Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction Zhishuang (Nikki) Chen [email protected] Department of Language and Linguistic Science University of York February 5, 2014 1/42

Transcript of Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-VConstruction

Zhishuang (Nikki) [email protected]

Department of Language and Linguistic ScienceUniversity of York

February 5, 2014

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Outline

Introduction

Research�estions

Word order

Syn–Sem variation

Interim Summary

Analysis

Deriving word order

Syn–Sem variation

Conclusion and Remaining�estions

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Introduction

Introduction

In Chinese, a verb sequence V1-V2, in which V2 signals the result ofV1, is traditionally called ‘resultative verb compound’ (RVC) (Li &Thompson 1981).

(1) da-sihit-die

(2) Tahe

da-sihit-die

lePERF

lang.wolf

“He hit the wolf and the wolf died.”

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Introduction

Introduction

In Chinese, a verb sequence V1-V2, in which V2 signals the result ofV1, is traditionally called ‘resultative verb compound’ (RVC) (Li &Thompson 1981).

(1) da-sihit-die

(2) Tahe

da-sihit-die

lePERF

lang.wolf

“He hit the wolf and the wolf died.”

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Introduction

Introduction

The focus of this talk is about a special kind of them, called‘directional RVCs’ . In a directional RVC, V1 denotesmovement/displacement while V2 denotes a direction.

(3) song-laisend-come

(4) Tahe

song-laisend-come

lePERF

shu.book

“He sent the book (towards the speaker).”

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Introduction

Introduction

The focus of this talk is about a special kind of them, called‘directional RVCs’ . In a directional RVC, V1 denotesmovement/displacement while V2 denotes a direction.

(3) song-laisend-come

(4) Tahe

song-laisend-come

lePERF

shu.book

“He sent the book (towards the speaker).”

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Introduction

Introduction

More examples are:

(5) Tahe

song-qusend-go

lePERF

shu.book

“He sent the book. (away from the speaker)”

(6) Tahe

zou-shangwalk-ascend

lePERF

louti.stairs

“He walked up stairs.”

(7) Tahe

zou-jinwalk-enter

fangjian.room

“He walked into the room.”

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

The Puzzle

I The word order problem

I The syntactic and semantic di�erences between the di�erentword orders

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Word order

The word order problem

When non-directional RVCs take an object, they only allow theobject to follow the whole compound.

(8) da-sihit-die

langwolf

This holds for most directional RVCs as well.

(9) zou-shangwalk-ascend

loutistairs

“walk up stairs”

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Word order

The word order problem

When non-directional RVCs take an object, they only allow theobject to follow the whole compound.

(8) da-sihit-die

langwolf

This holds for most directional RVCs as well.

(9) zou-shangwalk-ascend

loutistairs

“walk up stairs”

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Word order

The word order problem

However, when V2 is lai ‘come’ or qu ‘go’, they also allow the objectto intervene between their verbal elements.

(10) a. song-laisend-come

tangsoup

b. songSend

tangsoup

laicome

Thus we have 2 word orders here:

‘Vm Vd O’ and ‘Vm O Vd’

(Vm=movement verb; Vd=directional verb)

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Word order

The word order problem

However, when V2 is lai ‘come’ or qu ‘go’, they also allow the objectto intervene between their verbal elements.

(10) a. song-laisend-come

tangsoup

b. songSend

tangsoup

laicome

Thus we have 2 word orders here:

‘Vm Vd O’ and ‘Vm O Vd’

(Vm=movement verb; Vd=directional verb)

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

Syntactic and semantic variation of the two orders

1. Compatibility with location object

2. Position of perfective marker le

3. Telicity reading (bounded/unbounded event)

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

1. Compatibility with location object

When the object denotes a location, only ‘Vm O Vd’ is available.

(11) shangascend

shanmountain

laicome

“come up the mountain (towards the speaker)”

(12) *shangascend

laicome

shanmountain

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

2. Position of perfective marker le

‘Vm Vd O’ order: le cannot intervene between Vm and Vd.

(13) Tahe

song-(*le)-laisend-(*PERF)-come

lePERF

tangsoup

“He sent the soup here.”

‘Vm O Vd’ order: le can intervene between Vm and Vd.

(14) Tahe

songsend

lePERF

tangsoup

laicome

“He sent the soup here.”

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

3. Telicity reading (bounded/unbounded event)

Telicity is a semantic property of a verb or verb phrase.

A telic event has a natural finishing point, like ‘eat an apple’, ‘run amile’. Any event which does not have a natural finishing point isatelic, like ‘walk’, ‘push a cart’.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

3. Telicity reading (bounded/unbounded event)

(15) Tahe

song-laisend-come

tang,soup,

#keshibut

haistill

meinot

dao.arrive

“He brought the soup,#but it has not arrived.”

(16) Tahe

songsend

tangsoup

lai,come,

keshibut

haistill

meinot

dao.arrive

“He has come with the soup, but it has not arrived.”

‘Send-come soup’ is telic.

‘Send soup come’ is atelic.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

3. Telicity reading (bounded/unbounded event)

(15) Tahe

song-laisend-come

tang,soup,

#keshibut

haistill

meinot

dao.arrive

“He brought the soup,#but it has not arrived.”

(16) Tahe

songsend

tangsoup

lai,come,

keshibut

haistill

meinot

dao.arrive

“He has come with the soup, but it has not arrived.”

‘Send-come soup’ is telic.

‘Send soup come’ is atelic.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

Tests for telic/atelic (Dowty 1979)

a. in-PP test

b. entailment test

c. ‘almost’ test

interim summary

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

in-PP test

in-PP is fine with telic events but not compatible with atelic events.

(17) John painted a picture in an hour.

(18) *John walked in an hour.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

in-PP test

in-PP is fine with telic events but not compatible with atelic events.

(17) John painted a picture in an hour.

(18) *John walked in an hour.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

in-PP test

our data:

(19) Tahe

yi-xiaoshi-neione-hour-in

songsend

laicome

tang.soup

“He brought the soup in one hour.”

(20) *Tahe

yi-xiaoshi-neione-hour-in

songsend

tangsoup

lai.come

“*He brought the soup in one hour.”

back

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

entailment testIf x is a telic verb/verb phrase, then A xed for B time does notentail that A xed was true during any time within B.

(21) John painted a picture for an hour.

‘John painted a picture’ is not necessarily true at any time duringthat hour.

If x is an atelic verb/verb phrase, then A xed for B time entailsthat any time during B, A xed was true.

(22) John walked for an hour.

‘John walked’ is true at any time during that hour.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

entailment testIf x is a telic verb/verb phrase, then A xed for B time does notentail that A xed was true during any time within B.

(21) John painted a picture for an hour.

‘John painted a picture’ is not necessarily true at any time duringthat hour.

If x is an atelic verb/verb phrase, then A xed for B time entailsthat any time during B, A xed was true.

(22) John walked for an hour.

‘John walked’ is true at any time during that hour.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

entailment testour data

(23) ?Tahe

song-laisend-come

tangsoup

songsend

lePERF

yi-xiaoshi.one-hour

He spent an hour bringing the soup.

‘he send-come soup’ was not necessarily true at any time duringthat one hour.

(24) Tahe

songsend

tangsoup

laicome

songsend

lePERF

yi-xiaoshi.one-hour

He has been bringing the soup for an hour.

‘he send soup come’ was true at any time during that one hour.18/42

Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

‘almost’ test

The adverb ‘almost’ has di�erent e�ect on telic/atelic events.

(25) John almost painted a picture. TWO READINGS

(26) John almost walked. ONE READING

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

‘almost’ testour data

(27) tahe

jihualmost

song-laisend-come

tangsoup

le.SFP

He almost brought the soup.

Reading: a. He did not do the ‘soup-sending’ at all.

b. he did start out sending the soup, but it has not arrived yet.

(28) tahe

jihualmost

songsend

tangsoup

laicome

le.SFP

He almost come to send the soup.

Reading: He did not do the ‘soup-sending’ at all.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Syn–Sem variation

‘almost’ testour data

(27) tahe

jihualmost

song-laisend-come

tangsoup

le.SFP

He almost brought the soup.

Reading: a. He did not do the ‘soup-sending’ at all.

b. he did start out sending the soup, but it has not arrived yet.

(28) tahe

jihualmost

songsend

tangsoup

laicome

le.SFP

He almost come to send the soup.

Reading: He did not do the ‘soup-sending’ at all.20/42

Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Interim Summary

Interim Summary

When O is a location Position of le telicityVm Vd Osend come soup

not available Vm Vd le O telic

Vm O Vd

send soup comeavailable Vm le O Vd atelic

V Vres Ohit die wolf

not applicable V Vres le O telic

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Research�estions

Interim Summary

Research�estions

I How are the two word orders derived?

I How can we account for the syntactic and semanticdi�erences observed?

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Deriving word order

Proposal

I ‘Vm Vd O’ and ‘Vm O Vd’ reflect two di�erent originalmerge structures.

I When presenting a ‘Vm Vd O’ order, Vd merges with O first andthen raises to Vm.

I When presenting a ‘Vm O Vd’ order, Vd is the main predicatewhile the constituent consisting of [Vm O] is an adjunctadjoined to Vd.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Deriving word order

V-V is not a compound

The term ‘resultative verb compound (RVC)’ is misleading becauseevidence shows that the verb sequence Vm-Vd is not a compound.

A commonly accepted Chinese compound verb, such as pi-ping‘criticize-comment’ (criticize), zhu-yi ‘pour-mind’ (pay a�ention),shuo-ming ‘speak-clear’ (clarify), has the following characteristics:

1. The morphemes are inseparable.

2. At least one is a bound morpheme.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Deriving word order

V-V is not a compound

The term ‘resultative verb compound (RVC)’ is misleading becauseevidence shows that the verb sequence Vm-Vd is not a compound.

A commonly accepted Chinese compound verb, such as pi-ping‘criticize-comment’ (criticize), zhu-yi ‘pour-mind’ (pay a�ention),shuo-ming ‘speak-clear’ (clarify), has the following characteristics:

1. The morphemes are inseparable.

2. At least one is a bound morpheme.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Deriving word order

V-V is not a compoundHowever, our verb sequence Vm-Vd di�ers:

1. Potential morpheme de/bu ‘can/cannot’ can be inserted inbetween the two verbal morphems.

(29) Tahe

jinenter

bucannot

lai.come

“He cannot come in.”

2. Both morphemes are free.

Vm and Vd can be an independent verb themselves

(30) Tahe

laicome

xuexiaoschool

le.SFP

“He came to school.”

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Deriving word order

V-V is not a compoundHowever, our verb sequence Vm-Vd di�ers:

1. Potential morpheme de/bu ‘can/cannot’ can be inserted inbetween the two verbal morphems.

(29) Tahe

jinenter

bucannot

lai.come

“He cannot come in.”

2. Both morphemes are free.

Vm and Vd can be an independent verb themselves

(30) Tahe

laicome

xuexiaoschool

le.SFP

“He came to school.”

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Deriving word order

V-V is not a compoundHowever, our verb sequence Vm-Vd di�ers:

1. Potential morpheme de/bu ‘can/cannot’ can be inserted inbetween the two verbal morphems.

(29) Tahe

jinenter

bucannot

lai.come

“He cannot come in.”

2. Both morphemes are free.

Vm and Vd can be an independent verb themselves

(30) Tahe

laicome

xuexiaoschool

le.SFP

“He came to school.”25/42

Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Deriving word order

V-V is not a compound

Suggestion: Vm-Vd is a phrase rather than a compound.

Many V-V sequences in the examples of Li and Thompson’s(1981) ‘resultative verb compound’, such as da-si ‘hit-die’,should be viewed as phrases for the same reason.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Deriving word order

Two di�erent original merge structures

1. When presenting a ‘Vm Vd O’ order, Vd merges with O first andthen raises to Vm.

(31) songsend

laicome

tangsoup

“sent the soup here”

VP

send-come XP

soup <come>

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Deriving word order

Two di�erent original merge structures

1. When presenting a ‘Vm Vd O’ order, Vd merges with O first andthen raises to Vm.

(31) songsend

laicome

tangsoup

“sent the soup here”

VP

send-come XP

soup <come>

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Deriving word order

Two di�erent original merge structures

Similar to Sybesma’s (1997) structure for construction like ‘hit-diewolf’.

(32) dahit

sidie

langwolf

“hit the wolf and thewolf died”

VP

V

hit

ExpP

Exp XP

NP2

wolf

Vres

die

We observed that ‘Vm Vd O’ and ‘V Vres O’ behave similarly.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Deriving word order

Two di�erent original merge structures

Similar to Sybesma’s (1997) structure for construction like ‘hit-diewolf’.

(32) dahit

sidie

langwolf

“hit the wolf and thewolf died”

VP

V

hit

ExpP

Exp XP

NP2

wolf

Vres

die

We observed that ‘Vm Vd O’ and ‘V Vres O’ behave similarly.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Deriving word order

Two di�erent original merge structures

2. When presenting a ‘Vm O Vd’ order, Vd is the main predicatewhile the constituent consisting of [Vm O] is an adjunct adjoined toVd.

(33) songsend

tangsoup

laicome

“come with the soup”

VP

XP

send soup

VP

come

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Deriving word order

Two di�erent original merge structures

2. When presenting a ‘Vm O Vd’ order, Vd is the main predicatewhile the constituent consisting of [Vm O] is an adjunct adjoined toVd.

(33) songsend

tangsoup

laicome

“come with the soup”

VP

XP

send soup

VP

come

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Syn–Sem variation

Account for the syntactic and semantic di�erences

1. Compatibility with location object

2. Position of perfective marker le

3. Telicity reading (bounded/unbounded event)

aspect

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Syn–Sem variation

Compatibility with location object

(34) *shangascend

laicome

shanmountain

“come up the hill”

[VP ascend [XP mountain come]]

(35) Shangascend

shanmountain

laicome

“come up the hill”

[VP [XP Ascend mountain] [VP come]]

back

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Syn–Sem variation

Compatibility with location object

(34) *shangascend

laicome

shanmountain

“come up the hill”

[VP ascend [XP mountain come]]

(35) Shangascend

shanmountain

laicome

“come up the hill”

[VP [XP Ascend mountain] [VP come]]

back

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Syn–Sem variation

Theoretical background: Aspect

The aspect system of human languages consists of two componentswhich are viewpoint aspect and situation aspect. (Smith 1997)

I Viewpoint aspect:

I signaled by grammatical morphemes

I perfective, imperfective etc.

I for example: -ing, le, zhe

I Situation aspect:

I expressed by verb and its arguments

I activity, accomplishment, achievement, state

I for example: ‘eat an apple’ is accomplishment

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Syn–Sem variation

Theoretical background: Aspect

Travis (2010): Both viewpoint aspect and situation aspect arerealized as a head.

I adopt her idea that:

I The situation aspect is realized as a head IAsP (Inner aspect)while the viewpoint aspect is realized as a head OAsp (Outeraspect).

I IAsp head carries a feature [+/- telic] whose value is computedby the elements within its domain. This value would decide thetelicity reading.

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Syn–Sem variation

(36) T

T’ OAspP

Spec OAsp’

OAsp EP

Spec E’

E vP

Spec v’

v IAspP

Spec IAsp’

IAsp VP

Spec V’

V XP

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Syn–Sem variation

Combined with my proposal, we have:

(37) send come soup

IAspP

IAsp[uTel :] VP

send-come XP

soup <come>

(38) send soup come

IAspP

IAsp[uTel :] VP

XP

send soup

VP

come

back

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Syn–Sem variation

Position of perfective le

(39) send come le soup

OAsp’

le ……

… IAspP

IAsp[uTel :] VP

send-come XP

soup <come>36/42

Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Syn–Sem variation

Position of perfective le

(40) send le soup come

OAsp’

le ……

… IAspP

IAsp[uTel :] VP

XP

send le soup

VP

come

XP

… …

le …

… IAspP

IAsp VP

send soup

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Syn–Sem variation

Position of perfective le

(40) send le soup come

OAsp’

le ……

… IAspP

IAsp[uTel :] VP

XP

send le soup

VP

come

XP

… …

le …

… IAspP

IAsp VP

send soup

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Syn–Sem variation

Telicity reading

(41) send come soup: telic

IAspP

IAsp[uTel:res] VP

send-come XP

soup <come[res]>

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Analysis

Syn–Sem variation

Telicity reading

(42) send soup come: atelic

IAspP

IAsp[uTel:unbounded] VP

XP

send soup

VP

come[unbounded]

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Conclusion and Remaining�estions

Conclusion and Remaining�estions

(43) send come soup

IAspP

IAsp[uTel :] VP

send-come XP

soup <come>

(44) send soup come

IAspP

IAsp[uTel :] VP

XP

send soup

VP

come

1. Trigger of the raise of Vd in the case of Vm Vd O

2. The split order

Vm Vd2 O Vd1

(45) zouwalk

shangascend

shanmountain

laicome

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Conclusion and Remaining�estions

Conclusion and Remaining�estions

(43) send come soup

IAspP

IAsp[uTel :] VP

send-come XP

soup <come>

(44) send soup come

IAspP

IAsp[uTel :] VP

XP

send soup

VP

come

1. Trigger of the raise of Vd in the case of Vm Vd O

2. The split order

Vm Vd2 O Vd1

(45) zouwalk

shangascend

shanmountain

laicome

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Conclusion and Remaining�estions

Thank you !

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Movement and Direction in the Chinese V-V Construction

Conclusion and Remaining�estions

References I

Dowty, D. R. (1979), Word meaning and Montague grammar: Thesemantics of verbs and times in generative semantics and inMontague’s PTQ, Vol. 7, Springer.

Li, C. & Thompson, S. (1981), Mandarin Chinese: A functionalreference to Chinese grammar, Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress.

Smith, C. S. (1997), The parameter of aspect, Vol. 43, Springer.

Sybesma, R. (1997), ‘Why chinese verb-le is a resultative predicate’,Journal of East Asian Linguistics 6(3), 215–261.

Travis, L. (2010), Inner aspect: The articulation of VP, Vol. 80, Springer.

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