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Breen, H., Hing, N., Gordon, A., & Buultjens, J. (2012). Meanings of Aboriginal gambling across New South Wales. International

Gambling Studies, 12(2), pp. 243-256.

MEANINGS OF ABORIGINAL GAMBLING ACROSS NEW SOUTH WALES, AUSTRALIA

ABSTRACT. A social perspective of gambling explains gambling as a consequence of the social, structural and cultural environment in which gamblers live. In the Australian Indigenous context the social perspective is particularly important given the significance of community and family ties. This paper aims to explore and explain meanings of Aboriginal gambling across New South Wales (NSW) Australia. Taking an interpretivist stance, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 13 knowledgeable Indigenous Australians, key elected and nominated representatives throughout NSW. Meanings of Aboriginal gambling included the collective activity of gambling within social networks in the hope of an occasional win. More problematic meanings of gambling were always gambling to win, chasing losses and continual financial distress which appeared to reduce social network bonds. Contrasting problem gambling with recreational gambling revealed a general increase in social network density with recreational gambling.  

Key words: gambling meanings, Indigenous Australian, social networks

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Introduction  

From a social perspective, gambling can be studied as a consequence of the social, structural and cultural environment in which gamblers live. Several researchers (e.g. McGowan, 2004; McMillen, 2007) argue that gambling is socially constructed and question whether people are privileged to act as free agents or are restricted by overarching structural features in society. Since social constructions of gambling can vary with cultural background, non-Anglo-Celtic and Indigenous groups may experience gambling and gambling problems in different ways (e.g. Belanger, 2006; Ministry of Health, 2009; Raylu & Oei, 2004; Westermeyer, Canive, Thuras, Thompson, Kim, Crosby & Garrard, 2008). With the rapid international expansion of gambling, particularly in electronic formats (Smith, 2007), limited research into the complex meanings of gambling reveals distinctive findings for some cultural groups. For example, gambling is linked with traditional beliefs in luck, fate and destiny in Chinese communities (Papineau, 2005) and with justice and retribution beliefs in some Vietnamese communities (Ohtsuka & Ohtsuka, 2010). Gambling by some Canadian First Nations people draws upon spiritual beliefs, cultural norms and excitement (McGowan & Nixon, 2004; Williams, Stevens & Nixon, 2011), but in New Zealand, no early Maori gambling, and therefore traditional beliefs have been recorded (Dyall, 2010). Additionally, McMillen (2007) maintains that for some cultural groups, problem gambling affects social obligations. Thus, commonly accepted meanings of gambling and problem gambling involving time and money limitations may be very narrow for non-Anglo-Celtic and Indigenous groups.  

McGowan (2004), referring to gaps in understanding cultural meanings of gambling, asked why scholarly research was so quiet about meanings of gambling in everyday life. She pointed to the dominance of positivist research in efforts to establish causal relations between factors leading to prediction and control of some gambling behaviours. Using an interpretivist paradigm adds value to positivist studies, generating an understanding of the depth and breadth of gambling (Reith, 2007). This can be achieved by emulating the work of Geertz (1983) by providing rich, thick descriptions of gambling, its meanings and contexts. Similarly, and from the interpretivist perspective, this paper presents a qualitative study to explain meanings of gambling from the perspective of Indigenous Australian community leaders.i  

Cultural contexts

Australian Indigenous gambling includes non-commercial and commercial activities. While non-commercial traditional card games pre-date European settlement (Breen, 2008), contemporary card gambling retains features aligned closely with Indigenous society, being connected to belief in luck, dreams and spirits (Glaskin, 2005; McDonald & Wombo, 2006), to autonomy and kin relationships (Martin, 1993), and as an accessible pastime encouraging social interaction and resource redistribution (Altman, 1985; Christie & Greatorex, 2009; Fogarty, 2009; Hunter & Spargo, 1988;). Card games generate funds for family use, funerals, to pay debts and for consumer goods (Martin, 1993). Women’s gambling participation appears higher than men’s

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(Phillips, 2003) and some Indigenous women see card playing as ‘hard work’ (Goodale, 1987), perhaps contributing to its cultural institution as a way to earn funds (Queensland Department of Corrective Services, 2006). Yet card games held over several days have been linked to domestic violence (Phillips, 2003), child neglect (Goodale, 1987), school absenteeism and harassment of non-gamblers for resources (Martin, 1993; Phillips, 2003). Hunter and Spargo (1988) maintain that card games can normalise gambling, cause anxiety and indebtedness, and undermine community development. Nevertheless, card games remain popular in many regional and remote Indigenous communities.

Despite its popularity in regional and remore areas, Indigenous card gambling has declined in towns and cities where Indigenous residents adopt a more western lifestyle (Breen, Hing & Gordon, 2010). Simultaneously, the expansion of gaming machines, casinos and wagering in Australia has resulted in increased Indigenous engagement in commercial gambling (McMillen & Donnelly, 2008). In a survey of 103 female and 119 male Indigenous Australians in four areas of NSW (Dickerson, Allcock, Blaszczynski, Nicholls, Williams & Maddern, 1996), many Indigenous gamblers (85%) reported positive experiences with gambling as a hobby, interest and form of relaxation. However, nearly 33.3% said that family members were experiencing gambling-related problems. This compared unfavourably to 15% of the NSW population. Negative impacts included gambling to pay debts, arguments about money, borrowing money without permission, and lost time from work and study. The problem gambling prevalence rate was 11%, about 20 times higher than the non-Indigenous NSW population (Dickerson et al., 1996). However, this first study of commercial gambling conducted specifically with Indigenous Australians did little to reveal underlying gambling meanings.

A decade later, the Aboriginal Health and Medical Research Council of NSW (AHMRC, 2007) consulted with 98 health, welfare and counsellor service providers in nine regions to qualitatively investigate Indigenous gambling. Gambling was reported as a popular, widely accepted activity, a part of life in many Indigenous communities. Common gambling impacts included financial losses, child neglect, family disagreements and legal troubles. Gambling problems were considered shameful and a concern for some communities (AHMRC, 2007). However, this research reported little about the meanings of gambling from the perspective of Indigenous Australians themselves.

Social contexts

Indigenous Australians are not one homogeneous community. Diversity is based on history, family, religion and sexuality. ‘Community’ often describes Indigenous groups identified by language, country or kinship (Altman & Smith, 1992). Kinship is fundamental to social relationships. Complex kinship relationships allow people to work out where they stand in relation to reciprocal obligations to others. A Yankunytjatjara Elder explains ‘Aboriginal people know one another through their family connections which also extend into their connection to their country … our country is our original mother … ngura meaning country and walytja

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meaning kinship and family’ (Randall, 2003: 9). Under European law, rights are based on the individual, but with Indigenous Australian law or tjukurrpa (Randall, 2003:16) rights are based in the community and take precedence over individuals. The significance of community acceptance is also recognised by the federal Department of Aboriginal Affairs (DAA) where an Indigenous Australian is ‘a person of Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander descent who identifies as an Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander and is accepted as such by the community in which he or she lives’ (DAA 1981:1).

Socially connected communities are fundamental for Indigenous Australian society. Communities with binding ties and strong social networks are better positioned to address problems than those without (Woolcock & Narayan, 2000). Social networks, or collections of intangible relations with value and power through their common properties, are referred to by Bourdieu (1989) as social capital. Putnam (2000:19) explains social capital as ‘social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them’. While Bourdieu (1989) views social capital as a resource that facilitates an individual’s ability to better themselves either socially or professionally, Putnam (2000) considers this resource as operating at a community level, through the creation and adaptation of valued social networks.

Social capital may have structural and cognitive elements (McKenzie, 2002). Structural elements include behaviours, roles, rules and networks which bring people together, while cognitive elements include beliefs, attitudes and values that produce cooperative behavior. These elements are complex and multidimensional, but typical benefits include the trust, mutual values, participation and reciprocity seen in community engagement (Carroll & Stanfield, 2003). While self-interest generally underpins decisions producing cooperative behaviour (Ridley, 1996), the density of community social networks often reflects the degree of cooperation that people see as mutually beneficial (Putnam, 2000). Benefits usually include a sense of wellbeing and belonging. However, elements of social capital may nurture negative behaviour such as encouraging vigilante groups or act to prevent social inclusion. Where social cohesion is high amongst the mainstream population, social exclusion may occur for smaller groups including minorities and Indigenous groups (Hunter, 2000). If the population is small or scattered and connections irregular, social networks and cooperative norms may be sparse. For Indigenous groups who feel excluded in everyday society by discrimination, the need to feel socially included through dense social networks may be strong.

Indigenous Australians have survived for over 40,000 years (Randall, 2003).  Although comprising only 2.5% of Australia’s population, the Indigenous population is growing rapidly compared to the rest of the population (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2006). Indigenous families are generally larger with more dependent children and the Indigenous population is noticeably younger than the non-Indigenous population (ABS, 2006). Yet for over 200 years, Indigenous Australians have suffered discrimination, conflict and removal from family and homelands resulting in a higher incidence of health and wellbeing problems (Atkinson, 2002; Martin, 2008). With lower employment and education and higher psychological stress levels,

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Indigenous Australians endure social and economic disadvantage (ABS, 2010). Thus, attempting to overcome poverty by winning money may motivate gambling by Indigenous Australians (Cultural Perspectives, 2005; McDonald & Wombo, 2006). Additionally, gambling where others congregate may reduce social isolation (McMillen, Marshall, Lorenzen & Waugh, 2004). Thus, gambling can be seen and used as a way to increase social and economic prospects when other avenues are restricted. In this research, social capital provides a theoretical basis for examining meanings of gambling for Indigenous Australians.

Methods

An interpretivist approach supports the principle of consulting with people knowledgeable about the topic being researched to reach sound conclusions reflecting participants’ views. It offers opportunities to draw on strengths of relatedness and compatibility, is based on the assumption that reality is constructed by people interacting with each other, and is focused on empathetic understanding within people’s social and cultural contexts (Gubrium & Holstein, 2000). Qualitative methodologies are used here to explore the meaning of individual people’s experiences as ‘knowledgeable agents’ (Giddens, 1991:12).

In this study interviews were conducted with 13 Indigenous Australian leaders from different regions across NSW comprising three urban, four regional, four rural and two remote locations. All participants had gambled at some time, even if they did not gamble now and all lived in their community. Nine participants were democratically elected with a two year mandate to represent their Aboriginal residents, somewhat like First Nations Tribal Councilors in Canada. These representatives work for their regional members and assist them to clarify and improve health, housing, legal, employment and other issues as they arise. They facilitate communication with local, state and federal governments. They are leaders who collectively develop community land and business plans and thus need a high degree of participation and involvement with local residents. The other four participants were well-known people appointed to regional positions, representing community health services, welfare and sport. Again, they had strong community links and were involved in providing Aboriginal regional services. Although these four people were bureaucrats in regional positions, potentially giving politically correct responses, they were asked the same set of questions with knowledge that we were attempting to explore a community view of gambling in their region. Thus, with high levels of community involvement, their personal experience of gambling, their observations of and knowledge about gambling in the communities they represented, worked with or led, these 13 participants were very knowledgeable and able to provide information about Indigenous gambling in their own region.  

Each interview was conducted by an Aboriginal male researcher by telephone because the geographical spread of participants meant the cost of personal interviews could not be met. All interviews took at least one hour, although many were longer. They were recorded and

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transcribed. Permission to conduct this research was gained from the AHMRC of NSW (Ethics no: 760/10) and a university ethics committee (Ethics no: ECN-10-178).  

Guiding questions (Appendix 1) were used to explore meanings of Aboriginal card and commercial gambling. Interview transcripts were analysed using thematic analysis. A theme captures something important about the data in relation to the research aim. Themes were generated inductively from the raw data and deductively from theory and prior research as suggested by Braun & Clarke (2006). Data coding, analysis and interpretation processes were circular, occurring simultaneously in an iterative way through immersion in the data, code generation, searching for and reviewing themes, interpreting and naming themes and then writing up. Emergent themes are discussed in the results.

While unable to report in detail all individual differences across the regions, this paper attempts to extract general or typical comments that apply to many Indigenous Australians in NSW to reveal a sound understanding of the meanings of gambling. However, where appropriate, personal participant experiences and quotes reveal specific examples of issues that impact on them, their families and communities.

Results

The following analysis explores meanings of gambling as reported by the 13 Indigenous leaders. When asked what the word ‘gambling’ meant to an Aboriginal person today, two equally important positive aspects raised were socialising and winning money, although this was tempered by stress-related gambling. A key negative aspect was recognised as continual financial distress and its impacts.

Social aspects

Most respondents indicated that gambling can contribute to a sense of community through socialising with family and friends, as reflected in sub-themes including social interaction, sharing common interests and escaping from stress. Gambling in a group appeared to build or maintain social networks and reduce social isolation linked to being part of a minority group. ‘It’s where they find out about what’s going on in the community, they seem to do a lot of networking there’ and ‘It’s just the fun … it’s a bit of a social outlet, an opportunity to get together, yarn, laugh and joke’. Typical comments indicating a sense of community through socialising, including hints about negative impacts were:  

Well gambling has a lot to do with socialising these days. Most Koori’s and Murri’s like to get together and let off a bit of steam by having a press on the poker machines or just treating it as a little bit of socialising.ii Yes, I think we treat it more like a place to escape I suppose … most people think that by going to do that they might feel better by doing it but it actually has a more negative effect on them.  

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If they’re in a group, they might socialise ... have a few beers ... has that social aspect about it, that social gathering because gambling isn’t just restricted to horse or poker machines. It’s the social aspect which I think tends to be overlooked a proportion of the time.

The following responses highlight the historical importance placed on social and cultural networks: ‘Culture, because they got brought up with it … because they see Mum and Dad do it, grandparents do it’. Continuing the interconnectedness amongst Indigenous Australians was associated with gambling in a group for this person:  

It’s that social aspect and they’ve become a close circle ... the same old ones, the regular ones that tend to do it ... ladies that play cards they don’t do it for monetary but the social aspect ... it gives them an opportunity to get out and meet and giggle and laugh and get away.

In discussing meanings of gambling, some participants mentioned changes over time. There was almost a consensus that gambling activities had altered noticeably during these people’s lifetime. One obvious change was increasing use of commercial gambling and hints that social interaction was declining. One person’s recollection illustrates this transition:

Well I grew up in … I can remember my mum and my old nanna they used to go around to someone’s front or backyard and there’d be 40 or 50 of our black women there just all sitting around, all the kids would be around as well and they’d be just playing bingo. From there … you’d hear of a card school … at one of my old aunty’s places and we’d be around there till real late probably about 11, 12 o’clock at night. It was more sort of a social thing back then but these days I think it’s more the pub and club scenes, sort of more money being thrown away. It’s more the horse racing ... Keno ... poker machines ... trying to get that quick bit of dough ... that little bit of money just to make them a bit happier ... most blackfellas like that bit of extra money.  

Although gambling can be associated with social networks, some gambling was used for coping with stress. Several participants described stressors including pressure at home or work as leading people to gambling to temporarily block out their problems ‘Some people will do it for the social interaction but other people will do it because of stress … they believe it helps them to relax’.

For those experiencing high levels of social stress, such as living in an overcrowded house with extended family members and their children, gambling provided some relaxation or temporary respite. Gambling became an escape-based coping mechanism. Both card and commercial gamblers sought escape in a social space where people gathered but where the gambler tended to be isolated. Typical comments regarding card gamblers were: ‘They’re in the comfort of someone’s house so they’re not down at the pub or a club and they generally can settle in there whilst ever the games are going’ and ‘A form of recreation and it’s a little escape and quite often you’ll hear people say “I’m going to go and play some cards or I’ll go crazy”’.

General explanations about commercial gamblers who appeared to use gambling as an escape indicated a search for balance in their lives by using gambling to reduce their high levels

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of stress: ‘(Gamblers) they like it because … (it’s) a form of relaxation … they work in a highly stressed job and nobody wants anything from you while they’re gambling … they tune out’ and ‘Might be getting away from the family or they might be up for the ... draw and “I’ll go and have a couple of presses”’.

Winning aspects  

Where gambling meant winning money, sub-themes included trying to win to increase income and improve life. For those sharing collective hardship and exclusion through structural inequity, trying to increase income through gambling is one strategy to try to improve life quickly: ‘Looking at ways to try and better their lives. Make more money … strike it rich, luck, but it also means … false hope certainly’ and ‘Everyone gambles to win money ... that’s one of the main reasons ... you probably wouldn’t worry about it if you didn’t have a chance of winning’. Apart from the house advantage, random forms of gambling offer opportunity to win with every bet. Thinking back on his childhood, one person recalled:  

I can remember as a child when most of the people played around my aunties’ places, I’ve got nine aunties so they used to share it around ... whoever held a card night they’d make a bit of money out of that as well. So if there was a loss, they’d still sort of end up with a little bit of gain ... if one of the aunties won, this one here would be losing but before they go home at the end of the night they’d be slipping them a few dollars.  

For poker machine jackpots, the prize value is high or grows incrementally with every game played. Additionally several machines can be linked together, combining jackpot totals. Thus, a win offers the possibility of a miracle in terms of realising material dreams and hopes: ‘Play the poker machines because ... they think the jackpot’s there … the opportunity to win lots of money ... if a jackpot is up to around about $10,000 or maybe more, they’ll try and see if they can get the big jackpot’. General comments about big wins were often tinged with reality:

(Gamblers) think they’re going to win big but it’s 1 in 10,000 or something that tend to win ... the enticement of the link-up jackpots ... they get sucked in from ... the little pays they think somewhere along the line it’s going to come in.

Sharing common bonds of social and economic hardship often led to general feelings of social exclusion: ‘Our people come from a poor background and they see it [gambling] as a way to get that quick fix or to try to get ahead’. Gambling holds out the hope and opportunity of winning a lot of money in a short time, potentially changing one’s social status and opening a world of wealth and equality: ‘There’s shame that comes with social issues in our community and not thinking that we’re good enough … a lot of low self-esteem, no confidence, lack of sense of belonging … we once were proud people’.  

One participant explained how meanings of gambling were linked to social exclusion and inequity by recalling his experiences of growing up in a poor community. He also described

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some effects he saw with the introduction of poker machines into hotels across the state in the mid-1990s:  

Being an Aboriginal man ... from a poor community, a poor family I think it was a way ... of trying to get that quick fix, trying to provide for the family because historically we are very welfare dependent and you’ll find a lot of Aboriginal communities and a lot of Aboriginal families are that way today ... and the way in which they try ... to provide for the family, because there’s limited access to jobs and work ... they go out and they try to either win that big one or get that trifecta or whatever ... now what’s changed ... they started putting pokie machines in pubs. Clubs are a little bit harder to access for our people but once they opened it up and put poker machines in pubs and clubs, it’s just been a divide for our mob.  

In contrast, one person suggested there were no differences between any groups of people or any forms of gambling by saying ‘I think Aboriginal communities are no different to any other parts of society and there are all different forms of gambling made available to people’.  

Continual financial distress  

All respondents recognised negative aspects of gambling, particularly continual financial hardship and related impacts such as personal distress, isolation, family problems and weakened community links. Personal distress arose when the gambler was constantly thinking about gambling, expecting to win. In time, this resulted in social isolation and further harm:  

Because they think they’re going to get lucky like win all the time. Every time they put some money in they think they’re going to win. They really actually lose especially if they’re putting $150 in and they only win $50 back. They think that’s a win.  

He wouldn’t see his family that much because of the gambling. And the time that he has with the family it’s thinking about where the next lot of money is coming from, or when the next gamble is, or trying to make up lies about where the money’s gone. You can see it just adds up to a huge amount of pressure on him. And you can see why our mob go and hurt themselves ... for me personally it means destruction … I’ve got to press home the fact that it causes a lot of destruction.

For families, a problem gambler was often absent. Some children were increasingly neglected and eventually became excluded from social activities due to a lack of funds: ‘Their family is seen as the “have-nots” of society. They’re always looking on it as others are participating in things that they can’t go in because there’s no money to do that anymore, it’s been spent’. Family relationships were at risk of breaking down: ‘Kids see what the parents do ... finding that we’re always broke and we have to wait until next fortnight ... then they get annoyed with their parents ... spending the money ... so the relationships start to crumble’ and ‘We’re all related in some way and we all know each other and if that person is going down then it takes the family with them’.

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Negative aspects of gambling were seen as weakening Indigenous community networks. Community strength was reduced by low attendance at socially popular and culturally important events. It was also tested by the burden of gambling losses rippling through communities, ensuring everyone carried some portion of the load:

Our people were a people that liked to gather, the Elder’s term for it was corroborees, that was just a gathering of people ... now with gambling, you don’t have the money to get to the event. And we’ve got the Koori (football) Knockout coming up soon and the finances will determine whether people can go to that ... they [gamblers] just can’t get there.

If it gets to the stage where it’s affecting their family and their family has to depend on other agencies to assist them, well the burden it places on the agencies affect the community as a whole ... it connects everyone into a poor place, if you know what I mean.

Yet, this was countered by one respondent who explained how traditional Indigenous sharing, reciprocity and sustained social networks would take care of this:

If someone gambles all their food money our mob will all bail each other out and buy it for them and provide food for the family to have so they’re not left hungry so people don’t tend to have to go without, they more or less look after each other.

Comparison of problem and recreational gambling  

In comparing meanings of problem and recreational gambling, consideration was given to the complexity of a being a member of a collective culture with traditional obligations. One participant who was very familiar with structural issues surrounding Indigenous housing such as limited housing availability, difficulties faced by large families seeking appropriate accommodation and obligations to share a house with extended family if they were in need, reported that shared overcrowded housing can remove the usual security control of leaving money safely at home. Thus, access to money in the pockets of problem gamblers may facilitate gambling, and more seriously, make it very difficult for recovery:  

A problem gambler … has no limit, who gambles beyond their limits which leads you to an irresponsible area and I believe that if you want to gamble you only carry the money with you that you can afford to gamble, but a lot of our people can’t leave money at home for reasons other than just gambling … A lot of people share … their homes with other people … extended family … maybe it isn’t the safest spot … for people to leave their money. So they carry it all on them and unless you’re a strong person who has a strong will you will just use that money to do whatever you want to do with it.  

Problem gamblers were identified as people for whom gambling takes precedence in their lives, where their gambling participation, frequency and expenditure was usually high:  

 

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When they don’t realise that any form of win is good enough … that’s when it becomes a problem, when you can’t drive past a TAB or you can’t drive past a poker machine and I guess on paydays when the first thing you do is go and have a gamble instead of doing the shopping, buy the essentials and that kind of stuff. That’s when it becomes a problem.  

People … have a portion of money and they want to try and double … or triple that … if they don’t win, they lose their bet then they’re always going to the bank … or they’re pulling out more money from their pocket to try and win more money and all of a sudden they find that they’re behind the 8-ball.  

Several contrasts were provided highlighting attitudinal and behavioural differences between problem and recreational gambling with parallels drawn with alcohol use: ‘[Gambling] it’s like the theory of alcohol, that most Aboriginals have got a problem with alcohol. The majority of Aboriginal people don’t gamble to any great extent. It just seems to be the same people all the time’.  

It becomes a problem if they neglect to pay any of their bills that they want to go and have a bet prior to doing that. If they pay their bills … and buy their food and … go and have a little punt … a lot of people do that.  

Problem gambling was perceived as being very public and obvious but limited to a small group. However, recreational gambling drew little public attention. Recreational gambling was seen by most participants as being an occasional social activity in the sense of congregating together, enjoying the company of others and spending money within budget limits: ‘It’s just gambling to have a bit of fun and not necessarily something that you do all the time but you might do it because you’re at the races or you’re caught up with some friends at the pub or a club’ and ‘It depends on what you can afford … everyone’s different depending on how much they bring in. Obviously if … they pay their bills before they go and have a punt … that’s recreational’. Gambling participation, frequency and expenditure was usually low as reported here:  

Where someone plays now and again and has a flutter … just for the sake of enjoyment. If they go out and … put a couple of dollars in the poker machine, not as a regular thing, I’d consider that to be recreational.  

 

Discussion  

Participants in this research reported numerous meanings of Indigenous gambling encompassing positive aspects of socialising and winning money, but also negative aspects in continual financial distress. Meanings of gambling appear embedded in familiar cultural and social networks. Gambling in a collective Indigenous group of family and friends sharing common historical and cultural values is a finding somewhat similar to that for gambling by Canadian First Nations groups (McGowan & Nixon, 2004; Williams et al., 2011). Although self-interest is

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prominent, that is to win money, gambling contributes value to Indigenous social networks through social inclusiveness. Indigenous social networks, based on kinship ties, are underpinned by responsibility for connections. Indigenous Australians are expected to respect kinship bonds, care for others, and maintain harmony within and between spiritual worlds (Martin, 2008). Thus, where gambling is solitary and less socially oriented, its contribution to social networks wanes. Further, when gambling to win continually overshadows social aspects and gambling expenditure increases, rising negative impacts weaken social networks. This supports Coleman’s (1990) notion that social networks are depleted if not renewed. Based on Bourdieu’s work (1989), a lack of investing in social exchanges is evident where problem gambling becomes increasingly isolated and individualistic. In contrast, recreational gambling, often a group activity reinforced through social exchanges over time, was regarded as an occasional pastime with budgeted spending or a choice based on shared values. Demonstrating aspects of both structural and cognitive elements of social capital (McKenzie, 2002), gambling activities based on Indigenous social networks reflect some collective cultural values of sharing and reciprocity.

Common behaviours and attitudes implicit in many Indigenous collective behaviours (Randall, 2003) appear to underpin much Indigenous gambling. Indigenous social groups who gamble together share mutual values and norms that encourage social inclusion and cooperation, as theorised by Carroll and Stanfield (2003) and Putnam (2000). This contrasts with more open social networks in the general population where minority groups may feel socially excluded (Hunter, 2000). Being unable to negotiate any reduction in the structural inequity they face (Atkinson, 2000; Woolcock & Narayan, 2000) and experiencing varying degrees of discrimination (Martin, 2008; Phillips, 2003), some Indigenous Australians see gambling as an opportunity to overcome disadvantage, supporting arguments that not every gambler is privileged to act as a free agent (McGowan, 2004; McMillen, 2007).

The opportunity to win at gambling has both positive and negative aspects. Positive aspects include extra money and enjoyment, reflecting earlier research findings (AHMRC, 2007; Altman, 1985; Goodale, 1987; McDonald & Wombo, 2006; Williams et al., 2011). Negative aspects include continual financial hardship and its ripple effects which gradually reduce bonds of cultural cooperation as people find it harder to support problem gamblers. Financial hardship, neglect of family and community were reported previously for Indigenous gamblers (AHMRC, 2007; Dickerson et al., 1996; Stevens & Young, 2009).

The values, beliefs and attitudes implicit in Indigenous kinship obligations seem to falter for problem gamblers. Structural and cognitive elements of social capital (McKenzie, 2002) appear devalued, thus diminishing the store of productive social capital. Based on Bourdieu’s (1989) theory, these negative aspects of gambling signify lost social capital for these individuals with lessened community participation, shared cultural values and opportunity for meeting traditional obligations. Reducing social capital in Indigenous communities, particularly those struggling with structural inequities, may lead to declining social networks and weakening of traditional cultural bonds.

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In this research, gambling as a recreational activity supports beneficial social networks that maintain cultural values for those excluded from mainstream population networks. Putnam (2000) maintains that close groups share more common features and more dense networks than distant groups with sparse networks. Thus, solo gambling by individuals even when loosely connected to a social group appears less productive and more isolating from a social capital perspective. Despite debate about social capital (Bourdieu, 1989), social networks based on shared Indigenous Australian cultural backgrounds sit at the heart of this research.

How people reconcile kin responsibilities with personal interests remains a vexing question, but is especially culturally complex for Indigenous Australians. Using Putnam’s (2007) ideas, now may be a time of transition where gambling presents a challenge for Indigenous community cohesion. Over a very long time, Putnam (2007) maintains that communities overcome challenges by building a strong sense of ‘we’. ‘We’ is made up of individuals surrounded by a network of people who can help them navigate the complexities of contemporary gambling. These individuals and their networks, usually kinship networks, appear to be better placed to engage with gambling in a controlled manner. So, levels of social capital and membership of social networks may be crucial in establishing contemporary gambling norms within Indigenous cultural systems. This could well be the case now for Indigenous Australians who have been adapting and adjusting to changing environments for over 40,000 years.

Certain limitations exist within this research. The sample is small and geographically diverse. It consists of Indigenous community representatives, elected and nominated leaders whose positions may inform their interpretation of Indigenous gambling in NSW, even though all participants lived in their local regions. Additionally, efforts were made to include typical responses as the view of the participant’s community interacted with personal experiences to reveal their historical and cultural conceptions of gambling.  

Further research could extend inquiries into gambling and social capital with Indigenous community members in NSW and other jurisdictions. Quantitative research may also reveal population results concerning aspects of social networks and gambling. Research on proposed strategies to address problem gambling should consider community-based programs founded on strengthening interactions and social capital in local Indigenous communities.  

 

Conclusion  

In NSW, meanings of Indigenous gambling were based in the social activity of Indigenous groups gambling together in social networks in the hope of an occasional win. In the main, this contributed to creating and sustaining social capital. Other more problematic meanings of gambling, especially always gambling to win, continued chasing of losses and financial distress, detracted from these social networks. Comparisons between reported problem and recreational gambling supported this finding with a general decline in social network strength accompanying

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problem gambling and a general increase in social network density with recreational gambling. Gambling by some social groups appeared to sit comfortably and positively within well-established Indigenous social networks of mutual support. This could be due to the legacy of productive social capital being embedded within cultural norms, values and traditions laid down around Indigenous story-telling and card circles over time. This research has added depth to our understanding of meanings of Indigenous gambling in revealing the importance of social networks for Indigenous Australians in these regions of NSW.  

Endnotes

i The authors are aware of the debate around titles used to describe Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians. Terms such as Indigenous, Aboriginal, Koori, Murri and Goori are used in some areas. In this research, the terms Aboriginal, Indigenous, Indigenous Australian and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples (ATSI) are used interchangeably, depending on information source.  

ii A press is a colloquial word for gambling on a poker machine (AHMRC, 2007).  

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Appendix 1.

Open-ended questions guiding the interview

Based on your experiences of gambling and knowledge about your region, could you please talk about the following:

What does the word ‘gambling’ mean to an Aboriginal person in Australia today?  

How has Aboriginal people’s involvement in gambling changed over the years?  

What activities do you consider to be gambling?  

What do you consider to be ‘problem gambling’? That is, what would an Aboriginal person’s gambling be like for you to consider him or her to be a ‘problem gambler’?  

Do you think there are many problem gamblers in your region?  

What do you consider to be ‘recreational gambling’? That is, what would an Aboriginal person’s gambling be like for you to consider him or her to be a ‘recreational gambler’?  

Do you think there are many recreational gamblers in your region?  

                                                                                                                         i