Music, Modernity and Locality in Prewar Japan: Osaka and ...

MUSIC, MODERNITY AND LOCALITY IN PREWAR JAPAN: OSAKA AND BEYOND

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Music, Modernity and Locality in Prewar Japan: Osaka and Beyond

Edited by

HUGH DE FERRANTI and ALISON TOKITA

First published 2013 by Ashgate Publishing

Published 2016 by Routledge2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © Hugh de Ferranti and Alison Tokita 2013

Hugh de Ferranti and Alison Tokita have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the editors of this work.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Music, modernity and locality in prewar Japan : Osaka and beyond. -- (SOAS musicology series) 1. Music--Japan--Osaka (Prefecture)--20th century. 2. Music--Social aspects--Japan--Osaka (Prefecture)-- History--20th century. 3. Music--Japan--Western influences. I. Series II. De Ferranti, Hugh. III. Tokita, Alison, 1947- IV. London Middle East Institute. 306.4'842'0952183'0904-dc23

The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows: Music, modernity and locality in prewar Japan : Osaka and beyond / edited byHugh de Ferranti and Alison Tokita. pages cm. -- (SOAS musicology series) Includes index. ISBN 978-1-4094-1111-6 (hardcover) 1. Music--Japan--Osaka--20th century--History andcriticism. 2. Music--Japan--20th century--History and criticism. I. De Ferranti, Hugh,editor of compilation. II. Tokita, Alison, 1947- editor of compilation. ML340.5.M87 2013 780.952'18309042--dc23

2012048382ISBN 9781409411116 (hbk)ISBN 9781315596907 (ebk)

Contents

List of Maps viiList of Figures ixList of Tables xiList of Music Examples xiiiList of Contributors xvPreface xixMaps xxiii

Part I: Osakan MOdernIty: the COntext

1 Locating the Musics of Modern Osaka 3 Hugh de Ferranti and Alison Tokita

2 Aural Osaka: Listening to the Modern City 27 Jeffrey E. Hanes

Part II: CreatIOn Of a MOdern MusICal Culture

3 Marketing the Performing Arts in Osaka before the Twentieth Century 53 Gerald Groemer

4 The Growth of Western Art Music Appreciation in Osaka during the 1920s 75 Ueno Masaaki

5 The Piano as a Symbol of Modernity in Prewar Kansai 93 Alison Tokita

Part III: MakIng and reMakIng MusIC tradItIOns

6 Naniwa-bushi and Social Debate in Two Postwar Periods: The Russo-Japanese War and the First World War 123 Manabe Masayoshi

Music, Modernity and Locality in Prewar Japan: Osaka and Beyondvi

7 Tateyama Noboru: Osaka, Modernity and Bourgeois Musical Realism for the Koto 135 Philip Flavin

8 Modern Forms of Biwa Music in Osaka and the Kansai Region 157 Silvain Guignard and Komoda Haruko

9 An Alternative Gagaku Tradition: The Garyōkai and Modern Osaka 173 Terauchi Naoko

Part IV: hybrIdIty In kansaI MusICal Culture

10 Takarazuka and Japanese Modernity 193 Watanabe Hiroshi

11 Shōchiku Girls’ Opera and 1920s Dōtonbori Jazz 211 HosokawaShūhei

Part V: Osaka and beyOnd: ethnIC MInOrItIes and MetrOPOlItan east asIa

12 Music-Making among Koreans in Colonial-Era Osaka 229 Hugh de Ferranti

13 Music and Performing Arts of Okinawans in Interwar Osaka 255 Kuriyama Shin’ya

14 The Creation of Exotic Space in the Miyako-odori: ‘Ryūkyū’ and ‘Chōsen’ 269

Hiroi Eiko

15 Osaka and Shanghai: Revisiting the Reception of Western Music in Metropolitan Japan 283 Iguchi Junko

Index 301

1 The Kansai region xxiii2 The Kansai railway network, 1934 xxiv

List of Maps

4.1 Opening concert at the Osaka Central Public Hall (Ōsaka mainichi shinbun [24 Nov. 1918]) 794.2 Tokyo Academy of Music chorus (Ōsaka mainichi shinbun [18 Apr. 1920]) 834.3 Chorus at the Tokyo Academy of Music performance, Osaka, 25 April 1920 (Ōsaka mainichi shinbun [26 Apr. 1920]) 834.4 Elman and Loesser performance (Ōsaka mainichi shinbun 90 [26 Feb. 1921]) 90

8.1 Flyer for the Kyoto National Assembly, 1935 1648.2 Yamazaki Kyokusui in the NHK Osaka studio, 1931 167

12.1 Wards of municipal Osaka, showing the Korean population in each, mid-1937 (based on ‘Jae Osaka joseonin’ 1937) 23112.2 Inaugural meeting of the Korean Brotherhood at the Tamamizu ClubinShinSekai,Osaka,1920(‘Chōsentaikode kakushita gei’ 1920) 23712.3 Employees at an Amagasaki Korean restaurant (‘Hashi no shita kara’ 1932) 240

13.1 FukuharaChōki(holdingmandolin)withmusicianswhorecorded with Marufuku Records 25913.2 ShimaYōkodancing‘Hatoma-bushi’(Yomiuri shinbun [15 Nov. 1940]) 265

14.1 Gikōmanager,TsujimuraTasuke(1847–1933) (Gikei kurabu [Dec. 1928]) 27314.2 GirlsinRyūkyū-stylecostumes,1894(Hinode shinbun [3 Mar. 1919]) 27414.3 Geiko performing Korean-themed Miyako-odori (Gikei kurabu [Apr. 1924]) 276

15.1 Asahina Takashi teaching at the Osaka Conservatory, 1936 or 1937 28715.2 Shanghai Philharmonic Orchestra, 30 Oct. 1942 (Kusakari Yoshito collection, Tokyo University of the Arts Library) 28815.3a English programme for the ninth subscription symphony concert, 16 January 1944. Conductor: Asahina Takashi 292

List of Figures

Music, Modernity and Locality in Prewar Japan: Osaka and Beyondx

15.3b Japanese programme for the ninth subscription symphony concert, 16 January 1944. Conductor: Asahina Takashi 29315.3c Chinese programme for the ninth subscription symphony concert, 16 January 1944. Conductor: Asahina Takashi 294

3.1 Theatre permits issued in Osaka, October to December 1886 70

5.1 Professional pianists and piano teachers in prewar Kansai 1025.2 Amateur and semi-professional pianists (interviewees) 111

8.1 Prewar National Assemblies of the Asahikai 1638.2 Satsumabiwa and chikuzenbiwa players in Kantō and Kansai regions 1658.3 Chikuzenbiwa players in Kobe–Nishinomiya and Osaka–Kyoto–Nara 165

9.1 Shitennōji celebration of the reconstruction of the Gojū-no-tō, May 1940 1809.2 Osakan music ensembles at Jūgo hōkō geinō taikai, 1940 1819.3 Osakan dance groups at Jūgo hōkō geinō taikai, 1940 182

12.1 Korean music-making in prewar Osaka and the Hanshin region 23312.2 Reception and consumption of music performed by Koreans in prewar Osaka 249

13.1 Emigration from Okinawa prefecture, 1940 256

15.1 Shanghai Settlement population, December 1941 284

List of Tables

7.1 Tateyama Noboru, ‘Gaisen rappa no shirabe’, tegoto (excerpt), 1896 1427.2 Matsuzaka Harue, ‘Kaede no hana’, tegoto (excerpt), 1897 1437.3 Tateyama Noboru, ‘Hototogisu no kyoku’, tegoto, 1901 1447.4 Tsuru-shan ostinato 145

List of Music Examples

Hiroi Eiko is a lecturer at the Osaka University of Education. She has conducted extensive research on the woman gidayū-bushi performer Takemoto Roshō (1874–1930) and is publishing actively on the popular performing arts of Kyoto and Osaka in the prewar period. Recently she has published a monograph on Japan’s folk performing arts.

Hugh de Ferranti has written books, articles and recording notes about biwa, Japanese popular music, music among minorities in imperial Japan, and wadaiko in Australia. He is the co-editor of volumes on Takemitsu Tōru and musics of colonial era East Asia, and has taught at the University of Michigan, Tokyo Institute of Technology and the University of New England (Australia).

Philip Flavin is a researcher and professionally accredited koto and shamisen performer belonging to the Seiha School. He has written extensively on sōkyoku-jiuta and has taught at the University of California, Berkeley, and in Australia at Monash and Melbourne universities. Presently, he is an adjunct researcher at Monash University’s School of Music and a lecturer at the Osaka University of Economics and Law.

Gerald Groemer is a professor of music at Yamanashi University. He has written many books and articles in both English and Japanese on music of the late Edo and Meiji periods and is a leading authority on the histories of goze, blind female musicians, and tsugaru-jamisen.

Silvain Guignard is a professor at Osaka Gakuin University and a professionally accredited performer of chikuzenbiwa who studied with the late Yamazaki Kyokusui for over 20 years. He has published widely in German, English and Japanese on biwa music and Japanese musical culture.

Jeffrey E. Hanes teaches modern Japanese history and directs the Center for Asian and Pacific Studies at the University of Oregon. He is the author of a biography of the renowned prewar mayor of Osaka, Seki Hajime, as well as a number of articles on urban culture and city planning in interwar Japan. He is completing a monograph on the production and consumption of urban space in early modern and modern Osaka, and he has just embarked on a new project focused on postwar Japanese industrial design.

List of Contributors

Music, Modernity and Locality in Prewar Japan: Osaka and Beyondxvi

Komoda Haruko is a professor at the Musashino Academia Musicae in Tokyo. Japan’s foremost authority on the tradition of musical recitation of the Tale of the Heike accompanied by biwa, she has also re-cast understandings of the historical development of pre-modern forms of biwa through her organological and documentary research.

Watanabe Hiroshi is a professor in the Cultural Resources Studies Division of the Graduate School of Humanities and Sociology at Tokyo University. He has written many books on modernity and music in both Western and Japanese contexts, including works on Mahler, post-modern aesthetics, Takarazuka, and song culture across various strata of Japanese society.

Iguchi Junko is Professor of Musicology at Osaka University of Music. A specialist in Chinese narrative music traditions of the Shanghai region, her work has been published in both Japanese and Chinese. She has also edited and produced writings and audiovisual documentation of East Asian zither traditions. Currently she is conducting research on the reception of Western music in prewar Japan and in Shanghai.

Ueno Masaaki is a researcher of the diffusion of Western music in prewar Japan. He took his PhD in 1999 at Osaka University, writing on John Cage, and recently has been publishing actively on the growth of Western musical culture in Japanese regional contexts and the diffusion of knowledge of Western music through distance learning in the 1910s and 1920s. He is affiliated with the Research Centre for Japanese Traditional Music, Kyoto City University of Arts.

Manabe Masayoshi received his PhD from Osaka University in 2000. Currently associate professor at the University of Kitakyūshū, his research interests are in media culture, comparative expressive culture and Japanese mass culture. One of his focuses has been naniwa-bushi and other popular mediated performing arts.

Terauchi Naoko is Professor of Musicology at Kobe University. She has written three monographs on historical and contemporary forms of gagaku and articles on diverse topics, including music and dance of the Okinawan heritage community in Hawaii.

Kuriyama Shin’ya is a researcher of Okinawan diasporic music and performing arts traditions. He is currently a team project research affiliate at the International Center for Japanese Studies, Kyoto.

Hosokawa Shūhei is a professor at the International Research Centre for Japanese Studies in Kyoto. He has published books and articles in English, Japanese and Portuguese on many topics, principal among which are Japanese popular music history and Japanese-Brazilian music and film culture.

List of Contributors xvii

Alison Tokita is currently a guest professor at the Kyoto City University of Arts and at Doshisha University. She is also an adjunct researcher in Japanese Studies at Monash University. She has published widely on Japanese narrative music, and most recently has been researching naniwa-bushi. Other research interests include music and modernity in East Asia.

I confess to having long been enamoured of Osaka and the affable directness that seems part of the genetic makeup of its people. Yet the motivation for this project was not entirely personal. Essentialist perceptions and stereotypes aside, during my second extensive stay in the city, as a visiting researcher at the National Museum of Ethnology (Minpaku) in 2001–2, I came to see that musical life in and around modern Osaka (as distinct from that of the time of Chikamatsu and other eminent Tokugawa-period Osakan artists) hardly figured in representative texts on ‘Japanese music’, despite the fact that the nation’s second metropolis had a conspicuous profile in the histories of modern literature, architecture, urban design and popular culture. Upon returning to Australia, I resolved that after I completed protracted work on a monograph about the music of Kyushu’s blind biwa singers, I would begin an investigation of Osaka’s modern musical culture.

Feeling that such an undertaking could only be collaborative, and having taken a new position in a university environment in which funding had to be quite strategically pursued, I put a proposal to Alison Tokita in 2005 – that we collaborate on an application to the Australian Research Council (ARC) to do three years’ work on the Osaka region’s interwar musical life. Her initial response, of course, was ‘Why Osaka?’ (on which point, please refer to Chapter 1). Nearly two years later, after an initial miss, we were awarded an ARC Discovery Project Grant for 2007 to 2009. Thereupon began a period of feverish work that involved a lively cast of (at the very least) tens, yielded the events and experiences outlined more or less chronologically below and ultimately led to this book. The friends and colleagues mentioned hereafter are the principal members of that cast, but of course many others were involved in smaller but nonetheless crucial roles: we trust that those not specifically named here nevertheless know of our gratitude.

Years before the project or even the grant applications began, I was hosted at the Minpaku, where in conversation with Terada Yoshitaka, Fukuoka Shōta and others, I first gained a sense of Osaka and the Hanshin region’s surprisingly diverse demographic profile in the early twentieth century.

Hosokawa Shūhei kindly accepted our request that he be named as a partner investigator for our major grant applications, then followed through grandly by facilitating both periods of research affiliation with the International Research Centre for Japanese Studies in Kyoto and the convening of a two-day conference on our project theme at the centre in December 2008. The chapters in this collection are all based on papers initially presented at that event, with the exception of Chapter 1, which frames the concerns of the book and introduces salient issues from the contributions.

Preface

Music, Modernity and Locality in Prewar Japan: Osaka and Beyondxx

We thank our respective Australian base institutions during the years of most concentrated labour on this project, the University of New England (UNE) and Monash University, for administering and providing infrastructural support for the work. To encourage the preparation of major grant proposals, UNE gave seed money to source materials and develop a database. From as early as 2006, I benefitted from the help of excellent research assistants in Armidale. Over the course of the next few years, they included Kiyomi Yamada, Kyoko Kwan, Woo-hwa Han, Kobayashi Masayo, Park Jeongmin, Kim Jeoungha and Maeda Tomoko. Down at Monash, Teresa Anile and Hideko Nakamura provided able research assistance, and Monash University’s e-Research Centre hosted our online resources on their Sakai website. Teresa again generously gave us her wonderful copyediting and type-setting services in the final stretch of preparing the volume for publication.

Philip Flavin was willing to move both his academic and performance career from San Francisco to Melbourne in order to join the project as research associate when we invited him in 2007. Like all good grants, this one came to an end, but Philip remained in Melbourne and continued to grace Australia with his superb abilities as a performer and teacher of koto and shamisen, as well as a lecturer in Japanese studies and music.

During the months I spent at the International Research Centre for Japanese Studies in Kyoto between August 2007 and January 2008, help from Park Lee-jin, Sonoda Iku and Teruya Natsuki was important. Those six months on Katsurazaka were extremely stimulating and productive, despite the time it took to get from there to Osaka’s vaunted ‘south’ where I did most of my fieldwork. Individuals who were most generous with their time and knowledge of Osaka include Imada Kentarō, Fujita Takanori and, of course, Cho Bak (Pagyan). Sumi Cho, then a doctoral candidate in anthropology at the University of Michigan, was always willing to discuss and make helpful suggestions on Okinawan and Korean community issues.

In the middle year of the project, Alison Tokita spent a 12-month period at the International Research Centre for Japanese Studies (April 2008–March 2009), when Hosokawa Shūhei kindly acted as her counterpart and general facilitator. During that year she was able to conduct intensive fieldwork and documentary research on the piano culture of the Kansai region, which forms the basis for her chapter in this volume. (Her individual acknowledgements are made at the end of her chapter.) We are both grateful to the Research Cooperation Division of the Centre for hosting and providing full research infrastructure for our symposium in December 2008, which provided a forum for vigorous debating of our research theme with international participants, many of whom have contributed to this collection.

The editors gratefully acknowledge generous project funding from the Australian Research Council received during 2007–9: that funding, too, was crucial for the success of the 2008 symposium. We also record our thanks to Keith Howard and the SOAS Musicology Series Board for entrusting us with the task

Preface xxi

of assembling this book, and to Heidi Bishop, Laura Macy, Gemma Hayman and others at Ashgate for their warm support and patience.

In the final stages of preparation of the manuscript, we have benefitted from Miyama McQueen-Tokita’s kindness in preparing map files. Miyama’s contribution exemplifies the unfailing, essential support that we have both received from our families.

Mouri Masato generously gave permission to reproduce the image that appears on the book’s cover. Finally, a note about the in-text illustrations: many of these are reproduced from old and poor-quality originals. Everything possible has been done to reproduce them with the highest possible quality.

Hugh de FerrantiKawagoe, March 2012

Maps

Map 1 The Kansai region

Music, Modernity and Locality in Prewar Japan: Osaka and Beyondxxiv

Map 2 The Kansai railway network, 1934

PART I Osakan Modernity: The Context

Chapter 1

Locating the Musics of Modern OsakaHugh de Ferranti and Alison Tokita

This book examines the music cultures of prewar Osaka and its surrounding Hanshin region, a term that denotes Osaka, Kobe and the coastal districts between them. Modernity as experienced in this locale, with its particular historical, geographic and demographic character and its established traditions of music and performance, gave rise to configurations of the new, the traditional and the hybrid that were different from their Tokyo counterparts during the roughly three-decade period from the last years of the Meiji period (1868–1912) to the late 1930s. The changes in Japanese musical life were played out in locally inflected ways: in the old commercial districts of Osaka, the suburbs of Ashiya and Nishinomiya, and the foreign quarters of Kobe (see Map 1). Distinctive characteristics of the region’s prewar music culture include the role of the all-female Takarazuka Revue troupe as a vehicle for the introduction of a range of Western musical and dance styles, the extent of cross-over activity among performers of Japanese and Western genres, the presence of numerous musicians among diaspora communities (including Russian Jews, Koreans, Okinawans and Chinese), and the enrichment of regional musicians’ engagement with Euro-American musics through commercial and inter-personal links between Osaka, its neighbour Kobe and Asian continental metropolises, in particular Shanghai. As a collection of thematically structured writings on the rich plurality of music cultures of this industrial and commercial hub, this volume explores the proposition that creators, performers and consumers of music both responded to and shaped a distinctive regional modernity.

Locality and Music in Modern Japan

The standard accounts of modern Japanese music history from the introduction of Western musical practices during the Meiji period to the start of the wartime era from the late 1930s are in essence the story of developments that took place in or were initiated from Tokyo. A set of variations on the theme of modernisation (and limited Westernisation) of Japanese music, those accounts typically describe the circumstances of musical culture contact: an initial period of rapid, intensive absorption and selective deployment of Western music – the adoption of Western military band instruments and repertory, imposition by bureaucratic fiat of a primary-school curriculum of group practice of European- and American-style songs and changes in the organisational bases of canonical traditions of music

Music, Modernity and Locality in Prewar Japan: Osaka and Beyond4

and music-theatre – then the emergence of hybrid performance and compositional practices in both historical genres and popular musics (Galliano 2002; Herd 2008; Malm 1971, 2000; Okunaka 2008; Tonoshita and Chōki 2008).

Valuable as these accounts have been and continue to be, during the past two decades research has brought to light two points that have yet to be duly emphasised in English-language publications. The first is the extraordinarily diverse range of musics to which residents of prewar Japan’s major cities readily had access, in particular during the 20-year interwar era (1918–37), and the eclecticism with which those musics were enthusiastically received and creatively appropriated by elites, the new middle class and segments of the populace alike. Even people well acquainted with Japanese music traditions and the postwar dominance of Western and Western-influenced styles can express surprise at the fact that a dedicated student of recitation accompanied by biwa in 1920s Osaka could have been led to take up tuition and attain virtuosity on that instrument in part through love of Andres Segovia’s SP (78 rpm) recordings of classical guitar repertory.1 After some 50 years of aural exposure to Western music genres, by the 1920s a great many Japanese (and almost certainly the majority in urban Japan) were untroubled by the distance between the formal and aesthetic principles of their indigenous music traditions and the musics of Euro-America, be they classical (‘art’) music or popular song and dance tunes. Interest and active engagement with any or several of these musics as amateur practitioners, audiences and consumers was simply part of modern life,2 and, unlike in the early postwar decades, no justification was needed for involvement in both musical worlds.

The second point is that the profound changes in Japanese people’s experience of music – changes in forms of exposure to and media for enjoying music, as well as the shaping of musical sensibility though education – during the prewar decades were characterised by a significant degree of regional variation. This was emphatically so at least until the consolidation of Tokyo as the centre of the publishing and recording industries from around 1930 and the demographic spread of access to both moderately priced radios and SP wind-up record players at around the same time. Notwithstanding the Tokyo government and bureaucracy’s scrutiny of the implementation of nationally framed policies for music education, musical life in a given city and region was shaped largely by local forces, as a product of history, geography and socio-economic contingencies. Such forces include the prominence of regional music traditions or local manifestations of

1 This refers to the experience of the seiha satsumabiwa master, Fumon Yoshinori (1911–2002), as recounted to de Ferranti.

2 Everything in this paragraph of course applies to Tokyo at least as much as it does to Osaka. Yet, in 2012, it remains the fact that a book (or series of books) documenting the diversity of musics to be experienced in the imperial capital of the early twentieth century, and the diversity of ways that Tokyo residents engaged with those musics, has yet to be written. By presenting the case of Osaka first, quite apart from its intrinsic documentary value, this volume may serve to provoke comparable work on Tokyo.

Locating the Musics of Modern Osaka 5

nationwide performance traditions such as gagaku or sōkyoku-jiuta, the attitudes of local elites toward Western expressive culture, and the extent of the presence of Europeans, Americans, Koreans, Chinese and other foreigners.

Why Osaka?

Why should we know more about the experience of modernity in Osaka and its environs? To begin with, Osaka has been Japan’s ‘other metropolis’ for centuries, and its history, linguistic and expressive culture are distinct from those of Tokyo due to the city’s importance as a port and a commercial and socio-cultural counterweight to Edo prior to the Meiji Restoration, and its experience of such rapid industrial growth during the Meiji period that by the 1890s it was called ‘the Manchester of the Orient’. The legacy of Osakan history has included the relative independence of local mercantile systems, greater persistence of historical class divisions and a vivid sense of regional identity, of cultural distinction from the samurai- then bureaucrat-dominated world of Edo-Tokyo. This is an identity that remains proudly undiminished in the twenty-first century. The second metropolis’s consolidation of industrial and financial might was also complemented by the tremendous growth of the nearby coastal area that became the city of Kobe, spurred by the opening in 1868 of Hyōgo Port as one of Japan’s treaty ports for trade with the West. By the first decade of the twentieth century the coastal farmlands and villages of the Hanshinkan3 area between these cities were being transformed into suburbs such as Ashiya and Nishinomiya for the leisured elite. In turn, with the subsequent establishment of the private Hankyū and Hanshin trainlines, some of these areas became home to the middle-class families of those who commuted to work in the metropolis.

In the modern imperial and colonial era, moreover, the Hanshin region’s importance for sea transport and industry led to the rapid growth of immigrant ethnic communities in certain districts. The substantial presence of Okinawan and Korean communities (both in numbers far greater than equivalent groups in Tokyo), students from the Japanese colonies, White Russians and growing numbers of German residents were symptomatic of greater Osaka’s status as one of the two industrial and business hubs of the Japanese colonial empire. This was a context for urban life that produced a combination of ethnic groups on a smaller scale but nonetheless comparable to that found in quasi-colonial Shanghai and the cosmopolitan metropolises of Europe and America.4 While cultural diversity

3 Han is an on reading of the second character in Ōsaka (阪), while -shin is the same for the first character in Kobe (神), and -kan (間) means between. In this book the terms Hanshin and greater Osaka are both used to denote municipal Osaka, Kobe to the west and the Hanshinkan suburbs between.

4 An intricate account of the Korean community in prewar Osaka and cross-cultural comparison with Chicago’s contemporary African-American community, are given in


and even a nascent multi-culturalism are generally not associated with Japan until the 1990s, circumstances in prewar Osaka and the Hanshin region suggest the importance of adding a historical dimension to these concepts, and to the notion of transnational flows within East Asian popular cultures, for Osaka was a crucial node in early instances of that process. Despite the difficulties caused by the tremendous loss of historical sources in the bombing and firestorms that all but razed downtown and southern Osaka in 1945,5 the project of documentation in the expressive cultural domain of the diversity of sub-altern communities in prewar Osaka is of great potential value in dislodging the persistent image of urban Japan as mono-cultural until the late twentieth century.

Anyone acquainted with the fiction or film of the era of Japanese imperialism, the twentieth century’s first four decades, knows that the Hanshin region was of great importance in the national imagination: Tanizaki Jun’ichiro’s novel Sasameyuki (The Makioka Sisters) and Mizoguchi Kenji’s film Naniwa ereji (Osaka Elegy) are the most celebrated of a number of works that documented the lifestyles of Osaka and its middle-class suburbs in the mid-to-late 1930s. In these urban and suburban settings arose a panorama of modern life, incorporating and transforming earlier practices, through selective adoption and adaptation of elements of Western ones, and giving rise to new forms of expression in the arts.

After the decimation of Tokyo by an earthquake in 1923, Osaka became Japan’s largest and most vital city for the remainder of the 1920s. The journalist and chronicler of popular culture, Ōya Sōichi (1900–1970), called it a metropolis of ‘American’ vitality, while equating a still-dismal Tokyo with post-First World War Berlin (Ōya 1930). Historian Jeffrey Hanes’ chapter in this volume examines the context of the prewar metropolis itself, breaking new ground in showing that what was new about Osakan life was not only in visual and textual forms of expressive and material culture that logocentric historians have paid most attention to; a panoply of new aural experiences was also to be had and, at times, endured. Drawing upon his long involvement with research on Osaka and his interest in topophilia (‘the affective bond between people and place or setting’), he presents a range of documentary evidence for interwar Osaka as a site for new soundscapes and ways of experiencing both ‘noise’ and music. Hanes also reminds us of Kawabata Yasunari’s comment on the potency of Osaka’s jazz and dance-hall culture, which so affected 1920s Asakusa: ‘It’s gotten to be just like Osaka.’

English-language scholarship of prewar Japan’s socio-cultural history is overwhelmingly focused on Tokyo. With a handful of notable exceptions,6 this

Hotta 2005.5 The scale of destruction of textual and audiovisual source materials is highlighted

again and again in writings on prewar Osaka. In this volume, for example, in investigating gagaku practice in the vicinity of Tennōji, Terauchi found that many important sources had been lost, as the effects of Allied bombing were most devastating in the city’s inner south.

6 These include McClain and Wakita’s collection on pre-modern Osaka (1999); Hanes’ monograph on Seki Hajime, the scholar and mayor of Osaka from 1923 to 1935


body of work tells us little about modern life in Osaka, its surrounding suburbs and the major international port of Kobe to the west. In Japanese scholarship, by contrast, there has been a challenge to prevailing Tokyo-centric views of Japanese modernity mounted since the mid-1990s by researchers of Osakan and Kansai regional culture (for example, Hankyū Ensen Toshi Kenkyūkai 1994; Hashizume 2005; Takemura and Suzuki 2008). It is here that the idea of the distinctiveness of modern life (modan raifu)7 in cities of the Kansai region, and specifically in Osaka and the Hanshinkan suburbs, has its origin. In this extensive body of work, a sub-set of which has spawned the term ‘Osaka-ology’ (Ōsakagaku) (Ōtani 1997), one finds documentation of architecture, cafe culture, modernism in the visual arts, literature and theatre, including Takarazuka’s productions. While much of this writing has a populist bent that exploits and commodifies a wave of nostalgia for the prewar metropolis, in some cases it undertakes thorough interpretive analysis of the terms of contrast with Tokyo life at the time.8 Yet music is conspicuously absent: apart from one edited collection on Takarazuka’s nationwide significance for prewar music (Tsuganesawa and Kondō 2006), just a handful of individual papers have been written on modern musical life in the region and the points of contrast with that of Tokyo (Imada 1999; Kamatani 2006; Shiotsu 2010; Watanabe 2002). This is one reason for bringing together in this volume a broad spectrum of writings by leading Japanese music scholars.

The musical panorama of the Hanshin region was remarkably rich. There were the forms of music, dance and music-theatre that had developed in and around Osaka over the preceding three centuries, including ningyō jōruri, the music of the classical puppet drama,9 and its variant forms on the nearby island of Awaji; the sōkyoku-jiuta tradition of music for shamisen and koto and its associated dance compositions; local shamisen-accompanied songs of the city’s teahouses (geisha communities); the musical accompaniments for a panoply of verbal stage arts performed at numerous small theatres (yose); and folk performance traditions associated with seasonal festivals, such as the music of the Tenjin Matsuri and the narrative songs for bon dancing of Kawachi to the south of the city (Kawachi-ondo). There were also locally inflected practices of ancient and medieval elite traditions such as gagaku and nō. Although commonly associated with samurai-class culture during the Edo period, by the late nineteenth century both of the latter elite art forms had also drawn the affection of wealthy Osaka merchants, who became accomplished amateur practitioners and patrons. Among ‘traditional’ musics that

(2002); and Silverberg’s notes on the distinctiveness of 1920s to 1930s Osakan cafes and their waitresses (2006).

7 This Japanese syllabic rendering of ‘modern life’ is used specifically to denote the experience of urbanites during the 1920s and 1930s. For documentation of the history of this term, see Tipton and Clark 2000.

8 See especially Takemura and Suzuki 2008.9 While this art form also experienced important periods of development in Edo, its

origins and initial flowering were in Osaka.


nonetheless began in the modern era, from 1923 Osaka became the centre for the chikuzenbiwa musical recitation tradition when its foremost practitioner, the head of the Tachibanakai, moved there after Tokyo was devastated by an earthquake (see Chapter 8). The musical narrative of naniwa-bushi, also known as rōkyoku, developed in both Tokyo and Osaka from the 1890s, and was popular nationwide until the 1950s. It seems ‘Naniwa’ was the name of an early performer, not a reference to the ancient name for Osaka (see Chapter 6).

Turning to the new musics of modern Japan that were grounded in imitation or adaptation of Western musics, there were professional military bands (gungakutai), among which Osaka’s was one of Japan’s oldest, and the civic brass and wind ensembles they inspired, which gave the city’s first concerts of not only Sousa marches but also arrangements of European symphonic repertory (Kamatani 2006). In turn there were the ‘youth bands’ based at major department stores like Mitsukoshi and restaurants like Izumoya, from which emerged young musicians important for the development of jazz and Japanese popular song (most famously Ida Ichirō and Hattori Ryōichi). There were early professional jazz bands such as the Laughing Stars and the Cherryland Dance Orchestra, active at the city’s infamous dance halls until their prohibition in 1927 (Atkins 2001: 61–3), and the ‘Dōtonbori sound’ that they created, a short-lived but signal moment in the history of Japanese jazz. Some members of those bands also played in the showband for the Shōchiku Girls’ Opera, a distinctive downtown counterpart of the music-theatrical phenomenon of the Takarazuka Revue or Girls’ Opera. Takarazuka drew on the expertise of distinguished Western classical musicians – most of them Russians or central Europeans – who resided in the Hanshinkan suburbs where they nurtured piano, violin and composition students, organised orchestral concerts and led music appreciation circles. A tiny but privileged ethnic minority, their music was far more ‘audible’ in the Osaka region than that of two minority communities who vastly outnumbered them, the Koreans and Okinawans. Nonetheless the latter peoples both engaged in the riches of their own musical worlds (apparently unknown to the Japanese around them), and, in the case of the Koreans, produced individuals with professional-level competence in modern Japanese popular song and Western classical performance.

Place and the Local in Studies of Japanese music

An inevitable sequel to contemplation of music’s status in processes and conditions of globalisation (which itself gave rise to the term ‘glocalisation’ to describe the process of adapting globally disseminated phenomena and practices to local conditions and needs) and the brute fact of the marketing genre ‘World Music’ in mediated consumption of music during the last two decades, locality now figures prominently in musicological research. While arguably a defining factor in the choice of subjects of study in mid-twentieth-century ethnomusicology and its disciplinary predecessor comparative musicology, a concern for relations


between music and smaller-scale concepts of place, including particular natural environments, came to be articulated in ethnomusicology from the early 1980s after the work of Steven Feld. At least in English-language writings, the concept has been most of all refined in popular music studies (Biddle and Knights 2006; Connell and Gibson 2003; Mitchell 1996; Stokes 1994; Whiteley, Bennett and Hawkins 2004), and has spilled over into historical musicology, recently making an appearance in medieval-music research in a collection edited by Stoessel (2009). The salient features of this concern with locality have been an interrogation of how senses of ‘place’ and/or spatially circumscribed sub-cultural identities are experienced in and created through music, how researchers gain access to those senses from documentary evidence and through the methods of ethnography, and how the distinctiveness of local ‘sounds’ or styles persists, perhaps even being heightened in response to the circulation of the global music industry’s many forms of capital (Connell and Gibson 2003: 12–13).

How does this important development in the discipline of musicology relate to research on Japanese music and, more specifically, on music in Japan’s modern era? Concepts of locality have their own history and significance in studies of Japanese music culture. There are many hundreds of extant studies on performance traditions associated with particular regions and locales, the majority of which may be research on min’yō, which are generally defined as ‘local songs’. There is a wealth of data on song histories, local practice, textual and melodic variants, but also a prevailing if not universal underlying concern for how local phenomena relate to canonical genres and how local traditions relate to standard histories of traditions practiced nationwide. Often it seems as if the positioning of local musics within orthodox narratives of national music and performing arts histories has served to justify such locally framed research.

An obsessive focus on ‘the centre’ characterises much research on music associated with kindai, the period of Japan’s extremely rapid modernisation and voracious colonialism and imperialism during the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. As emphasised above, histories of the music of modern Japan have been histories of music-making, music education and music consumption in the capital, Tokyo. Until the first decade of this century,10 documentation of musical life in Kansai, Kyushu, Tōhoku and other major regions served as a faintly sounding counterpoint that enhanced but did not disturb the main tune carried by stories of what happened in Tokyo.

Through close examination of musical culture across a broad spectrum of genres in Japan’s second metropolis, this volume adopts the concern for locality that has been conspicuously absent from studies of music in East Asian urban settings. It explores Osaka’s modern musical culture to better understand the

10 Since 2000 there have been signs of a new attentiveness to the singularity of conditions for music’s reception and production in regional settings in the form of the handful of writings on Osaka cited above and a series of writings on the reception of Western music in the ‘remote’ prefectures of Fukui, Ishikawa and Toyama (Ueno 2007).


effects of regional geography, demography, history and tradition on processes of modernisation in expressive culture. We have sought to avoid falling for the seductive stereotypes of Osakan uniqueness mentioned in the Preface, because essentialising an ‘Osakan style’ in no way helps to achieve an understanding of how particular repertories and styles of music developed and were practised in modern Osaka. Indeed, of the studies presented, only Hosokawa and Terauchi identify Osakan practices that can be interpreted as regionally distinctive in concrete musical terms. (The considerable significance of those findings, however, cannot be downplayed and will be touched on below.) This is an empirically grounded investigation of the role of music in modern formations of locality. It is also ethnographically grounded: the latter years of the prewar era as experienced by children and young people are still ‘available’ to the memories of elderly people, and such oral history data is important for several chapters in this collection.

Modernity in a Non-Western Context: The Case of Japan

Modernity is the consequence of modernisation and industrialisation: a modernising and industrialising society generates a modern way of life and cultural modernity. Through the globalising forces of nineteenth-century imperialism, a globally shared culture of modernity was generated, albeit with local inflections; modernity is not intrinsically Western nor defined by Westernisation. According to Calinescu, modernity is characterised by the notion of progress, causing a rupture with the past and with tradition (1987: 41). The nature of this rupture was experienced more traumatically in non-Western countries, whose premodern traditions were radically different from those of the West. In Asia it was typically brought about through being wholly or partially colonised – for the most part by Western powers but in the cases of Taiwan and Korea by Japan.

Calinescu describes a social modernity which is a product of the industrial revolution, of scientific and historical progress and the economic and social changes brought about by capitalism. As the first non-Western country to modernise, industrialise, fight modern wars leading to the defeat of a European power (the Russo-Japanese War, 1904–5), then acquire a colonial empire, the experience of Japanese modernity was more compressed and the break with the past more abrupt. It calls for a model of multiple modernities, and in this volume we (following Watanabe 2002) extend that concept by exploring the music of a metropolitan region distant from Tokyo, the earliest site of Western music’s introduction.

Japan had rapidly and unequivocally modernised by the end of the Meiji period: the ensuing Taishō and early Shōwa periods saw a resulting cultural modernity. It also saw the influence of American popular culture, especially jazz and jazz-influenced forms of popular music and dance, and an increase in familiarity with Western classical and popular music among all classes, not just the elite.


Modernity became part of a general lifestyle, and music gained an important place in the ‘modern life’ of different groups of people in the nation’s urban centres.

Colonial modernity

Dirlik argued that global modernity is the source of colonial modernity, insisting on the inseparability of imperialism, colonisation and modernity (2005). Japan from the 1920s was no exception, for by this time its modernity was coeval with that of America and Europe, but also of course coeval with the colonial modernity of Taiwan, Korea and parts of China. Japan shared modernity with its colonies and the people of its quasi-colonial territories (and largely imposed modernity on them). Moreover, as Vera Mackie and others have argued (Mackie 2010; Yamauchi and de Ferranti 2012), Japan’s own modernity was also a type of colonial modernity, and both Western and hybrid musical styles were a central part of this modernity in both naichi (internal or ‘home islands’) and gaichi (external or colonial) imperial Japan.

The industrial and economic power of the Osaka region was integral to Japan’s colonial system, and ‘modern life’ in Osaka developed within a nexus of relations between Japan and the peoples and lands it colonised, notably Korea, Taiwan and Okinawa (formerly Ryūkyū). From fanciful depictions of colonial life and exotic performance genres in Takarazuka productions to newly choreographed geisha dances, from new compositions for koto on themes of colonial conquest to the little-noticed music of Korean immigrants and sojourners, the impact on creative practices of the socio-political context of Japan as a colonial power is a recurrent theme in these texts.

The encounter of non-Western cultures with modernity always took place in a context of unequal power relations, usually from a colonised position. Japan aggressively adopted modernisation as a policy to stave off colonisation and as a lever to renegotiate the unequal treaties imposed by Western powers in the 1850s. The hierarchy of the ‘West versus the rest’ was evident in Japan’s position vis-à-vis Europe and America, but within East Asia, Japan was militarily and politically dominant and a leader in creating modernised institutions (especially educational ones) and forms of social experience. This can be said of many areas of expressive culture (on film, for example, see Baskett 2008), but in the case of music Japan’s ascendancy was more ambiguous. As Iguchi’s chapter shows, Japan had occasion to learn from the communities of Western classical music in places such as Shanghai and Harbin and was equally the recipient of European musical talent in the form of flows of émigrés, especially refugees into Kobe. Similarly, Japanese jazz musicians eagerly travelled to Shanghai in the 1920s and also to Manchuria in the 1930s for their musical development. The ‘jazz frontier’ in Shanghai, as Atkins called it (2001), had a lot to offer Japanese musicians. They could in effect gain an apprenticeship there, because a lot of American jazzmen visited Shanghai regularly or were based there to take advantage of opportunities among the European expatriate and local Chinese community. Americans such


as Teddy Weatherford exerted a strong influence on the development of a local popular music industry (Atkins 2001: 87). Osaka was in turn an indirect recipient and beneficiary of this talent in the spheres of jazz and classical music.

The colonial modernity of expressive culture in prewar East Asia was not the result of a one-directional flow of influence: Europe and America were not the only reference points. Intra-regional networks of knowledge and influence were stimulated by education, as large numbers of Chinese and Koreans studied in Japan from the 1890s, as well as in Euro-America. The intra-regional literary networks documented by Thornber also existed in the realms of music, art and dance (2009). One of the concerns of this book is to remind us that Japan was embedded in networks of expressive culture that mirrored the colonial networks of communication but created a quite separate dynamic of transnational interchange in the arts. Through its colonial reach into the continent, Japan was enriched, benefitting musically and culturally. This applied to high culture (including literature, visual arts, music and dance) as much as to popular entertainment.

Musical Modernity in Japan and Hanshin: New Musical Media, Technologies and Contexts

This volume avoids setting up binary oppositions between tradition and modernity. We do not simply equate musical modernity with the adoption and progressive internalisation of Western music; clearly modernisation and modernity affected all musical practices of the time. Modernity across the board took various forms, producing a mosaic of musical cultures even within the bounds of regions such as Hanshin, Kansai and Kantō, only a few of which can be taken up in this volume. Western music was gradually internalised, but traditional genres, too, were commodified through the new media of modern culture.

The establishment of a commodity-based market economy has been integral to the early development of modernity throughout the world. It is for this reason that Gerald Groemer’s tracing of the features of this market for the performing arts of Osaka as evidence of ‘early modernity’ has been positioned as the first chapter of Part II, ‘Creation of a Modern Musical Culture’. He provides accounts of Osaka’s commercial theatres in the Edo period and their modernisation in the late nineteenth century to form the large entrepreneurial arts management companies of the twentieth century, among which Yoshimoto Kōgyō, based in the downtown Namba district, has dominated Japan’s stage and entertainment industry ever since. Moreover Groemer shows that financial acumen was at least as important to Osaka’s theatre owners as artistic concerns.

Among the facets of modernisation and modernity that affected all music communities, we should note particularly the new technologies for electronically recording music, the commodification of instrument manufacture and the development of mass communication media for both disseminating music and discourse about music. These technologies and media supported the growth of all


types of music, elite and popular, Western and traditional, ‘pure’ and hybrid. The diffusion of phonographs and records facilitated the spread of Western classical music, especially among intellectuals and wealthy families; jazz, among aspiring performers and fashionable young urbanites (see Atkins 2001: 65); and hybrid popular songs. At the same time there was a proliferation of recordings of all genres of traditional music, and SP records were important for the ongoing and growing popularity of the newly emerging ‘modern traditional’ genres of naniwa-bushi and satsumabiwa and chikuzenbiwa.

Radio broadcasts reached most levels of society from 1925, beginning with Tokyo and subsequently reaching Osaka, Nagoya and, from 1927, Keijō (Seoul). Music was a central offering in the programming; as well as broadcasting commercial recordings, studio performances were prevalent. Atkins states that many popular songs were censored from the national radio network (JOAK, later NHK in Tokyo), notably the scandalous ‘Tōkyō kōshinkyoku’ (Tokyo March) in 1929 (2001: 66). What was scandalous was the conspicuously consumerist and hedonistic lyrics rather than the ‘jazz’ music itself. This hit song was followed almost immediately by the ‘Ōsaka kōshinkyoku’, a song that has been seen as a musical expression of Osaka’s urban modernity (see Hashizume 2005: 270; Hanes, this volume).

Consumption of both traditional Japanese and Western music was transformed as music journalism, music publishing, public concert performances and music marketing permeated daily life. Music journalism in both newspapers and music journals was a vital ingredient of the growth of modern musical culture and was well developed by the 1920s. Ueno’s chapter on the growth of interest in Western music in Osaka shows how important newspapers were in advertising and sponsoring concerts, as well as educating, indeed creating, audiences for Western classical music. He writes about two striking examples of public concert tours in Osaka in 1920 and 1921 to demonstrate the diffusion of art music ‘concert culture’ to local audiences. The first was by the Tokyo School of Music Choir and Orchestra in the Nakanoshima Public Hall and the second a series of recitals by Russian violinist Mischa Elman in Kobe, Osaka and Kyoto. As the principal sponsor for both concerts, the Osaka Mainichi Shinbun Company used its reporting capacity to build up anticipation about the concerts by running a number of articles on an almost daily basis about the preparations, as well as essays by leading musicologists and music critics explaining Western music for the benefit of the potential audience.

Nationally, there was a large number of specialist music journals, many of them devoted to Western music. In the Hanshin region, notable is the journal Kageki (Opera) published by Takarazuka from 1917 and still in print. Traditional music also generated numerous specialist journals: prominent among them was Sankyoku, founded in 1921 and devoted to the music of koto and shamisen, which is referred to extensively by Flavin in his chapter.

An important feature of musical modernity in Japan was the prominence given to public concerts, which indeed had been a feature of the democratisation of music


in Europe since the early nineteenth century. Concerts of Western classical music were held in hotels, such as Kobe’s Oriental Hotel, and at civic centres, rather than in specially designed concert halls. People from the whole Kansai region travelled on the already highly developed regional railway networks (see Map 2) to Osaka’s Public Hall in Nakanoshima, the Chūō Kōkaidō, which seated 2,000, and to the Asahi Kaikan, the Kyoto Public Hall (Kyōto Kōkaidō), and the Takarazuka theatres. The scale of orchestral music demanded those large civic venues, whereas hotels were popular for solo or ensemble recitals (see Ueno, this volume, on Mischa Elman’s recitals). The public concert came to be common for traditional genres, too. Ueno relates that the very first concert in Osaka’s newly opened Chūō Kōkaidō in 1919 featured nagauta and gidayū.

Modern marketing methods were developed for advertising concerts (including subscription series) and musical services, and music shops such as Miki Gakkiten in downtown Osaka’s Shinsaibashi were important centres of musical dissemination. Miki Gakkiten ran a night school on various aspects of Western music, including composition, for those who could not enter a music university. Yamada Kōsaku (1886–1965) was one of several prominent musicians who sometimes taught there. Throughout the nation, moreover, there appeared associations for the appreciation and practice of music which organised musical soirées and concerts, such as the Dai Nihon Ongakukai (1886–94), the Ōsaka Ongaku Kyōkai (1906) and the Tokyo Philharmonic Society (1910). In Hanshin and other regions, there was a conspicuous growth of this new context for learning, experiencing and socialising through music (Ueno 2007; Yamaguchi 2006). Terauchi’s chapter outlines the formation and activities of the Garyōkai in Osaka for the promotion of gagaku, taking it out of the exclusive domain of professionals into the domain of community practice. Tokita’s chapter refers to the ‘Piano Lovers’ Society’ set up in 1918 in Kyoto to promote the enjoyment of piano music by non-professionals (Shiotsu 2010).

Family music-making (katei ongaku) became popular from the Taishō period and was reliant on the instrument that symbolised expressive cultural modernity for so many of the middle and upper classes in Japan, the piano. Tokita’s chapter argues that the new bourgeoisie of the early years of Shōwa saw Western music, particularly the piano and its repertoire, as a symbol of a desirable and increasingly affordable modernity. She documents the emergence of professional and amateur piano-performance culture in Japan, using interview data and published materials, and uncovers the private cultivation of piano culture in the bourgeois families in the suburbs. Her chapter shows that this piano culture, while particularly strong in the Hanshinkan suburbs such as Ashiya and Nishinomiya, was also present in Kyoto and in the suburban areas of Sakai and Nara; in fact, throughout the housing developments opened up by the extensive rail networks in the entire Kansai region and characterised by the architecture of Merrell Vorries and his associates.


The Development of Bands and the Orchestral Medium in Japan and Hanshin

The public concert was contemporaneous with the development of Western ensemble and in turn orchestral music in Japan, starting with the military pipe band, then civic-band performances in parks and, later, department-store and restaurant concerts by their affiliated ‘youth bands’. The first civilian brass band was the Tokyo City Music Band formed in 1886. In 1892, some of its members left and formed the Kōbe City Band. In 1909, the Mitsukoshi department store in Tokyo set up a boys’ band (shōnen ongakutai), followed in 1912 by a similar group at the Osaka Mitsukoshi store. Not long after, in 1914, the first performance of the Takarazuka Girls’ Opera took place in the hot-springs resort town of Takarazuka north-west of Osaka. Established by Hankyū railway and department store magnate, Kobayashi Ichizō, it is generally seen as a commercially motivated imitation of the Osaka Mitsukoshi Boys’ Band initiative, using girls instead of boys and including stage performance as well as music. The initial aim was indeed to attract visitors to the resort at the terminus of one of the branch lines of the Hankyū railway.

Also in 1914, the composer and conductor Yamada Kōsaku brought the Tokyo Philharmonic Society to give fourteen concerts in Kansai cities, with another six in 1915. In the same year an ensemble called the Osaka Philharmonic (also known as the Hagoromo Kangen Gakukai and not to be confused with the later Osaka Philharmonic Orchestra) gave their first concert. In 1916, the mission school Kwansei Gakuin in Nishinomiya formed an orchestra, and the Kyoto Imperial University Orchestra was formed in 1917. In 1925, the Osaka JOBK Radio Orchestra was formed with Heinrich Werckmeister as conductor, replaced by Emmanuel Metter in March 1926. In 1926, the Takarazuka Symphony Orchestra gave its first subscription concert.

The role of Takarazuka in the development of orchestral music in the Kansai region cannot be overstated. Having commenced at a non-professional level in 1914, as a kind of music and dance school for girls, by 1919 its popularity had grown such that two separate troupes were formed, each with its own small orchestra of professional musicians. By 1930, the revue had four such troupes and orchestras (a fifth was formed in 1998), some of whose members set up a music study group in 1923 that led to the establishment of the Takarazuka Symphony Orchestra, a completely separate entity from the Takarazuka Revue. These performers were formally trained to play Western classical music, and their hunger to develop and expand their knowledge of Western music beyond the requirements of the popular Takarazuka shows led them to combine and set up the study group. They gave their first public performance on 19 August, and thereafter performed weekly, presenting a variety of classical works. For the sixth performance on 16 September, the name of Austrian expatriate Joseph Laska appears in the programme (Negishi 2012: 25).

A professional pianist, composer and conductor, Laska lived near Kobe from 1923 to 1935. He was appointed professor at the Takarazuka Music School and at


Kōbe Jogakuin (Kobe Girls’ Academy), and also taught privately. With his arrival on the scene, there was an escalation of musical activity on all fronts. He capitalised on the enthusiasm and expertise of the Takarazuka Music Study group to establish the Takarazuka Symphony Orchestra, its first regular (subscription) concert taking place on 18 September 1926. Members were mostly drawn from performers in the Takarazuka ensembles, although significantly members of Osaka’s Dōtonbori jazz circles sometimes played with the orchestra, as Hattori Ryōichi (1907–93) noted in his memoirs (see Okano 1995: 127–33). This was the first fully professional orchestra in Japan, though most accounts give this credit to the Tokyo Symphony Orchestra, which started the following year (Tokita 2012). It was conducted by European professionals for most of the period of its operation (1926–42).

Russian Musicians and Their Impact

In Kansai, the influence of Russian musicians and Russian music was stronger than in Tokyo (Ono 1997: 136–40). Most were refugees from the social and political turmoil of Russia during the 1910s and 1920s, and many were Jewish. The first refugee to arrive was Russian pianist Alexander Rutin (d. 1932), who trained in the Rostov-on-Don Conservatory and, in 1919, came to Kobe, where he set up a piano school in Tor Road (Mōri 2006: 365 n. 21). He taught many Japanese who later made careers of music, including the modernist composer and conductor Ōsawa Hisato (Ono 1997: 136). In 1927, he held concerts in the Osaka Asahi Kaikan and the Kobe YMCA Hall to celebrate 50 years of professional activity. Rutin himself (on piano), with Mogilevsky (violin) and Heinrich Werckmeister (cello) performed the Tchaikovsky piano trio. He died in 1932, and is buried with his wife in the Kobe Shuhōgahara Cemetery for foreigners.

Russian violinist Michael Wechsler (b. 1896) came to Japan in 1923 from Vladivostok (Mōri 2006: 364 n. 2) and, while based in Hanshinkan, taught the composer and conductor Kishi Kōichi. Eugen Klein (1893–1942) arrived in 1926, also from Harbin (Mōri 2006: 367 n. 9). The violinist Alexander Mogilevsky was active mainly in Tokyo until his death in 1953. He and pianist Leo Sirota, like many who were based in Tokyo, came to Kansai regularly to perform and teach and were often guests of Rutin in Ashiya. Apparently the Russians loved bathing in the sea at Ashiya in summer and enjoyed outdoor dining and music. This network was formalised in an association, the Zainichi Seia Ongakka Kyōkai (Society of Russian Musicians in Japan).

In 1924, a new housing development was built in the Hanshinkan town of Fukae and in 1931 another one in nearby Ashiya. These were so-called bunka jūtaku, American-style modern homes on large blocks. They attracted Russian and other expatriate musicians, artists from Kobe and also wealthy bourgeois occupants from Osaka who patronised the musicians and had them teach their children (such as the family of Kishi Kōichi). These came to be known as bunka mura (literally ‘culture villages’) (Ono 1997: 113). Yamada Kōsaku and Konoe


Hidemaro also enjoyed the ambience of the Fukae and Ashiya colonies of Russian artists and were frequent visitors. A guest house called Culture House was built in Ashiya in 1930 and was often patronised by Yamada and Konoe.

As discussed in Iguchi’s chapter, the refugee conductor Emmanuel Metter (1878–1941), a Ukrainian Jew who had trained in St Petersburg and conducted the East China Railway Orchestra in Harbin from 1918, came to live in the Hanshin region from 1926 to 1939. During that time he was the conductor of the Osaka JOBK Radio Orchestra and the Kyoto Imperial University Orchestra, and was also invited to conduct a number of times in Tokyo. He was the mentor and teacher of both Asahina Takashi (1908–2001) and Hattori Ryōichi.

The Russian connection was also cultivated by Yamada Kōsaku and others in Tokyo (witness the visit of 33 members of the Harbin Railway Orchestra for combined Harbin and Tokyo orchestral performances at Tokyo’s Kabukiza, then at venues in Nagoya, Kyoto, Osaka and Kobe in 1925). After Japanese interests came to control Harbin from 1932 on, the connection became even stronger. According to Iguchi, the connection between Osakan conductor Asahina Takashi and Harbin began with his initial training under Metter, who came to Hanshin from Harbin, and his experiences conducting mainly Russian musicians there and in Shanghai were crucial to his formation as a conductor.

‘Traditional Music’ and Hanshin Modernity

‘Modernity does not necessarily efface tradition’ (Shin and Robinson 1999: 16), but it may displace it. Modernity affected all musical cultures and sub-cultures. In the face of modern circumstances, performers and teachers of forms of Japanese music that predated the Meiji period had not only to reorganise their professions but also to respond creatively to changes in the markets for their music, as social strata were reconfigured and public tastes and habits of musical leisure changed. The resources of supposedly universalised and standardised Western musical practice were useful for practitioners of pre-existing local musical genres, who sought to create contemporary and in some cases hybrid musical practices so that they could modernise and thrive in the modern era.

As Flavin shows for the koto and shamisen genre of sōkyoku-jiuta, the activity of creative composers became important as a complement to the process of transmission of skills and traditional repertory. At least one of these Osaka-based performer–composers grappled with the wholly new, Western-informed aesthetic question of ‘musical realism’ in a Japanese traditional genre. Increasingly, new modern repertoire was created for koto and shakuhachi by composers from within these traditions (for example, Miyagi and Nakanoshima for koto, Wadazumi and Tozan for shakuhachi), leading to the emergence of the concept of Shin-Nihon ongaku (New Japanese Music) by 1925.

Terauchi’s chapter focuses on the practice of gagaku among amateurs who sought to maintain the Tennōji performance tradition after the 1870s dispersal of


professional musicians formerly associated with this major temple complex on the south side of downtown Osaka. Her findings are significant not only because they affirm the continuation of music and dance that was to some extent stylistically distinct from the Tokyo-based practice of the Imperial Household musicians, but also a willingness to develop newly composed and arranged repertory and to present gagaku in new ways and contexts so as to ensure its appeal and ongoing support from civic leaders and the local business community.

Some indigenous musical genres were more able to take advantage than others of these modern technologies and institutional structures. Many radical innovations occurred, especially in the music for koto and shakuhachi. They actively created new repertoire, but also developed new and improved instruments. Miyagi Michio developed the 17-string bass koto as Japan’s answer to the double bass and cello, to be used in the new koto ensemble music he was composing. Nagauta musician Kineya Sakichi developed a bass shamisen in 1924 (Watanabe 2002: 106), and an electric shamisen was produced by an Osakan, Ishida Kazuharu in 1931 (Ongaku daijiten 1983: 1885). Kawamoto Haruō developed a seven-hole shakuhachi (Watanabe 2002: 10). The ‘improvement’ of Japanese instruments was perceived to be an important part of modernising Japanese music. The large-scale nature of Western ensemble and orchestral music also had an influence on traditional music.

Most remarkably, as already mentioned, whole genres emerged from the field of traditional performance, specifically in modern forms of biwa-accompanied narrative singing, the shamisen-accompanied genre of naniwa-bushi and the staged dance form of the Miyako-odori. Biwa narrative was a centuries-old genre, but chikuzenbiwa, which flourished in interwar Osaka, was a product of the modern era. Naniwa-bushi was a vernacular style which emerged in the late nineteenth century, while the Miyako-odori was a traditional-style dance form created in 1879. These new ‘traditional’ genres provided reassuringly Japanese sounds and sights and generated nostalgia, so they could be received and appreciated as a retreat into the past or as a musical means for bold engagement with a changing society – or perhaps as both – by listeners whose sense of what was Japanese was conditioned by the era’s prevailing cultural nationalism.

Guignard and Komoda’s chapter addresses the practice in Osaka and the broader Kansai region of both chikuzenbiwa and satsumabiwa. While the latter had a history as a regional form of music in southern Kyushu, it was perceived as a modern traditional form because it had first come to central Japan in the 1870s, and the schools of practice that became popular nationwide were forged in the twentieth century through emphatic reworking of the older Satsuma-based style by Nagata Kinshin and his followers. Chikuzenbiwa, too, was practised across prewar Japan, but put down particularly strong roots in Osaka after its iemoto spent five years there in the 1920s. In turn through the skill and efforts of his foremost Osaka student, Yamazaki Kyokusui, the music survived the barren years of the immediate postwar period and is well sustained today.

Manabe’s chapter on the neo-traditional narrative performance of naniwa-bushi demonstrates the ambiguous status in the modern era of a newly emerging


art form redolent of very conservative values. Naniwa-bushi was the voice of the proletariat and potentially a vehicle for resistance, but it proved to be vulnerable to appropriation by the authorities, who used it as a medium for public education and propaganda. Its very popularity brought it to the attention of demagogues, social scientists and social reformers, and Manabe suggests that this compromised the integrity of the performance art. It became the object of well-meaning artistic reform as well as social reform, including (unsuccessful) experiments involving piano accompaniment, harmony and a less harsh-sounding vocal delivery technique.

New Hybrid Genres

Hybrid genres emerged in mass-mediated popular song (ryūkōka) and the forerunners of postwar enka, but in Osaka the most renowned and spectacular of the new forms of music and dance that incorporated Western elements was the genre of female musical theatre, shōjo kageki, epitomised in the musical stage performances of Takarazuka and Shōchiku. Both Watanabe and Hosokawa elucidate elements of Osakan distinctiveness in these two entertainments, while stressing their hybrid characteristics and giving due consideration to individual agency in the shaping of those hybridities.

Watanabe examines the practical, contingent factors that led to the creation of Takarazuka and the subsequent discourse of national theatre which attached itself to Takarazuka’s productions, particularly evident after the establishment of the journal Kageki in 1918. Its pages were full of debates about the most desirable form of Japanese drama and music by nationally prominent intellectuals of the time, such as Tsubouchi Shōyō, Tanabe Hisao, Kanetsune Kiyosuke and the Takarazuka founder Kobayashi Ichizō. Watanabe’s discussion traces the debates that unfolded surrounding Japan’s cultural modernity from the beginnings of Takarazuka to the postwar period. We also see how the Osaka-centred genre defined itself in distinction to the performance culture of Tokyo, portraying itself as more healthy and wholesome than Tokyo theatre. We can sense the pride and confidence of Osakan cultural identity in Takarazuka. Watanabe develops a subtle argument about how Takarazuka productions reflected changing concepts of national culture in different eras, from the 1920s through 1940s, then in the postwar era up to the 1960s. He sees the various attempts to contribute to the creation of a hybrid national theatre by key individuals at Takarazuka as a significant Osakan contribution to Japanese modern culture.

Hosokawa examines modes of distinctiveness of both music-theatre and jazz in Osaka between 1923 and 1932, a major historical juncture which saw Osaka dominating popular performance culture and leisure practices during the gradual reconstruction of the earthquake-devastated imperial capital. This was a period when Dōtonbori competed successfully with Tokyo’s Asakusa, and Osaka was for a time the most important site for jazz in Japan. The Shōchiku entertainment conglomerate set out to capitalise upon the success of Takarazuka’s innovation of


an all-female troupe but made it its own, appealing to a different social stratum by incorporating elements of traditional music and dance associated with the licensed quarters, which Takarazuka had firmly rejected, as well as hiring star players from the early Dōtonbori jazz bands. In the mid to late 1920s, Osaka was the principal point of entry for the newest techniques of jazz performance and composition, introduced by local players who had visited Shanghai, as well as visiting foreign musicians. What Hosokawa proposes be recognised as a distinctive, unpolished ‘Dōtonbori sound’, moreover, emerged from the efforts of the local musicians to learn to improvise on chord changes.

Osaka and Beyond

As Japan acquired more territory – Hokkaido, Okinawa, Taiwan, Korea – people from those regions joined the thousands of rural immigrants rushing to Tokyo and Osaka to work. Each of the ethnic communities that formed in Osaka’s less salubrious districts established its own transplanted musical culture. The next group of papers takes up the presence, broadly speaking, of Korean and Okinawan music and dance in the Osaka region, first as practised by the large communities of labourers who migrated to Osaka to work in the smoke-belching factories for which the city was infamous, and secondly in the framing of Okinawan and Korean performing arts in the context of annual maiko (trainee geisha) dance festivals. The latter had been designed initially for the consumption of foreign visitors to the Kyoto International Exhibition in 1872 but became a fixture of the performance calendar in the licensed quarters of the entire Kansai region.

In his chapter on music-making by Koreans, de Ferranti examines textual and oral historical documentation of a range of contexts for performance and listening among members of a proletarian community that numbered in the hundreds of thousands by the mid-1930s, as well as smaller numbers of Korean students and visiting professional performers. As colonial subjects in the heart of Japan’s second metropolis, Koreans led lives configured within the matrix of colonial modernity, and the sources de Ferranti examines suggest that notwithstanding fairly frequent performances by visiting Korean traditional music and dance professionals, musical mediation between the local, immigrant Koreans and Japanese in prewar Osaka was limited to experiences of modern genres and Western classical music.

Turning to music-making in the Okinawan enclaves of Taishō and other wards near the harbour, as well as Amagasaki, Kuriyama grapples with the complex situation of a people who had been subjugated by Japan (specifically the Satsuma domain) over a period of centuries and whose homeland was annexed and declared a Japanese prefecture in the early years of the Meiji period. Working with sources from Osaka and Okinawa, he shows that music and performance traditions became a context for confrontation over issues of cultural assimilation within the Osaka-region Okinawan community, that some Osakan migrant workers contributed to maintenance of performance traditions back in Okinawa and that the setting of


Osaka was a rich resource for the creation of an independent specialist Okinawan recording company whose founder and driving force explored new instrumental and stylistic combinations in traditional-style music. Kuriyama also sheds light on the importance of a pioneering modern Okinawan dancer who performed and eventually settled in Osaka’s Okinawan community.

Hiroi Eiko’s chapter analyses the appropriation of ‘exotic’ colonial performance traditions (Ryūkyū and Korean dance) in public concert productions of the annual Miyako-odori dance-shows by Kyoto geisha (or geiko). These shows have been significant tourist attractions since the nineteenth century and are essentially a modern invention. Visiting troupes from the colonial territories caught the imagination of the choreographers of the Miyako-odori, who shrewdly and accurately calculated that such framed and manipulated exotica would be readily consumed by their Japanese and foreign tourist audiences. There was no attempt to incorporate elements of the music actually made by the local Koreans or Okinawans.

Finally, Iguchi Junko gives a broad view of the dense links between Osaka and Shanghai, examining the importance of Osaka–Shanghai musical and cultural exchange for the growth of Western music in Osaka and in turn Japan’s reception of Euro-American elite and popular music forms. As a thriving centre of transplanted Western culture, Shanghai was accessed by Japanese as a useful resource for experiencing cultural phenomena that were as yet rare in Japan. The Japanese presence in Shanghai became marked from the 1920s on, intensified after the Battle of Shanghai in 1937 and culminated in Japanese control of the city from 1943 to 1945. Although this was wartime, when hostilities were often intense and severe restrictions on entertainment and cultural production were applied in naichi Japan, Japanese cultural policy in Manchuria, and to an extent in other parts of China, allowed the continued practice of Western music and ballet and other cultural activities right up to the end of the war (Tang 2012). This comparative leniency was extended to both elite and popular music genres, and consequently Shanghai (and to a lesser extent Harbin) played an important role in the musical maturity of some major figures in twentieth-century Japanese music history.

Modernity Within and Without Borders

Taken collectively, this collection points to the importance of a thoroughgoing examination of modern musical cultures across the globe, firstly within the bounds of the local geographical units that provided historical and demographic frameworks for the making and uses of music; secondly within nation states, with their specific terms of definition and configuration; and thirdly across the geographical borders and cultural spaces that the Euro-American and Japanese empires sought to consolidate as unified geo-political and cultural entities. By locating and situating modern musical practices in diverse settings, researchers can also throw into relief the ways in which those far-flung sites functioned as


nodes within national and transnational networks of musical cultures. In terms of just a few of the streams of historical evidence explored in this book, for example, music-making in prewar Shanghai had a strong impact on the music of key jazz players and Western classical music specialists in the Hanshin region, but certain forms of music-making in Osaka influenced music and performing arts in Okinawa, while the recording firms and studios of Osaka were important elements in shaping the nature and commercial viability of prewar Korean popular music.

In the context of Japanese music research, this collection of studies therefore suggests the potential value of a different approach to documentation of the many musics of the transitional, rapidly hybridising society that was early twentieth-century Japan. It not only deals with locality in Japan’s modern music culture in a concerted manner for the first time but also brings together writings that grapple with other themes integral to research on any and all forms of music-making in prewar Japan, across the hōgaku–yōgaku, traditional–modern and classical–popular divides. At the same time, it serves to decentre Tokyo as the default focus of Japanese modern music studies.

As Part V (‘Osaka and Beyond’) indicates through case studies of musical manifestations of colonial modernity, this volume also decentres Japan itself. The painful legacies of the colonial and wartime eras have long hampered the development of integrated and collaborative approaches to intra- and trans-regional East Asian musical modernity. Finally then, we hope that this collection contributes to a gradual opening up of research on a rich and little explored mosaic of histories and musical repertories that are fundamentally interrelated.

References

Atkins, E. Taylor, 2001. Blue Nippon: Authenticating Jazz in Japan (Durham, NC: Duke University Press).

Baskett, Michael, 2008. The Attractive Empire: Transnational Film Culture in Imperial Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press).

Biddle, Ian D., and Vanessa Knights (eds), 2006. Music, National Identity, and the Politics of Location: Between the Global and the Local (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing).

Calinescu, Matei, 1987. Five Faces of Modernity: Modernism, Avant-Garde, Decadence, Kitsch, Postmodernism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press).

Connell, John, and Chris Gibson, 2003. Sound Tracks: Popular Music, Identity and Place (London and New York: Routledge).

Dirlik, Arif, 2005. ‘The End of Colonialism? The Colonial Modern in the Making of Global Modernity’, Boundary, 32/1: 1–31.

Galliano, Luciana, 2002. Yōgaku: Japanese Music in the Twentieth Century (London: Scarecrow Press).

Hanes, Jeffrey, 2002. The City as Subject: Seki Hajime and the Reinvention of Modern Osaka (Berkeley: University of California Press).


Hankyū Ensen Toshi Kenkyūkai, 1994. Raifusutairu to toshi bunka: Hanshinkan modanizumu no hikari to kage (Tokyo: Tōhō Shuppan).

Hashizume Setsuya, 2005. Modan Shinsaibashi korekushon: Metroporisu no jidai to kioku (Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai).

Hashizume Shin’ya, 2003. Modan toshi no tanjō: Ōsaka no machi, Tōkyō no machi (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan).

Herd, Judith Ann, 2008. ‘Western-Influenced “Classical” Music in Japan’, in Alison Tokita and David W. Hughes (eds), The Ashgate Research Companion to Japanese Music (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing), pp. 363–81.

Hotta, Chisato, 2005. ‘The Construction of the Korean Community in Osaka between 1920 and 1945’ (PhD thesis: University of Chicago).

Imada Kentarō, 1999. ‘Musei eiga no oto’, Tōyō ongaku kenkyū, 65: 33–54.Kamatani Shizuo, 2006. ‘Ōsaka to gungakutai’, Ōsaka ongaku daigaku kenkyū

kiyō, 45: 62–88.McClain, James L., and Osamu Wakita (eds), 1999. Osaka: The Merchants’

Capital of Early Modem Japan (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press).Mackie, Vera, 2010. ‘Modernism and Colonial Modernity in Early Twentieth

Century Japan’, in Peter Brooker et al. (eds), Oxford Handbook of Modernisms (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press), pp. 996–1011.

Malm, William, 1971. ‘The Modern Music of Meiji Japan’, in Donald Shively (ed.), Tradition and Modernization in Japanese Culture (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press), pp. 257–300.

—— 2000. Traditional Japanese Music and Musical Instruments (revd edn; Tokyo and New York: Kodansha International).

Mitchell, Tony, 1996. Popular Music and Local Identity (London and New York: Leicester University Press).

Mōri Masato, 2006. Kishi Kōichi: Eien no seinen ongakuka (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōkai).

Negishi Kazumi, 2012. Joseph Laska to Takarazuka Kōkyōgakudan (Osaka: Ōsaka Daigaku Shuppankai).

Okano Ben, 1995. Metteru sensei: Asahina Takashi, Hattori Ryōichi no gakufu, bōmei Roshiya-jin no shōgai (Tokyo: Rittō Myūjikku).

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2 (Tokyo: Sōyōsha, 1981), pp. 146–8.Shin Gi-wook and Michael Robinson (eds), 1999. Colonial Modernity in Korea

(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center).Shiotsu Yōko, 2010. ‘Piano dōkōkai no katsudō’, Ongaku kenkyū, 25: 1–14.


Silverberg, Miriam, 2006. Erotic Grotesque Nonsense: The Mass Culture of Japanese Modern Times (Berkeley: University of California Press).

Stoessel, Jason (ed.), 2009. Identity and Locality in Early European Music, 1028–1740 (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing).

Stokes, Martin (ed.), 1994. Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction of Place (Oxford: Berg Publishers).

Takemura Tamio and Suzuki Sadami (eds), 2008. Kansai modanizumu saikō (Kyoto: Shibunkaku Shuppan).

Tang Yating, 2012. ‘Japanese Musicians and the Shanghai Municipal Orchestra (1942–45)’, in Yamauchi Fumitaka and Hugh de Ferranti (eds), Colonial Modernity and East Asian Musics, special issue of World of Music, ns 1 (Sept.): 47–80.

Thornber, Karen, 2009. ‘Early Twentieth-Century Intra-East Asian Literary Contact Nebulae: Censored Japanese Literature in Chinese and Korean’, Journal of Asian Studies, 68/3: 749–75.

Tipton, Elise K., and John Clark (eds), 2000. Being Modern in Japan: Culture and Society from the 1910s to the 1920s (Sydney: Australian Humanities Research Foundation).

Tokita, Alison, 2012. ‘Takarazuka and the Musical Modan in the Hanshin Region 1914–1942’, in Roy Starrs (ed.), Rethinking Japanese Modernism (Leiden: Brill), pp. 408–27.

Tonoshita Tatsuya and Chōki Seiji (eds), 2008. Sōryokusen to ongaku bunka: Oto to koe no sensō (Tokyo: Seikyūsha).

Tsuganesawa Toshihiro and Kondō Kumi (eds), 2006. Kindai Nihon no ongaku bunka to Takarazuka (Tokyo: Sekai Shisōsha).

Ueno Masaaki, 2007. ‘Meiji kara Shōwa zenki no Fukui, Ishikawa, Toyama ni okeru seiyō geijutsu ongaku no fukyū ni tsuite’ (unpublished report on grant-in-aid to the Japanese Ministry of Education, Culture, Science, Sport and Technology).

Watanabe Hiroshi, 2002. Nihon bunka modan rapusodi (Tokyo: Shunjūsha).Whiteley, Sheila, Andy Bennett and Stan Hawkins (eds), 2004. Music, Space and

Place: Popular Music and Cultural Identity (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing).Yamaguchi Atsuko, 2006. ‘Takarazuka kōkyōgakudan to Kansai no gasshō undō’,

in Toshihiro Tsuganesawa and Kondō Kumi (eds), Kindai Nihon no ongaku bunka to Takarazuka (Kyoto: Sekai Shisōsha), pp. 108–21.

Yamauchi Fumitaka and Hugh de Ferranti (eds), 2012. Colonial Modernity and East Asian Musics, special issue of The World of Music (New Series), ns 1 (Sept.).


Further Reading

Hanes, Jeffrey, ‘Media Culture in Taisho Osaka’, in Sharon Minichiello (ed.), Japan’s Competing Modernities (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998), pp. 267–87.

Osaka College of Music (ed.), Ōsaka ongaku bunka-shi shiryō, 2 vols (Osaka: Osaka College of Music, 1968–70).

Tanizaki Jun’ichiro, The Makioka Sisters (Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle, 1958).Watanabe Hiroshi, Takarazuka kageki no henyō to Nihon kindai (Tokyo:

Shinshokan, 1999).

References

1 Locating the Musics of Modern Osaka

Atkins, E. Taylor, 2001. Blue Nippon: Authenticating Jazzin Japan (Durham, NC: Duke University Press).

Baskett, Michael, 2008. The Attractive Empire:Transnational Film Culture in Imperial Japan (Honolulu:University of Hawaii Press).

Biddle, Ian D., and Vanessa Knights (eds), 2006. Music,National Identity, and the Politics of Location: Betweenthe Global and the Local (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing).

Calinescu, Matei, 1987. Five Faces of Modernity: Modernism,Avant-Garde, Decadence, Kitsch, Postmodernism (Durham, NC:Duke University Press).

Connell, John, and Chris Gibson, 2003. Sound Tracks:Popular Music, Identity and Place (London and New York:Routledge).

Dirlik, Arif, 2005. ‘The End of Colonialism? The ColonialModern in the Making of Global Modernity’, Boundary, 32/1:1–31.

Galliano, Luciana, 2002. Yōgaku: Japanese Music in theTwentieth Century (London: Scarecrow Press).

Hanes, Jeffrey, 2002. The City as Subject: Seki Hajime andthe Reinvention of Modern Osaka (Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press).

Hankyū Ensen Toshi Kenkyūkai, 1994. Raifusutairu to toshibunka: Hanshinkan modanizumu no hikari to kage (Tokyo:Tōhō Shuppan).

Hashizume Setsuya, 2005. Modan Shinsaibashi korekushon:Metroporisu no jidai to kioku (Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai).

Hashizume Shin’ya, 2003. Modan toshi no tanjō: Ōsaka nomachi, Tōkyō no machi (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan).

Herd, Judith Ann, 2008. ‘Western-Influenced “Classical”Music in Japan’, in Alison Tokita and David W. Hughes(eds), The Ashgate Research Companion to Japanese Music(Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing), pp. 363–81.

Hotta, Chisato, 2005. ‘The Construction of the Korean

Community in Osaka between 1920 and 1945’ (PhD thesis:University of Chicago).

Imada Kentarō, 1999. ‘Musei eiga no oto’, Tōyō ongakukenkyū, 65: 33–54.

Kamatani Shizuo, 2006. ‘Ōsaka to gungakutai’, Ōsaka ongakudaigaku kenkyū kiyō, 45: 62–88.

McClain, James L., and Osamu Wakita (eds), 1999. Osaka: TheMerchants’ Capital of Early Modem Japan (Ithaca, NY:Cornell University Press).

Mackie, Vera, 2010. ‘Modernism and Colonial Modernity inEarly Twentieth Century Japan’, in Peter Brooker et al.(eds), Oxford Handbook of Modernisms (New York and Oxford:Oxford University Press), pp. 996–1011.

Malm, William, 1971. ‘The Modern Music of Meiji Japan’, inDonald Shively (ed.), Tradition and Modernization inJapanese Culture (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UniversityPress), pp. 257–300.

—— 2000. Traditional Japanese Music and Musical Instruments(revd edn; Tokyo and New York: Kodansha International).

Mitchell, Tony, 1996. Popular Music and Local Identity(London and New York: Leicester University Press).

Mōri Masato, 2006. Kishi Kōichi: Eien no seinen ongakuka(Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōkai).

Negishi Kazumi, 2012. Joseph Laska to TakarazukaKōkyōgakudan (Osaka: Ōsaka Daigaku Shuppankai).

Okano Ben, 1995. Metteru sensei: Asahina Takashi, HattoriRyōichi no gakufu, bōmei Roshiya-jin no shōgai (Tokyo:Rittō Myūjikku).

Okunaka Yasuto, 2008. Kokka to ongaku: Izawa Shūji gamezashita Nihon kindai (Tokyo: Shunjūsha).

Ongaku daijiten, 1983. (Tokyo: Heibonsha).

Ono Takahiro, 1997. ‘Ongakuka no tanjō’, in HanshinkanModanizumu-ten Jikkō Iinkai (ed.), Hanshinkan modanizumu(Kyoto: Tankōsha), pp. 131–40.

Ōtani Kōichi, 1997. Ōsakagaku (Tokyo: Shinchōsha).

Ōya Sōichi, 1929. ‘Osaka wa Nippon no Beikoku da’, in ŌyaSōichi zenshū, vol. 2 (Tokyo: Sōyōsha, 1981), pp. 146–8.

Shin Gi-wook and Michael Robinson (eds), 1999. ColonialModernity in Korea (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University AsiaCenter).

Shiotsu Yōko, 2010. ‘Piano dōkōkai no katsudō’, Ongakukenkyū, 25: 1–14.

Silverberg, Miriam, 2006. Erotic Grotesque Nonsense: TheMass Culture of Japanese Modern Times (Berkeley:University of California Press).

Stoessel, Jason (ed.), 2009. Identity and Locality in EarlyEuropean Music, 1028– 1740 (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing).

Stokes, Martin (ed.), 1994. Ethnicity, Identity and Music:The Musical Construction of Place (Oxford: BergPublishers).

Takemura Tamio and Suzuki Sadami (eds), 2008. Kansaimodanizumu saikō (Kyoto: Shibunkaku Shuppan).

Tang Yating, 2012. ‘Japanese Musicians and the ShanghaiMunicipal Orchestra (1942–45)’, in Yamauchi Fumitaka andHugh de Ferranti (eds), Colonial Modernity and East AsianMusics, special issue of World of Music, ns 1 (Sept.):47–80.

Thornber, Karen, 2009. ‘Early Twentieth-Century Intra-EastAsian Literary Contact Nebulae: Censored JapaneseLiterature in Chinese and Korean’, Journal of AsianStudies, 68/3: 749–75.

Tipton, Elise K., and John Clark (eds), 2000. Being Modernin Japan: Culture and Society from the 1910s to the 1920s(Sydney: Australian Humanities Research Foundation).

Tokita, Alison, 2012. ‘Takarazuka and the Musical Modan inthe Hanshin Region 1914–1942’, in Roy Starrs (ed.),Rethinking Japanese Modernism (Leiden: Brill), pp. 408–27.

Tonoshita Tatsuya and Chōki Seiji (eds), 2008. Sōryokusento ongaku bunka: Oto to koe no sensō (Tokyo: Seikyūsha).

Tsuganesawa Toshihiro and Kondō Kumi (eds), 2006. KindaiNihon no ongaku bunka to Takarazuka (Tokyo: SekaiShisōsha).

Ueno Masaaki, 2007. ‘Meiji kara Shōwa zenki no Fukui,Ishikawa, Toyama ni okeru seiyō geijutsu ongaku no fukyūni tsuite’ (unpublished report on grantin-aid to theJapanese Ministry of Education, Culture, Science, Sport andTechnology).

Watanabe Hiroshi, 2002. Nihon bunka modan rapusodi (Tokyo:Shunjūsha).

Whiteley, Sheila, Andy Bennett and Stan Hawkins (eds),2004. Music, Space and Place: Popular Music and CulturalIdentity (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing).

Yamaguchi Atsuko, 2006. ‘Takarazuka kōkyōgakudan to Kansaino gasshō undō’, in Toshihiro Tsuganesawa and Kondō Kumi(eds), Kindai Nihon no ongaku bunka to Takarazuka (Kyoto:Sekai Shisōsha), pp. 108–21.

Yamauchi Fumitaka and Hugh de Ferranti (eds), 2012.Colonial Modernity and East Asian Musics, special issue ofThe World of Music (New Series), ns 1 (Sept.).

Further Reading

Hanes, Jeffrey, ‘Media Culture in Taisho Osaka’, in SharonMinichiello (ed.), Japan’s Competing Modernities(Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998), pp. 267–87.

Osaka College of Music (ed.), Ōsaka ongaku bunka-shishiryō, 2 vols (Osaka: Osaka College of Music, 1968–70).

Tanizaki Jun’ichiro, The Makioka Sisters (Tokyo: Charles E.Tuttle, 1958).

Watanabe Hiroshi, Takarazuka kageki no henyō to Nihonkindai (Tokyo: Shinshokan, 1999). This page has been leftblank intentionally

2 Aural Osaka: Listening to the ModernCity

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Shaw, Glenn, 1929. Osaka Sketches (Tokyo: Hokuseido Press).

—— 1932. Japanese Scrap-Book (Tokyo: Hokuseido Press).

Smilor, Raymond W., 2004. ‘American Noise, 1900–1930’, inMark M. Smith (ed.), Hearing History: A Reader (Athens,GA, and London: University of Georgia Press), pp. 319–30.

Taguchi Keijirō, 1928. Nihon meguri: Gendai manga taikan,vol. 7 (Tokyo: Chūō Bijutsusha).

Thompson, Emily, 2002. The Soundscape of Modernity:Architectural Acoustics and the Culture of Listening inAmerica, 1900–1933 (Cambridge, MA, and London: MIT Press).

Tipton, Elise K., 2000. ‘The Café: Contested Space ofModernity in Interwar Japan’, in Elise K. Tipton and JohnClark (eds), Being Modern in Japan: Culture and Societyfrom the 1910s to the 1930s (Honolulu: University ofHawaii Press), pp. 118–136.

Uenoda Setsuo, 1930. Jazz and Japan: Sketches and Essays onJapanese City Life (Tokyo: Taiheiyosha Press).

Further Reading

Mita Munesuke, Social Psychology of Modern Japan, trans.Stephen Suloway (London and New York: Kegan PaulInternational, 1992).

Ōsaka Shiritsu Sumai no Myūjiamu (ed.), Modan toshi Ōsaka:Kindai no Nakanoshima/Senba (Osaka: Ōsaka Shiritsu Sumaino Myūjiamu, 2002).

Sterne, Jonathan, The Audible Past: Cultural Origins ofSound Reproduction (Durham and London: Duke UniversityPress, 2003).

3 Marketing the Performing Arts in Osakabefore the Twentieth Century

Aoki Shigeru, 2002. ‘Chū-shibai saikō’, Chikamatsu kenkyūjokiyō, 13: 23–32.

Dai Nihon kinsei shiryō: Shichū torishimari ruishū, 2000.Vol. 24 (Tokyo: Tōkyō Daigaku Shiryō Hensan-jo).

Denki sakusho. In Shin gunsho ruijū, vol. 1 (Tokyo: KokushoKankōkai, 1906), pp. 1–478.

Edo machibure shūsei, 1994–2006. Ed. Kinsei ShiryōKenkyūkai, 20 vols (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobō).

Gekijō ikkan mushimegane. In Nihon shomin bunka shiryōshūsei, vol. 6 (Tokyo: San’ichi Shobō, 1973), pp. 309–38.

Hana kenuki. In Nihon shomin bunka shiryō shūsei, vol. 7(Tokyo: San’ichi Shobō, 1975), pp. 230–43.

Ima mukashi ayatsuri nendaiki. In Nihon shomin bunka shiryōshūsei, vol. 7 (Tokyo: San’ichi Shobō, 1975), pp. 5–19.

Kabuki honza to tsuji-uchi shibai kuji. In Nihon shominbunka shiryō shūsei, vol. 6 (Tokyo: San’ichi Shobō, 1973),pp. 749–58.

Kabuki kotohajime. In Nihon shomin bunka shiryō shūsei,vol. 6 (Tokyo: San’ichi Shobō, 1973), pp. 87–133.

Katō Yasuaki, 1974. Nihon mōjin shakai-shi kenkyū (Tokyo:Miraisha).

Kiryo manroku. In Nihon zuihitsu taisei, ser. 1, vol. 1(Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1975), pp. 158–303.

Kyota kyakushoku-jō. In Nihon shomin bunka shiryō shūsei,vols 14–15 (Tokyo: San’ichi Shobō, 1975–76).

Kyōto no rekishi, 1972. Vol. 5 (Kyoto: Kyoto-shi).

McClain, James L., 1999. ‘Space, Power, Wealth and Statusin SeventeenthCentury Osaka’, in James L. McClain andWakita Osamu (eds), Osaka: The Merchants’ Capital of EarlyModern Japan (Ithaca: Cornell University Press), pp.44–79.

Matsudaira Susumu, 1984. ‘Hiiki Renchū (Theatre Fan Clubs)in Osaka in the Early Nineteenth Century’, Modern Asian

Studies, 18/4: 600–709.

—— 1993. ‘Kamigata no chū, kodomo shibai’, Kabuki: Kenkyūto hihyō, 11: 50–64.

Meiji no engei, 1980–87. Ed. Kurata Yoshihiro, 8 vols(Tokyo: Kokuritsu Gekijō Chōsa Yōseibu Geinō Chōsashitsu).

Morisada mankō, 1992. Ed. Asakura Haruhiko and KashikawaShūichi, 5 vols (Tokyo: Tōkyōdō Shuppan).

Moriya Takeshi, 1985. Kinsei geinō kōgyō-shi no kenkyū(Tokyo: Kōbundō).

—— 1992. Kinsei geinō bunka-shi no kenkyū (Tokyo: Kōbundō).

Naniwa-banashi. In Zuihitsu hyakka-en, vol. 14 (Tokyo: ChūōKōronsha, 1981), pp. 37–170.

Naniwa hyakudanji. In Nihon zuihitsu taisei, ser. 3, vol. 2(Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1976), pp. 1–288.

Naniwa kenbun zatsuwa. In Zuihitsu hyakka-en, vol. 7(Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha, 1980), pp. 15–50.

Naniwa no kaze. In Nihon zuihitsu taisei, ser. 3, vol. 5(Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1977), pp. 387–406.

Naniwa suzume. In Naniwa suzume, Naniwa sode kagami: KinseiŌsaka annai (Ōsaka-shi Shi Hensanjo: Ōsaka-shi ShiryōChōsakai, 1999), pp. 1–91.

Ōsaka-fu furei shū, 1971. 3 vols (Osaka: Ōsaka-fu).

‘Ōsaka no engei-kai’, 1907–8. Pt I, Engei gahō, 1/8 (Aug.1907): 112–15; pt II, 1/10 (Oct. 1907): 75–7; pt III, 1/12(Dec. 1907): 87–9; pt IV, 2/2 (Feb. 1908): 104–6 (repr.Tokyo: San’ichi Shobō, 1977–78).

Ōsaka-shi shi, 1913. Vol. 4: Ge (Osaka: Shiyakusho; repr.1927).

Sensōji nikki, 1996. Vol. 18 (Tokyo: Sensōji).

Setsuyō kenbun fude-byōshi. In Shin enseki jisshu, vol. 8(Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha, 1982), pp. 199–289.

Setsuyō kikan, 1928. Naniwa sōsho, 6 vols (Osaka: NaniwaSōsho Kankōkai).

Setsuyō ochibo-shū. In Shin enseki jisshu, vol. 8 (Tokyo:Chūō Kōronsha, 1982), pp. 115–97.

Shinpen Saitama-ken shi, shiryō-hen, 1991. Vol. 14, ed.Saitama-ken (Urawa: Saitama-ken).

Suyama Akinobu, 1993. ‘Edo kōki kamigata gekidan ni tsuite:Chū-shibai no taitō o megutte’, Kabuki: Kenkyū to hihyō,11: 76–106.

Tokugawa kinrei-kō, zenshū, 1959. Vol. 5, ed. Ishii Ryōsuke(Tokyo: Sōbunsha).

Tōsei buya zoku dan. In Enseki jisshu, vol. 4 (Tokyo: ChūōKōronsha, 1979), pp. 103–40.

Ukiyo no arisama. In Nihon shomin seikatsu shiryō shūsei,vol. 11 (Tokyo: San’ichi Shobō, 1970).

Wakita Osamu, 1994. Kinsei Ōsaka no keizai to bunka (Kyoto:Jinbun Shoin).

Yamaguchi Kōichi, 1973. ‘Meiji ikō no Ōsaka gekidan’, inŌsaka no geinō (Mainichi hōsō bunka sōsho, 11) (Osaka:Mainichi Hōsō), pp. 53–134.

Zōho gekijō ichiran. In Nihon shomin bunka shiryō shūsei,vol. 6 (Tokyo: San’ichi Shobō, 1973), pp. 373–430.

4 The Growth of Western Art MusicAppreciation in Osaka during the 1920s

Akiyama Tatsuhide, 1966. Nihon no yōgaku hyakunenshi(Tokyo: Daiichi Hōki Shuppan).

Gotō Shigeki and Yamada Naojirō, 1965. Gunma-ken ongaku noayumi (Maebashi: Miyama Bunko).

Herd, Judith Ann, 2008. ‘Western-Influenced “Classical”Music in Japan’, in Alison Tokita and David W. Hughes(eds), The Ashgate Research Companion to Japanese Music(Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing), pp. 363–81.

Horiuchi Keizō, 1942. Ongaku gojūnenshi (Tokyo: Masu Shobō).

Hosokawa Shūhei, 1991a. ‘Nihon no geinō 100-nen (116)’, NewMusic Magazine, 23/9: 130–35.

—— 1991b. ‘Nihon no geinō 100-nen (117)’, New MusicMagazine, 23/10: 130– 35.

Maeda Suikei, 1907. ‘Ōsaka Tsūshin’, Ongaku shinpō, 4/7: 36.

Maekawa Kumio, 1992. Hokkaidō ongakushi (Shibetsu,Hokkaido: Maekawa Kumio; repr. Tokyo: Ōzorasha, 1995).

Nomura Kōichi, Nakajima Kenzō and Miyoshi Kiyotatsu, 1978.Nihon yōgaku gaishi: Nihon gakudan chōrō ni yorutaikenteki yōgaku no rekishi (Tokyo: Rajio Gijutsusha).

Ono Hideo, 1956. ‘Ōsaka shinbunshi (kōhen)’, in NihonShinbun Kyōkai (ed.), Chihōbetsu Nihon shinbunshi (Tokyo:Nihon Shinbun Kyōkai), pp. 301–10.

‘Ōsaka no yūgei: yōgaku’, 1909. Ōsaka asahi shinbun (22Jan.).

Ōsaka Ongaku Daigaku Ongaku Bunka Kenkyūjo (ed.), 1968.Ōsaka ongaku bunkashi shiryō Meiji-hen Taishō-hen. (Osaka:Ōsaka Ongaku Daigaku).

—— (ed.), 1970. Ōsaka ongaku bunkashi shiryō Shōwa-hen(Osaka: Ōsaka Ongaku Daigaku).

Suzuki Keiichi, 1982. Tottori gakudan no ayumi (Tottori:Suzuki Keiichi).

Tōkyō Geijutsu Daigaku Hyakunenshi Kankō Iinkai (ed.),1987–2003. Tōkyō geijutsu daigaku hyakunenshi (Tokyo:

Ongaku no Tomosha).

5 The Piano as a Symbol of Modernity inPrewar Kansai

Aoyagi Izumiko, 1999. Hane no haeta yubi: Hyōden YasukawaKazuko (Tokyo: Hakusui U-books, 2008).

Carrier, James (ed.), 1995. Occidentalism: Images of theWest (Oxford: Oxford University Press).

Chiba Yūko, 2007. Do re mi o eranda Nihonjin (Tokyo: Ongakuno Tomosha).

Garrett, Junko Ueno, 1998. ‘Japanese Piano Compositions ofthe Last Hundred Years: A History of Piano Music in Japanand a Complete List of Japanese Piano Compositions’ (PhDthesis: Rice University).

Hara Takeshi, 1998. Minto Ōsaka tai teito Tokyo: Shisō toshite no Kansai shitetsu (Tokyo: Kōdansha).

Harada Minoru, 2009. ‘Jōnetsu’ no shito wa nido yomigaeru:Shihon Kuno Hisakoden I (Saitama: private publication).

Hashizume Shin’ya, 2007. Keihanshin modan seikatsu (Osaka:Sōgensha).

Higashi Teruko and Iwabuchi Kazuaki (万明) (eds), 1981.Kokubetsu: Higashi Teiichi tsuitō (Kyoto: privatepublication).

Inagaki Kyōko, 2007. Jogakkō to jogakusei: Kyōyō,tashinami, modan bunka (Tokyo: Chūōkōron Shinsho).

Inoue Shōichi, 2004. Aduruto piano: Ojisan, jazu ni idomu(Tokyo: PHP Kenkyūjo).

Ishikawa Yasuko, 2001. Hara Chieko: Densetsu no pianisuto(Tokyo: Besuto Serāzu).

Kamatani Shizuo, 1998. Kohaku no fūga: Nagai Kōji ronkō(Tokyo: Ongaku no Tomosha).

Mackie, Vera, 2010. ‘Modernism and Colonial Modernity inEarly Twentieth Century Japan’, in Peter Brooker (ed.),Oxford Handbook of Modernisms (Oxford : Oxford UniversityPress), pp. 996–1011.

Maema Takanori and Iwano Yūichi, 2001. Nihon no piano 100nen: Piano-zukuri ni mōketa hitobito (Tokyo: Sōshisha).

Mizuno Hiromi, 2000. ‘Kindai no kazoku seikatsu to pianobunka’, Tetsugaku, 106: 59–91.

Mōri Masato 2006. Kishi Kōichi: eien no seinen ongakuka(Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai)

Nagai Kōji, 1954. Koshikata hachijūnen (Osaka: Osaka OngakuTanki Daigaku).

Nakamura Hiroko, 1992. Pianisuto to iu banzoku ga iru(Tokyo: Bungei Shunjū).

Naniwa Monogatari Kenkyūkai, 2000. Ōsaka machi monogatari(Osaka: Sōgensha).

Natsukashi no Ōsaka Asahi Kaikan Henshū Grūpu, 2004.Natsukashi no Ōsaka Asahi Kaikan (Osaka: Level).

Negishi Kazumi, 2012. Joseph Laska to TakarazukaKōkyōgakudan (Osaka: Ōsaka Daigaku Shuppankai).

Nishihara Minoru, 1995. Piano no tanjō: Gakki no mukō ni‘kindai’ ga mieru (Tokyo: Kōdansha).

—— 1997. ‘Sangyōshi no shiten kara mita senzen ni okeruNihon no piano sangyō’. Hikaku bunmei, 13: 98–115.

Nomura Kōichi, 1965. ‘Kuroitsuaa, Shirota, Revi izen toigo: Nihon no piano undō’. Ongaku geijutsu, 23/7: 6–9.

Okada Akeo, 2008. Pianisuto ni naritai: 19-seiki mō hitotsuno ongaku-shi (Tokyo: Shujūsha).

Okano Ben, 1995. Metteru sensei: Asahina Takashi, HattoriRyōichi no gakufu, bōmei Roshiya-jin no shōgai (Tokyo:Rittō Myūjikku).

Osaka Ongaku Daigaku Ongaku Bunka Kenkyūjo (ed.), 1968–70.Ōsaka Ongaku Bunkashi Shiryō, vol. 1: Meiji–Taishō; vol.2: Shōwa (Osaka: Osaka Ongaku Daigaku).

Osaka Ongaku Daigaku Hachijūnenshi Henshūshitsu (ed.),1996. Ōsaka Daigaku hachijūnenshi: Gaku no manabiya(Toyonaka: Osaka Ongaku Daigaku).

Parakilas, James, 1999. Piano Roles: Three Hundred Years ofLife with the Piano (New Haven and London: Yale UniversityPress).

Podalko, Petr, 2010. Hakkei roshiyajin to Nippon (Yokohama:

Seibunsha).

Sakamoto Mamiko, 1998. ‘Meiji makki no chihō piano-kai topurotesutanto-kei jogakkō: Sendai to Hiroshima no jireikara’, Tōhō gakuen daigaku kenkyū kiyō, 24: 27–44.

Sand, Jordan, 2000. ‘The Cultured Life as Contested Space:Dwelling and Discourse in the 1920s’, in Elise K. Tiptonand John Clark (eds), Being Modern in Japan: Culture andSociety from the 1910s to the 1930s (Sydney: AustralianHumanities Research Foundation), pp. 99–118.

Shiotsu Yōko, 2010. ‘Piano dōkōkai no katsudō’, Ongakukenkyū, 25: 1–14.

Slobin, Mark, 1979. Code-Switching and Code-Superimpositionin Music, Working Papers in Sociolinguistics, 63 (Austin,TX: Southwest Educational Development Lab).

Suchy, Irene, 1991. ‘Biographische Studien zur Geschichteder Europäische Kunstmusik in Japan’, Beiträge zurJapanologie, 29/2: 314–27.

Takemura Tamio, 2008. ‘Hanshinkan modanizumu no shakaitekikichō’, in Takemura Tamio and Suzuki Sadami (eds), Kansaimodanizumu saikō (Kyoto: Shibunkakusha), pp. 3–65.

—— and Suzuki Sadami (eds), 2008. Kansai modanizumu saikō(Kyoto: Shibunkakusha).

Tamagawa Yūko, 1998. ‘Okoto kara piano e: Yamanote reijo nookeiko-goto jijō’, Ongaku geijutsu, 12: 70–76.

Tokita, Alison, 2012. ‘Takarazuka and the Musical Modan inthe Hanshin Region 1914–1942’, in Roy Starrs (ed.),Rethinking Japanese Modernism (Leiden: Brill), pp. 408–27.

Tsugami Motomi, 2005. ‘Hara Chieko to Kobe Jogakuin’,Ronshū, 52/1: 51–79.

—— 2009a. ‘Tabi suru josei pianisuto: Ogura Suye no Chōsenenso ryokō’, Joseigaku hyōron, 23: 67–91.

—— 2009b. ‘Yomiuri shinbun ni miru pianisuto Ogura Suye(1891–1944)’, Ronshū, 55/2: 53–68.

—— Hashimoto Kumiko and Ōsumi Kinya, 2011. Pianisuto OguraSueko to Tōkyō Ongaku Gakkō (Tokyo: Tokyo Geijutsu DaigakuShuppankai).

Weber, Max, 1921. Rational and Social Foundations of Music(Carbondale: Southern Illinois University, 1958).

Yamamoto Takashi, 2004. Nihon o aishita yudayajinpianisuto, Leo Shirota (Tokyo: Mainichi Shinbunsha).

—— 2006. Leonid Kreutzer: Sono shōgai to geijutsu (Tokyo:Ongaku no Tomosha).

Further Reading

Tanizaki Jun’ichiro, 1958. The Makioka Sisters (Tokyo:Charles E. Tuttle).

Tokita, Alison, ‘The Piano and Cultural Modernity in EastAsia’, in Eduardo de la Fuente and Peter Murphy (eds),Philosophical and Cultural Theories of Music (Leiden:Brill, 2010), pp. 221–42. This page has been left blankintentionally

6 Naniwa-bushi and Social Debate in TwoPostwar Periods

‘Gaku rōkyoku: Piano bansō de kataru naniwa-bushi umaru’,1933. Yomiuri shinbun, morning edn. (15 Aug.).

Gonda Yasunosuke, 1922. Minshū goraku no kichō (Tokyo:Dōjin-sha Shoten).

—— 1923. Shakai kenkyū goraku gyōsha no gun (Tokyo:Jitsugyō no Nihon-sha).

Hyōdō Hiromi, 2000. Koe no kokumin kokka: Nihon (Tokyo:Nippon Hōsō Shuppan Kyōkai, 2009).

—— and Henry DeWitt Smith, 2006. ‘Singing Tales of theGishi: Naniwa-bushi and the Forty-Seven Rōnin in LateMeiji Japan’, Monumenta Nipponica, 61/4: 459–508.

Ioka Tsutomu, 1997. ‘Settsurumento undō no keisei totenkai’, in Nihon Chiiki Fukushi Gakkai (ed.), Chiikifukushi jiten (revd edn; Tokyo: Chūō Hōki Shuppan), pp.80–81.

Komota Nobuo, 1989. Ujō to shin-minyō undō (Tsuchiura:Tsukuba Shorin).

Kurata Yoshihiro, 1992. Nihon rekōdo bunkashi (Tokyo: TokyoShoseki).

Kure-shi Shōwa Chiku Kyōdoshi Kenkyūkai (ed.), 1996.Sakkyokka Fujii Kiyomi (revd edn; Tokyo: Ōzora-sha).

Manabe Masayoshi, 1997. ‘Aikoku rōkyoku o meguru kattō:Popyurā na katarimono o bunseki suru tame no shiten’,Ōsaka daigaku gakuhō, 16: 1–29.

—— 2006. ‘Geijutsuka e no ishi: Naniwa-bushi kairyō omeguru jissen to Shiga Shinato’, in Toshi fukushi nopaionia Shiga Shinato shisō to jissen (Osaka: IzumiShoin), pp. 111–24.

Nagaoka Masami, 1993. ‘Ōsaka ni okeru chiiki fukushi nogenryū: Hōmen iin seido to settsurumento o chūshin ni’, inNihon Chiiki Fukushi Gakkai Chiiki Fukushishi Kenkyūkai(ed.), Nihon chiiki fukushishi josetsu: Chiiki fukushi nokeisei to tenkai (Tokyo: Chūō Hōki Shuppan).

—— 1997a. ‘Ōbayashi Munetsugu no shōgai to settsurumento nokenkyū: Kirisuto-kyō, shakai jigyō, shakai mondai no

kōsa’, in Senzenki shakai jigyō kihon bunkenshū dai 30kan:Ōbayashi Munetsugu settsurumento no kenkyū (Tokyo: NihonTosho Sentā), pp. 1–32.

—— 1997b. ‘Settsurumento undō, rinpo jigyō’, in NihonChiiki Fukushi Gakkai (ed.), Chiiki fukushi jiten (revdedn; Tokyo: Chūō Hōki Shuppan), pp. 92–3.

Ōbayashi Munetsugu, 1922. Minshū goraku no jissai kenkyū(Tokyo: Dōjinsha Shoten).

Satō Masahiro, 2002. Kokusei chōsa to Nihon kindai (Tokyo:Iwanami Shoten).

Shibamura Atsuki, 1998. Nihon kindai toshi no seiritsu:1920–30 nendai no Ōsaka (Kyoto: Shōseki-sha).

Shiga Shinato, 1927. ‘Naniwa-bushi to kokuteru’, Dai-Ōsaka3/3: 435–9.

‘Shin naniwa-bushi wa enryo shi, jūhachi-ban o kataru’,1933. Yomiuri shinbun (26 Dec.).

Silverberg, Miriam, 2006. Erotic Grotesque Nonsense: TheMass Culture of Japanese Modern Times. (Berkeley and LosAngeles: University of California Press).

Further Reading

Gonda Yasunosuke, Minshū goraku mondai (Tokyo: DōjinshaShoten, 1921).

7 Tateyama Noboru: Osaka, Modernity andBourgeois Musical Realism for the Koto

Dahlhaus, Carl, 1985. Realism in Nineteenth-Century Music,trans. Mary Whittall (Cambridge and New York: CambridgeUniversity Press).

Gordon, Andrew, 2003. A Modern History of Japan fromTokugawa Times to the Present (New York and Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press).

Jansen, Marius B., 2000. The Making of Modern Japan(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press).

Keene, Donald, 2002. The Emperor of Japan: Meiji and HisWorld, 1852–1912 (New York: Columbia University Press).

Kikkawa Eishi, 1997. ‘Tateyama Noboru’ (liner notes toSeiha hōgakkai: Sōkyoku meisakusen, 7 [Japan Victor,VZCG-74]).

Kulka, Tomas, 2002. Kitsch and Art (University Park:Pennsylvania State University Press).

Marra, Michael F. (trans. and ed.), 2001. A History ofModern Japanese Aesthetics (Honololu: University of HawaiiPress).

Matsuzaka Harue, 1985. Kaede no hana (Tokyo: Hōgakusha).

Miki Minoru, 2008. Composing for Japanese Instruments,Eastman Studies in Music (Rochester, NY: University ofRochester Press).

Nakashima Utashito, 1930. ‘Ko Tateyama Noboru o omou’,Seiha, 31: 8–11; 32: 8–11; 33: 8–10; 34: 6–9.

Nakashio Kōsuke, 1973. ‘Meiji shinkyoku ni tsuite’, inKoizumi Fumio et al. (eds), Kikkawa Eishi sensei kanrekikinen ronbun-shū: Nihon ongaku to sono shūhen (Tokyo:Ongaku no Tomosha).

Russell, John, and Suzi Gablik, 1969. Pop Art Redefined(New York: Frederick A. Praeger).

Shively, Donald, H. (ed.), 1971. Tradition andModernization in Japanese Culture (New York: PrincetonUniversity Press).

Tateyama Noboru, 1922a. ‘Hototogisu no kyoku ni tsuite’,

Sankyoku, 9: 10 (repr. Tokyo: Nihon Ongakusha, 1976).

—— 1922b. ‘Koto gakki no kairyō ni tsuite’, Sankyoku, 5:14–15 (repr. Tokyo: Nihon Ongakusha, 1976).

—— 1937. Gaisen rappa no shirabe (Tokyo: Maekawa Gōmeisha).

—— 1977. Hototogisu no kyoku (Tokyo: Maekawa Shuppansha).

Yoshida Hiro, 1993. Hyōden: Nakashima Utashito: aru hōgakkano seishun (Tokyo: Sunagoya shobō).

Recordings

Nakashima Utashito, ‘Meiji shinkyoku 1’, Seiha hōgakkai:Meikyoku sakusen, 8 (Japan Victor, VZCG-75, 1997).

—— ‘Meiji shinkyoku 2’, Seiha hōgakkai: Meikyoku sakusen, 9(Japan Victor, VZCG-76, 1997). The last two CDs includevaluable recordings of works that are now seldomperformed.

Seiha hōgakki: Sōkyoku meisakusen, 7 (Japan Victor,VZCG-74, 1997).

Sōkyoku jiuta taikei, prod. Hirano Kenji (Japan Victor,VICG 40110-40169, 1997). Discs 41–5 have excellentrecordings of representative meiji shinkyoku.

Further Reading

Adriaansz, Willem, The Kumiuta and Danmono Traditions ofJapanese Koto Music (Los Angeles: University of CaliforniaPress, 1973).

Dahlhaus, Carl, Nineteenth Century Music, trans. J.Bradford Robinson (Los Angeles: University of CaliforniaPress, 1989).

Kornicki, Peter, The Reform of Fiction in Meiji Japan(London: Ithaca Press, 1982).

Morris, Pam, Realism (London: Routledge, 2003). This pagehas been left blank intentionally

8 Modern Forms of Biwa Music in Osaka andthe Kansai Region

Kubota Satoko, 1988. Gōsō ni Karei ni Sensai ni (Osaka:Naniwajuku Sōsho).

Ōtani Aratarō, 1922. Gendai biwa meijin roku (Tokyo:Tōbunkaku).

Ōtsubo Sōjirō, 1983. Chikuzenbiwa monogatari (Tokyo: AsahiShinbunsha).

Taniguchi Harumichi, 1988. Yoin ni Bi Ari (Fukuoka: NishiNihon Shinbunsha).

Uemura Bakusui, 1961. Gendai biwajin taikan (Kyoto:Kyōgensha).

Recordings

Biwa: Sono ongaku no keifu, prod. Hirano Kenji (Columbia,CLS-5205-10, 1975)

Nihon biwagaku taikei (Nihon Guramofon Kabushikikaisha,SLJM-1031-37, 1963; reissued as Victor, VZCG8439-43,2010). Satsumabiwa and chikuzenbiwa performances bymusicians who were active before the Second World War.

Yamazaki Kyokusui, Chikuzenbiwa (Victor, VZCF1003, 2004).Includes ‘Ataka’, ‘Ichinotani’ and ‘Sumidagawa’.

—— Yamazaki Kōjō Sakuhinshū (CBS Sony, 60AG789-790, 1981).A double album recorded under the name Yamazaki Kōjō,which Yamazaki held as iemoto of the bigin genre that shehad created in the 1960s.

Yoshitsune: Songs of a Medieval Hero of Japan Accompaniedby the Biwa (BMG Victor, CR10080-81, 1988). A double-LPset of satsumabiwa and chikuzenbiwa ballads, compiled andedited by S. Guignard and published by OAG GermanEast-Asiatic Society, including Yamazaki Kyokusui’srendition of ‘Koromogawa’ and Fumon Yoshinori’s renditionof ‘Gojō no hashi’.

Further Reading

Chikuzenbiwa Seisaku Gijutsu Chōsa Iinkai, Chikuzenbiwaseisaku gijutsu chōsa hōkokusho (Fukuoka: Fukuoka InsatsuKabushiki Kaisha, 1977).

Kawasaki Sōtarō, Satsumabiwa uta zen (Tokyo: Satsuma-dō,1886).

Shikama Totsuji (ed.), Satsumabiwa uta (Tokyo: SansanBunbō, 1891–92).

Shimazu Tadashi, Edo izen satsumabiwa uta (Tokyo:Perikansha, 2000).

—— Meiji satsumabiwa uta (Tokyo: Perikansha, 2001).

9 An Alternative Gagaku Tradition: TheGaryōkai and Modern Osaka

Atomi Masao (Ryūjirō), 1941a. ‘Gagaku no kenkyū ni tsuite’,Torikabuto, 1 (Jan.): 1–4.

—— 1941b. ‘Gagakusha no shimei’, Torikabuto, 2 (Sept.): 1–2.

—— 1941c. ‘Gakkai zatsugen’, Torikabuto, 1 (Jan.): 18–21.

Garyōkai, 1983. Garyōkai sōritsu hyakunen kinen Hyakunenshi(Osaka: Garyōkai).

—— 2008. Garyōkai Hyakunenshi: Sōritsu hyakunijūnen o koete(2nd edn; Osaka: Garyōkai).

Hirade Hisao, 1940. ‘Tokugawa jidai gakke no keizaitekiichidanmen’, Rekishi to kokubungaku, 22/3: 46–60; 22/6:29–50; 23/1: 3–24.

—— 1957. ‘Nihon gagaku sōshō keifu’, in Ongaku jiten(app.); repr. in Nihon ongaku daijiten (Tokyo: Heibonsha,1989).

—— 1959. ‘Edo jidai no kyūtei ongaku oboegaki’, Gakudō,212: 8–11; 213: 4–7; 214: 4–7; 215: 12–15.

Kamatani Shizuo, 2004. ‘SP ban “Mori no kajiya”, Osakashiminkan kangendan no seiritsu haikei wo megutte: Kansaini okeru settsurumento katsudō to yōgaku’, Tōyō ongakugakkai Nishinihon-shibu shibudayori, 48: 2.

Kindaichi Haruhiko and Anzai Aiko, 1982. Nihon no shōka,vol. 2 (Tokyo: Kōdansha).

Konoye Hidemaro, 1960. Konoye Hidemaro Etenraku (Tokyo:Ongaku no Tomosha).

Minamitani Miho, 1993. Shitennōji bugaku no ki (Osaka:Seibundō Shuppan).

—— 1994. ‘Edo jidai ni okeru gagaku no denpa: Sanpō gakusogakunin to gagaku aikouka no kōryū wo rei toshite’,Shitennōji kokusai bukkyō daigaku tankidaigakubu kiyō, 34:147–75.

—— 1995. Shitennōji gakuso shiryō (Osaka: Seibundō Shuppan).

—— 2005. ‘Edo jidai no gagaku aikōka nettowaku: TōgiFuminari no “Gakuso nikki” Kaeirokunen no kiroku yori

mieru mono’, Shitennōji kokusai bukkyō daigaku kiyō, 40:20–43.

—— 2006. ‘Kyōmizu no fue tōyaku wo meguru arasoi: Edo jidaiTennōji gakuso ni okeru fue no ie’, Shitennōji kokusaibukkyō daigaku kiyō, 42: 21–41.

Ono Shōin, 1941. ‘Memories of Garyōkai’s Establishment’,Torikabuto 1 (Jan.): 5–7.

Sugai Jūgorō, 1975. ‘Rokujūnen no wadachi no ato’, in Ōsakaongakukai no omoide (Osaka: Ōsaka Ongaku Daigaku), pp.167–74.

Takeishi Midori, 2007. Ongaku kyōiku no ishizue: SuzukiYonejirō to Tōyō Ongaku Gakkō (Tokyo: Shunjūsha).

Terauchi Naoko, 1999. ‘Kindai ni okeru gagaku no ‘fuhenka’:Konoe Naomaro no gyōseki o chūshin ni’, Kokusai bunkagakukenkyū, 12: 19–49.

—— 2003. ‘Kindai Nihon ni okeru dentō ongaku nosai-ninshiki: gagaku no gosenfu-ka o megutte’ (unpublishedreport on grant-in-aid to the Japan Society for thePromotion of Science).

—— 2007. ‘Chintai to fukyū to iu gensetsu: Zasshi “Gagaku”kara shirareru gagaku fukyūkai no katsudō to sono igi’,Nihon bunkaron nenpō, 10: 47–75.

—— 2010. Gagaku no ‘kindai’ to ‘gendai’: Keishō, fukyū,sōzō no kiseki (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten).

Tsukahara Yasuko, 2001. ‘Kindai gagaku seido no kenkyū:senzenki no Kunaishō shikibushoku gakubu o chūshin ni’(unpublished report on grant-in-aid to the Japan Societyfor the Promotion of Science).

—— 2004. ‘Meiji jūichinen no Shikiburyō gagakuka’, Tōkyōgeijutsu daigaku ongaku gakubu kiyō, 29: 79–95, 125.

—— 2006. ‘Meiji sanjūnen no Kunaishō shikibushokugagakuka’, Tōkyō geijutsu daigaku ongaku gakubu kiyō, 31:89–112, 176–7.

—— 2009. Meiji kokka to gagaku: Dentō no kindaika, kokka nosōsei (Tokyo: Yūshisha).

Recordings

Etenraku no subete (King Records, KICG3076, 2002). Includesthe orchestral arrangement of ‘Etenraku’ conducted byStokowski in 1937.

Gagaku: Shitennōji shōryō-e to gendai, prod. Hirano Kenji(CBS-Sony, SOJZ32-45, 1973).

Further Reading

Miyamoto Mataji, Ōsaka keizaijin to bunka (Osaka:Jitsumu-sha, 1983).

10 Takarazuka and Japanese Modernity

Aoyagi Yūbi, 1933. ‘Tōkyō de nihon-mono wa naze ni ukenuka’, Kageki (Nov.): 10–11.

Hankyū Gakuen Ikeda Bunko, 2006. Nihon minzoku geinō shiryōmokuroku (revd edn; Ikeda: Hankyū Gakuen Ikeda Bunko).

Kobayashi Ichizō, 1919. ‘Futatabi Tōkyō Teigeki Gekijō niTakarazuka Shōjo Kageki o kōen suru ni tsuite’, Kageki(Aug.): 2–4.

—— 1921. ‘Seiyō ongaku no fukyū to daraku to no kubetsu’,Kageki (Jan.): 2–5.

—— 1924. ‘Hozon shiubekarazaru kabuki geki’, Kageki (July):2–6.

—— 1930. ‘Revyū to shibai no shōrai: Ōsaka Mainichishinbunsha “Dokusha no yūbe” kōen’, Kageki (Oct.): 2–7.

Matsumoto Kōshirō, 1916. ‘Seikō shitaru shōjo kageki’, inTakarazuka shōjo kageki kyakuhon-shū. (Takarazuka:Takarazuka Shōjo Kageki-dan, 1933), pp. 13–15.

Nagata Mikihiro, 1923. ‘Mayowanaide adokenai mono o’,Kageki (Aug.): 52–3.

Nakayama Yoshio, 1956. Min’yō to odorikata: Nihon minyōmeguri (Tokyo: Tsuru Shobō).

Nihon Fōku Dansu Renmei (ed.), 1961. Nihon no min’yō(Tokyo: Tōshiba Ongaku Kōgyō).

Osanai Kaoru, 1918. ‘Nihon kageki no shokō’, Jiji shinpō:38–40.

Satani Isao, 1943. Nihon minzoku buyō no kenkyū (Tokyo:Tōhō shoten).

Sugiura Zenzō, 1920. Teigeki jūnen-shi (Tokyo: Genbunsha).

Tsubouchi Shikō, 1921. ‘Oji Shōyō ni miseta shōjo kageki’,Kageki (Jan): 7–8.

Watanabe Takeo, 1958. ‘Kyōdo no minyō buyō o tazunete’(Nanki no maki), Kageki (July): 82–4.

—— 1969. ‘Matsuri: Watanabe Takeo e no intabyū’, Kageki(Feb.): 40–43.

—— et al., 1958. ‘Zadankai: Nanki no Taiyō ni odoru kujira,hogei-sen buyō’, Kageki (Aug): 70–75.

—— 1972. ‘Zadankai: Nihon minzoku buyō Dai 12 shū Kagura’,Kageki (Apr.): 52–9. This page has been left blankintentionally

11 Shōchiku Girls’ Opera and 1920sDōtonbori Jazz

‘Ano koro no jazu’, 1957. Tōkyō shinbun (17–18 Oct).

Fujisato Tanko, 1930. ‘Revyū ni makikomarete’, Dōtonbori(Apr.): 27–9.

Gamō Jūemon, 1938. ‘Shōchiku shōjo kageki oitachi no ki’,Shōjo kageki (Apr.): 26–7.

Hibi Shigejirō, 1930. Dōtonbori tsū (Tokyo: Shiroku Shoin).

Hosokawa Shūhei, 2005. ‘Modan toshi no revyū’, inKorekushon modan toshi bunka 14: Revyū (Tokyo: Yumanishobō), pp. 709–53.

Kin Mitsuko, 1926. ‘Shamisen to vaiorin kongō hantai’,Kageki (May): 16–17.

Kobayashi Ichizō, 1921. ‘Seiyō ongaku no fukyū to daraku tono kubetsu’, Kageki (Jan.): 2–5.

Nagai Yoshikazu, 1991. Shakō dansu to nihonjin (Tokyo:Shōbunsha).

Nagami Tokutarō, 1928. ‘Keihan no odori’, Engei gahō (May):71–4.

‘Nihon no revyū’, 1931. Shinkō geijutsu kenkyū 3 (Dec.):33–78 (repr.; Tokyo: Yumani Shobō, 1990).

Sei Y.N., 1930. ‘Ōsaka kakkai dampen’, Kinema junpō (11May): 94–5.

Shōchiku Kagekidan, 1978. Revyū to tomo ni hanseiki (Tokyo:Kokusha Kankōkai).

Taga Hajime, 1940. ‘Revyū nendaiki 5’, Shōchiku kageki(Mar.): 28–30.

Tanabe Seiko, 1997–98. Dōtonbori no ame ni wakarete irainari (Tokyo: Chūō kōronsha).

Uchida Kōichi, 1976. Nihon no jazu-shi senzen sengo (Tokyo:Suingu Jānarusha).

Watanabe Hiroshi, 2002. Nihon bunka modan rapusodi (Tokyo:Shunjusha).

Yamagami Teiichi, 1930. ‘Shōchikuza daigokai haru noodori’, Dōtonbori (Apr.): 7–8.

Recordings

Fumetsu no nihon jazu: Popyura-shi (Polydor, MR9163–65,n.d.). LP box-set.

Yōgaku poppusu no keifu (Teichiku, TECD-20180, 1995).

12 Music-Making among Koreans inColonial-Era Osaka

Atkins, E. Taylor, 2007. ‘The Dual Career of “Arirang”: TheKorean Resistance Anthem that became a Japanese Pop Hit’,Journal of Asian Studies, 66/3: 645– 87.

—— 2010. Primitive Selves: Koreana in the Japanese ColonialGaze, 1910–1945 (Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress).

Choe Seok-ui, 1990. ‘Watashi no gentaiken: ŌsakaKobayashichō buraku no omoide’, Zainichi Chōsenjin-shikenkyū, 20: 46–60.

‘Chōsen bugaku no kōkai to tokusan shina’, 1926. Kōbeyūshin nippō (10 Mar.): 6.

‘Chōsen gakusei kaikan no kikin boshū ongakukai’, 1929.Ōsaka asahi shinbun (Kōbe-ban) (21 Nov.): 11.

‘Chōsen kabu ongakukai’, 1924. Ōsaka mainichi shinbun(Hyōgo-ban) (18 Dec.): 2.

‘Chōsen kyōkai engeikai’, 1924. Ōsaka mainichi shinbun (19Apr.): 11.

‘Chōsen taiko de kakushita gei: Nigiyaka na senjinkyōdaikai no hatsu kaishiki’, 1920. Ōsaka mainichi shinbun(9 Feb.): 7.

‘Daepan chosun hakhoe sinchun gang’yeong hoe’, 1933. Chosunilbo (4 Jan.).

de Ferranti, Hugh, 2009. ‘Music and Diaspora in the SecondMetropolis: The Okinawan and Korean Musicians of InterwarOsaka’, Japanese Studies, 29/2 (Sept.): 234–53.

‘Dodoitsu no umai sengi’, 1924. Kyōto Hinode shinbun (22Feb.).

Fujii Kōki, 2008. ‘Ongaku ni miru shokuminchiki Chōsen toNihon no kankeishi’ (PhD thesis: Ōsaka Geijutsu DaigakuGeijutsu Kenkyūka).

Gim Ji-seon, 2006. ‘Shokuminchi jidai ni Nihon no ongakugakkō ni ryūgaku shita Chōsenjin’ (MA thesis: TōkyōGeijutsu Daigaku Daigakuin Ongaku Kenkyūka).

‘Hageshii fūu ni kaette ikiageru’, 1930. Ōsaka mainichi

shinbun (Hanshin-ban) (2 May): 9.

‘Hajimete sudatsu futari no pianisuto’, 1930. Ōsaka asahishinbun (Kōbe-ban) (7 Mar.): 9.

Han Yŏng-u, 1997. Tashi channŭn uri yŏksa (Seoul:Kyongse-won).

‘Hantō shusshinsha hajimete no nyūgaku’, 1936. Ōsakamainichi (Hanshin-ban) (1 Apr.): 17.

‘Hashi no shita kara Ariran no koiuta’, 1932. Ōsakamainichi shinbun (Hanshinban) (11 May): 5.

Hosokawa Shūhei, 1998. ‘In Search of the Sound of Empire:Tanabe Hisao and the Foundation of JapaneseEthnomusicology’, Japanese Studies, 18/1: 5–19.

Hotta, Chisato, 2005. ‘The Construction of the KoreanCommunity in Osaka between 1920 and 1945’ (PhD thesis:University of Chicago).

Howard, Keith, 1999. ‘Minyo in Korea: Songs of the Peopleand Songs for the People’, Asian Music, 30/2(Spring–Summer): 1–37.

Ishida Kazushi, 2005. Modanizumu hensōkyoku: Higashi Ajiano kingendai ongakushi (Tokyo: Sakuhokusha).

‘Jae Osaka joseonin hwalyak jeonmo’, 1937. Chosun ilbo (2Aug.).

‘Joseon kisaeng Osaka haeng’, 1926. Chosun ilbo (1 Mar.).

‘Kageki ōkoku ni saita Chōsen no ni-shōjo’, 1926. Ōsakamainichi shinbun (Hyōkai-ban) (9 Sept.).

‘Kai’, 1924. Ōsaka mainichi shinbun (27 Mar.): 7.

Kawashima Ken, 2009. The Proletarian Gamble: Korean Workersin Interwar Japan (Durham, NC, and London: Duke UniversityPress).

‘Kiisen no buyō, Chōsen bussan ten’, 1927. Ōsaka asahishinbun (12 Mar.).

Kim Youngna, 2001. ‘Artistic Trends in Korean PaintingDuring the 1930s’, in Marlene Mayo and J. Thomas Rimer(eds), War, Occupation and Creativity: Japan and East Asia1920–1960 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press), pp.

121–46.

Lee Junhui. n.d.‘Choseon naniwa busi, suyong in ga guljonginga?’ http://www.ohmynews.com/NWS_Web/View/at_pg.aspx?CNTN_CD=A0000389244.

‘Naisen yūwa kyōzaikai ga Takarazuka kageki no kōenkai’,1930. Kōbe yūshin nippō (17 June): 5.

Ningen Bunka Kenkyū, 2008. Nippon Koronbia gaichi rokuondisukogurafī (Osaka: Kokuritsu Minzokugaku Hakubutsukan).

Pak Chan-ho, 1987. Kankoku Kayōshi, 1895–1945 (Tokyo:Shōbunsha).

Ryang, Sonia, 2000. ‘Osaka’s Transnational Town: AnEthnography’, Korean and Korean American Studies Bulletin,special issue on Koreans in Japan, 11/1: 71–93.

Song An-jong, 2009. Zainichi ongaku hyakunen (Tokyo:Seidosha).

‘Tanoshii utsukushii atsumari’, 1922. Kōbe yūshin nippō (19Nov.): 6.

‘Teikoku Sōaikai ga kiisen no ongaku to kabu no taikai o19-nichi Kabukiza ni hiraku’, 1924. Kōbe yūshin nippō (16Dec.).

Tonomura Masaru, 2004. Zainichi Chōsenjin shakai norekishigakuteki kenkyū: Keisei, kōzō, henyō (Tokyo:Ryokuin Shobō).

Uemura Yukio, 1988. ‘Zainichi chōsen-kankokujin no fūzokugirei to sono ongaku’, Tōyō ongaku kenkyū, 54: 47–72.

—— 1997. ‘Shokuminchi-ki Chōsen ni okeru kyūtei ongaku nochōsa o megutte: Tanabe Hisao “Chōsen gagaku chōsa” noseijiteki bunmyaku, bunken o kensaku’, Chōsen-shikenkyūkai ronbunshū, 35: 117–44.

Yamauchi Fumitaka, 2009a. ‘Ilje sigi hanguk nogeum muhwaeui yeoksa minjokji: Jeguk jilseo wa misi jeongchi’ (PhDthesis: Academy of Korean Studies).

—— 2009b. ‘Ilje sigi eumban saneopge eseo hangug’injunggaeja eui yeoksajeok jucheseong gochal’, Daejungeumak, 4: 97–184.

—— 2009c. ‘Ariran ni taku sareta rekishi, tokkō to

kakumei’, Kokubungaku, 54/2: 74–85.

—— 2011. ‘Policing the Sounds of Colony: Documentary Powerand the Censorship of Korean Recordings in the Age ofPerformative Reproduction’, Musica Humana, 3/1: 83–120.

—— 2012. ‘(Dis)connecting the Empire: Colonial Modernity,Recording Culture, and Japan-Korea Musical Relations’. InYamauchi Fumitaka and Hugh de Ferranti (eds) ColonialModernity and East Asian Musics, special issue of World ofMusic (New Series), 1 (Sept.): 143–206.

Weiner, Michael, 1994. Race and Migration in Imperial Japan(London: Routledge).

Recording

Yusonggi ro tuddon kayosu, 1925–1945 (Shin Nara Rekodu,SYNCD-001524, 1992).

Interviewees

CJ (6 Jan. 2008, cafe in Tsuruhashi).

CM (2 Dec. 2008, residence in Nishinari ward).

GR (7 Oct. 2007, retirement home for ethnic Koreans inMomodani).

KJ (6 Dec. 2008, residence in Momodani).

KM (10 Oct. 2009, office in Higashi Osaka).

KY (3 Dec. 2008, restaurant in Momodani).

LM (7 Oct. 2007, retirement home for ethnic Koreans inMomodani).

PC (13 Sept. 2007, hotel in Umeda).

Further Reading

Chapman, David, Zainichi Korean Identity and Ethnicity(London and New York: Routledge, 2008.).

Lee Junhui, ‘Kankoku taishū ongaku ni oyonda Nihon noeikyō: 1945-nen izen to ikō no sa’, in Tanikawa Takeshi,Wu Yongmei and Wong Hueng Wah (eds), Ekkyō suru popyurākaruchā: Ri Kōran kara Takkii made (Tokyo: Seikyūsha,2009), pp. 171–98. This page has been left blank

intentionally

13 Music and Performing Arts ofOkinawans in Interwar Osaka

Arime Masao (ed.), 1992. Fukuhara Chōki kenshōhi kenritsukinenshi: Chikonki fukubaru (Nakane Akira: privatepublication).

Bise Yoshikatsu (Bisekatsu), 1980. ‘Fukuhara Chōki shōshi’(liner notes to Chōki, Kyōko no sekai [Marufuku, FFG-23]).

de Ferranti, Hugh, 2009. ‘Music and Diaspora in the SecondMetropolis: The Okinawan and Korean Musicians of InterwarOsaka’, Japanese Studies, 29/2: 234–53.

Hashimoto Yoshio, 1997. Nichigeki rebyu-shi: Nichigekidanshingu chiimu eikō 50 nen (Tokyo: San’ichi Shobō).

Higa Takenobu, 1990. Shinbun ni miru Hawai no Okinawajin 90nen (Naha: Wakanatsusha).

Kansai Okinawa Kōshin-sha (ed.), 1935. Kansai Okinawakōshin meikan (Osaka: Kansai Okinawa Kōshin-sha).

‘Kansai Ryūkyū koten ongaku no 50 nen o sakanoboru’, 1980.Aoi umi, 91: 64–9.

Mukai Kiyoshi, 1990. ‘Rōdōryoku no ryūshutsu’, in TairaKōji (comp.), Riidinguzu rōdō ichibaron: Okinawa o chūshinni (Naha: Okinawa rōdō keizai kenkyūjo), pp. 159–80.

Naha-shi (ed.), 2006. Naha-shi tōkeisho (Tokyo: KokuseiChōsa).

Nakamoto Akira (ed.), 1994. Myaku, vol. 48 (Naha: MyakuHakkōjo).

Ōsaka Kyūyō Shinposha (ed.), 1938. Kyūyō hyakuninhyakugenshū (Osaka: Ōsaka Kyūyō Shinposha).

Satani Isao, 1943. Nippon minzoku buyō no kenkyū (Tokyo:Tōhō Shoten).

Sesokoshi Henshū I’in-kai (ed.), 1995. Sesokoshi(Motobucyo-aza-sesoko: Sesokoshi Henshū I’in-kai).

Takahashi Miki, 2006. ‘Okinawa rekōdo seisaku ni okeru(baitaisha) toshite no Fukuhara Chōki, 1920–40 nendai:Marufuku rekōdo ni jissen o tsūjite’, Popyura ongakukenkyū, 10: 58–79.

Recordings

Chikuonki Fukubaru (Marufuku, ACD-3006, 2000).

Isagawa Seizui (Marufuku, CCF-1001, 1984).

Mukashi: Konna uta ga atta (Sonarufon, 25NCD-1003T, 2003).

Further reading

Fukuhara Chōki, ‘Marufuku 50 nen: Ryūkyū min’yō to tomoni’, Aoi umi 43 (1975): 31–3.

Kuriyama Shin’ya, ‘Kindai Okinawa ni okeru idō to geinō:Nan’yō guntō kara no shiten’, in Tomiyama Ichirō and MoriYoshio (eds), Gendai Okinawa no rekishi keizaiken: Kibōarui wa miketsusei ni tsuite (Tokyo: Seikyūsha, 2010), pp.285–316.

Maeda Katsurō, Ryūkyū shibai monogatari (Tokyo: Seijisha,1981).

Mukai Kiyoshi, ‘Sotetsu jigoku’, in Shin-Ryūkyūshi: Kindaigendaihen (Naha: Ryūkyū Shinpōsha, 1992), pp. 191–213.

Ōgimi Kotarō, Kotarō no katayabiraya bira uchinaa shibai(Naha: Aoi umi shuppansha, 1976).

Tomiyama Ichirō, Kindai Nihon shakai to ‘Okinawajin’:‘Nihonjin’ ni naru to iu koto (Tokyo: Nippon KeizaiHyōronsha, 1990).

14 The Creation of Exotic Space in theMiyako-odori: ‘Ryūkyū’ and ‘Chōsen’

Atkins, E. Taylor, 2010. Primitive Selves: Koreana in theJapanese Colonial Gaze, 1910–1945 (Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press).

‘Chōsen kangi to miyako odori’, 1923. Gigei kurabu (Aug.):31–2.

Daimonjiya Rokubei, 1926. ‘1926 Miyako odori hiyarugahii noshidōsha’, Geijutsu kurabu (July): 43–4.

Hida Kōzō et al., 2008. ‘Minami ima mukashi’, Yasoshima, 2:34–70.

Inokuma Kaneshige, 1992. ‘Miyako-odori no rekishi to sonotokushitsu’, in Gion maigoyomi (Kyoto: Kyōto Shoin), pp.100–140.

Kawamura Minato, 2001. Kiisen: Mono iu hana no bunkashi(Tokyo: Sakuhin-sha).

Sasahara Ryōji, 1992. ‘Hikisakareta genjitsu: kyōdo buyō tomin’yō no kai o meguru shosō’, Kyōdō seikatsu to ningenkeisei, 3/4: 99–134.

Tanabe Hisao, Zoku: Tanabe Hisao jijoden: Taishō Shōwahen(Tokyo: Ongaku no Tomosha, 1982).

Tanabe Hisao, 1970. Chūgoku Chōsen ongaku chōsa kikō(Tokyo: Ongaku no Tomosha).

Uemura Yukio, 1997. ‘Shokuminchi-ki Chōsen ni okeru kyūteiongaku no chōsa o megutte: Tanabe Hisao Chōsen gagakuchōsa no seijiteki bunmyaku’, Chōsen kenkyūkai ronbunshū,35: 117–44.

Further Reading

Hara Takeshi, Kashika sareta teikoku: Kindai Nihon no gyōkōkei (Tokyo: Misuzu Shobō, 2001).

Hiroi Eiko, ‘Miyako-odori ni rekishi o kiku: Taishō, Shōwarekōdo o jirei ni shite’, in ‘Mukei bunkazai, hozon –miyako-odori no 16 miri eiga o daizai to shite’(unpublished report on grant-in-aid to the JapaneseMinistry of Education, Culture, Science, Sport andTechnology, 2001), pp. 185–98.

—— ‘Dentō no miyako no kindai: Hakurankai no ongaku geinōga harande ita mono’, in Nihon Ongaku Gakkai (ed.), Ongakuto gurōbarizeeshon (Tokyo: Academia Music, 2004), pp.93–7.

Ikemiya Masaharu, ‘Okinawa sanjō: Meiji 26 nen KeihanNagoya kōen’, ShinRyūkyūshi: Kindai gendaihen (Okinawa:Ryūkyū Shihōsha, 1992), pp. 141–67.

Kishi Akimasa, ‘Okinawa shibai hondo hatsukōen kankeishiryō ni tsuite’, Chi’iki to bunka, 67 (1991): 16–18.

‘Tōyō ongaku no seisui: Chōsen ongaku no kanshō’, Gigeikurabu (Feb. 1924): 56–7.

15 Osaka and Shanghai: Revisiting theReception of Western Music inMetropolitan Japan

Abe Yoshio, 2007. ‘Shanhai no yudayajin nanmin ongakuka’,Gengo bunka ronkyū, 22: 29–40.

Bickers, Robert, 2001. ‘“The Greatest Cultural Asset Eastof Suez”: The History and Politics of the ShanghaiMunicipal Orchestra and Public Band, 1881– 1946’, inChi-hsiung Chang (ed.), Ershi shiji de Zhongguo yu shijie,vol. 2 (Taipei: Institute of History, Academia Sinica),pp. 835–78.

Buruma, Ian, 2008. The China Lover (New York: Penguin). 13The frequency with which Russian works were performed inOsaka far exceeded

the number in Tokyo. In 1927, for example, there were 17performances of Tchaikovsky, 6

of Glazunov and 5 of Borodin out of a total of 66performances of compositions by Russian

composers. In the same year Tokyo, however, was limited to14 performances of Russian

compositions, of which 3 were performances of Tchaikovsky(Okano 1995: 223).

Enomoto Yasuko, 2006. Shanhai Ōkesutora monogatari:Seiyōjin ongakukatachi no yume (Tokyo: Shunjūsha).

Fujita Hiroyuki, 2010. ‘Senzenki Shanhai ni okerugaikokujin kyoryūmin shakai: Kyōdō sokai gyōsei o meguruIgirisu to Nihon no kankei o chūshin ni’ (PhD thesis:Doshisha University).

Hartley, Barbara T., 2007. ‘Competing HistoricalPerceptions in Japan’s Post-war Narratives’, in MichaelHeazle and Nick Knight (eds), China–Japan Relations in theTwenty-First Century: Creating a Future Past? (Cheltenham:Edward Elgar Publishing), pp. 93–110.

Hattori Ryōichi, 1982. Boku no ongaku jinsei: Episōdo detsuzuru wasei jazu songu-shi (Tokyo: Nihon Bungeisha).

Hirooka Kyōko and Enomoto Yūji (eds), 2006. Dai Shanhai:Jikū ryokō gaidoe (Tokyo: Jōhō sentaa shuppankyoku).

Hotta Yoshie, 2008. Hotta Yoshie Shanhai nikki: Kojōtenka1945 (Tokyo: Shūeisha).

Kranzler, David, 1976. Japanese, Nazis and Jews: The JewishRefugee Community of Shanghai, 1938–1945 (New York:Yeshiva University Press).

Nakamaru Yoshie, 2008. Ōkesutora, sore wa warenari: AsahinaTakashi yotsu no shiren (Tokyo: Bungei Shuppansha).

Ōhashi Takehiko et al. (eds), 2008. Shanhai 1944–1945:Takeda Taijun ‘Shanhai no hotaru’ chūshaku (Tokyo:Shōbunsha).

Okano Ben, 1995. Metteru sensei: Asahina Takashi, HattoriRyōichi no gakufu: Bōmei ukurainajin shikisha no shōgai(Tokyo: Rittō Myūjikku).

Ōsaka Ongaku Daigaku 70-nenshi henshū iinkai (ed.), 1988.Ōsaka ongaku daigaku 70-nenshi: Gaku no manabiya (Osaka:Gakkō Hōjin Ōsaka Ongaku Daigaku).

Ōsato Hiroaki and Sun Anshi (eds), 2006. Chūgoku ni okeruNihon sokai: Jūkei, Kankō, Kōshū, Shanhai (Tokyo:Ochanomizu shobō).

Sawada Minoru, 1942. ‘Tairiku jōhō’, Ongaku no tomo, 12/9:115–18.

Sekiguchi Yasuyoshi, 1997. Tokuhain Akutagawa Ryūnosuke:Chūgoku de nani o mita no ka (Tokyo: Mainichi Shinbunsha).

Takatsuna Hirofumi, 2005. Senji Shanhai: 1937–1945 (Tokyo:Kenbun Shuppan).

Takeda Taijun, 1976. Shanhai no hotaru (Tokyo: ChūōKōronsha).

Tang Yating, 2012. ‘Japanese Musicians and the ShanghaiMunicipal Orchestra (1942–45)’, in Yamauchi Fumitaka andHugh de Ferranti (eds), Colonial Modernity and East AsianMusics, special issue of World of Music, ns 1 (Sept.):47–80.

Wang Zhicheng, 2007. Shanghai eqiao yinyuejia zai Shanghai(1920s–1940s) (Shanghai: Shanghai Yinyue XueyuanChuban-she).

Xue Liyong 2002. Jiushanghai zujie shihua (Shanghai:Shanghai Shehui Kexueyin Chuban-she).

Recordings

Asahina Takashi, Complete Symphonies (Victor,VICC-40136-40138, 1992).

Hattori Ryōichi, Hattori Ryōichi: Boku no ongaku jinsei(Columbia, COCA71103-71105, 2006).

Yamaguchi Yoshiko (Ri Kōran) (Columbia, COCA-71006, 2003).

Further Reading

Asahina Takashi, Gaku wa dō ni michite (Tokyo: NipponKeizai Shuppansha, 1978).

—— Waga kaisō (Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha, 1985).

Enomoto Yasuko, Gakujin no miyako Shanhai: Kindai Chūgokuni okeru seiyō ongaku no juyō (Tokyo: Kenbunsha, 1998).

Goldstein, Jonathan, The Jews of China: Historical andComparative Perspectives, vol. 1 (New York: Armonk, 1999).

Iwano Yūichi, Ōdō rakudo no kōkyōgaku: Manshū shirarezaruongakushi (Tokyo: Ongaku no Tomosha, 1999).

—— Subete wa kōkyōgaku no tame ni (Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 2008).

Melvin, Sheila, and Cai Jindong, Rhapsody in Red: HowWestern Classical Music became Chinese (New York: AlgoraPublishing, 2004).

Nakagawa Makizō and Kawai Hayao, Hyakuissai no jinsei okiku (Tokyo: Kodansha, 2004).

Ōsaka Ongaku Daigaku Ongakubunka Kenkyūjo (ed.), Ōsakaongaku bunkashi shiryō Meiji Taishō hen (Osaka: OsakaCollege of Music, 1970).

Stern, Hellmut, Berlin e no nagai tabi: Senran no kyokutō oikinobita yudayajin ongakuka no kiroku (Tokyo: Asahishimbunsha, 1999); translation of Hellmut Stern,Saitensprünge: Erinnerungen eines Kosmopoliten wider Willen(Berlin: Aufbau Taschenbuch Verlag, 2001).

Tanaka Kiichi (ed.), Ōsaka ongaku-kai no omoide (Osaka:Osaka College of Music, 1975).

Tang Yating, Shanghai youtairen shequ de yinyue shenghuo

(1850–1950, 1998– 2005) (Shanghai: Shanghai Yinyue XueyuanChuban-she, 2007).

Wang Zhicheng, Shanghai eqiaoshi (Shanghai: ShanghaiSanlian Shudian Shanghai Fendian, 1993).

Yamaguchi Yoshiko and Fujiwara Sakuya, Ri Kōran: Watashi nohansei (Tokyo: Shinchōsha, 1987).

Yokomitsu Riichi, Yokomitsu Riichi zenshū: Daisan-kan(Tokyo: Kawaide Shobō Shinsha, 1981). This page has beenleft blank intentionally

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