include a market component. For example, inhe role of the bride, a woman can spend an average of $40,000n the execution of the wedding ritual by considering hun-reds of market-mediated decisions, from invitation and locationelection to choosing flowers, photography and cake. The mostmportant decision in the construction of the wedding ritual ishe wedding dress (Otnes and Pleck 2003). This powerful ritualrtifact constitutes a substantial portion of the wedding budgetnd is imbued with rich cultural meaning (Ingraham 2008).

When purchasing a dress, most brides enact a “traditional” orstatus quo” narrative. The status quo narrative proposes that thearket facilitates the choices and processes that benefit both con-

umer and producer, and that this fairly rational process results inhe selection of a dress. This narrative is best illustrated by real-ty TV shows like “Say Yes To The Dress” (TLC 2010) where a
ride-to-be shops for a dress with a group of friends and family,s meticulously waited on by doting saleswomen and ultimately
ade to stand on a pedestal for said group to assert its opinion.

∗ Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 781 891 2042.E-mail addresses: [email protected] (S. Dobscha),

[email protected] (E. Foxman).1 Tel.: +1 781 891 2796.

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022-4359/$ – see front matter © 2011 Published by Elsevier Inc on behalf of New Yoi:10.1016/j.jretai.2011.11.002

erhaps most significantly, the bride is sometimes convinced tohoose a gown that more greatly reflects the desires and opinionsf the group than her own (field notes 2010).

In stark contrast to this traditional narrative, some bridesngage in what Arnould (2005, p. 93) termed “narrative refram-ng”, enacting a “mythic agency” narrative. The behavior of thisype of consumer is agentic, and is characterized by a desire tossert control over “marketer-determined identities” and con-truct what Kozinets et al. (2004, p. 660) termed “creative,ubversive, idiosyncratic, communally relevant, or resistantlternatives.” This consumer’s behavior is mythic in that itppears she “is called” to the nontraditional retail experiencehat is structured very similarly to a quest. The quest is a mono-

yth that reflects our view of social reality. As children we learnhat heroes engage in quests during which personal strife enableshem to gain or regain power and triumphantly assume a newtation in life. Participating in an extraordinary retail experiencehat is reflective of the heroic quest (hereafter referred to as “theale”) requires forethought, intentionality and self-reflection,epresenting what Meyer and Jepperson’s (2000) termed “socialgency.” By choosing to purchase the talismanic wedding dressn a way that challenges social norms, these consumers creativelyssert control over an otherwise ritualized transition from oneocial role to another. Thus, mythic agency constitutes the con-umer’s choice to actively assume a mythic identity when it aidsn achieving significant social and/or personal goals.

This study examines the actions taken by a group of veryetermined consumers shopping for an important cultural objectithin a prescribed social ritual. These consumers engaged in

ork University.

dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jretai.2011.11.002

mailto:[email protected]

mailto:[email protected]

dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jretai.2011.11.002

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shopping experience that resembled a mythic quest and weren turn transformed from an ordinary bride to a hero-bride. Asuch, our research questions ask: how does a consumer enactythic agency within a culturally scripted role and how does

he experience transformation through her heroic actions andhe successful completion of a retail quest? What follows isreview of the relevant literature on agency, transformational

etailing and consumer mythology. We then present our datarom the Sale, followed by a discussion of its contributions togency theory and retailing practices.

Literature review

gency theory

Bandura (2003) described agency as the ability to exerciseontrol over nature. He outlined several key components ofgency: (1) it is temporal in that it includes an element of fore-hought and intentionality, (2) it is self-regulatory to the extenthat actions are self-reactive, and (3) it is self-reflective, mean-ng that one’s capabilities to act are reflective of some meaningr purpose. Bandura also described three modes of agency: (1)ersonal, (2) proxy, and (3) collective. Collective agency is char-cterized by a socially coordinated and interdependent effort. Ineneral, humans act agentically, not just when stimulated to act,ut also when willing to seek out new experiences and explorend manipulate their environments in order to attain what theyre seeking to control. Those who enact agency “transcend dic-ates of their immediate environment to shape and regulate theresent to fit a desired future (Bandura 2003, p. 168).” Those whoct agentically engage in reflexivity wherein they produce rep-esentations, retrospectively affect them, and then employ thems a basis for ascription (Anderson, Aspenberg, and Kjellberg008).

Consumer agency is characterized by the degree to whichonsumers engage in a marketplace with the goal of achievingfreedom or emancipation in reflexively. . .subverting marketigns in favor of meanings that are more expressive of theirndividual identities (Kozinets et al. 2004, p. 660).” Firat andenkatesh (1995) more critically stated that those who take angentic approach to the marketplace choose to subvert the dom-nant market discourse rather than be seduced by it. Either way,ur ability to act agentically allows us to take control of ourocial reality, gives us latitude for making mistakes and, in thistudy, provides a mechanism for achieving transformation.

In their exploration of the effects of globalization on con-umption, Ger and Belk (1996) posited that consumer agencyntails consumers’ ability to transform and play with the mean-ngs of goods that are not originally produced for them. Eckhardtnd Mahi (2004, p. 137) extended Ger and Belk’s work ononsumer agency and globalization by concluding that “byccepting, transforming, or rejecting meaning, consumers arexerting their agency and playing a crucial role in shaping the
lobalization process by their choices that affect product suc-esses and failures.”
Kozinets et al. (2004, p. 658) blended Ger and Belk’s ideasbout playing with meaning within traditional sociological

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etailing 88 (2, 2012) 291–307

erspectives of agency and found that consumers who fre-uented a particularly spectacular retail setting (ESPN Zone,hicago) engaged in “ludic agency” whereby consumers

nteracted with the retail environment in a playful way. Theyoncluded that within this particular retail environment con-umers were capable of resisting rules and reconciling theirxperiences with the retailer-scripted experiences in a processhey call “interagency”. And while he presented a strongritique of agency elsewhere (see Arnould 2007), Arnould2005, p. 93) did acknowledge its role in the consumer–retailerelationship when he concluded that consumer agency facili-ates the relationship between a “consumer’s self, life projectnd goals with the firm-provided resources.”

That some consumers act agentically is not a novel insightEckhardt and Mahi 2004; Ger and Belk 1996; Kozinets et al.004). It is, however, difficult to determine “how” consumersct agentically, whether it is while undertaking culturally pre-cribed roles, or while reacting to or against certain structurallements. Hitlin and Elder (2007), and Anderson, Aspenberg,nd Kjellberg (2008, p. 69), lamented the lack of evidence thatelped to explain how market actors engaged in market actions,alling for more research into the “concrete actions” of marketctors that would provide a richer understanding of how theyavigated the marketplace within the larger “world of events”.n this study, these “concrete actions” lead to transformation.

ransformation

Research in retailing has examined issues that were keyo understanding transformation as it related to the consumerxperience. Experiential marketing has been defined as thearketer’s attempt to increase competitive differentiation by cre-

ting an experience that resulted in the consumer being moreentertained, stimulated, emotionally affected, and creativelyhallenged” (Schmitt 1999, p. 29 as quoted in Naylor et al.008, p. 50). Experiential marketing was studied within interest-ng or unlikely service encounters like river rafting or skydivingArnould, Price, and Otnes 1999; Celsi, Rose, and Leigh 1993)nd also was studied within the context of interactions betweenonsumers and retailers attempting to create a “spectacle” envi-onment (Hollenbeck, Peters, and Zinkhan 2008; Kozinets et al.004).

Most work to date on transformative retail environments,owever, has focused primarily on atmospherics. Naylor et al.2008) found that previous research on the retail experienceentered on music, scent, tactile input, and color. Naylor et al.2008) and Braun-LaTour and LaTour (2005), additionally foundhat retailers attempted to shape consumer experiences usingransformational appeals. These transformational appeals wereelivered via advertising messages and were found to influ-nce consumers’ hedonic and emotional responses more thanheir functional responses. What is less clear is how transfor-

ation occurs within consumers once they actually encounterontraditional retail settings. While service encounters such asky-diving and river-rafting understandably facilitate transfor-ation vis-à-vis challenging environments, it is unclear whether

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hat same type of transformation can take place in a traditionalr temporarily modified retail setting.

One can argue that perhaps the brand itself assists in theransformation of its most loyal customers; indeed, many “cultrands” elicit extreme displays of loyalty that border on religiouservor. Belk and Tumbat (2005) suggested religious cult ideol-gy in illuminating the intense experiences consumers had withertain brands. Examples of cult brands are Harley Davidson,pple, Oprah Winfrey and WWE (World Wrestling Entertain-ent) (Ragas and Bueno 2002). To date, however, researchers

ave not examined how this cultic quality is enhanced or dam-ged by an extraordinary retail experience.

onsumer mythology

Mythology is conceived as a body of myths that usesrchetypes and symbols to maintain and convey values and cus-oms within a particular culture (Pratt 1985). A mythic heroaries in origin (high or low social status, stranger or communityember) and achievements (save the village, save the world, orarry the princess), but is always defined by the quest: a call to

dventure, crossing the threshold to an unknown world to endurerials and tests and returning with a prize that benefits oneselfnd others (Palumbo 2008). There is an impressive array of workn consumer research that employs mythology and/or archetypeso describe and explain consumer behavior (e.g., Hirschman000; Levy 1981; Stern 1995; Thompson and Tian 2008). Ashompson and Tian (2008) noted, however, richer insights intoonsumer identity take place at the intersection of mythmakingtrategies, popular memory construction and cultural ideologicalractices.

Belk and Costa (1998) broke new ground with their researchn the Mountain Man Myth by showing how consumers cre-ted for themselves an archetypal identity and used this identityo navigate such marketscapes as vacations, group membershipnd everyday goods and services. Thompson’s work on mar-etplace mythologies (2004) and Holt and Thompson’s (2004,. 171) work on modern-day heroes began to remedy deficien-ies in previous similar research by connecting cultural mythso modern marketplace structures. Of particular note, Thomp-on pointed to the “internal contradictions” that emerged whenpplying mythology to marketplace structures and consumerxperiences. He stated, “These contradictions function as pointsf ideological instability that set the stage for marketplace inno-ations based on different configurations of mythic meaningsnd ideals. . .”.

Questions remain about consumer agency and transformationn the context of a retail environment that is made deliberatelyifficult, an environment that offers discomfort, competition,hysical challenge, emotional distress and the opportunity foreightened meaning—not the hedonistic consumption environ-ent described by Arnold and Reynolds (2003)—but more

kin to the “Black Friday” sales that are staged the day after
hanksgiving (Harrison, Reilly, and Gentry 2009). Understand-
ng consumers who choose to shop in such a difficult retailetting requires a new narrative. In this study, we examined con-umers who were in search of the perfect wedding gown, an

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etailing 88 (2, 2012) 291–307 293

bject that “matters” and is so laden with cultural, personal andocial meaning that, in order to negotiate this mayhem-inducingetail environment, they enact “mythic agency” by engagingn a retail quest. While previous narratives explained agencys it related to hobbies and other leisure activities (Holbrookt al. 1984), mythic agency allows for a different model for con-umer action. Hays (1994, p. 61) stated that a “more sociologicalnderstanding of agency must embrace social choices that occurithin structurally defined limits among structurally provided

lternatives.” Mythic agency in part presents a better picture ofow consumers engage social choices (the choice of weddingress) within structurally defined limits (the need for a traditionaledding dress for a traditional wedding) among structurallyrovided alternatives (traditional bridal salons, discount bridalalons, “the Sale”).

Methodology

To best understand consumer behavior within an exceptionaletail context, we examined a retail sale that offered a symbol-aden product at a great price within a very difficult shoppingnvironment. We employed qualitative research design consis-ent with other work on agency in retail settings (Hollenbeck,eters, and Zinkhan 2008; Kozinets et al. 2002). We used threeata collection techniques: multiple observations of the Sale, in-epth interviews with Sale participants (McCracken 1988) andextual analysis of key archival documents obtained from theetailer (Dobscha and Foxman 2000).

etail setting

The first Filene’s Basement (hereafter referred to as “theasement”), located in downtown Boston, MA, U.S.A., was lit-rally that: a basement where upscale department store Filene’slocated upstairs) placed its overstock or outdated items foruick sale (Kreisberg 1982b; company documents; managernterviews). “The Basement” quickly became a local shoppingnstitution, famous for its terrific sales and unique discountingolicy. Each retail item had a date on its tag and the longerhe item was in the store the deeper the discount given (Edbril010). Rich and poor mingled in the crowded aisles as the retailerarked down everything from expensive fur coats to inexpen-

ive socks. The archetype of the “bargain shopper” was bornere (“The Boston Supershoppers” 1969).

Since 1952, The Basement has hosted a special shoppingxperience known as the “Filene’s Basement Bridal Event”hereafter, referred to as “the Sale”). The Sale began innocuouslynough as an annual one-day sale in which wedding dressesere sold to shoppers at enormous discounts (management inter-iews). Before long word spread throughout Boston that once aear Filene’s Basement held a special bridal gown sale offeringxtraordinary discounts (Kreisberg 1982a). Each year the Salettracts thousands of participants by offering high-quality gowns
t remarkably low prices (the typical sale price for a gown is lesshan $300 compared to original prices ranging from $1000.00o $8,000.00 [field notes, company archives]). The gowns areach tagged not only with its sale price but also with its original

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rice, sharpening women’s perceptions of the value of the gownsKrishna et al. 2002). Wedding dresses are not available at theasement at any other time except for the days of the Sale.

Both authors attended a total of ten Sales at the original store,ocated in Downtown Crossing, over the course of four years.

e followed the same course of action for each Sale, enter-ng the store at 8 a.m. before the Sale started. Prior to the saletarting, however, we attempted to stand outside at the store’subway entrance and interview women standing in line in anffort to talk to brides and other participants while they waited.ue to the frenetic atmosphere the Sale created, interviewingarticipants proved impossible so we instead recruited Sale par-icipants to be interviewed at a later date. Eleven women wereontacted either at the Sale itself or via responses to our postingsn internet discussion groups. Each woman was interviewednce with interviews lasting an average of seventy-five min-tes (McCracken 1988). The interview structure was guided by,ut not limited to, a broad set of initial questions. Interviewsook place in locations convenient for the participant, includingomes, places of work and cafés. All eleven interviewees wereemale, European-American, 25–35 years old and employedull-time when they were interviewed. Eight were married athe time of the interview and three were engaged. The interviewata were analyzed utilizing a three-stage process: creating a textf each participant’s experience, creating a second text from theommon elements among the participants, and finally creatingthird text that combines combined the authors’ analysis with

he participants’ original words and actions (Thompson 1997).We also analyzed letters written to the company from cus-

omers who had previously participated in the Sale (e.g., Pintosos Santos, 2002). These letters were solicited by the companys part of a promotion to which the customer with the best bar-ain story was awarded a prize. The letters dated back to 1952nd revealed the great enthusiasm that contest participants feltor the company and the Sale. All these data helped illuminatenew form of agency, mythic agency, which is enacted via a

uest with transformation a potential result.

Mythic agency and the hero-bride

A hero is “called” to action to undertake a journey that fol-ows a discernible trajectory: departure, initiation and returnCampbell 1961). The hero in this narrative is the bride-to-beho chooses to attend the sale. Her quest is to find the weddingress of her dreams despite a retail environment that makes itlmost impossible to achieve this. She experiences agency onlyo the degree she succeeds in this quest.

ythic agency and the hero-“All the Great Are Called”

How is the bride called to participate in the Sale? She issually supported or persuaded by a band of companions. Erinaid, “My mom had mentioned it to me kind of jokingly. . .my
om said just go and check it out. . .because you hear all kinds
f stories about how kind crazy the sale is. . . .do the ends justifyhe means?” Though she acknowledged that the Sale was “a total

adhouse,” Erin’s mother had recommended that she attend, to

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hich Erin replied, “That’s stupid, mom, I don’t want to do that.”ary’s mother told her, “If you are a bride in Boston. . .just do

t; even if you don’t buy your dress there, you just have to gohrough it.”

Other women are called to the adventure by co-workersnd friends. Heidi went with co-workers who were familiarith the sale. She said, “My mother lives 700 miles away inleveland. . .some people at the office said you gotta try this,

t’s so much fun.” After moving back to Boston and gettingngaged, Mary said that everyone told her to go to the Sale:and like three or four different people completely unrelated toach other called me and. . .’just so you know, you gotta go, youotta go.” Laura said her friend briefed her on her personal expe-ience with the Sale and told her she must go. Nora was calledy her friend who added urgency by warning her of Filene’sasement’s bankruptcy position: “but then my girlfriend callede and she said Filene’s Basement is going bankrupt, and this

s the last Sale they probably would have, so she just forced meo go.”

Once the hero and her band of companions embark on theuest, the band performs many functions. First, they assist inhe “grabbing.” Melanie said, “there were six of us total, andthink we got. . .50 dresses.” As the bride tries them on, the

ompanions leave their encampment to gather intelligence abouthe goings on of other brides and the status of the gowns they’verabbed—in the event that those may be more desirable to theero/bride—all the while weighing in on the style and look ofhe gown that best suits her. Diane said she personally neededhat kind of direction from her friends when she was shoppingor a wedding dress. Having soldiered through the Sale herselfhe said, “. . . I didn’t have that [a vision of what she wanted toook like] so I needed somebody to guide me through that.”

The bridal posse also acts as sentries for the bride trying onowns. When gowns are garnered in a large stash (as many as 100or a large group first in line), resource scarcity occurs and manyomen begin the morning empty-handed. These gown-deprivedomen lurk near the parties with the most dresses and, in some

ases, wait until the party is distracted and proceed to steal gownsrom its pile. Erin brought her younger brother to serve as guardhile she tried on gowns and her mother patrolled other groups

or possible trades. Women who fail to plan for backup as Erinid find themselves at the mercy of the pandemonium.

The hero’s band of companions is in place to support theingular goal of completing the quest. Their encouragement andedication to their roles serve to support, rather than derail, theride’s accomplishment of her quest. This is in stark contrast tohe traditional narrative offered by bridal salons that work withinhe wedding industry (field notes 2010).

he Hero’s Nemesis

The hero is typically confronted by an array of adversariesCampbell 1961) whose goal is to thwart the successful comple-
ion of the mission. The primary adversaries are other brides andheir companions. Some evidence shows that Sale participantsiew other Sale participants in this way, particularly when theyre seen as violating norms of fairness. Women who try to cut

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n line while everyone is waiting for the store to open are per-eived as pushy and undeserving in their methods. Also, in thenitial rush to the gowns and immediately after, women and theiromrades who acquire too many gowns provoke a fair amountf hostility—again, they were seen as violating some norm ofairness. In fact, in one instance, outright violence appears immi-ent when several brides join together with their companionsnd fiancés to grab and protect a huge pile of gowns. Atypically,tore management is forced to step in (field notes).

The retailer is also viewed as an adversary. Ordinarily, a corearketer–consumer conflict involves the marketer seeking to

art with a good for the highest price while the consumer seekso acquire it for the lowest price. It is possible that Filene’sasement breaks even on its bridal sales but it does not makeprofit (field notes 2010). The purpose of the Sale is instead

romotional—to reinforce the store’s image as a discount retailernd to excite a new generation of customers about the store.o while gowns are sold at a steep discount, one might argue,s Zwick, Bonsu, and Darmody (2008), and others have, thatanagement exacts payment in a different form by creating,

nintentionally, a retail environment where barriers to purchasere nearly insurmountable, requiring extraordinary effort fromhose who wish to succeed.

The bride who is ultimately successful at negotiating the Salereplans for the chaos she is sure to encounter. She arms herselfy collecting as much advance knowledge about the Sale ashe can acquire, tearing pages from bridal magazines, recruitingollaborators and sometimes even scouting the Sale environmentn advance (field notes). The preparation affords the bride theeeling that she is triumphing over her adversaries: other brides,he retailer, the industry and the constrictive demands of the ritef passage they are traversing. This transformation only occurs,owever, if she successfully completes the three stages of theetail quest.

The retail quest

Campbell (1961) defined the quest as comprising three broadtages: departure, initiation and return. Departure reflects theoment the bride decides to attend the Sale until the moment

he enters the Basement. Initiation occurs at the Sale and endsith a purchase. Return encompasses that which happens after

he Sale. Completion of the quest results in transformation.

eparture

In the departure phase, the woman who chooses to undertakehe challenges of the Sale leaves her everyday world behind.ccording to Campbell (1961), this phase of the quest is markedy the hero being called to adventure, preparing for the journey,eing lured into the “belly of the whale,” encountering a firsthreshold where it is known the boon (the ultimate prize) awaits,nd enlisting protectors and guides who will assist her.

Call to adventure. The women in this study are called inne of two ways. As discussed earlier, some women are calledo the adventure by others who urge them to participate. Thisxample creates the archetypal “reluctant hero,” who would not

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etailing 88 (2, 2012) 291–307 295

ndertake the quest without the coaxing of those around her.endall is called to adventure by her own survivalist and com-etitive instincts, revealing, “The challenge for me was to just toee if I could do it. I just wanted to experience what everybodylse did”.

The second path to the adventure marches right through theraditional bridal salon, where women choose to undertake theuest to resist dominant market forces. Mary, unimpressed withalon gowns and outraged by their prices, said, “I wasn’t nutsbout them, I wasn’t doing back flips over them” and the $2000rice tags were “out of the question.” Diane also stated her dis-aste for the bridal salon experience: “I’ll be honest with you

I don’t like being dawdled over in the bridal shops. I don’tike people hovering over me and making a commission on meither.”

The fact that Diane could not look at gowns on her ownnd decide for herself what she wanted to try on made the Saleppealing to her. She said that bridal salons made her feel liken “invalid” because the sales staff would not let her choose herwn gowns to try on or even dress or undress herself. Diane useder bridal salon experiences to “arm” herself for the Sale andtated, “I just figured they’d have the skilled people that wouldut me in a gown that would look good on me. And then I couldake their knowledge and take it into the Basement with me. . .Ient to one other bridal shop just to see what they’d put on me.”Encouraged by friends and family, with the information they

btained from the bridal salons they visited in hand, these womenegin to prepare for their journey to the Sale.

Preparing for the quest. The hero’s preparation begins withhe construction of a coat of armor that performs the dual purposef protecting her from the elements and facilitating the arduousask of trying on many bridal gowns in awkward conditions. Theniform in this case often consists of leggings, tights, leotards,horts or bathing suits. These modified undergarments are wornnder the bride’s street clothes until she tries on the gowns. Aarticipant interviewed at the Sale said, “I’m wearing a bathinguit that’s strapless, and biking shorts so that no one will seey undergarments and tights.” Laura remembered, “I think Iight have had on shorts. . .I had a bathing suit kind of tank top

ecause I knew I had to take off my clothes and change (fieldotes).”

Melanie recounted her experience: “I know there are no fit-ing rooms. And definitely that day. . .total anarchy with peopleverywhere and some men. . .there were girls walking aroundn their panties. What did I wear? I wore these little spandexhorts and sports bra, which was crazy, because I had this biged sports bra on under all those dresses.” These undergarmentsfford women the freedom to dress and undress at will and avoidhe crowded dressing rooms without breaking too many rulesunlike the woman in her panties).

Crossing the threshold. The hero accesses the world ofhe quest through a magical entrance, experiencing conditionsevoid of creature comforts that contribute to the otherworld-
iness of the experience. The pedestrian tunnel in which theride/hero is queued for the Sale is extremely hot or extremelyold depending on the season, pungent with the foul smells of theubway, and crowded with other highly charged shoppers who

296 S. Dobscha, E. Foxman / Journal of Retailing 88 (2, 2012) 291–307

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ere all jockeying for the best possible position in the crowdFig. 1). There is no formal line, so what starts as a fairly orderlyre-Sale procession ends up being a sea of bodies smashed upgainst one another and collectively pushing against the glassoors of the entrance.

Kendall described it this way: “We went in August, when itas nice and hot. [laughter] That day was horrible ‘cause it’s in

he T Station downstairs. You couldn’t even breathe. We wantedo go early. . .we got there around 6:30 a.m. and there was auge line already. And the line was pretty straight. . .at about:30 instead of a line it became a huge circle, and people justushed to the front of the door.”

Another participant confessed her fear:

1: “Oh my God, I don’t believe it I’m like so scared!”: “What are you scared of?”1: “People pushing and hurting. At this point, I don’t care about the

dresses anymore it’s for my own survival and all of us being intactthat I care about.”

2: “No, I want my ten dresses!”1: “I tell you what, why don’t you just shop for yourself now

anyway?”2: “I know that way you don’t have to go through this again.”

The second bride in this quote reminded the first that if they
ere not successful at this Sale they would have to go through it
gain so she had better quell her fears and pull herself together.Kirsten said, “I think waiting at the doors was the worst.

Cause it was so hot, the anticipation was building so much and

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t felt like you were cattle, you know, being corralled. . .and oh,t was just crazy! Oh, oh, it was just crazy.”

Kendall described the waiting this way: “I think there was aot of apprehension about being let in, and people are just franticbout being let in. And they weren’t even worried about whatind of dress they were getting – they weren’t to that point.hey were just like, ‘open the doors already, stop cutting [in on]e!” Kirsten recalled similarly, “Oh, you’re packed together

ike sardines, and you’re like pushed. . .I had my face againsthe glass door and I’m like, Oh, this feels so good. It was justeally crazy.”

At about 7:30 a.m., the security guards started announcing therocedures that were to be followed when the doors opened at 8.m. These announcements fueled the frenzy as shoppers beganggressively jockeying for position in front of the doors. Push-ng, shoving and cutting in line were the order of the morning.endall recalled, “And they just kept pushing, and the women

ust put shoulder to shoulder and they wouldn’t let anybody in,nd they said that. So that was that – that was one of the fights.eople just kept pushing literally body to body.” This experienceighlights the ultimate physical experience of liminality. Partic-pants were shoved together like cattle in a dirty place about tombark on a journey that leads them to the ultimate object of
urity (Douglas 1966).
Eight AM is the official start time of the sale, with all doorsimultaneously flung open. All the waiting, worrying, pushing,rguing and jockeying are for this moment. As the doors open,

S. Dobscha, E. Foxman / Journal of Retailing 88 (2, 2012) 291–307 297

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he crowd surges forward and moves into the store in a singlewell (Fig. 2). As Kendall and others note, the brides are nothinking about their gowns or their weddings. They are focusedn surviving the surge (field notes). This moment represents theransition in the quest from departure to initiation. The passagento the site of the battle at the Sale is unnatural and otherworldly.ome women trip and fall and are injured. Laura said, “when

he doors opened I got pushed to the ground. . .my knee wascraped.” Others become airborne as they are buoyed down thetairs by the crowd around them.

Erin recounted, “My mom actually said that her feet neverit the floor. . .she just got tossed from the top of the stairs to theottom. . . a little 4′11” woman just picked her up. Somebodyaught her on the bottom. . .at least she didn’t fall”. Kirsten hadsimilar experience and remembered, “And I guess we were

ike 8th or 10th in the door. . .we were right up there. And thenou just get pushed down the flight of stairs, which is dangerous.ut they just keep pushing and pushing.”

For others, the experience is likened to being swept away inriver’s current. As Kendall described, “Like we’re standing

here huddled and like it was a river of people – they just keepoming and coming, and there are so many and so deep, likeengthwise and widthwise, and they’re just coming. And then athe end you could see like people’s faces, ‘cause before you justeld on literally for dear life.” Kendall continued by speaking ofhe unnatural nature of forcing shoppers into a small space andllowing them to fend for themselves and lamented, “But you’reeld there for two hours, and there’s thousands of women outhere, for two hours in this one section, we’re in the basementf the T. There’s tons of people that could have the opportunityo cause whatever kind of trouble they want to cause. I couldee if we were in a different section, in a different town – youut us in the basement, and there’s a chance for a lot of stuff to
appen.”
Bandura’s representation of intentionality and forethoughts apparent in the participants’ initial desire to exert control

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ver an otherwise rigid social ritual. What is gained from thisnterpretation is the realization that the task will be difficult,ven dangerous. This insight increases the participant’s sense ofgency, which, in turn, improves her chances of being successfult completing the task.

nitiation

In a traditional quest, the hero embarks on a journey throughnfamiliar territory with a band of companions that both supportnd chide him, and he receives invisible aid from supernaturalorces. The bride follows a similar series of trials that begins soon as the doors to the Sale are flung open by the store’security guards. Getting into the Basement represents only therst trial for the bride. To confound matters further, the layoutf the Basement is disorienting even to the seasoned Basementhopper because it is modified to make room for the gownsFig. 4) and the onslaught of the crowd.

Extreme acquisition. Once the threshold is crossed and theride has entered the “magical world” of the Basement, shencounters the second trial of the quest: to grab as many gownss she can carry (Fig. 3). This extreme acquisition measure isnique because the bride and her entourage are in possession ofoods that they have not yet paid for. They temporarily “own”he gowns until such time as they weed through them all andiscard the ones which have no value to them. The gowns arevalued” in two ways. First, a personal value is ascribed to aarticular gown if it is deemed a possible match for the bride.econd, a barter value is assigned to gowns the bride has in herossession, she has eliminated for herself, but has consideredorthy for trade with another group.The grab happens within a matter of seconds and leaves

he greatest majority of shoppers empty-handed. Though amplenventory is left at the end of the Sale, in those early momentshen gowns are at their most scarce, a psychological defeatccurs as dresses are hoarded by the proactive groups who arrive


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arly and bring reinforcements to ensure the grab’s success. Oneoman who does not get the gowns in time says, “We are going

o wait until everybody discards their things and are going too for it. . .we were like the tenth people down here and it wasnbelievable. They were grabbing and snarling. Human beingsave turned into animals.”

The fortunate groups who grab the most dresses are subjectedo the harshest scrutiny: “Because we were in so early, thereere so many people running by. They ran by and they saw

ll the dresses we had and they had no dresses so they startedwearing and cursing and saying, ‘how come you have all theseresses and we have none?”’ Groups are fractured, torn apartnd disoriented during the melee. Once the initial push is over,he bride and her company must find each other and re-establishheir mission of locating the perfect gown. Reconnoitering issually accomplished in a very methodical way—through maps,atching clothing, and recently through the use of texting and

ther technologies (field notes).Reestablishing the mission. Reestablishment of the mission

egins with members of the bridal party attempting to re-gathernce the mad dash is over. Here is one participant’s accountrecorded right after the charge is over]:

“Ok, I lost Anna. But I’m going to the far right hand corner ofthe store. Where they agreed to meet. I know, I think we arenot in a good spot. Hold on. Ok, I’m going to come around

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this way. Ok, the far right hand corner. Oh my God, lookat all you got! Do you think we are in the right place?” Thedisorientation in her voice exposes her unease with her choiceof location to begin the shopping process. Kirsten found herparty by yelling: “Yeah, well, I grabbed gowns. I got about20. . .I mean I had my arms filled. I could barely touch myfingertips together. And, um, we were yelling, ‘Mom!’ youknow, ‘Julie!’ and trying to hear, and it took us awhile to findeach other. Even though we said, ‘Let’s meet in this spot’, itstill took us a long time.”

Others follow elaborate plans to eliminate the guesswork:She had it all scammed out before. She said ok, we go in, ande’re going to go right to the left, get a couple of dresses, and Iind of knew what she wanted style-wise. She said get a couplef dresses, and then go over to the far left. And it was in wherehey have like the furs and stuff, which was key. Because all ofhese people are like tripping all over each other. Not only are weripping all over each other, but we’ve got a full-length mirror.

e had this whole corner to ourselves.”The groups reconvene in either predetermined locations or

nd one serendipitously; either way, this final act in the three
rial quest symbolizes the tribulation phase of the quest. Onceurmounted, these very physical trials give way to a more serenehase of the quest. Re-establishing the mission is the first majorurdle to successfully navigating the Sale. The bride now must


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econnect with her bride persona in order to begin the processf trying on gowns (Figs. 5 and 6). The bride and her crewften take time to reflect on how “others” acted in the rush asf to distance themselves immediately from the possible shamef their own (mis)behaviors. They also question the act itselfnd wonder if it was all worth it. Erin says, “I wouldn’t dot again, and I wouldn’t do it again because people behave soisgustingly that you don’t want your wedding gown to havearma like that. I mean it’s like if you have to punch somebodyut to get your wedding gown, maybe you shouldn’t be wearingt.” She admits, however, there is a compelling quality to theunt: “But as the. . .tension dwindles, it becomes a little moreasy to actually look at stuff.” It is at this moment, when theride’s energy switches from tension to anticipation that the nexthase actually begins.

Divine intervention. It is in this phase of the quest that theero experiences divine intervention or luck. Campbell refers tohis phase as “moving past ignorance and fear and into divinityColbert 2005).” Many of the women in this study mentioneduck as being a key factor to finding a gown. For some, theivine intervention comes in the form of “destiny” or “a sign.”or example, Erin calls it “destiny calling.” She recalls, “I hadot planned on buying a dress that day. But you have to have
omething sort of happen to you.” Likewise Mary states, “Theyay things happen for a reason. . .I take this dress out, I’m look-ng at it and I’m like ooh, I really like this dress. I turn around,
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or to sale.

y three other dresses are gone. Whether someone picked themp and taken them, whether an employee put them back on theack or whatever, they’re gone.” Erin says her success is a resultf magic: “Moments later my mother magically reappears, mag-cally. Like out from the beyond comes my mom.” Her mother’s

agical re-appearance corresponds exactly with the momenthen another bride gives her a gown from her personal stashithout asking for anything in return: “When the girl has goter arm around it, I think she’s got it. My brother says ‘just goalk to her’. So I stopped and I said to the girl, ‘You know, I reallyike that dress you’ve got there. Are you going to hang onto that,r if not, will you let me know? I don’t mind waiting while youake a decision’. She kind of looked at me, and she looked at the

ress, looked at herself in the mirror and she said ‘you can havet’ and she hands me the dress, just like that.” In the contrivedconomy of the bridal gown Sale, acts of charity are rare. Erin’sother’s return punctuates the divine intervention that leads the

ride to her dream gown that she then magically procures fromnother bride.

While some women label the intervention as divine, othersttribute their success to blind luck. This attribution of success touck or divine intervention is common among women when theyre successful at a task. It is not ability or strategy that brings
hem success but rather the intervention of outside forces thatelivers their success in spite of their ability or strategy (Deauxnd Major 1987).


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Heidi said, “I’m a size 10 so I was pretty lucky. Most ofhe stuff was in a size 10. . .it was girls who were smaller origger who had a lot more trouble.” Kendall described her lucky saying, “Before we even looked at the dress I saw the dresswanted. Like I could see the train of it. It was so weird.” Erinaid, “I think I just got really lucky. Like I was in the rightoment, in the right space, in the right time.” Kirsten also felt

he had lucked out all the way through the process: “We justind of lucked out—got a good position, got in there first, andot our arms around a couple dresses.” She continued, “I couldave grabbed all the ugly gowns I didn’t like. . .it was just luckf the draw. . .I suppose it was luck, you know?”

Successful completion of this stage of the quest reflects Ban-ura’s ideas about self-reactivity and exemplifies the social ornterdependent nature of some forms of agency. This phase isarely successfully completed alone. To accomplish this task,articipants rely on their own band of companions or, in someases, shoppers from other groups. If the task is successfullyompleted, participants share their experiences with others whore called (or not) to undertake the task in the future.

eturn

In this stage, the hero returns home to her world of origin,aving completed the quest and obtained the prize. The return

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ften involves a physical component in which the hero takes aagical flight back to her own reality or crosses some threshold

hat signifies the end of the struggle. An adjustment period isften required to successfully process what has happened to hernd incorporate the lessons she has learned into her everydayxistence. This is where it becomes apparent that participationn the Sale has led to some sort of transformation.

Magical return. The return phase of the quest is often signifiedy a magical flight across some threshold that lands the hero backn her everyday world. While the flight back for the hero/bride

ay appear mundane (taking the subway, driving home, goingo work), crossing the threshold is still jarring. When asked whathe is going to do right after the Sale, one woman stated, “hav-ng a drink” while her friend said, “Takin’ a nap” (field notes).nother woman exclaimed, “I’m beat, just spaced out, I’m beat,

’m starving, hungry” (field notes).Other women wanted to return to normalcy as soon as possi-

le by engaging in quotidian behaviors such as going to lunch oroing back to work. This return to what is known and comfort-ble allows them to begin their transition back to their previouslyonstructed lives. The quest itself is so intense and starts with
uch an expenditure of energy that the magic flight back to theeal world often leaves the woman feeling spent and disoriented.
Back to daylight. An adjustment period follows a woman’se-entry into the ordinary world they left behind earlier that


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orning. Erin found herself experiencing conflicting emotionsegarding her experience and admitted, “After the sale I waso disgusted with how they handled things. I mean, I left theale overjoyed that I found this dress and absolutely repulsedy Filene’s Basement.” She described her emotional conflict bytating, “I think the sale was extraordinarily good and exces-ively bad. I think the sale brings out the absolutely bestnd absolutely worst in what people are capable of.” Kendallemarked on her curiosity at the “whole psychological aspect”f the Sale. She described her experience this way: “That’s thehing, man, ‘cause you just – you want the dress. And you don’tare who’s watching. . .I would have stripped right down likeome of the other women did. . .it’s a whole different world. It’swhole different world down there.”

Adjusting to normal life proved difficult as well. Diane felthat people who witnessed her gown acquisition were judginger afterward: “Why do you look at me weird? Why do you thinkdid that? Anyway – so many people put so much importancen the wedding gown.” Diane disclosed that her pre-Sale expec-ations were that “it would be kind of strange, weird, and fun.”he stated afterward, “instead it was strange, weird, aggressive,ngry, and I was relieved when I got out of there.” Diane’s adjust-ent back to reality was quiet and exactly the opposite of how

he entered: “I just kind of walked away and went up the eleva-or. I tried to. . .I was clicking pictures of it so that I could seet.” Although she participated in the Sale, she took pictures of it

tw

n gown in full view.

s she left to remember her experience better once she returnedo reality.

Achieving transformation. Purchasing a traditional gown inhis nontraditional way caused Erin and others to construct aew wedding narrative: “I lead a really busy life, so I reallyould care less about a big wedding or anything. Once I triedn this dress, all of a sudden then I wanted all of these otherhings that before I really could care less about. So the dressust really brought out all of those feelings.” Diane also changeder wedding narrative: “I look like a typical bride and I neverhought I would do that. I really never thought I’d walk downhe aisle. I just thought I’d do a civil ceremony.” Her dreamf a casual beach wedding was transformed to a formal churchedding just to accommodate the majesty of the gown. Her ownishes were modified by her family traditions as well as broader

ocial norms: “The gown itself made me make a decision to goith a church wedding. And then once I got involved with that

he ceremony came, and my uncle is marrying us because he’sminister, and my aunt is doing all the music because she doeseddings. . .and we’re bringing my grandmother down from aursing home in Vermont.” Her dreams of a beach wedding wereut aside as unrealistic; the bridal gown was the catalyst for thishange.

Participating in the Sale balanced her own desires againsthose of her mother, which mediated conflict: “Initially it was aay of getting my mom involved in a process of my not wearing

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er gown because I didn’t want to, because it was the antithesisf what I would be comfortable in.” Buying the dress at the Salellowed them to remain self-reflective and intentional while alsoppeasing family members. For example, Heidi’s mother wantedomething traditional. Heidi was able to deliver that by acquir-ng it in a completely non-traditional way and by paying veryittle for it. Melanie’s desire for a modern, sexy gown broughtonflict to her wedding narrative: “I have to say I never wantedveil. . .but a lot of people are saying you won’t be able to wear

hat dress in a church blah, blah, blah, it’s so revealing. . .theack is so open.” The gown she chose reflected her own tasteut she wore a veil due to the pressures of her family who werefraid that religious norms would be violated by wearing such aevealing gown in a church.

Successful completion of this quest transforms its partici-ants, thus allowing us to conclude that consumers’ enactmentf agency in a retail setting can have more than just tem-orary consequences. Previous conceptualizations of agencyail to address the consequences of acting agentically; howoes participating in retail events such as the Sale trans-orm a person? The Sale itself does just that: it transformsts participants and allows them to lay claim to an oth-rwise rigidly prescribed social ritual. Beyond meaning orurpose, these actors’ concrete actions helped them achieveransformation.

Our analysis of the Filene’s Basement Bridal Event led tohe discovery of new ways of thinking about agency and certainetailing practices. It allows us to uncover a new form of agencyabeled as mythic agency, broaden the current conceptualiza-ion of agency by shedding light on those market practices thatonsumers use to enact agency, and provide support for agencyheory as a viable framework for explaining consumer behavior.he data also extends our thinking on retailing practices suchs transformational retailing, atmospherics, and the use of salesromotions to improve brand loyalty.

Discussion

This research contributes to agency in three important ways.irst, we have defined and illustrated a new form of agency thate have labeled mythic agency. This enactment of agency dif-

ers from others because of the nature of the retail experienceonsumers encounter, the heroic qualities they exhibit and theransformation that occurs as a result of participation. Second,e have provided very detailed evidence of market practices

hat consumers use to enact agency, thus addressing a lacunabserved by Hitlin and Elder (2007) and Anderson, Aspenberg,nd Kjellberg (2008). Third, this research provides an importantxemplar for those scholars who question the applicability ofgency theory in consumer behavior (notably Arnould 2007).he consumers in this study acted with purpose and forethoughtnd brought considerable resources to the encounter with the
etailer. This research also contributes to retailing theory byxpanding the rather limited view of atmospherics and transfor-ational retailing. We conclude with implications for retailers
nd limitations.

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etailing 88 (2, 2012) 291–307

ythic agency

Participants in the Sale acted agentically, as defined byandura (2003), yet with one important addition: the agentic act

ed to transformation. This important addition led us to createnew category of agency defined as “Mythic Agency.” Mythic

gency is conceived herein as the successful completion of aeries of trials in order to acquire an object of importance andubsequently achieve transformation. The Hero-Brides in thistudy, like so many of our literary heroes, embark on a quest tottain an object that has strong symbolic meaning and serves as aalisman during a transitional or liminal state. Mythic agency hass its central character the hero who encounters a retail settingevoid of the expectation that the encounter will be relaxing, fun,r pleasant. Rather, the hero embraces the unpleasant, even dan-erous, elements of the retail experience, and takes great care toe well armed and prepared, less like “ESPNZone” consumersnd more like “Black Friday” participants (Harrison et al. 2009).

In this study, narratives of transformation emerged thatolidify the powerful potential for retailers to create retailuest environments as they continue to shape the new “expe-ience economy” (Pine and Gilmore 1998). In particular, fourransformational narratives were evident: (1) participants werempowered to successfully navigate social relationships, (2) theale allowed participants to mediate conflict that arose duringhe planning process, (3) participation gave the women addi-ional tools to manage the wedding process, and (4) in someases, gave participants the sense that they were able to “best”spects of the wedding industry they perceived to be adversar-al. The common thread throughout these narratives is that theurchase of a dress at the Sale caused major shifts in how theomen viewed themselves and weddings. The women acquiredew tools that allowed them to better manage the entire wed-ing process, in the skills they learned to negotiate their acts ofonsumption and, perhaps more compellingly, in the power theycquired to better manage social relationships and interpersonalonflicts.

The hero-consumer engages in a quest with the intent to takeontrol of what she perceives to be a sense of powerlessnessr to help her negotiate a sense of liminality. The quest allowshe hero to gain or regain power or to be better prepared for theext life stage. By heroically enacting the Sale as a quest, andcquiring the talismanic object (bridal gown) in this unique way,he consumer is able to take control and perhaps even rewritehe culturally rigid social scripts that she is handed.

arket practices

Mythic agency represents a dialectical relationship betweenetailer and consumer where the retailer creates a challenginghopping experience that gives the consumer the opportunity toct valiantly, while contravening predominant gender roles and
nitiating and maintaining innovative shopping strategies thatere generationally handed down, to emerge victorious. The
ich descriptions of their actions before, during and after the Saleive retailers and academics alike a very detailed picture of the

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oncrete steps these consumers took to navigate this particularlyarrowing retail experience.

Our participants acted as heroes by first arming themselvesgainst the challenging nature of the Sale, then by gatheringands of companions and altering their traditional retail practiceso improve their chances of success. The detailed descriptionsf their quests, including their descent into the Basement, theirntense hoarding and trading behaviors, their eventual purchasesnd then jarring re-entry back into the real world above, givearketers a very clear picture of how one set of consumers enacts

gency. Fuchs (2001) has criticized work on agency as beingeavy on rhetoric and light on empirical evidence. The evidenceere is clear; consumers brought cultural and personal resourceso a challenging retail environment not just to purchase a productut to succeed at accomplishing a harrowing task.

oes agency matter?

Women who participate in the Sale access and live out ayth, a cultural resource that appears different in type from

esource categories previously proposed (i.e., economic, ludic,topian, or temporal) (Arnould 2005). Their exercise of mythicgency does is not trivial. It is serious, passionate and, if suc-essful, life-changing. As such, it is difficult to view consumergency as merely “a residual category” (Arnould 2007, p.44). Consumers supply this cultural resource, not marketers.he setting of the Sale is certainly a firm-supplied resource,

n that the retailer provides the physical environment and theconomic incentive. Yet, the form in which the participants inur study engaged in the Sale, from the way they dressed toheir amassing of companions and hoarding of gowns, werell self-constructed strategies, created independent of the veryimited information provided by the Basement. Why did theyhoose to engage in the sale in this way? Why a hero/questarrative and not another, like community-building, narrative?erhaps it is because the myth/quest is a monomyth—everyonenows the role of the hero because the lore is embedded inur culture and, in some minds, our psyches (Jung 1959). Thisultural resource serves as a framework for women to enactgency by providing an empowering way to purchase theirowns and alternatively construct their roles as bride/wife.

Though retailers cannot prescribe or force agency, they caneek to increase the intensity of consumer engagement beyonderely shaping environmental factors. Below we briefly discuss

ome means to accomplish this objective.

Contributions to retailing theory

This study improves current research on atmospherics, whichas largely been limited by the assumption that retail spaceshould be pleasant or playful and transformational retailing byoving the conversation from transformational appeals to the

ransformational nature of certain retail experiences.

tmospherics

In their study of retail atmospherics, Baker, Grewal andarasuraman (1994) found that synergistic combinations of

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etailing 88 (2, 2012) 291–307 303

tmospherics and personnel positively affected consumers’ per-eption of the retailer and brand. Most research on atmosphericsoncluded that pleasant retail atmospherics lead to better con-umer experiences (Dubé, Chebat, and Morin 1995) and poortmospherics led to service failure (Bitner 1990). Our study runsounter to this viewpoint. The participants knew that the retailnvironment would be dangerous and counterintuitive, and thattore personnel would be at best unhelpful and at worst hostile.n fact, those who were aware in advance of the Sale’s retailtmospherics were more likely to triumph at the task than thosehoppers who did not possess prior knowledge of the trials theyould face. The key learning for those researching atmospherics

s that creating a less than pleasant or in some other way con-radictory retail atmospheric may heighten consumers’ sense ofxperience and strengthen their connection to the brand. Muchike Abercrombie and Fitch employs very low lighting, olfac-ory sensation and extremely loud music to appeal to a certainonsumer segment, Filene’s Basement effectively manipulatedetail atmospherics to create a quest experience in which con-umers triumphed, cementing their relationship with the brandnd ensuring they recommend the Sale to friends and family forenerations to come. Women attending the Sale multiple times inarying roles sustain the relationship that originated when theyttended as brides. Borghini et al. (2009, p. 363) asserted thatthe physical immediacy of themed brandstore experience . . .

inks together related cultural concepts into a strong retail branddeology.” One might further argue that the Sale, while not aetail brand, does express a retail ideology focused on thrift andalue that is central not only to the Filene’s Basement brand butlso to cultural concepts necessary for participants’ successfulransition from single woman to wife (Miller 1998).

ransformational retailing

There is very little research in retailing about how consumersre transformed after engaging in a retail experience. Most avail-ble research on transformation in retailing instead focuses onransformational appeals in advertising (Naylor et al. 2008) orow “cult brands” serve to transform consumer experiences andelationships (Belk and Tumbat 2005). No research to date hasiven evidence of the practice of a retail experience giving riseo consumer transformation.

Our data show that consumers’ experience of mythic agencyhrough the Sale created a powerful (or strengthened an existing)elationship with the retailer. Taking the lure of the archetypalature of the myth/quest into consideration, retailers might pro-ote the experience of mythic agency by offering consumers a

heme or myth-inspired environment in which they can acceptr reject the challenge being presented. Given the rise in pop-larity of adventure TV where contestants engage in a seriesf harrowing trials in order to win a monetary prize (e.g., Themazing Race in the U.S.), consumers may respond well to a

imilar “quest with prize” structure.
Better use of transformational strategies may lead to greater
ngagement intensity (Higgins 2006; Kensinger 2004). Forxample, retailers should manage the nature and strength ofompetition among consumers for the “prize” offered in a retail

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romotion – too much, and the experience becomes antagonis-ic (as in Black Friday promotions); too little, and consumerstop caring (as in automobile dealers’ never-ending litany ofromotional “events”). Retailers can also craft marketing com-unications that are themed with mythic quests like treasure or

cavenger hunts that encourage active consumer engagement.ast, retailers can increase intensity of commitment by invitingonnections between consumers that achieve a common retailoal (consider the early success of such social media offers asroupon and LivingSocial).

Implications for retailers

This study gives retailers tools for improving customer loy-lty by increasing opportunities for consumers to act agenticallynd reconceptualizing the use of promotional sales, from theumber of promotions undertaken during a particular time frameo the structure of the sale itself.

reating agentic retail environments

There is considerable value to retailers in increasing theirnderstanding of consumer agency. Women continue to be therimary household shoppers (Miller 1998; Noble, Griffith, anddjei 2006) and it is clear in our research that these women’s

onsumer behaviors were purposeful and agentic. Myths andtories, in this case of heroism and the quest, are tools of agencyhere women construct central roles and mediate important rela-

ionships. The retailer that alters its marketing strategy to reflecthis new vision of women as heroes embarking on quests that inhe end let them experience transformation will make a betteronnection than those who create messages based on outdatedonceptions of women as passive shoppers.

Retail contexts exist where the experience of mythic agencys created to enhance the consumer encounter and improverand loyalty. For example, the retailer creates a quest-likenvironment for its more vulnerable populations—consumersisplaced by natural disasters or those who struggle with inter-reting marketing messages (either because of illiteracy or lackf experience). They further devise experiences where the vul-erable consumer is assigned a “band of companions,” which,n this case, means a store employee or ambassador who helpsim overcome that which appears frightening or intimidating.his assistance empowers the at risk consumer so future experi-nces are less stressful. For example, grocery stores in the U.S.ften hire people with cognitive disabilities to work in unskilledositions. These employees could be trained to help vulnerableonsumers navigate the grocery store, which can prove a scarylace to the non-English speaking visitor or the one who doesot read (Adkins and Ozanne 2005).

Certain consumer segments could be cultivated to feelmpowered by a mythic agency experience in a marketplacereviously deemed overwhelming or intimidating. For exam-
le, research was conducted on expectant mothers who find theiminal state brought on by pregnancy fraught with feelings ofnadequacy. Retailers like “Babies R Us” capitalize on theseeelings by emphasizing all the things that can go wrong when
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etailing 88 (2, 2012) 291–307

aring for an infant. During what should be one of the happiestccasions of a woman’s life, intimidation by insinuation placeshe mom-to-be in a vulnerable and fear-driven position whenhe enters the prebaby marketplace (The VOICE Group 2010).f the expectant mother could feel more control over her retailnvironment and be treated more like a hero triumphing overhe new experience of having a baby than a victim to be preyedpon, the retailer would see the benefit of this strategy withmproved customer loyalty, reduced shopping anxiety, and bet-er word-of-mouth communication about the brand with other

others-to-be.

romotional sales strategy

In a broader sense, retailers might consider, as an antidoteo consumers’ growing boredom and disengagement with shop-ing, constructing sales that strongly engage consumers as activend creative participants. A recent survey (“The Mall Pall” 2008)ound that over 80% of respondents disliked shopping at a mallith more than a third stating they did not like it because tooany stores carried the same products and there were no new or

nique choices. The Sale is most certainly not boring; neither ist fun. It is instead a deeply meaningful experience to thousandsf women who succeed in the quest. The Filene’s Basementrand is part of that enduring meaning.

While the Sale possesses extraordinary power to draw theasses due to the convergence of so many layers of meaning,e believe retailers can reap long-term benefit on a more conven-

ional scale by creating sales that offer consumers opportunityor agency through the enactment of personal myths. In terms ofesigning a successful Sale, Filene’s management fine-tunes theevel of chance or opportunity and, implicitly, customer compet-tiveness. In other words, the Sale allows for participation butoes not guarantee success; some element of uncertainty mustemain or it becomes just another sale.

Retailers rely on a limited arsenal of tools to maintain cus-omer interest. In a price-sensitive market, offering the “lowestrice” works only until a competitor drops its price. Evidenceeveals, in fact, that too many sales can result in undesirableesults, including lessened responsiveness to sales and consumererception that the “sale price” is actually the “regular price” foroods frequently included in sales. This ultimately leads to brandilution (Grewal et al. 1998; Simonson, Carmon, and O’Curry994).

With the Sale, Filene’s Basement creates in part unwittinglyn environment that paves the way for agency by emphasiz-ng more than price. Price is definitely important, but far moremportant is the experience of “winning” (not unlike EBay), byriumphing over some part of the wedding narrative, whether its the wedding industry itself or family rules and norms. Theilene’s Basement’s original sales strategy certainly featuredlow price component but also it incorporated non-monetary

ppeals, such as devising a unique pricing system where mark-
owns were increased over time and donating merchandise toharity after a certain amount of time on the sales floor. Later thetore created special sale situations, including the Sale, men’suits sales and prom dress sales. All these special sales featured

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large but limited selection of high-quality merchandise at veryow prices. Promotion of these sales emphasized their exclusivitys well as the tight time frame in which consumers might bene-t. Word-of-mouth, media reports and, later, the Basement webite, emphasized the competitiveness of the sale environment, asell as the great deals to be had for high-quality goods. It may beossible for discount retailers to create similar sale environmentsor their customers, ones that engage agency rather than demandubmission to the basic retail price promotion stratagem. Thisype of sale could go a long way in differentiating a discountetailer from its competitors and engendering enduring customeroyalty—at a reasonable cost.

Sale participants engaged in a “coconstitutive, coproductiveprocess] . . . in which consumers, working with marketer-enerated materials, forge a coherent if diversified and oftenragmented sense of self” (Arnould and Thompson 2005, p.71). Adding to this research stream, our study demonstrateshe power of myth (the quest, the hero) as a tool used by womenor self-construction and the shaping of personal experience andocial relationships.

Limitations and future directions

Our interpretation of the Filene’s Basement Sale uses the herond quest monomyths as lenses that yield a deeper understandingf how agency is enacted in a spectacular retail setting and howetailers might use agency to rethink certain practices. However,everal limitations to our study apply. First, though our data arextensive, our long interviews were all with white women. Theale itself draws racially and ethnically diverse participants—westimate about 20% of those attending are women of color. Wepproached women of all races and ethnicities at the Sale andsked them to speak with us later, but only white brides-to-beesponded to our solicitations. Our study therefore cannot speako the meaning of the Sale and its prize, the gown, to women ofolor.

Another area ripe for more in-depth research is the extento which the physical setting of the Sale as well as macro fac-ors serves to create opportunities for consumer agency (Grewal,evy, and Kumar 2009). One approach to better understandingonsumers’ experience of mythic agency may lie in examin-ng behavioral or evaluative elements that are associated withhis experience. For example, engagement intensity and valencesee Higgins 2006; Kensinger 2004) seem to accompany con-umers’ experience of agency; if retailers cannot directly evokegency, they may still be able to create a retail experience thatnvites agency. Future research should attempt to more com-rehensively identify types of cultural resources that consumersnd resources can access, as well as the characteristics of each.e have added mythic resources—do others exist? And howight they create value for consumers and retailers/marketers?inally, research on transformational marketing needs to clarifyesources available to affect change, who might employ them
nd who might be transformed.
Damaged by off-price retail competitors and the prolongedecession, Filene’s Basement has been in and out of bankruptcyince 1999. In August of 2007, the Downtown Crossing store,

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the heart and soul” of Filene’s Basement, closed its doorsAbelson 2009) and only a cavernous hole in the ground remains.he Sale now takes place at several of the chain’s other storesationwide, and in Boston is held at the Hynes Convention Cen-er in the Back Bay neighborhood. Photos and comments fromttendees at these other locations suggest that the extraordinaryxperience of the Sale, the passion it inspires, and the oppor-unity for agentic transformation it provides remain powerfullyresent in these new locations (Lydle 2009). It seems that con-umers can still become heroes by embarking on retail quests,ven though the specific terrain of their adventure may change.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Bentley University for itsnancial support of this project, Professor Giana Eckhardt ofuffolk University for her selfless contribution of time to theevision process, Pat Boudrot and Mary McCarthy of Filene’sasement for the unlimited access they afforded us during theeld study portion of the project, the eleven women who shared

he details of their experiences with us, and the three anonymouseviewers who helped shepherd this paper into publication.

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Mythic Agency and Retail Conquest

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