Keshav Raj Acharya

Master’s Programme in Musicology Department of Musicology

University of Oslo

November, 2020

Kauraha Performance of Magar Ethnicity

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Kauraha Performance of Magar Ethnicity

A Thesis Submitted by: Keshav Raj Acharya

Master’s Programme in Musicology

Department of Musicology

University of Oslo, Norway

November, 2020

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Cover photo: Pramila Pata Magar (from Tanahun) in her traditional attire, Photographer: Bhuwan Singh Thapa Magar, 2020, used with permission.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements viii

Abstract ix

Chapter One 1

1.1. Introduction 1

1.2. Defining Ethnicity, Indigenous Identity and Identity 3

1.3. Emergence of Ethnicity in Nepal 6

1.4. Statement of the problem 7

1.5. Research Questions 8

1.6. Objectives of the Study 8

1.7. Organisation of the Thesis 8

Chapter Two 10

2.1. Literature Review 10

2.2. Literature related to the origin of Magar 10

2.3. Literature related to musical aspects of Magar people 12

2.4. Literature review related to Music and Identity 14

2.5. Literature review related to functions of Music 16

Chapter Three 20

3.1. Theoretical Framework 20

3.2. Music and its functions in society 20

3.3. Music, Ethnicity, and Identity 23

3.4. Significance of Study 24

3.5. Limitations of the Study 24

Chapter Four 26

4.1. Research Methodology 26

4.2. Participant Observation and Fieldwork 26

4.3. Respondents and their Voices 27

4.4. Data Collection Method 28

4.4.1. Interview 29

4.4.2. Use of Social Media 29

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4.4.3. Secondary Data 30

4.5. Ethics and Reflexivity 30

Chapter Five 33

5.1. Ethnography of Magar People 33

5.2. Geographical setting and environment 33

5.3. Brief historical background of Tanahun 35

5.4. Demographic information of the Magars of Tanahun 35

5.4.1. Population distribution 36

5.5. Magar people of Tanahun and their Social Structure 37

5.6. Magars of Tanahun and their Cultural Context 38

5.7. Livelihood and economic activities 39

5.8. Family Structure 40

5.9. Traditional aspects of Magar culture 40

5.9.1. Pregnancy and Birth Ritual 41

5.9.2. Cho-Kaskey 42

5.9.3. Chewar 42

5.9.4. Ghanghar Yahakey 42

5.9.5. Marriage Ceremony 43

5.9.6. Death Ritual 44

5.10. Festivals and Celebrations 44

5.11. Folk Songs and Dances 47

Chapter Six 50

6.1. Kauraha 50

6.2. Etymology of Kauraha 51

6.3. Time of Kauraha Performance 52

6.4. Performance Procedure 52

6.5. Structure of Kauraha lyrics 57

6.6. Types of Kauraha Songs 58

6.7. Kauraha performance scenario 58

6.8. Transformation in Kauraha 59

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Chapter Seven 63

Discussions 63

7.1. Functions of Kauraha Music in Magar Society 63

7.2. Relationship of Kauraha and Magar Identity 67

Chapter 8 70

8.1. Summary and Conclusion 70

Bibliography 73

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Acknowledgements First of all, I would like to have my sincere gratitude to my supervisor Prof. Hans

Weisethaunet for his valuable suggestions and comments from the beginning until completing this

work. I could not have completed this thesis without his patience, inspiration, time, and valued

guidance.

A big thanks to administration, Department of Musicology, UIO, for their valuable adminis-

trative support during the phase of my studies.

Similarly, in this event, I am grateful to Prof. Gert Mathias Wagner (Former HOD Kathman-

du University Department of Music, Nepal), who instilled the ethnomusicological insights in me

during my studies at Kathmandu University, Department of Music, Nepal.

In this opportunity, I would also like to thank the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS),

University of Copenhagen, Denmark, for the NIAS-SUPRA Scholarship during my studies.

A big thanks to my friends, families, and relatives in Nepal for supporting me in various phases of

my studies.

Likewise, I would like to thank Prof. Robert Nasta, Wendy Black Nasta ( Artists for World

Peace, USA) for the scholarship provided during my Bachelor of Music studies at Kathmandu Uni-

versity, Nepal.

Furthermore, I would like to thank my wonderful informants Harka Ale Magar, Khim Thapa

Magar, Dipak Thapa Magar, Full Maya Thapa Magar, Padam Thapa Magar, Manoj Gharti Magar,

Rishi Ram Pariyar, and Aashin Sunar, for their useful pieces of information about the Magar cul-

ture.

I also convey my sincere thanks to Nepali Folklorist: Tulsi Ram Khanal, and Kusumakar

Neupane, for their valuable time and conversation with me. Furthermore, my special thanks to

Bhuwan Singh Thapa for helping me in the fieldwork by capturing the photos of different events of

Kauraha performance.

Keshav Raj Acharya

Oslo, Norway 2020

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Abstract Nepal is a ‘traditional society’ because ‘ethnicity’ is a significant factor in shaping Nepali

people’s culture or everyday life. The one hundred and twenty-five ethnic groups, as listed in the

national census of Nepal, (Statistics, 2011) showcases the multifaceted ethnic diversity in the coun1 -

try and establishes Nepal as a multicultural nation, where complex cultural interactions take place

daily. At the same time, ethnic groups keep separating themselves from others to establish their own

identity as per their world views.

In this context, the thesis explores the traditional music in the Magar communities, its social

functions, and their identity formation via the musical performance of Kauraha. This study explores

how Kauraha, a distinct folk musical performance of the Nepali Magar communities, predominant-

ly located in western Nepal’s mid-hills, expresses Magar ethnic identity on an individual and collec-

tive level in Nepal’s multi-ethnic context.

In Nepal’s context, the issues of ethnicity and representation, even after the country’s politi-

cal system changes from the Kingdom to the Federal Democratic Republic, exist unresolved. In

such a scenario, to establish an identity based on ethnic origin, religion, and culture, the country’s

entire population focuses on their cultural practices and ways of life to be distinguished from others.

Therefore, this thesis strives to deal with the Magar people and their tradition

of Kauraha performance to define their ethnic identity.

The study situates in the Magar communities of mid-hills of Tanahun district in Western

Nepal. It attempts to define Kauraha, its meaning, and functions: “what music does for human be-

ings as evaluated by an outsider” (Merriam, 1964, p. 209), both on an individual and collective lev-

el to determine the relationship between Kauraha and sentiments attached to Magar ethnicity and

various process of its transformation and institutionalisation. Drawing on ethnographic details and

focusing on the traditional and contemporary performance of the Kauraha, this study aims to identi-

fy Magar people in terms of their Kauraha performance.

In defining the music and its social function, the study follows the ideas of Merriam (1964),

Clayton (2016) as well as it endeavours to understand various aspects of Magar identities in terms

of Kauraha performance, influenced by the theoretical perspectives of Stokes (1994), Frith (2006),

Rice (2007), and Turino (2008), among others.

National Population and Housing Census 2011, Central Bureau of Statistics, Nepal.1

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Chapter One 1.1. Introduction

Nepal is still a ‘traditional society’ because ‘ethnicity’ is a significant factor in shaping

Nepali people’s culture or everyday life. The one hundred and twenty-five ethnic groups, as listed in

the national census of Nepal (Statistics, 2011) , showcases the multifaceted ethnic diversity in the 2

country and establishes Nepal as a multicultural nation, where the complex cultural interactions

take place daily. At the same time, ethnic groups keep separating themselves from others to estab-

lish their own identity as per their world views.

In this context, this research deals with music as a means of identity. The study emphasises

the Kauraha: a distinct type of entertaining folk musical performance, well-liked throughout the

country. It is a typical practice among the Magar communities inhabiting mainly in the mid-hill ar-

eas of Tanahun, Syangja, Palpa, and Nawalparasi districts of Western Nepal (Bandhu, as cited in

Neupane, 2013). Some folklorists identify Kauraha as the ancient folk dance of Western Nepal

(Neupane, 2013), in which a group of males sings and females dance in the accompaniment

of Khainjadi . At present, Kauraha is based on call-response singing or “dialogic, conversational 3 4

sung poetry, that brings neighbours and strangers together, within frameworks of social exchange

and negotiations of status” (Stirr, 2017). Neupane (2013) mentions that in Kauraha, Magar males

typically sing and play musical instruments such as Khainjadi and Jhurma , and unmarried females 5

dance (Neupane, 2013).

This study tries to establish Kauraha performance as an identity marker of Nepali Magars.

In doing so, the study situates the primary fieldwork in the Magar settlements of Tanahun district,

Nepal. Tanahun lies 150 KM west of Kathmandu and 50 KM east of Pokhara near Prithivi High-

way. Contextualizing Kauraha, the study explores how it functions in the Magar societies and how

various forms of identities concerning Magar ethnic existence, such as their world views and social

position, are expressed and manifested via the performance of Kauraha.

Furthermore, the study adapts primarily to ethnomusicological perspectives: “Social life as a

performance,” “society from the perspective of musical performance” (Seeger, 1987, p. xiii), that

Data from, Central Bureau of Statistics, Nepal.2

Single headed wooden frame drum made up of the skin of monitor lizards called Gohoro in Nepali. Some scholars 3

also mention it as Damphu.

From interview with informants, and analysis of few contemporary Kauraha songs.4

A type of percussion instrument, a pair of small cymbals or also called Jhyali in Nepali5

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helps in establishing the aspects of social life as musical and as created and re-created through per-

formance” (Seeger, 1987, p. xiv).

In these milieus, the study analyses Kauraha music’s function and its significances in Magar

society to resist Magar ethnicity.

This study bases on the views “the study of music in culture (Merriam, 1964) and as cul-

ture” (Nettl, 1980), “society from the perspective of musical performance” (Seeger, 1987) in order

to describe the function of Kauraha in the Magar community and how Kauraha manifests social

life of Magar people. Further, the study incorporates the theory of “Music and Identity” by Frith

(2006), which discusses identity formation concerning Music (Frith, 1996) and the theory of Stokes

(1994), “Music, Identity and the Nation-State” (Stokes, 1994, p. 10) to describe how music helps in

maintaining resistance to the distinctness (Stokes, 1994).

The interest in this topic emerges from two crucial incidents of this researcher’s life: firstly,

the undergraduate studies at Kathmandu University Nepal; as acquainted with the introduction of

the ethnomusicology field by Prof. Gert Matthias Wegner (Germany, former HOD, Kathmandu

University, Department of Music), a prominent ethnomusicologist working in the preservation of

Nepalese ethnic music. Secondly, during the master’s studies at the University of Oslo, Norway,

inspired by Prof. Hans Weisethaunet, who remarkably contributed to Nepali ethnomusicology with

his excursion to the ‘Everyday life of Nepali Gaine.’ Hence, these two incidents inspired this re-

searcher to explore Kauraha and its significances in the cultural context of Nepali Magars.

Furthermore, Nepal was a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, and multicultural State prior to1990.

The number of the ethnic group was almost unknown before the 2011 census, which identified one 6

hundred twenty-five ethnic or caste groups and one hundred twenty-three dialects for the first time

in the country’s history (Upadhyay, 2013). Various types of social exclusion based on such as eth-

nicity, caste, religion, gender, and culture, were profoundly rooted and continued from the historical

past of the autocratic regime that gave way for excluded people to demand reorganisation of the

State (Upadhyay, 2013). This reorganisation created the boundary among the ethnic groups giving

rise to the search for their collective identity associated with their culture and indigeneity.

In the meantime, ethnic awareness is rising everywhere due to the substitution of ‘nation’

with deterritorialisation, i.e., separation of social, cultural, and political practices globally (Berking,

2003). It is evident in Nepal’s social, cultural, and political context too. Hence, like other groups,

Magar people in Nepal concentrated on identifying themselves based on their ethnicity. Regmi

People who identify themselves, or identified by others, share common elements to distinguish themselves from other 6

groups in society, and by such acts develop distinctive cultural traits.

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(2003) states that Magars are trying to identify themselves as ethnic groups rather than political

groups (Regmi, 2003). Therefore, this study explores Kauraha performance and its significance in

the Magar culture to establish Kauraha as the marker of their ethnicity.

1.2. Defining Ethnicity, Indigenous Identity and Identity There is a chance of confronting the two central questions when discussing ethnic music (a)

what is ethnic group, and (b) what constitutes ethnicity? (Schramm, 1979). In this regard, the fol-

lowing paragraphs try to state the different views of prominent scholars to define the meaning of

ethnicity and identity.

According to Schermerhorn (1970), an ethnic group is:

a collectivity within a larger society, having a real or putative common ancestry, memories of a shared historical past, and a cultural focus on one or more symbolic elements of their peoplehood. Examples of such symbolic elements are kinship patterns, physical continuity, …religious affiliation, language…or any combination of these. A necessary accompaniment is some consciousness of kind among members of the group. (as cited in Schramm, 1979, p. 4). Anderson (2006) discusses the nation; as an imagined community; the idea about ethnicity

here refers to as an image. The “nation is an imagined community” because, even though the mem-

bers of the tiny nation never know each other, meet, see, hear about or talk to each other, they are

likeminded; and in their minds, lives a common impression of their belonging to a communion

(Anderson, 2006).

Similarly, Weisethaunet (2007) views ‘nation’ “as the outcome of a narrative

struggle” (Weisethaunet, 2007, p. 179), i.e., the struggle among different people, their world views

and imagination, in establishing their sense of belonging to nation (Weisethaunet, 2007).

People struggle along with an image of similar minded people and think of themselves as

different or distinguish from an outsider as different in the community (Weisethaunet, 2007).

Likewise, ethnicity, as per the definition proposed by Barth, is “categories of ascription”

(Barth, 1969, p. 10) by which people distinguish themselves and as outsiders identify them. Even

though the ethnic units are the category of their cultural characteristics, ascription is an essential

feature for ethnic groups’ continuity. It establishes continuous boundaries among groups to di-

chotomise self and others despite transformation and changes in cultural aspects (Barth, 1969).

Hence, Barth suggests that, “ethnic group is a result of the boundary formation process

maintained under specific situations of social interactions between the people of various cultures

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and ethnic groups. Ethnic groups only persist as significant units if they imply the marked differ-

ence in behaviour, i.e., persisting cultural differences” (Barth, 1969, p. 15).

The persistence of the cultural differences among the ethnic units accounts for self-identifi-

cation and social ascription as essential factors in defining their identity. “What we think of as our

identity is dependent on what we think we are not” (Barker & Jane, 2016, p. 298). Therefore,

“Metaphors of blood, kinship, and homeland are frequently implicated in the formation and mainte-

nance of ethnic boundaries” (Barker & Jane, 2016, p. 299).

Hence, ethnicity is a cultural thing that focuses on sharing norms, values, beliefs, symbols,

and practices that form’ ethnic groups’ who share cultural signifiers maintained under particular

“historical, social and political contexts” (Barker & Jane, 2016, p. 298), and the members encourage

a sense of belonging based on a common ground of their origin (Barker & Jane, 2016).

However, according to the anti-essentialists, “ethnic groups are not based on primordial ties

or universal cultural characteristics possessed by a group. Rather they are formed through discur-

sive practices” (Barker & Jane, 2016, p. 298). Discursive practices in cultural studies are the narra-

tives formed by the debates of subjectivity and identity (Barker & Jane, 2016). Subjectivity is the

processes or conditions of becoming a person to experience the self as a cultural subject. In the case

of identity, there are two: self-identity: a self-description; and social identity: the opinions that oth-

ers have about us. So while exploring subjectivity and identity, it takes a narrative form (Barker &

Jane, 2016, p. 260).

Further, according to Stokes (1994), “Ethnicities are to be understood in terms of the con-

struction, maintenance, and negotiation of boundaries, and not on the putative social ‘essences’

which fill the gaps between them” (Stokes, 1994, p. 6). It means that ethnic groups result from sepa-

ration caused by their evident cultural patterns, i.e., their way of life compared to other people’s

way of life where they negotiate with other groups to retain their way of life. Thus, such bound-

aries establish and maintain social identities (Stokes, 1994) created by resistance and their relation

(Chapman, McDonald, & Tonkin, 1989).

In addition to ethnicity, a massive discourse in recent years conceptualises ‘identity’ and its

uncertainty, as identity is flexible and constructed (Hall, 1996b). Identity became a common theme

in ethnomusicology since 1980 (Rice, 2007). Rice (2007) further writes that group identity studies

have recently been more common over individual identity because of identity politics. People iden-

tify themselves collectively with various cultural characteristics, activities, customs, and arts, in-

cluding Music (Rice, 2007).

According to Leve (2011), Identity as:

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a powerful organising presence in social life today—a social fact, or so it would, at least, seem. Whether measured by the amount of energy individuals expend claiming, cultivating, expressing, or bemoaning the lack of it or by the amount of attention devoted to it by institutions that profess to address or are said to reflect popular interests and issues, it is clear that being, in the sense of belonging—to ethnic, national, religious, racial, indigenous, sexual, or any of a range of otherwise affectively charged, socially recognisable corporate groups— is among the most compelling of con temporary concerns (Leve, 2011, p. 513). Hence, in other words, identity is an individually driven force people demand to establish the

claim of being unique and different from the other groups of people, and special attention granted

by the relevant concerned authorities upon the discontented individuals or groups in order to assure

them.

Furthermore, identity, as narrated by Ruud (1997), suggests “identity is understood as a

metaphor for a self-in context” (Ruud, 1997, p. 3), which means identity is directly proportional to

the context of an individual. If we replace individuals with a group, it can be true for ethnic groups

too, which is further “understood as a metaphor for an “ethnic-group in context (Ruud, 1997, p. 3).

Hence, a group’s ethnic identity is: how they present themselves in the multicultural context

and how other groups of people identify them in that same context. So identity is not a ready-made

object; however, it is a construction following the context and on the expectation to be met being

flexible (Ruud, 1997, p. 6).

Moreover, the term identity is problematic in itself because of the varied definitions Weaver

(2001), Rice (2007), Hall (1996), and others affirm. In such a case, the identity related to ethnicity

or indigeneity is very complicated and troublesome to define.

As Weaver (2001) mentions, many queries come to mind regarding ‘indigenous identity.’

Weaver questions: what is it, who bears it? Moreover, the required criterion to have that conferred

upon us? Is it given by others or self? Or we are by birth bestowed upon with indigenous identity?

Neither there are common grounds on defining it nor an even consensus on its appropriate use. “The

topic of indigenous identity opens up a Pandora’s box of possibilities, and to try to address them all

would mean doing justice to none” (Weaver, 2001, p. 240).

Hall (1996) proposes and differentiate three concepts of identity; Enlightenment subject,

Sociological subject and, Post-modern subject (Hall, 1996b).

Firstly, the ‘Enlightenment subject’ relies on the notion of individuality, fully oriented, uni-

fied and bestowed “with the capacities of reason, consciousness, and action, whose centre consist-

ed of an inner core” acquired from birth, remaining identical exists in an entire life of the individual

(Hall, 1996b, p. 597).

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Secondly, the idea of sociological subjects states the complexity of the present world. It

suggests that the emotional core was not in control of the self and was insufficient but was installing

the culture they lived (Hall, 1996b). It means that the insider’s identity is the construction and nego-

tiation of an entity regarding outsiders’ identity.

Hence, in sociological notions, identity connects the gap between personal, inside, and the

public; outside worlds further stabilise the relation of individuals and the culture they live in; in re-

turn, both are unified and predictable (Hall, 1996b).

Thirdly, the post-modern notion defines identity as movable and temporary as it gets trans-

formed repeatedly in connection to our own culture. Thus the subject takes varied identities as per

the cultural context (Hall, 1996b).

Therefore, either it is an identity, ethnicity, or indigenous identity, per Hall’s post-modern

notion, the identity, ethnicity, or indigenous identity is historically but not biologically defined,

constructed, negotiated, represented, and a flexible entity about others in our lived experience. Still,

in a country like Nepal, the question of ‘ethnicity’ or group identity is perhaps more complicated

than in many western (post-modern) societies.

1.3. Emergence of Ethnicity in Nepal Regmi (2003) writes that the initiation of national integration by Prithivi Narayan Shah dur-

ing eighteenth century united all small baise-chaubise states into a single Nepal. This integration 7

helped establish Nepal’s Kingdom as a “garden of four castes and thirty-six sub-castes” and fol8 -

lowing these, including Prithivi Narayan Shah and the rulers after him, developed four fundamental

notions to hold the country and its people united. The first: the unquestioning power of the king; the

second: Hindus values as the spirit of the nation, the third: Hindu value system based on caste and

Nepali language, the fourth: Nepali as an official language and medium of education (Regmi,

2003). These four keys were followed and carried till 1950, further imposed by the Panchayat sys-

tem under King Mahendra, with monolithic ideology for maintaining the Nepali nationalism (Reg-

mi, 2003). ‘Nationalism’ in the words of Weisethaunet (2007) “is one of those words that can mean

a lot of different things, precisely because it operates in the realm of struggle overvalue in the sym-

bolic domains” (Weisethaunet, 2007, p. 178). Hence, in such a case, a single notion of nationalism,

Twenty-two and Twenty-four petty states before the unification of Nepal.7

Prithivi Narayan Shah's quotation, the four Varnas, is based on the classical Hindu Society division, i.e., Brahmins, 8

Kshhetris, Baisya, and Shudra.

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in a multi-ethnic country like Nepal, created discontent among the minority population and only by

the aftermath of the downfall of thirty years of absolute Monarchial Panchayat political system in

the 1990s. With the introduction of democratic spirit, the ethnic identity issues became highly ap-

parent as King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah declared himself a Constitutional Monarch, lifting the ban

over political parties (S. T. Magar, 2014). The constitution of the 1990s opened space for all mar-

ginalised ethnic indigenous and deprived groups, who started demanding equal share, representa-

tion, and access to the State’s resources, and the ‘ethnicity’ became mainstream in present Nepal.

1.4. Statement of the problem Magar is the third largest ethnic group in Nepal (G. S. Magar, 2011), with 7.12% of its total

population (Statistics, 2011) . There are very few works carried out about Magar people, their histo9 -

ry, language, and culture. Researchers like Hitchcock, J. Fisher, Tulsiman Shrestha, Dor Bahadur

Bista, Iman Singh Chemjong, to name a few, have explored Magar communities. The few previous

works mostly focus on anthropological and ethnographic inquiries about Magars and their culture.

These works mainly include a general description of the songs and dances prevalent to Magars, and

even though music is an integral part of the Magar culture, various songs and dances such as Ghan-

tu, Rodhi, Kauraha, Nachari, and Jhabre are not yet explored in depth from the perspectives of

Ethnomusicology. Those works are explicit descriptions that showcase the cultural realm of Magar

society but lack to explore ‘WHY’ part of Magar culture, especially the “social life as a perfor-

mance,” “society from the perspective of musical performance”(Seeger, 1987, p. xiii).

Obviously, “every human society has music” (Titon, 2009, p. 2). People worldwide create

and express their feelings through musical expression to connect to the divine, attract the lover, cel-

ebrate life rituals and ceremonies, encourage mass political movements, and lull their babies (Turi-

no, 2008, p. 1). Hence, it is obvious to confirm that music manifests many essential functions in

every culture.

However, the many available writings about Magars’ that this researcher read to date do not

prioritise their musical traditions. The few available writings present a general description of songs

and genres prevailing in Magar societies, and they hardly present analytical description based on the

paradigm of Ethnomusicology: “the anthropological exploration of music” (Merriam, 1964, p. 187).

“the study of music in and as culture; the study of how people use, perform, compose, and think

about music; and of their general attitudes toward it” (Nettl, 1980, p. 1). “Musical

Central Bureau of Statistics Nepal, Population and housing census 2011. 9

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Anthropology” (Seeger, 1987, p. xiii); for these reasons, there is a need for detailed research within

Magars’ musical traditions. Therefore, the study raises and attempts to figure out the following

questions to contribute to ethnomusicology.

1.5. Research Questions

The main research question for this study is: How Kauraha Expresses Ethnic/Indigenous

Identity of Nepali Magars? To answer this, the study describes:

(a) What is Kauraha, its meaning, and how it functions in the Magar community’s social and indi-

vidual life?

(b) What is the relationship between Kauraha and sentiments attached to Magar culture?

(c) What are the process of musical transformation, institutionalisation, and changes in Kauraha?

1.6. Objectives of the Study (a) To describe the relationship between Kauraha and sentiments attached to Magar culture.

(b) To describe the process of musical transformation, institutionalisation, and recent changes in the

Kauraha scene.

(c) To describe Magars’ identity concerning the performance of Kauraha music-dance.

1.7. Organisation of the Thesis There are eight chapters in this thesis. Chapter one introduces the nature of research work

and the contemporary discourses related to ethnicity, indigenous identity. It includes the various no-

tions about ethnicity, indigenous identity, and the emergence of ethnicity in Nepal’s context, fol-

lowed by the statement of the problem, research questions, and objectives of the research work.

Chapter two describes literature reviews concerning the origin of Magar people and their musical

traditions, Music and identity relationship, Music, and social function. Chapter three sets up the

theoretical framework for the analysis of the data followed by the research methodology in chapter

four, which discusses fieldwork, respondents, data collection methods such as participant observa-

tion, interview, field notes and diary, use of social media, secondary data, and ethics and reflexivity.

Chapter five presents an ethnography of Magar people; their geographical setting, social setting and

practices, livelihood and economic activities, social structure and kinship, tradition, culture, and

population distribution. In Chapter Six, the study discusses Kauraha in detail, along with its ety-

mology, structure, and performing context. Chapter seven discusses and analyses the various func-

9

tions of Kauraha music in Magar society and discusses its relation to Magar Identity, followed by

the summary and conclusion of the study in chapter eight.

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Chapter Two 2.1. Literature Review There is little existing literature by both national and international scholars about the Nepali

Magars. Among them, few works mention Kauraha in general, and most are in the Nepali language.

It is hard to find literature about Kauraha written in English in any detail. The work of Chemjong

(1967), Bista (1997), Baralmagar (1981), Neupane (2013), Shrestha (1996), Witzel (1991), Fisher

(1986), Shepherd (1982), Hitchcock (1965) serves as the basis for my literature review concerning

Magars and Kauraha.

Though most of the literature presented here focuses on Magar people, their culture’s musi-

cal aspects are not discussed besides a few scholars. The available writings about Kauraha are de-

scriptive and non-confrontational.

It seems evident that to conduct studies related to social sciences, and it is fundamental to

understand society’s historical and cultural background under investigation. Therefore, the study

reviewed the books of various scholars such as Hitchcock (1965), Chemjong (1967), Witzel (1991),

Vansittart (1992) to figure out the historical and cultural background of the Magar people and their

dwellings.

Likewise, to understand the musical aspects of Magar musical performance, the study re-

viewed literature of Shepherd (1982), Hitchcock (1965) about the different kinds of musical activi-

ties among the Magars of Nepal along with the writings of Nepali folklorists such as Baralmagar

(1981), Shrestha (1996), Neupane (2013) about Kauraha.

To understand how music functions in different societies, the study reviewed Merriam’s

(1964) The Anthropology of Music, along with the recent functions of Music suggested by Clayton

(2016). The ideas of Radcliffe-Brown supports the study of functions mentioned above, as cited in

Stone (2008), as well as the work of Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914) (as cited in Turino 2008),

and the work of Bateson (1972) as discussed in Turino (2008).

In the context of Music and identity, the literature of Stokes (1994), Frith (2006), Rice

(2007), Turino (2008) help to relate different aspects of identity manifested by Music under social

context.

 2.2. Literature related to the origin of Magar Chemjong (1967) in ‘Kirat History and Culture’ claims, “the origin of the Mangar tribe as

mentioned in Kirat chronology is a place in the North called Shin” (Chemjong, 1967, p. 70). More-

over, further adds, a tribe of people under the leadership of two leaders named Shing Mangar and

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Chitu Mangar came to the South and were known as Tangsang Thapa, which means people of dis-

tant north who later multiplied and split into twelve groups under the leadership of twelve different

leaders and were known as Barah Mangars (Chemjong, 1967). The names of those twelve Mangars

were “Shinjali Thapa, Hongjali Thapa, Hungchun Thapa, Chhodey Thapa, Pudkey Thapa, Mundey

Thapa, Udhro Thapa, Bairong Thapa, Ishar Thapa, Birahi Thapa, Hangyung Thapa, and Hangshe

Thapa” (Chemjong, 1967, p. 70). They further penetrated Sikkim (the then, Eastern Nepal) and

permanently settled, thereby establishing their Jong (Fort/Castle). Further, after their defeat in the

war with the people of Tibetan stock, the southern Mangars fled towards the South-west direction

and settled in Simang Garh (near to present-day Birganj of Central Nepal). As their population in-

creased, they split into two groups under Phalemi and Yomchhammi Khans’ leadership.

Phalemi Khan with his group went towards West Nepal and settled in Palpa whereas, Yomchhammi

Khan came to the East and settled in Chainpur of Limbuwan and mixed with Limbus. They later

became the Limbus of Sinjali Thapa, Rana, Aley, and Pun clans whereas, the Phalemi Khan’s group

was divided into Thapa, Aley, Pun, Burathoki, Rana, Gharti, Bohra, Roka, Chauhan, Konwar,

Uchai, and Roho tribes and started claiming themselves Magar, instead of Mangar (Chemjong,

1967).

Additionally, according to Chemjong (1967), the word Mangar is derived from Mang or

Mong or Mongol words. It suggests that the Chinese and Burmese inhabitants call Mang/Mong for

Mongolians and ar/arui for children, hence the interpretation is most probably correct because their

physical outlook resembles the dispersed Mongolians even though there existed no tribes called

Mongolian before 12th century AD. (Chemjong, 1967).

Similarly, Witzel (1991) also gives a detailed account of the origin of Magar people in rela-

tion to the names of different rivers and regions found in the country and stresses the probability of

Magar tribes inhabiting Nepal around the eighth century AD. They were mentioned in Mahabharata

and Puranas as Maga or Manga and Mangara, respectively, and Mangvara in the earliest copper

plate inscription of 1100/1 AD. (Witzel, 2014).

Furthermore, according to Vansittart (1992), Magars are one of the aboriginal stock of

Nepal, and “this fact is inscribed in very plain characters, in their faces, forms, and

languages.” (Vansittart, 1992, p. 56). He also mentions that,“the Magars’ principal seat was most of

the central and lower parts of the mountains between the Jhingrak (Rapti of Gorakhpur)

and Marsyangdi River. That they resided about Palpa from time immemorial is well known” (Van-

sittart, 1992, p. 103).

12

Likewise, Shephard (1982) mentions that the many ethnic groups in Nepal had legends that

indicate how they came to Nepal from different places of north and south; however, this does not

apply to the Magars because “for them, at least history began and ended in Nepal” (Shepherd, 1982,

p. 11). It is not easy to trace who were the real Magars, the original ones, and

Shephard (1982) additionally claims that the Magars found in Palpa, Syangja, and Tanahu districts

in Central Nepal are the original Magar inhabitants. He further adds, Magars were a Mongolian

Tribe who came to Nepal in the predawn of history (Shepherd, 1982).

Moreover, Shepherd (1982) states that the original settlement of the Magars’ is the

Bara Magaranth (Satahung, Payung, Bhikot, Dhor, Garahung, Rising, Ghiring, Galmai, Argha,

Khachi, Musikot, and Isma), which comprises most of the central and lower parts of the mountains

between the Bheri and Marsyangdi rivers (Shepherd, 1982).

Hitchcock (1965) states that, “Magar origins are lost in obscurity, the tribe seems to have

been part of a very ancient influx of Mongoloid, Tibeto-Burman-speaking people into Nepal, prob-

ably from the North and east” (Hitchcock, 1965a, p. 4). He further mentions that, due to the prevail-

ing views in cultural differences among northern and southern halves of their homeland, there is a

probability that Magar people exhibit two patterns of migration, one from the North and another

from the South (Hitchcock, 1965a).

In summary, from the above reviews, the history and origin of the Magar people of Nepal

and the writings associated with it lack historically informative pieces of evidence.

 

2.3. Literature related to musical aspects of Magar people  Hitchcock (1965), in The Magars of Banyan Hill, mentions the Songs and Dance groups in

Magar culture and describes the various genres like Rodi, Kauraha, Jhabre, Nachari,

and Ghanto prevalent in the Magar community. He mentions the linkage of those songs with the

agricultural fieldwork of particular seasons of the year (Hitchcock, 1965a). There are songs sung

while planting millet and others sung during the time of rice planting. There are songs for other

special occasions like marriage ceremony, religious ceremonies, festivals like Dashain and Tihar

(Hitchcock, 1965a). Each type of song has its patterns of melody and a dance accompaniment. The

song, its melody, and a corresponding dance denotes the same name and is assigned to a particular

season or time of the year, respectively (Shepherd, 1982, p. 258).

Furthermore, Shepherd (1982) accounts for his experience with Music and its role in the rur-

al life of Magar people in the following remarks:

13

Life was simple for the peasant lad among the remote hills of central Nepal. It meant hitching up the oxen, plowing the fields, and planting the corn, millet, or rice. After that, there were the fields to weed and the harvest to reap. Hard work it was, but the jovial nature of the Magar people, regularly expressed in song and dance, eased the burden. As his livestock grazed along the mountain, the Ma-gar boy would fill the air with songs that would resound throughout the forest. After the day’s work was done, he would join his friends, singing, and dancing for a few hours before dinner. On special days he would eat and have a short nap; then, he would sing and dance with his friends till dawn the next day. (Shepherd, 1982, p. 23).

Additionally, Shepherd (1982) gives a brief description of the Magar community’s musical

context and various types of songs and dances. Ghantu: an important dance of Gurung and Magar

communities of Western Nepal, performed by the teenage girls in the month

of Baishak (April), Oholi, Jhora, Nachang, Jhabrya, Phaguwi, Karhuwa , Juwar Geske, 10

Ratwali are prevalent song and dances in the Magar communities (Shepherd, 1982). These songs

and dances used to be performed at certain times of the year and for particular purposes; however,

they are free to perform these days whenever deemed necessary.

Shrestha (1996), in his writing Kauraha Nritya Geet ko Bislesan, tries to present a detailed

analysis of Kauraha music-dance concerning the Magar communities of Western Nepal. It is de-

tailed writing to date in the exploration of Kauraha music in the context of Nepali Magars. In this

article, he demonstrates the various theme of Kauraha songs and also demonstrates the cultural set-

ting of Kauraha music in the Magar societies of Western Nepal, especially in Gorkha,

Lamjung, Tanahun, Syangja, Kaski Palpa, and Nawalparasi districts. Shrestha (1996) also describes

the different processes involved in different settings of Kauraha performances (Shrestha, 1996).

Bista (1997), in his book People of Nepal, describes the Magars and other various castes and

their culture, settlements, language, marriage system, occupation, and culture in general. However,

he does not mention the facets of folk dances and songs prevailing in Magar societies.

Nepali folklorist Neupane (2013), in his writing Kauraha Geet: Parichaya Ra Bislesan 11

introduces Kauraha as an ancient folk song within the history of Nepali folk tradition, and it is

highly popular among the Magar communities of western Nepal. Mostly, Magar males and females

perform this song. The males sing in an accompaniment of Khainjadi and Jhurma, and the group of

unmarried females dances (Neupane, 2013). He analyses Kauraha songs as performed by the local

Magars of Palpa district of western Nepal based on its structure (Sthai, Antara, Thego) , theme, 12

language, style, and meter (Neupane, 2013). (Detail description in Chapter 5)

Shepherd (1982) mentions Kauraha as Karhuwa.10

Kauraha song: Introduction and Analysis11

Sthai- a fixed melodic line, Antara: Similar to verse, Thego: the meaningless syllables like ha, ha, aa, aa, in singing. 12

14

2.4. Literature review related to Music and Identity There is an enormous archive of scholarly writings available focusing on the subject of iden-

tity, and at the same time, it became paradoxical to understand what exactly it is (Hall, 1996a, p. 1)

However, rice (2007) mentions that the linkage between Music and identity turned out to be an or-

dinary topic for academic discourses in ethnomusicology since the early 1980s, and since then, the

theme of identity became mainstream in music academia. Music scholars and Ethnomusicologists in

the context introduced various thematic areas for research in the music field about identity, gender,

migration, globalisation, and nationalism, and that further open up the ways to query Music with the

other social crisis such as war, conflicts, violence and gender (Rice, 2007). Such a crisis paved the

way for scholars to continue on the thematic areas of identity concerning Music. Baily (1994), as-

serts that to shape the groups’ “sense of shared ethnic and historical identity” (Baily, 1994, p. 47)

concerning Music, the scholarships in ethnomusicology regularly quest for describing why certain

community practices the ancient or old fashioned and non-relevant musical tradition (Baily, 1994).

Likewise, many scholars have contributed to the theory of ‘Music and Identity’ with their

rigorous research and exploration of the various aspects of ‘Music and Identity’ relationship, for

example, (Frith, 1996) (Stokes, 1994; Turino, 2008).

Hence, in this study, the above writers and their notion about ‘Music and Identity’ and other

relevant literature serve as a foundation for exploring the music identity relationship in the Magar

Society of Nepal.

In ‘Music and Identity’ Frith (1996) explores how identity is formed in relation to Music. He

states, in the study of popular Music, there is an existing assumption “the sounds must somehow

‘reflect’ or ‘represent’ the people” (Frith, 1996, p. 108). This assumption has been creating problem

to understand what concept or knowledge a piece of particular Music manifests in its artistic or aes-

thetic forms due to the academic quest of determining the link between the group of people through

Music or by assigning certain types of Music to that group of people (Frith, 1996).

Therefore, he suggests a new approach to exploring the aesthetic of Music. To understand

how a particular piece of performance creates people’s identity and helps them feel musically and

emotionally connected is to establish subjective and collective identities from the musical prefer-

ences people share (Frith, 1996).

Moreover, in doing so, Frith (1996) asserts two propositions: “first, that identity is mobile, a

process, not a thing, a becoming not a being; second, that our experience of music-making and mu-

sic listening is best understood as an experience of this ‘self-in process” (Frith, 1996, p. 109). He

15

presents that Music and identity both are, performances and story that describes the subject in social

and social in the subject, and argues that, “Music construct our sense of identity through the direct

experiences it offers of the body, time and sociability, experiences which enables us to place our-

selves in imaginative cultural narratives” (Frith, 1996, p. 124).

Additionally, Rice (2007) states four essential perspectives to determine Music’s contribution

to identity formation in the music identity relationship. The first perspective views music as a

medium for the ‘symbolic shaping’ of identity gained in the past and obtained in the future because

Music demonstrates the idea of identity (Rice, 2007).

The musical properties such as melody, harmony, rhythm, and timbre express various facets

of multiple identities such as sad, happy, major, minor chords, simple, compound, male voice, fe-

male voice, following the time (Rice, 2007). From this notion, the audience or performers create

otherness regarding their listening or performing interest in establishing their identity from the pre-

ferred melody. For example, the number of people who listen to pop melody differentiates them-

selves from others listening to classical melody creating a boundary between them. Secondly, Music

helps communities share identity to find out other people having similar interests in music and per-

formance style (Rice, 2007).

In other words, the distinctive performance style attracts people to form a distinct associa-

tion concerning their agreement to the preferred performance style. For example, to differentiate

each other as Hip-hop style or Rock style of performance the member of their respective fan com-

munity, forms a border and norms to be followed in asserting the prevailing differences of styles as

per their orientation. Thirdly, Music may support in expressing emotions of identity, and fourthly,

music aids to provide ‘positive valence’ to the identity of the subaltern (Rice, 2007). This point 13 14

means that Music becomes a medium for expressing emotions and aesthetic enjoyment to socially

excluded or outside the power hierarchy. Hence, the relationship between Music and identity mani-

fests by the time, mood, common grounds of shared interest and preferences, and positive valance.

According to Stokes (1994), music as a shared activity constructs social identity embodied

when performers and audiences come together to unite in time and place, to experience a distinct

and independent existence of themselves, in relation to their musical preferences (Stokes, 1994). In

his own words:

Perceived emotion. (Baldwin & Lewis, 2017)13

The Excluded population outside the power hierarchy in post-colonialism studies. The term was coined by Antonio 14

Gramsci (Wikipedia, 2020).

16

Music is invariably communal activities that bring people together in specific alignments, whether as musicians, dancers, or listening audiences. The ‘Tuning in’ (Schutz 1977 as cited in Stokes, 1994, p. 12) through the Music of these social alignments can provide a powerful affective experience in which social identity is literally embodied. (Stokes, 1994, p. 12).

Therefore, when people perform their communal activities (here Music), they can identify

themselves and their positions in relation to others. Those boundaries of separation help establish

their identity as self or as groups as per their unified preference and affinity.

Similarly, the cohesion formed between different people and maintained through Music can

facilitate the integration of a community as a whole because musical activities are one of the very

few occasions in which all community members establish their identity (Stokes, 1994, p. 12).

According to Turino (2008), The performing arts: drama, dance, and Music are central in

forming identities of the people in a community. They bring people together as participants, often in

public performances where members, themselves, realise their personal and intense shared cultural

values and styles that make their community a unique one. The synchronised action thereof gives

people a natural feeling of being united with each other (Turino, 2008). He further adds that being

socially united is essential to living emotionally and economically as a member of something larger

than self (Turino, 2008).

 2.5. Literature review related to functions of Music

Researchers in anthropology suggested that the music system is part of the broader socio-cul-

tural complex (Stone, 2008). The socio-cultural complex is a multifaceted embracing of material,

structural, and ideational phenomena (Elwell, 2013). All observable physical existence such as the

environment, age, sex, and volume of the human population; and technology used to exploit and

control that physical environment are material phenomena. Structural phenomena in socio-cultural

complex refer to people groups and their organisations, for example, economic and family systems,

social organisations, and government. The ideational phenomena comprise the ideologies, norms,

values, religious beliefs, and other symbolic things that every member of society carry in their head

from their childhood and further enhanced throughout their lives connected with other members.

For example, the shared sense of belonging to a group views the world and one’s role in society,

do’s, and don’ts. These materials, structural and ideational phenomena, were historically and pres-

ently the skeleton of all human societies since primordial time. The lack of any one of these phe-

nomena affects one another and the whole socio-cultural system (Elwell, 2013). 

           Furthermore, Elwell (2013) states that, “functional analysis is a natural consequence of

thinking society as a system” (Elwell, 2013, p. 13). Therefore, functionalists’ idea is to analyse the

17

socio-cultural phenomena for their effects on other phenomena in the socio-cultural complex (El-

well, 2013). 

In this regard, the music system is the materialistic phenomenon within society. As an ethno-

musicologist, it is vital to understand how Music, as one of the socio-cultural system functions and

affects other social phenomena.

The functionalist approach was implied in Merriam’s ethnomusicology to understand “what

music does for human beings as evaluated by an outsider” (Merriam, 1964, p. 209). Several ap-

proaches discuss the functions of Music. The several functions of Music suggested by Merriam fur-

ther require the semiotic interpretation of signs and symbols.

Therefore, in such a case, it is vital to understand the meanings generated by musical signs.

For this purpose, the idea of semiotics by Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914) mentioned in Turnio

(2008), comes to be an appropriate lens in analysing the symbolic functions of the Music. He

stresses, Music, as a sign, can be understood as anything that creates specific effects when per-

ceived by an observer and his/her imagination. Hence, the sign situation has three facets (a) sign or

sign vehicle, (b) object (c) and effect (as cited in Turino, 2008).           

Merriam (1964), with the idea of structural functionalism mentions, the concepts about musi-

cal activities such as practices, performances, and the production of music sound, within the society

generate the musical system of every society (Merriam, 1964). The musical ideas of people in a par-

ticular society represent the framework in which Music is organised, and its meaning is understood

within its pragmatic realm in that society (Merriam, 1964). Even though there may be verbal and

non-verbal concepts, we need to understand and analyse it from the evaluation made by the member

of that society (Merriam, 1964). Therefore, it is crucial to understand the nature of Music and how

it integrates into society. He also distinguishes between the ‘uses’ from ‘functions’ stating that, ‘use

refers to the case in which people employ Music in their actions whereas the function is why they

employ Music (Merriam, 1964). The functions suggested by Merriam are primarily concerned with

the continuation and stability of the socio-cultural system (Stone, 2008). In a similar context, Rad-

cliffe-Brown asserts that the extreme sense of unity and harmony is manifested by dance from his

research on the Andamanese Islanders. Dance functions to contribute to society’s integration by de-

veloping a strong sense of cooperation and unity among them, which also stabilises their social sys-

tem (Brown, 1922, p. 252). 

Similarly, this is evident in the Yirkalla culture of Australia too from the research and findings

of Richard Waterman, who asserts that: 

Throughout his life, the Aboriginal is surrounded by musical events that instruct him about his natur-al environment and its utilization by men, that teach him his world view and shape his system of

18

values, and that reinforce his understanding of aboriginal concepts of status and of his own role. (Waterman 1956:41, as cited in Stone, 2008, p. 43)

 

           Similarly, Clayton (2016) provides a shorter list of the function of Music, suggesting the fol-

lowing functions: 

a) Regulation of an individual’s emotional, cognitive, or physiological state:

b) Mediation between self and other:

c) Symbolic representation:

d) Coordination of action:

           He further states that these functions are hugely related to individual and social identity, me-

diation, and personality (Clayton, 2016). It means Music is a tool that helps in discovering, control-

ling, and projecting self-identity. Music works as a tool to channel communications by negotiating

intimate connections and bringing social groups into existence (Clayton, 2016). It also helps identi-

fy a considerable number of social groups, beyond the extent of the family, clan, or one’s village to

include as a single unit or exclude that who does not fit on that interest group. Hence, people are

identified with their ordinary habits of Music listening (Clayton, 2016). For example, a group of

people who listen to folk music identify themselves as folk music listeners and facilitate folk music;

however, they exclude who listen and prefer other than folk music and vice versa.  

           According to Nettl (2005), the functions proposed by Merriam are powerful; however, the

uses and functions of Music may be identical in Music for entertainment and aesthetic enjoyment

(Nettl, 2005, pp. 244-245) that blurs the boundary between uses and functions. He further stresses

that Meriam’s function tries to characterise Music, but that cannot be solely limited to Music as it

can be applied to all areas of arts and to other behaviours that do not fall under the category of arts,

for example, religious ritual and speech (Nettl, 2005). “The function of music in human society,

what music ultimately does, is twofold: to control humanity’s relationship to the supernatural, me-

diating between people and other beings, and to support the integrity of individual social

groups” (Nettl, 2005, p. 253). That means Music refers to some power that goes far beyond the sci-

entific understanding because it is expressive capability, and it is also able to define the relevant

central values of the culture in abstract form (Nettl, 2005).

           Blacking further states that, “the communicative power of music in society derives from how

it is used to mediate between cultural convention and individual freedom, and in which an intensely

personal creation can become public property” (Blacking, 1990, p. 34). 

19

Likewise, according to Bateson (1972), the arts  serve as a unique form of communication 15

that integrates people with each other and the world with its communicative power above ordinary

language. He stresses that artists express their feelings, experiences and imagination through the

forms and patterns that connect us deeply and to the natural world (as cited in Turino, 2008).

In the view of Lomax, “a culture’s favourite song style reflects and reinforces the kind of be-

haviour essential to its main subsistence effort and to its central and controlling social

institutions” (A. Lomax 1968:133, as cited in Nettl, 2005).

In other words, the culture’s dominant Music functions to control social institutions, and by

doing so, helps for the survival of culture. He further asserts that, “Song presents an immediate im-

age of a cultural pattern” (A. Lomax 1968:6, as cited in Stone, 2008, p. 43). 

Here, I prioritise Music.15

20

Chapter Three3.1. Theoretical Framework This section of the chapter discusses the theoretical framework applied for analysing the data

to understand the main research questions: How Kauraha expresses the Ethnic/Indigenous Identity

of Nepali Magars? The study will focus on these main keywords: Functions of Music, Music, and

Identity.

To define the Music and Function relationship in the Magar society, the study bases on the

idea of Alan P. Merriam’s function of music and the recent functions of music suggested by Clayton

(2016) understand the functions of Kauraha music performance in Magar culture. Besides, these

functions are supported by the ideas of Radcliffe-Brown, as cited in Stone 2008, Charles Sanders

Peirce (1839-1914) (as cited in Turino, 2008), Bateson (1972) (as cited in Turino 2008).

In addition to this, to determine the Music and Identity relationship, this study will apply the

theories proposed by Stokes (1994), Frith (2006), Rice (2007), Thomas Turino (2008)

 

3.2. Music and its functions in society Merriam in ‘The Anthropology of Music’ (1964) states that, “there is probably no other hu-

man cultural activity which is so all-pervasive and which reaches into, shapes, and often controls so

much of human behaviour” (Merriam, 1964, p. 218). He signifies that dance, drama, folklore, folk

tales have an inseparable relationship with music. Moreover, music has occupational associations

such as songs for woodcarvers, masks makers, painters, metal workers, potters, other artisans, and

particular kinds of language as conveyed with drumming and whistling, which exemplify just a

fraction of ubiquitous functions of music in society (Merriam, 1964).

Hence, Merriam (1964) proposes the ten generalised principal functions of music in a social

context, which are as follows:

a) Emotional expression

b) Aesthetic enjoyment

c) Entertainment

d) Communication

e) Symbolic representation

f) Physical response

g) Enforcing conformity to social norms

h) Validation of social institution and religious rituals

21

i) Contribution to the continuity and stability of culture

j) Contribution to the integration of society

Music helps in stimulation, expression, and sharing of feelings (Merriam, 1964).

Music allows the expression of inexpressible ideas and provides a way to deliver the ideas and emo-

tions that cannot be expressed by ordinary discourse (Merriam, 1964).

Music serves the function of aesthetic enjoyment by creating consequences both from cre-

ators and observers (Merriam, 1964)

In the entertainment function of music, Merriam stresses that music gives entertainment in

combination with other social functions in society (Merriam, 1964).

The communication function of music is deployed employing song texts; it can communicate

specific information and emotions and are directly expressed where the people understand the lan-

guage and its idiom (Merriam, 1964).

About the symbolic function of music, Merriam (1964) suggests that, “symbolic meaning in

music need to be considered in four levels: the signing or symboling evident in song texts, the sym-

bolic reflection of affective or cultural meaning, the reflection of other cultural behaviour and val-

ues, and the deep symbolism of universal principles” (Merriam, 1964, p. 258). Hence music sym-

bolically represents the totality of human behaviour (Merriam, 1964).

Merriam (1964) asserts that the physical response function of music acts on various levels.

As per societies’ context, it is more evident during religious and ritual activities where possession is

considered essential and without which those activities are incomplete. In such a case, music helps

in channeling crowd emotions and activities (Merriam, 1964).

Likewise, Merriam (1964) states that music functions in administering conformity to social

norms. Because certain “songs of social control play an important part in a substantial number of

cultures both through a direct warning to erring members of the society and through the indirect es-

tablishment of what is considered to be proper behaviour” (Merriam, 1964, p. 224). For example, in

the songs used during the initiating circumcision ritual among the Mambutu tribe where they sing

“tsamba” and pour boiling water over the wound (Brandel, 1954). 16

Music functions to validate the social organisation and rituals by “preserving the order, to co-

ordinate the ceremonial symbols” (as cited in Merriam, 1964, p. 224).

O.P. Van Mol, "Puberteitsviering en Besnijdenis Bij de Mambutu's," Congo I (1924) As cited by (Brandel, 1954) 16

22

Merriam (1964) affirms “social institutions are validated through songs which emphasise the proper

and improper in society, as well as those which tell people what to do and how to do it” (Merriam,

1964, pp. 224-225).

Therefore, when music functions to express emotion, aesthetic enjoyment provides enter-

tainment, communication, provides a physical response, establishes conformity to social norms, and

validates social organisation and rituals. In that case, it helps in the continuity and stability of soci-

ety (Merriam, 1964).

Furthermore, music contributes to uniting society because it brings satisfaction to the mem-

bers of the society as they participate for the common purpose in cultural events that assures them

as belonging to a collaborative group and give the sense of shared culture as they practice similar

ways of life, art forms (Merriam, 1964, pp. 226-227).

On the other hand, Clayton (2016) narrowed down the Merriam’s function by suggesting

that music helps in the regulation of an individual’s emotional, cognitive, or physiological states

because music along with singing helps in respiration and body posture, many musical instruments

help in developing both hands coordination that gives physiological changes that affect emotional

and cognitive states of persons involved. That helps regulate emotions or excitation in the given sit-

uation and even take to trance (Clayton, 2016).

Likewise, Clayton (2016) states that though music can be interpreted in different ways and

is ambiguous to specify its symbolic meaning, at the same time, it is widely efficient as a semiotic

medium. Because musical sound can signal emotions more carefully than language as well as musi-

cal sound and activities can deliver effect and movement more precisely than words as evident from

the musical signs such as in advertising or cinemas (Clayton, 2016) and further helps in mediating

between self and other by helping in creating a distinct identity and establishing boundaries and

limitations. Music symbolically represents by assigning emotions.

Furthermore, Clayton (2016) suggests that the functions mentioned above are hugely related

to the association of individual and social identity, mediation, and personality (Clayton, 2016). That

means music is a tool that helps in discovering, controlling, and projecting self-identity. Music

works as a tool to channel communications by negotiating intimate connections and bringing social

groups into existence (Clayton, 2016). It also helps identify a considerable number of social groups,

beyond the extent of the family, clan, or one’s village to include as a single unit or exclude that who

does not fit on that interest group. Hence, peoples’ identity relates to their everyday habits of music

listening (Clayton, 2016). For example, a group of people who listen to folk music identify them-

23

selves as folk music listeners and facilitate folk music; however, they exclude who prefer other than

folk music and vice versa, too (Clayton, 2016).

3.3. Music, Ethnicity, and Identity         As mentioned earlier in the literature review section, in the subject of music and identity,

Frith (1996) suggests the formation of identity concerning music, whereby identifying a problem in

the pop-music academia (Frith, 1996). The popular music academia is said to be limited to the as-

sumption that, “sound must somehow reflect or represent the people” (Frith, 1996, p. 108). This as-

sumption has been creating problem to understand what concept or knowledge a piece of particular

music manifests in its artistic or aesthetic forms due to the academic quest of determining the link

between the group of people through music or by assigning certain types of music to that group of

people (Frith, 1996). 

Therefore, Frith (1996) suggests a new approach to exploring the aesthetic, as already men-

tioned, where he discusses how a piece of music or performance and the experiences gained from

that help in identifying a person individually or collectively as per his or her preference (Frith,

1996).

In other words, to understand how a particular piece of performance creates the identity of

people and helps them feel musically and emotionally connected by establishing subjective and col-

lective identities from their musical interests (Frith, 1996). 

Moreover, in doing so, Frith (1996) asserts two propositions: “first, that identity is mobile, a

process, not a thing, a becoming not a being; second, that our experience of music-making and mu-

sic listening – is best understood as an experience of this ‘self-in process” (Frith, 1996, p. 109). He

presents that music and identity both are, performances and story that describes the subject in social

and social in the subject, and argues that, “Music construct our sense of identity through the direct

experiences it offers of the body, time and sociability, experiences which enables us to place our-

selves in imaginative cultural narratives” (Frith, 1996, p. 124).

Stokes (1994) suggests music as a shared activity that shapes social identity carried together

by performers and audiences when they unite in time and place, to experience a distinct and inde-

pendent existence of themselves, with their musical interests or preferences (Stokes, 1994). Hence,

when the group or member of society perform their communal rituals or activities such as music,

they can identify themselves and their positions with others, creating boundaries to establish their

identity as self or as groups as per their unified preference and inclination. Hence as such, the cohe-

sion between different people and maintained through music facilitates the integration of a commu-

24

nity as a whole because musical activities are one of the very few occasions in which all community

members come together to establish their identity (Stokes, 1994, p. 12). 

           Additionally, Rice (2007) proposes the four general theories to determine the music-identity

relations and suggest that the first perspective views music as a medium for the ‘symbolic shaping’

of identity gained in the past and obtained in the future. Secondly,  music helps communities to

share identity to find out other people having similar interest in music and performance style (Rice,

2007). Thirdly, music may support in expressing emotions of identity and fourthly, music aids to

provide ‘positive valence’  to the identity of the subaltern  (Rice, 2007). 17 18

           Turino (2008) states that the performing arts: drama, dance, and music are central in forming

identities of the people in a community. They bring people together as participants, often in public

performances where members, themselves, realise their personal and intense shared cultural values

and styles that make their community a unique one. The synchronised action thereof gives people a

natural feeling of being united (Turino, 2008). He further adds that being socially united is essential

to living emotionally and economically as a member of something larger than self (Turino, 2008). 

 

3.4. Significance of Study (I) This study will be an essential resource in the field of Nepali Ethnomusicology.

(II) The ethnomusicologists, researchers, students, and teachers, and writers can use this study for

further research in the field. 

3.5. Limitations of the Study         The study bases on the Kauraha song/dance of Magar communities of Tanahun districts in

Western Nepal. The study uses the theories of the function of music proposed by Merriam (1964)

but not limited to those theories only. Other works about music and its function also support the

analysis of the study. Concerning the study of music in relation to identity, the study applies theo-

ries of Frith (1996), Rice (2007), Turino (2008). Though, ethnicity and identity are framed for the

politics of identity and highly emerging issues that created conflicts among people, both in the de-

veloped and developing worlds. In this study of Kauraha music, the term ethnicity is used to differ-

entiate Magars’ cultural patterns.  

          This thesis generally describes other dances in Magar communities for the information pur-

pose based on the literature available and by communication with the Nepalese folklorist and other

Perceived emotion. (Baldwin & Lewis, 2017)17

An excluded population that is outside the power hierarchy in post-colonialism studies. The term was coined by An18 -

tonio Gramsci(Wikipedia, 2020).

25

informants. Different writers sometimes represent the same dance and song names with different

names. 

 

26

Chapter Four 4.1. Research Methodology This section mainly deals with the various methods and approaches applied to gather data

for analysis. Data collection method, its challenges, and the ethical issues encountered as well as

reflecting myself as a researcher are discussed in detail.

The study employs qualitative research methodology besides few quantitative data that are

deemed necessary to include. In qualitative research methodology, the research is “framed in terms

of using words rather than of numbers” (Creswell & Creswell, 2017, p. 4) and by this approach, re-

searchers explore and understand “the meaning of individuals or groups ascribe to a social or hu-

man problem” (Creswell & Creswell, 2017, p. 4). Hence, this type of research involves finding out

society’s problems or people in a descriptive manner, further suggesting the appropriate solutions to

rectify it utilising data analysis and individual interpretations or decoding of the underlying mean-

ing of the data in a society under study. This method focuses on participant observation and priori-

ties to bring out social activities’ complexity and understand their broader meaning (Creswell &

Creswell, 2017).

Further, within the theoretical realm of ethnomusicology, it involves interviewing infor-

mants for qualitative data collection and analysing it with different critical ethnomusicological per-

ceptions: the study of music and its function in the cultural context.

Qualitative research is a broad method as it is tough to generalise with a standard definition

that is acceptable to most of the qualitative researchers and their approach, and it is not just ‘not

quantitative’ (Kvale, 2007). Therefore, it is necessary to identify the common grounds of qualitative

research out of those multiple definitions. Qualitative research explores outside the laboratories, and

from inside, it analyses the individual or group experiences of all kinds, interactions and communi-

cations related to the object, and document analysis on it, as per the research (Kvale, 2007).

4.2. Participant Observation and Fieldwork To understand the native views about the culture and to deeply understand and describe the

cultures under study in detail, researchers in sociology and anthropology from the early twentieth

century began to live among the culture under study. In this process, they observed, took part in the

main events in that culture, and sensibly interviewed the natives about their customs (Ember, Em-

ber, & Peregrine, 2015). This type of involvement, either actively or passively aware of the re-

searcher’s position in the culture under study, is termed participant-observation. Fieldwork plays an

27

essential role in this situation and provides opportunities for the researcher to experience the culture

(Ember et al., 2015). This study situates in Tanahun district in Gandaki Province of Nepal for an

extremely short ethnographic fieldwork. The area chosen for fieldwork is a place of historical sig-

nificance in Nepal, especially for Magar people (see Chapter 5), and the population of the Magar

people positively dominates it. Thus, it forms a hub for studying the Magar people and their

culture.

4.3. Respondents and their Voices This section introduces a few respondents and their voices concerning Magar culture, Kauraha, and

identity.

A: Padam Thapa Magar, a Folk singer from Rishing village of Tanahun district, presently resides

in Kathmandu and works in TV as a program host. As an insider, in his personal experiences, Kau-

raha is an exceptional dance that harmonises the Magar people’s cohesive mutual relationship with

the outsiders such as Gurungs, Newars, Brahmans, and Chhetris in his neighbourhood. In his per-

sonal life as a Kauraha singer and performer, when he participates in it, he feels immersed in it and

transcends beyond his ordinary experiences. He also worries that the new generation is unaware

of Kauraha; however, after the first Kauraha conference held in 2016 in Damauli, Nepal, it has in-

stilled Magar’s conscious feeling. He insists that Kauraha belongs to the Magar people, and it is the

cultural heritage of Magar people, so it is necessary to preserve it from being extinct.

B: Phool Maya Thapa Magar, Magar Author, social worker, originally from Ghiring, residing in

Pokhara: In her views, suggests that the Kauraha is a traditional culture, Magar. However, the new

generation of Magar youths does not take it severely even though they know it as their forefathers’

tradition. The Kauraha helps in defining Magar identity. She also stresses that; it is her personal

opinion that it might differ from younger people’s views.

C: Harka Ale Magar, works as a News Reader in Magar language, Radio Nepal regional trans-

mission office, Pokhara originally from Tanahun: In Harka’s view, that Kauraha is an integral part

of Magar culture. So, it is necessary for awareness in the conservation of Kauraha and other cultur-

al elements of Magar culture. He also stresses that the extinction of Kauraha will lead Magar cul-

ture to the edge of extinction. It is daunting that the new generations are trying to embrace the for-

28

eign culture instead of their own. There is an urgent need for cultural awareness to preserve the Ma-

gar cultural heritage and establish the cultural identity of Magars via the promotion of Kauraha at

the national level.

D: Dipak Thapa Magar, In his opinion, Kauraha is highly significant for the expression of Magar

identity in the current context of Nepal, as people are more aware of their identity on a personal and

collective level due to the emergence of ethnicity in Nepal. Kauraha, as a cultural asset of the Mag-

ar community, gives way for establishing the identity of Magar people; in this process, it will inte-

grate Magar people. He further claims that without Kauraha, Magar’s heritage will fade out.

E: Rishiram Pariyar, Rishiram as an outsider to Magar culture, asserts that Kauraha is a cultural

heritage of Magar because he was grown up in the Magar neighbourhood and since then he was

highly impressed with the Kauraha dance the Magar costumes used by the Magars. He also claims

that Kauraha is an integral part of Magar society, and it is hard to imagine Magar people

without Kauraha’s performance. Suppose there is no Kauraha with Magars how they can distin-

guish him as an outsider as he can speak Magar language. He knows many aspects of their culture.

He can dance in Kauraha too, but he is not Magar because he followed it as an imitation; to be as-

sociated with the culture, a person needs the emotional connection to their cultural roots.

F: Aashin Sunar, Aashish comes from a different ethnic background, and in his view, without Kau-

raha, Magar culture and Magar people are incomplete. That is a significant marker of Magar identi-

ty at an individual level as well as a collective level. When the Magar perform Kauraha outside of

their cultural boundaries such as in the commercial venues, the Kauraha defines the performers as

Magar even though the performers are from a different ethnic background; then, when a person

from different backgrounds performs Kauraha with the traditional costumes, his identity is dis-

played as a Magar.

4.4. Data Collection Method This study’s data collection method is primarily based on the qualitative research approach and col-

lection of ethnographic data from the brief field visit, participant observation, interviews, formal

and informal conversations, internet sources, and information gathered from different media like

newspapers and prints.

29

Moreover, as this research is the study of music in the ethnographic setting, the approaches

and methods framed for ethnomusicology are incorporated, for example, music listening, recording,

transcribing, analysing the musical aspects, as well as interviewing dancers and musicians and the

stakeholders, community and audiences concerning the music under a study to find the insider’s and

outsider’s view (Nettl, 2005).

The data collected is primarily from the available literature and interviews with the Magar

people and outsiders. Some of the data were collected in Nepal during the fourteen-day trip to

Nepal, from 16-28 of February 2020. The field visit involved concise ethnographic observation and

the interview with the Kauraha performers.

4.4.1. Interview “Conversations are an old way of obtaining systematic knowledge” (Kvale, 2007, p. 5). The

term ‘interview’ is considered a recent phenomenon as it came into use about two hundred years

ago in the seventeenth century (Kvale, 2007). In the real sense, interviews are ‘interview’ and are

defined as the exchange of perspectives between two persons who converse about a subject of

common interest (Kvale, 2007).

In this study, an interview with various respondents randomly was carried out. The inter-

view’s key informants come from Magar communities itself and others outside Magar communities,

the informants outside of Magar communities under study, are Nepali folklorists, neighbouring vil-

lagers, village key persons. The age group of informants ranges from 17-52 years old.

In terms of structure, the interview conducted was semi-structured: predetermined open

questions to understand the life-world views of Magar people and different aspects of Magar’s

lived-experiences from Magars itself and as Magars experienced by outsiders such as neighbours,

folklorists, and people of other ethnic groups. The language of the interview is Nepali.

Additionally, the random and in situ inquiries dominated the planned sequenced of interview

questions, and as such, the random and informal conversations added valuable insight for the study.

4.4.2. Use of Social Media At present, due to the massive developments in the field of internet, communication, and

technology throughout the world, it is evident that we can communicate with different people in the

world from the corners of our room or where ever, and we can access many more useful resources

in the expense of our small effort and time.

30

Likewise, in academic research, the internet remarkably provides lots of useful avenues and

opportunities to search and gather information relevant to the study. The mainstream social media,

to mention a few, such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, serve as an information platform, but one

must be cautious about filtering factual information. Many people are now familiar with these plat-

forms, even in the context of rural Nepal; people are into Facebook and YouTube via smartphones,

computers, and laptops.

This study was primarily not concerned with using social media to collect data and informa-

tion for the study. However, the breakout of Covid-19, pandemic throughout the world influenced

the situation, and for that reason, the study used social media as a communication platform in

search of additional information from respondents.

4.4.3. Secondary Data The various books (excluding literature review) articles, excerpts from news, audio, videos,

websites, audio recordings, online forums like Facebook groups of Magar community, villages

served as the secondary data sources. Related documentaries about Kauraha and the Magar com-

munities were other sources of data collection. As already mentioned, the Magar communities were

explored highly by non-Magars than the native from the same community. In this regard, most of

the data gathered for this study’s purpose falls into the category of secondary data.

4.5. Ethics and Reflexivity To study a particular community, being an outsider, is challenging for many researchers. In

this situation, a researcher must be aware of different scenarios that he needs to face in search of his

queries. It is tough to get acquainted when the researcher does not familiarise himself with the

community’s traits. As there is a proverb, “When in Rome, do as the Romans do” ("Oxford Dictio-

nary of Proverbs," 2015, p. 269). This proverb showcases the importance of following the residing

or visiting localities’ conventions and is nearly related to active participant observation. It builds up

a rapport quickly even in the new environment during the stay or visit of the study area, and the re-

searcher can probe many insights from people if they find their guest’s inclination to their way of

life.

During this research, the researcher, kept reflecting on his position as a researcher studying

in a European university and visiting a rural location in Nepal, being a naive and native outsider in a

sense that a Nepali exploring outside his own community. It was a challenging job to face the com-

31

munity out of your context. The newly emerging debates about the ethnic identity in Nepal’s politi-

cal realm have given rise to identity debates at national and local levels. Though these debates have

been addressed to establish the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, its discontent can be experi-

enced from the views of different groups and people’s leaders.

In the personal experience gained from Nepal’s changes, the majority of ethnic minorities

and other ethnic groups became aggressive towards the castes: Brahmans and Chettris (irrespec19 -

tive of their status) and openly are blamed for taking benefit of the state and its resources. In such a

scenario, being a Brahman, studying in Europe becomes an unwanted person totally with the stereo-

types existing in the country: all Brahmans come from the ruling class; they all are clever and ex-

ploit other groups. These views are not from the people of the locality but are views generated by

people acting towards a political benefit of certain kinds on the same locality, which was not evi-

dent from the historical past in Nepal because people in Nepal remained in harmony and helped

each other in their social organisation.

Though preoccupied with these concepts beforehand, the I approached the sentiments of lo-

cal people with my long experiences gained from working in the National Trust for Nature Conser-

vation, Annapurna Conservation Area Project, where this I worked in a community infrastructure

development program, before opting for undergraduate studies in Kathmandu University, Depart-

ment of Music. Those villages were new to my context even, and I come from the same country.

Bhujung is a traditional Gurung village in northern Lamjung district in Nepal, where I stayed for

two years. Another is Lomanthang, a traditional Himalayan village situated near the Tibetan border

in the Northern part of Nepal, highly influenced by Tibetan culture. These two fields were different

from my bringing up in the locality of Pokhara Metropolitan. From my stay in these villages, I

gathered a personal experience that depended on my presentation to the community and behaviour

appropriate to the villagers’ norms. With due respect to the villagers, I tried to understand, immerse,

and feel their sentiments and underlying problems as my own. Therefor, from my experience, main-

tenance of ethics, in my opinion, is all about reflection, where there is a need to see every situation

as a two-way process, where giving and taking coincides.

In the process of this study and data collection, the local Magar people and others facilitated

and helped me a lot at the local level. However, few of the Magar researchers, with whom I tried to

They are called the ruling class from the viewpoint of other groups as Brahmans and Chettris are the majority in gov19 -

ernment, government employment, and bureaucracy.

32

establish communication via different mediums, phones, and emails, never responded for available

literature, resources and information.

The communication in each aspect was noted and recorded to the audio medium with the in-

formants’ oral consent. The interview’s language was Nepali as all the Magars of Tanahun under-

stand and interpret Nepali well, so there was no need for an interpreter and translators in the process

of my research.

33

Chapter Five 5.1. Ethnography of Magar People This chapter briefly introduces the area under study to resemble and contextualise Magar

people’s social life. In doing so, the chapter describes the geographical setting and environment,

demographic information of the area, social life and practices, livelihood and economic practices,

social structure, family and kinship, tradition, and culture of the Magars of Tanahun district.

5.2. Geographical setting and environment

Tanahun, the area under study comprises ten local administrative units, out of which four are

urban municipalities, and the remaining six are rural municipalities. These ten units are namely

• Bhanu municipality,

• Vyas municipality,

• Shukla Gandaki municipality,

• Bhimad municipality Bandipur rural municipality,

• Aanboo-Khaireni rural municipality,

• Devghat rural municipality,

• Myagde rural municipality,

34

• Rishing rural municipality, and

• Ghiring rural municipality

Damauli is the district headquarter of Tanahun (Kaski, 2018).

Tanahun is situated in the middle part of Nepal’s map, approximately 110 kilometres west

from Kathmandu, Nepal’s capital, and 19 kilometres east from Pokhara, headquarters of Gandaki

province. It is easily accessible via Prithivi (Kathmandu-Pokhara) Highway. It lies in between

83º50’ to 84º34’ east latitude and 27º34’ north longitude and borders with Chitwan and Gorkha dis-

trict to the East, Syangja district to the West, Kaski and Lamjung districts to the North and Palpa,

Chitwan and Nawalparasi districts to the South (Kaski, 2018) (see the map below).

Tanahun occupies 1546 square kilometres of Nepal’s total area, mainly in the country’s mid-

hill region. The area of cultivated land is 516.43 square kilometres, and the area suitable for cultiva-

tion is 650.61 square kilometres, forest area occupies 720.80 square kilometres, shrubs area occu-

pies 12.296 square kilometres, 13.68 square kilometres occupied by pasture area 22.17 square kilo-

metres, is occupied for residential purposes (Kaski, 2018).

Fig 1. Map of the study area showing new local administrative divisions . Source: Google image.

35

The district’s average rainfall is 1761 mm, with a maximum temperature recorded of 41 de-

grees Celsius during summer and a minimum of 3 degrees Celsius in the winter (Kaski, 2018). On

the East side of the district flow the Marshyandi and the Trishuli rivers whereas, the Kaligandaki

River in the Southern part of the district. The Madi and Seti rivers flow from the North towards the

South via Tanahun district.

5.3. Brief historical background of Tanahun It is challenging to trace the ancient history of Tanahun district and the arrival of Magars in

the area. According to Zurick (1989), the entire Himalayan region in ancient times was a place of

shelter for different cultures, which ran away from invading emperors to Western Nepal (Zurick,

1989) and settled there. Jumla falls in the Western part of Nepal, too, so this study agrees with

Hamilton (2009), who mentions that Jumla was conquered and ruled by the Sisaudhiya tribe’s

princes Chaturbhuja, after leaving Chitaur in and around the fourteenth century. Then from Jum20 -

la , his family spread to Tanahung and other parts of ancient Nepal (Hamilton, 2009, pp. 21-22). 21 22

Among the descendants of Jumla Kings, Mukunda Sen, the King of Palpa, made his third son, Bi-

hangga, the ruler of Tanahung (Hamilton, 2009, pp. 131-132).

Tanahung was one of the twenty-four petty states known as ‘Chaubisya Rajya’ before 23

Nepal’s unification; the mountains of Tanahung were inhabited by the Magar tribe and was ruled by

Magar chiefs similar to that of Palpa before the arrival of the Chaturbhuja descendants.

Later, Tanahung was united to Gorkha by Prithivi Narayan (Hamilton, 2009, pp. 182-186).

Tanahunng later inflected to Tanahun.

This brief history shows that Magars were already there, in Tanahun under the rule of Magar

chiefs, which seems justifiable with their present dominating population in an around Tanahun dis-

trict.

5.4. Demographic information of the Magars of Tanahun This section presents the demographic features. It comprises of Magar population, their eth-

nic composition, and physical distribution in Tanahun district.

Some writer mentions it as Chitauragadh, Rajsthan, but it is not clear from Hamilton's writings.20

Hamilton mentions Jumla as Yumila.21

Imansing Chemjong mentions it as Tanuhang (Chemjong, 1967).22

The twenty-four small states before unification to Gorkha. 23

36

- (Turin, 2007)

5.4.1. Population distribution The Magars have initially been the inhabitants of the twelve regions known as Bara Maga-

ranth that comprise all the hill areas of Lumbini, Rapti, Bheri, and Gandaki. At present, they inhabit

ranging from Tanahun, Kaski Syangja and Parbat district of Gandaki zone; Palpa, Arga-Khanchi,

and Gulmi of Lumbini zone; Myagdi and Baglung of Dhaulagiri zone; Rukum, Rolpa, Pyuthan and

Salyan of Rapti Zone; Dailekh and Jajarkot of Bheri zone; and Dolpa of Karnali zone. Magars are

also found in the hills and plains of East Nepal (Bista, 1967, p. 57), and now they have relocated to

the major urban centres too. The total population of Magars throughout the country is 1,887,733,

which is 7.1 percent of its total population (Statistics, 2011). The population of Magars is 199,896

in the Eastern region; 324,869 in the Central region; 821,530 in the Western region, 484,771 in the

Mid-Western region; and 56,667 in the Far-Western region (Statistics, 2014). 788,530 Magar people

use Magar language as their mother tongue.

The Magar population’s distribution pattern is the cause of eastward migration due to various

reasons such as the land being old and overcrowded in the West, searching for employment. As

skilled in masonry and carpentry, Magars migrated to different places. (Bista, 1967) . However, at

Figure 2: Ethnographic Map of Nepal original source : Gurung, 1996. As cited in Turin (2007)

37

present, this is not only the case as people migrate for different cases, for example, economic migra-

tion, for working to follow a career path; social migration for a better quality of self and family or

to live with family or friends; political migration due to the effect of political conflict or war; and

environmental causes like natural disasters such as flooding and landslides (BBC, 2020).

Tanahun district falls under the Western region of the country and the newly formed Ganda-

ki Province. The total population of Tanahu district is 323,288 and comprises sixty-five different

ethnic people. The population of Magars alone in Tanahun district is 87,078, which is 27 percent

out of the total population of the district, and 67,252 Magars use the Magar language as their moth-

er tongue (Statistics, 2014). Magar population in Tanahun is the highest of the sixty-five different

ethnic groups inhabiting in Tanahun. The population of Male and Female Magar is 38,160 and

48,918, respectively (Kaski, 2018). The table below shows that the Magar people highly dominate

the population in Tanahun.

The population of Magars in different municipalities of Tanahun district is summarised in the

table below (Kaski, 2018):

5.5. Magar people of Tanahun and their Social Structure The Magar people of Nepal, according to the manual published in 1944, H.R.K Gibbs, Ma-

jor of the British Army, states that the great Magar Tribe is classified into seven clans, namely: Ale;

Bura/Burathoki; Gharti; Pun; Rana; Roka and Thapa (Hitchcock, 1965b).

S. No. Municipality Total population Male Female Percentage of Magar

Rank

1 Aanboo Khaireni Rural Munici-pality

4747 2197 2550 22.9 1

2 Bandipur Rural Municipality 3722 1727 1995 18.6 2

3 Bhanu Municipality 3047 1302 1745 6.65 5

4 Bhimad Municipality 12870 5373 7497 41.04 1

5 Vyas Municipality 14135 6238 7897 20.10 1

6 Devghat Rural Municipality 5615 2595 3020 34.81 1

7 Ghiring Rural Municipality 9803 4121 5682 50.75 1

8 Myagde Rural Municipality 7175 3154 4021 31.89 1

9 Rishing Rural Municipality 16879 7300 9579 65.25 1

10 Shuklagandaki Municipality 8732 3821 4911 18.02 1

Fig.2 : Population of Magar people in different municipalities of Tanahun district.

38

Furthermore, Bista (1967) gives a detailed list of eighteen patrilineal clan divisions

or Thars of the common origin, subdivided into strictly exogamous descent groups. The number of

sub-clans or upa-thars is not equal in them, as some clans have many sub-divisions; others have 24

few (Bista, 1967). However, Baralmagar (1981) states that Magars are divided into eight significant

sub-castes, namely Shreesh, Pun, Rana, Thapa, Ale, Budhathoki, Roka, and Gharti (Baralmagar,

1981).

In the context of Tanahun district, the study finds three Magar sub-castes: Thapa, Ale, and

Rana only (from interview with informants). Thapa Magars are further sub-divided into twelve lin-

eages: Thanglami, Aslami, Pulami, Darlami, Rakaskoti, Birkatta, Sinjapati, Gaha, Saru, Ghyalang,

Fewali, and Sinjali. The Ale Magars are further subdivided into four lineages: Dudh, Fengdi,

Suryabansi, and Torchaki, and Rana Magars are sub-divided to Bhusal, Khasu, and Martu (Bista,

1967).

5.6. Magars of Tanahun and their Cultural Context Tanahun district’s culture is the consequence of the amalgamation of different ethnic groups

and their harmonious historical relation. There are altogether sixty-five ethnic groups currently re-

siding in the district (Kaski, 2018).

According to Hitchcock (1965), the Magars language falls on the Tibeto-Burman family because

Nepal’s Magars are claimed to be originated somewhere in the north, China, Tibet, or around Inner

Asia (Hitchcock, 1965a). The history of their origin is still not as straightforward as already men-

tioned.

Magars of Tanahun follow both Hindu and Buddhist religions. However, from the historical

past, all the ethnic groups integrated into a single nation, and the Hindu religion demanded to be

recognised by the state in accordance to their different cultural backgrounds, that became more ob-

vious after the 1990s revolution and further strengthened after the establishment of Nepal’s Federal

constitution in 2015. The recent political changes and the establishment of federal governments af-

ter 2015 gave all ethnic groups and culturally deprived groups an equal share in the country’s politi-

cal and economic and other resources. This scenario led all the Magars and other ethnic groups

throughout the country to be different from Nepal’s mainstream religion and culture. Its conse-

quences are seen and felt in the Magar communities of Tanahun district. So, now they consider

themselves to be Buddhist. However, controversy about being Hindus or Buddhists exists among

upa-means sub, and thars means clans in English.24

39

them. The data in table below, obtained from the district profile report (Kaski, 2018), shows that the

total number of people who follow the Hindu religion in the district is 86.5 percent, and as the pop-

ulation of Magars dominates the district, it can be analysed that still, the majority of Magars in the

district follow Hindu religion. So, the religious belief of the Magars of Tanahun is highly influenced

by Hindus. They worship the same gods and goddesses as Hindus—for example, Shiva, Vishnu,

Krishna, Ram, Ganesh, Laxmi, Durga, Saraswati. Today in Tanahun Magar communities, one can

find several Churches and Magar Christians too.

Moreover, Magars follow animism; they worship the land, idols, nature, and other supernat-

ural beings, their ancestors, clan deities, and the gods and goddess of hunting. Many Magars cre-

mate the dead bodies. However, some Magars bury the dead ones (Sinjali, 2011).

5.7. Livelihood and economic activities The livelihood and economic activities of the Magars of Nepal primarily rely on agriculture,

foreign employment, national and international military services, business, to name a few. The vari-

eties of crops are grown throughout the year. They grow rice in the wet fields whereas maize millet,

wheat, mustard in the dry terraced fields. Their economic activities also depend on keeping and

raising livestock such as pigs, goats, sheep, chicken.

S.No Religions Population Percentage Remarks

1 Hinduism 269,661 86.5

2 Buddhism 30,532 9.4

3 Islam 4,157 1.3

4 Kirat 35 0.0

5 Christanity 5,467 1.7

6 Prakriti 521 0.2

7 Bon 1,588 0.5

8 Jainism 1 0.0

9 Bahai 8 0.0

10 Unidentified 1,318 0.4

Figure: 2 Religion profile of Tanahun district

40

Numerous Magars had served and currently serving in Nepal Army, Nepal police, Indian

army and are well known as Gurkhas in the British Army, where they have reached a higher posi-

tion because of their braveness, honesty, and discipline (Bista, 1967). “In the two World Wars, half

the Nepalese holders of the Victoria Cross, Britain’s highest decoration for bravery, were

Magars” (Hitchcock, 1965, p.17). The salary and pensions from their various service, in return, are

a significant source of income, and as the consequences of such income, they are uplifting their

lifestyles and social conditions. The foreign employment in Indian cities and the Gulf countries also

contributes a remarkable share in their economy. At present, Magars are active in various sectors

such as business, education, government services, sports, arts, journalism due to the rapid urbanisa-

tion of their communities and surroundings’ The unstable political condition of Nepal forced the

youth for foreign employment and because of this reason, there is a reduction in agricultural prod-

ucts, most of the agricultural fields are left barren.

5.8. Family Structure

All the Magar communities of Tanahun district are patriarchal and patrilineal in structure.

The emphasis is based on the male line. A boy receives his lineage affiliation from the father and is

righteous to acquire all the property from his father. However, the daughter is righteous to acquire it

only in a condition her father is heirless (Hitchcock, 1965a). There are three types of families gen-

erally found in the Magar communities of Tanahun: nuclear family, joint family and extended fami-

ly. In Joint family there are grand parents, parents and their children living together. However, the

joint family are decreasing as a result of urbanisation.

5.9. Traditional aspects of Magar culture This section presents the general description of the various traditional aspects of Magar cul-

ture, as followed by the Magar people in their day-to-day rituals and ceremonies. Acculturation due

to historical processes and national integration is challenging to separate their culture from others.

The acculturation in Magar communities is the outcome of various historical processes,

which might be the close and harmonious contact with the Hindus, predominantly Brahman and

Chhetri, and their cultural influences over them pressured to adopt some aspects of it in their daily

life. The national integration of Nepal to the Hindu Kingdom and Nepali language as a national lan-

guage, during and after the time of Prithivi Narayan Shah, might have forced their views and under-

standing about Hindu religion and its ritual as something special to follow. In such a case, the Mag-

41

ar communities’ key persons in touch with national authorities or being a part of national politics

might have submerged themselves into Hindu ritual processes.

However, due to the political awareness in recent times, Magar people are trying to preserve

their traditional essence in some customary practices that are unique in themselves compared to the

tradition of Hindu Brahmans and Chhetris of the region. In Magar communities, one can observe

the following life cycle rituals and folk cultures.

5.9.1. Pregnancy and Birth Ritual In Magar tradition, when a woman conceives, the woman and her husband must not visit the

temple. One reason may be to avoid the accidents and the risks of miscarriage while visiting tem-

ples or climbing stairs up or down from the temples. The temples in Nepali villages are located at

the top of the hills or far away from the settlements. The husband of a pregnant woman must not get

involved in hunting or slaughtering the animals because he is also considered polluted, and the

slaughtering most often occurs for sacrifice to the gods, goddesses, and deities avoided in pollution.

The birth pollution begins three months before a child’s birth and ends during the naming ceremony

(Hitchcock, 1965). It is quite apparent in Hindu societies throughout the Indian sub-continent.

After the child is born, the mature midwife cuts the naval and showers the child. If the first

child is a son, the Chainti ceremony is carried out on the sixth day, but this ritual is not carried out 25

in the cases of baby girls or second sons. Ten days of birth, pollution is maintained by the thirteen

days-brothers (Tehra-dine daju bhai) . At this time, no religious ceremonies or rituals are per26 -

formed. The birth pollution ends as soon after the naming ceremony concludes (as cited in Sinjali,

2011).

Generally, in Magar societies, the naming ceremony is performed on childbirth eleventh (as

cited in Sinjali, 2011). The Brahman priest performs the rituals for a child’s naming ceremony as

per the Hindus belief system (read more in Hitchcock, 1965, p. 48).

In some Magar communities in Nepal, the naming ceremony is performed by the elder female rela-

tive and the Bhusal (Magar priest). Nowadays, Magar is considering Bhusals for it (Sinjali, 2011).

In some Magar communities, for example, Rishing and Ghiring in Tanahun, there is a tradition of

Chianti is the Sixth day after the birth of a child. According to Hindu tradition, the goddess of fortune is believed to 25

write the fortune of the child on that day.

According to Hindus, thirteen days, brothers are the lineages who need to mourn without consuming salt for thirteen 26

days, in case of the death of a person within the same family lineage.

42

‘Saratika Yahake’ in which the far-flung relatives are invited for the feast and ceremony to bless the

couple and their child along with the flowers, cash, or gifts of other kinds (Baralmagar, 1981).

5.9.2. Cho-Kaskey

The rice weaning ceremony, known as Cho-Kasky, is carried out when a baby boy gets six,

and the baby girl is about five months old. An astrologer, typically a Brahman priest, is invited to

determine the auspicious day to feed rice to the baby for the first time. Generally, the baby girl

(Kanya) of the same zodiac sign from the same lineage brothers feeds the child. However, in the 27

present context, the person to feed the child in Cho-Kaskey is also determined by the astrologer. The

thirteen different food items (My informants do not know the names of these thirteen items): are

prepared and kept over the leaves of Sal (Shorea robusta) or Banyan (Ficus benghalensis) (Sinjali,

2011). If the child is fed with the meat of Bhadrai (Grey-backed Shirke), in this ceremony, the child

is believed to be smart. Though Magar people eat pork, it is not fed to the child on that specific day.

A child’s cry during the weaning is considered auspicious, and if a child does not cry, it is consid-

ered inauspicious (Baralmagar, 1981). A huge feast is organised in wealthy families, and traditional

dances like Kauraha, Maruni, Sorathi are performed on that day (Sinjali, 2011).

5.9.3. Chewar The first hair shaving ceremony Chewar is conducted when a boy turns five years old. The

father’s sister, the son, nephew (or son-in-law) elder among all other nephews or son-in-law, is the

desired person to cut a boy’s hair. In Magar societies, the nephew is often a possible husband of the

mother’s brother’s daughter or vice versa because of the cross-cousin marriage system. However, it

may not be the case always, but the elder son-in-law has the priest’s role(Sinjali, 2011). Completing

this ceremony marks the new phase of a Magar boy as an adult who is legitimately obliged to per-

form other rituals in his life journey.

5.9.4. Ghanghar Yahakey 28

In most of the Magar and other ethnic communities, when the daughter turns five years old,

on odd-numbered year, with the auspicious date given by the astrologer, or priest, the ceremony for

It refers to the girl before her puberty.27

Also known as Gunyo choli ceremony. 28

43

gifting the daughter with the traditional costumes of Gunyo and Choli is organised. It marks her 29

coming of age or her transition from childhood to adulthood. Sinjali (2011) states that this type of

ritual is rarely seen nowadays (Sinjali, 2011). It is also not mentioned in the life cycle ritual of the

northern Magar communities (Khattri, 2010, pp. 111-128).

5.9.5. Marriage Ceremony Marriage is an important social institution in most societies and has biological and social

meanings. In a biological sense, it provides a chance for reproduction by legitimising the sexual re-

lationships between males and females. It brings two different families and their relatives to build a

new family (Khattri, 2010). Magar practices cross-cousin marriage most often. However, it is not a

compulsion. Arrange marriages, elopement marriages, widow marriage are also the preferred sys-

tem in the current context.

The arranged marriage is termed as ‘Lagnnya’ . Initially, the boy’s side goes to the probable 30

girl’s house with the ‘Dahi ko theki’ for the proposal, and if the girl’s side accepts the proposal 31

and keep that ‘Dahi ko theki’ with them, they send the girl with the boy. However, if not accepted,

there will be no marriage between them. As already mentioned, Magars typically follow cross-

cousin marriages; it can be assumed that the chances of rejection are negligible. When the girl is

permitted to go with her groom, a few days later, the ceremony of ‘Dhog Bhet’ is done. Dhog 32

Bhet is a formal introduction of both side relatives and blessing the couples with gifts in different

kinds of cash.

The love marriage is the most typical marriage type found in the Magar communities (Sin-

jali, 2011). The boy may take the girl according to her will but without her parents’ permission. If

the girl’s parents are unhappy, they may come to seize their daughter and take her home. In fright-

ening the girl’s family and supporters coming to seize their girl, a locally crafted barrel gun

(Bharuwa banduk) used to be fired by the boy’s side, which later established as a ritual to fire a gun

in the wedding (as cited in Sinjali, 2011).

Gunyo and Choli are the dress set typically worn by Magar ladies. Gunyo is a sari type Wrapped skirt, and Choli is a 29

traditional blouse

Derived from Lagna-Sanskrit word, the auspicious moment or time fixed as lucky to start or do something. 30

Curd vessels traditionally made of wood.31

Dhogh bhet is the Nepali word in a short form of 'Dhognu and Bhetnu' which means to touch the feet of respectable 32

ones, Dhognu and to Bhetnu means 'meet' on this occasion, the bride's relatives come to meet and introduce with the groom's relatives in the bride's house with presents and cash gifts.

44

On the observation of this study, presently, in most cases, there is no parents’ interference in

the boy or girl’s decision right in choosing their life partner. Firing a locally made gun is not a

common phenomenon; however, it is still observed in cultural ceremonies such as marriages and

considered a symbol of social statuses such as power and prosperity (Paudel, 2014).

The widow marriage is also accepted in the Magar communities. The boy’s side takes a pair

of chicken in the process to separate the clan of the widow. At this time, the chickens’ head is cut

and left to see where the fluttering chickens stay, to estimate the probability of the couple’s married

life (Sinjali, 2011).

5.9.6. Death Ritual In the death ritual in the Magar communities of Tanahun district, one can observe two cul-

tural influences: one from Buddhism and another from Hinduism. The dead body is cremated if

they follow the Hindu’s rituals of death and bury according to the Buddhism they follow. However,

many Magars in Tanahun cremate the dead body (Sinjali, 2011).

The procession of taking the dead body to its cremation is led by the Kutumba holding the 33

white cloth attached to bamboo sticks inclined vertically on the way. Most Magar people mourn for

thirteen days as per Hindu Brahmans and Chhetri. On the thirteenth day, the meat is served for the

death ritual fest, which is the difference from the Brahmans or Chhetris. In such a procession, the

priests are generally the Brahmans or sometimes the Magar Lama or Bhusal . In the Shamans or 34

Lamas’ death, they bury the dead body, and the death procession is carried out by playing musical

instruments like drums and horns. The books and personal belonging of dead Shaman or Lama’s are

buried with them; however, some Magars also give it to his descendant, if any (Sinjali, 2011).

5.10. Festivals and Celebrations The Magars of Tanahun observe various types of festivals throughout the year. One can ob-

serve both Hindus and Buddhists’ patterns in most of the Magar festival celebration of

the Tanahun Magars. Manghe Sankranti, Basanta Panchami, Chaite Dashain, Baisakh Purnima

(Buddha Purnima), Bhumi, or Bhunyaar, Saune Sankranti, Krishna Janmasthami, Teej, Dashain,

Tihar.

A connexion, a relation by the mother’s side, by marriage (https://www.wisdomlib.org/definition/kutumba)33

Magar priest is known as Bhusal. Some Brahamans people also have the surname Bhusal.34

45

Manghe Sankranti: The most prevalent Nepali festivals that are observed on the first day of

the tenth month: Magh, according to the Bikram Sambat Calendar, that falls mostly on fourteenth of

January each year in Gregorian Calendar. The time also marks the sun’s transit into Capricorn

(Makar) and the winter solstice (Post, 2020). Magar people consider it the most important annual

festival, and in 2009, the government of Nepal declared it a national festival of the Magar commu-

nity (Admin, 2015). In this section, the study presents the general description for the information

purpose regarding the festivals and celebrations in the Magar communities of Tanahun.

Before the beginning of the festival, generally a week or so, the Magar people congregate

various kinds of food materials, especially the yam from the jungle, newer clothes. The Magar

males keep themselves busy with archery game (Admin, 2015).

On the day of Maghe Sankranti , the Magar males go to take a dip in the river or streams 35

nearby, and after that, they worship the trees and putting ‘tika’ on their forehead; they drain few 36

coins in the river water with the belief that doing so will flow ones sin (Admin, 2015).

Soon, they return home to take special foods like yam, beaten rice, molasses, meat. In the evening,

they entertain sleeplessly with dancing and singing. They perform, Sorathi, Ghantu, Kauraha,

Jhabre, Maruni, and other folk dances (based on my communication with Nepali folklorist

Khanal).

On the other hand, Basanta Panchami: It is also an essential celebration in Nepal. According

to the lunar calendar, the fifth day of the tenth month is a day of Basanta Panchami; this relates to

the worshiping of the Saraswati, Goddess of Knowledge, as per the Hindu belief.

Likewise, Chaitra Dashain is also celebrated by Tanahun Magars as a festival. It is an im-

portant festival of the Hindus. The festival is celebrated in Chaitra: the last month of the Nepali

Calendar. Goddess Durga is worshiped during the celebration with animals sacrifices on the eighth

day of the lunar calendar called Asthami, and then on the ninth day (Navami): Lord Ram is wor-

shiped to celebrate the victory of good over the evil. The tenth day is celebrated by having blessings

and ‘tika’ from the elder ones in family and relatives.

Similarly, in Baishak: the first month of the Nepali calendar and on the full moon day of it,

lord Buddha’s birth is celebrated generally by the Buddhist Magars.

Sankranti is a first day of Month. 35

Rice grains mixed with curd or sometimes with red colour powder abir. 36

46

Bhumi pooja is celebrated on the first day of Aashad or Asar (Third month of Nepali Cal37 -

endar) as Magar believe themselves as the ‘Bhumi Putra’ , so they worship the earth, nature, and 38

environment on this day. This celebration is believed to save them and their habitat from natural

calamities: landslides and flooding, and bring favourable weather conditions for having a good

plantation and, in return, a good yield of harvest (Based on personal communication)

Saune Sankranti is the first day of the fourth month: Shrawn of Nepali calendar specialising

in resolving skin-related diseases. As per the Hindu belief, the god ‘Kandarak’ is worshiped and

called for taking up scabies or itches from the family (Patro, 2020). As Magars of Tanahun are ac-

culturated with the Hindus celebration, they also celebrate the festival.

Krishna Janmasthami: It falls on the day of the fifth month of the Nepali calendar on the day

of Ashtami (Eighth day in the lunar calendar). This day is celebrated as the birthday of Lord

Krishna, a dark-skinned god, a manifestation of Lord Bishnu in the Hindu religion.

Teej is one of the important festivals, especially for Hindu women and girls. The day of Teej

falls on the Bhadra (Fifth month Nepali calendar) and is celebrated for three days. The first day is

called ‘Dar Khane din.’ On this day, the delicious food and varieties are prepared and served to

daughters and sisters in general. On the second day, the women and girls keep fasting for the whole

day by worshiping lord shiva, and on the third day: Rishi Panchami, they worship various god and

goddesses. A few decades before, this festival was considered Brahmans and Chhetri women’s fes-

tival only; however, it is widely celebrated throughout the country.

Dashain is the main festival of Nepalese Hindu. It is celebrated for ten days during Sep-

tember or October every year, and the goddess Durga and her nine manifestations are worshipped

and on these nine days. The nine days of worship in Dashain festival is known as Navadurga Puja

along with animal sacrifices on the Asthami (eighth day), and In the tenth day, the ‘tika’ ‘Jamara’

and the blessings are received from elders of the family and relatives as well as neighbours.

Tanahun Magars positively celebrate Dashain though few exemptions exist. At the time of this the-

sis editing , many of my Magar friends were celebrating Dashain in Nepal (last week of October).

Tihar or Deepawali: Tihar is the second major festival of Nepalese Hindus and is highly cel-

ebrated by the Magars of Tanahun district too. The festival of Tihar runs for five days during Octo-

ber-November. The five days are known as Yama Panchak. Yama is the lord of death, and Panchak

is a group of five in Sanskirt. Some of the literature mentions the historical pieces of evidences that

Ritual worship of the Earth.37

Literally, son of the Earth. Also known as Bhume.38

47

the festival of Tihar originated from the time of the Kirat king of (Palpa)in Western Nepal 39

(Chemjong, 1967). However, at present most Magars celebrate Tihar like Hindus of the region.

The first day of Tihar is dedicated to the crow and known as Kag Tihar. Crow is worshiped, and

food is given. On the second day of Tihar, people worship dogs with flowers and garlands and give

them food. On the third day, people worship the cow, and on the same day, people worship the god-

dess of wealth and prosperity: Laxmi, in the evening with Deepawali lighting up their houses all

night in a belief for welcoming Laxmi to their houses. From this day onward till the fifth day, the

singing groups known as Bhailini or Deusire start going to different houses to perform Bhailini 40

and Deusire to collect financial and material gifts and bless the house owners and their families and

instead of it, they receive money and materials. The fourth day is Goverdhan Puja for worshiping

oxen; Goverdhan means oxen, and puja is to worship. On the fifth day, the ‘Bhai Tika’ celebration

concludes with worshiping and blessing brothers by their sisters and vice versa. They eat varieties

of delicious foods and exchange gifts in cashes or kind between brothers and sisters.

5.11. Folk Songs and Dances Magar culture is rich in its musical heritage. The different songs and dances such as Ghantu,

Oholi, Jhora, Nachang, Jhabrya, Phaguwi Kauraha, Juwar Geske Ratwali are their traditional

dances. Among these, some songs and dances such as Ghantu and Ratwali are the folk culture of

other communities. Ghantu belongs to the Gurung people, and the Newars of Bhaktapur also have a

melody called ‘Ghantu’ (Anynomous, 2020). The various songs have their corresponding dance and

tune (Shepherd, 1982). The following types of songs and dances play an essential role in the Magar

people’s life and their surroundings and are of functional significance. However, many of these

songs and dances are in extinction.

Ghantu: This dance is performed by two or three ten to eleven years old girls before puber-

ty, in the first month, i.e., Baisakh (April) of the Nepali calendar in both communities of Magars

and Gurungs. The Ghantu dance has religious significance. There are two important purposes of this

dance in Magar communities. One is to satisfy the mighty virgin goddess called ‘Mayu.’ Conse-

quently, the Magar people expect to receive blessings with rainfall for their crop fields. Likewise,

the dance’s second purpose is to train the girls to become good wives and mothers (Shepherd,

1982). On the first day of Ghantu’s performance, the girls need to dance without showing their

Indigenous people of Nepal. Magars are supposed as descendants of Kirat (Chemjong, 1967).39

See Chemjong (1967) for detail to know about the origin stories of Bhailini and Deusire.40

48

emotions or smiles; even the audience tease them (Shepherd, 1982). According to Nepali folklorist

Khanal, there are three types of Ghantu: Sati Ghantu, Baraimasa Ghantu, and Kusunde Ghantu in

practice ( personal communication with folklorist Khanal).

Oholi: This is a work song of the May-August season. It is a dialogic singing, one by the

boys and girls when they go to the group work or ‘porima’ in the fields (Hitchcock, 1965a). The 41

song intro or the first verse is sung in the deities’ name to have safety and blessings on that work,

and later they sing verses for their entertainment. When they return, the boys gather in the house of

the field owner and sing Oholi. One can observe Oholi’s performance during the ritual sacrifice

made for the rain (Shepherd, 1982). This type of dance is not prevalent in Tanahun Magar commu-

nities or maybe forgotten (based on my interview).

Jhora: This song is sung and danced during the fifth month: Bhadra (August-September) by

married women and lasts for 11 days and ends on Teej’s day. On the last day of it, young men served

bananas and curd for the women to eat. The themes of the song relate to food, drink, and clothes

(Shepherd, 1982). This type of dance is not observed at the moment; however, Teej is quite preva-

lent.

Nachang: This song and dance is performed from Bhadra to Poush (fifth month-nine

months of Nepali Calendar) and is based on the Hindu epic, Ramayana. Ram and Sita are imper-

sonated by two men as King Ram and Queen Sita and supported by drummers known as ‘Madale.’

They sacrifice a rooster to the god and a pair of pigeons to the ‘Mayu’ and the man playing the part

of Ram is called ‘Bijhabarya,’ he offers a rooster to Saraswati. Furthermore, each of the drummers

sacrifices roosters to gods, and each of the Maruni, the men playing the role of Sita, sacrifice hen

(Shepherd, 1982). According to Nepali folklorist Khanal, this dance has several names such as

Nachang, Sorathi, and Maruni, as performed in different parts of Nepal (based on personal commu-

nication). Additionally, some scholars suggest that Sorathi dance is a derivation from Maruni dance

(Shah, 2014).

Jhabura: It is a popular Nepali folk song, and its corresponding rhythm is called Jhyaure

taal 6/8 meter (Stirr, 2015) and the primarily a song and dance of courting where the boys and girls

compete with one another in a dialogic singing (Shepherd, 1982). A two-way process. There is no

typical occasion or time of the year to perform Jhyaure. However, Shepherd (1982) mentions in his

study of the Magars that Jhabre/Jhayure dance is performed by the Magars, from Kartik to Magh,

i.e., seventh month - the tenth month of Nepali calendar (Shepherd, 1982). The name of Jhabrya

Hitchcock mentions the words ‘Porima’ as lending an arm (Hitchcock, 1965). In the rural context of Nepal, the 41

wages are not paid in cash but are the form of exchange labor.

49

varies from one Magar communities to another. Some communities name it Jhamar, ‘Jha’ means

floor, and ‘mar’ means ant, to dance on squatting almost attached to the ground like an ant attached

to the floor and Jhabura where ‘Jha’ means floor and ‘bura’ means dust, dancing in revolving fash-

ion to make dusting in the floor (based on an interview with Harka Ale Magar).

Phaguwi: This dance is performed during the month of Falgun and on the full moon day

(Shepherd, 1982) during the celebration of Phagu-Purnima (Holi Purnima). The celebration of Ph-

agu Purnima is highly observable in the Terai and Hill regions of Nepal. The dancing and singing in

connection to this festival are not evident in the Magar communities of Tanahun. However, people

perform various types of dances, such as modern, folk, or popular dances for entertainment purpos-

es nowadays.

Kauraha: The typical performance time of Kauraha dance is the Monsoon (Barsha Ritu),

autumn (Sharad Ritu), and the pre-Winter (Hemanta Ritu) seasons. These three seasons are the six

months of the Nepali calendar, starting from the third to the ninth month, i.e., Ashad, Shrawan,

Bhadra, Ashoj, Kartik, and Mangsir, respectively. It is s the most celebrated dance in the Magar

communities of Tanahun (detail in chapter 6).

Juwar Geske: A typical call and response singing highly popular in every Nepali-sphere is

currently Dohori, which in Magar terms is called Juwar Geske. In this type of performance, the

team of boys and girls compete spontaneously by responding to the opponent’s questions, and if one

team is unable to respond to that stanza, it loses the game.

Ratawali: In arranged marriages, singing and dancing in the groom’s house on the day of his

wedding, and after the bridegroom and his invitee process for bringing his bride. The female rela-

tives and neighbours gather in the bridegrooms’ house and start singing and dancing until the bride-

groom and invitees return with the bride. So sometimes the ratawli lasts for the whole day and

night. A few decades before, the men were strictly forbidden to observe the dance; however, nowa-

days, the men also join when they return to the bridegroom and start dancing and singing together.

According to Shepherd (1982), if men observe the dance, they can be severely beaten, the women

dramatise various married life scenes, often using vulgar themes by depicting husband and wife

(Shepherd, 1982).

50

Chapter Six 6.1. Kauraha 42

In Nepali culture, Kauraha is a distinct type of entertaining folk musical performance, well-

liked throughout the country. It is a typical practice among the Magar communities inhabiting main-

ly in the mid-hill areas of Tanahun, Syangja, Palpa, and Nawalparasi districts of Western Nepal

(Bandhu 1998, as cited in Neupane, 2013). Some folklorists identify Kauraha as the ancient folk

dance of Western Nepal (Neupane, 2013), in which a group of males sings and females dance in the

accompaniment of Khainjadi. At present, Kauraha is based on call-response singing or “dialogic, 43

conversational sung poetry, that brings neighbours and strangers together, within frameworks of so-

cial exchange and negotiations of status” (Stir, 2017). Neupane (2013) mentions that in Kauraha,

Magar males typically sing and play musical instruments such as Khaijandi and Jhurma, and un-

married females dance (Neupane, 2013).

Also known as Kauda, Kaura, Kanraha and other different deflections. 42

From interview with informants, and analysis of few contemporary Kauraha songs.43

Fig.3 : Typical setting for contemporary Kauraha performance in Tanahun Photo: Bhuwan Singh Thapa Magar (used with permission).

51

The above definition, Kauraha, can be summed up as a musical dance sung and danced by

the Magar males and females in the accompaniment of the Khainjadi in the social gathering among

Magar people and neighbourhoods in different venues from rural cultural setting to the urban

stages. It transcends the boundaries of Magar social gatherings. One can observe Kauraha in differ-

ent cultural settings: ranging from movies to commercial platforms on national and international

stages and showcased as cultural heritage for tourism promotion in Magar homestays. From the dif-

ferent scenarios of performances, the definition of Kauraha is broadening. Concerning ethnomusi-

cology, this study defines Kauraha as a social performance of Magar culture that instills the sense

of Magar identity individually and collectively.

6.2. Etymology of Kauraha In the origin of the word Kauraha, there are various kinds of folk tales. Folklorists Bhattarai

mentions the term ‘Pani Kuruwa’ (as cited in Neupane, 2013) where the term pani means water

and kuruwa means, a person waiting for something or someone.’ In this case, a person who is wait-

ing to fetch water. This term relates to the scarcity of drinking water in the rural life of Nepali peo-

ple. According to the story, in the old days, the males and females who waited for their turn to fetch

water in the distant streams/well/tap or tiny water sources started singing songs to entertain them-

selves in the long queue. Therefore, this type of song might have been termed as Kuruwa that later

deflect to Kauraha (as cited in Neupane, 2013).

Similarly, according to another story, Kauraha is derived from the Magar word Kanraha,

which means ‘We Came’ in the Magar language (Hami Aayaun in Nepali). In those days, in the rur-

al life of Magar people, the groups of Magar youths, after their daily peasantry hard work used to

visit their neighbouring village in the evening for entertaining themselves with singing and dancing,

and as soon as they reach near to one of the villager’s houses, they signal their arrival by beating

the Khainjadi and singing. Therefore, the singling of their arrival ‘Kanraha’ later transformed

into Kauraha (Shrestha, 1996).

Furthermore, the third folktale suggests that the very young boys and girls performed the

dancing and singing, for which the dance termed Kattowa, which relates to the performers’ immatu-

rity. The dancing and singing denoted that callow youths’ performance later deflected from Kat-

towa to Kauraha (Baralmagar, 1981).

52

6.3. Time of Kauraha Performance In the old days, Kauraha was strictly prohibited from performing during the Monsoon (Bar-

sha Ritu), autumn (Sharad Ritu), and the pre-Winter (Hemanta Ritu) seasons. These three seasons

are the six months of the Nepali Calendar starting from the 3rd to the 9th month, i.e., Ashad,

Shrawan, Bhadra, Ashoj, Kartik, and Mangsir, respectively. The reasons behind this prohibition are

various; however, one of the informants mentions that the other remaining months are for other dif-

ferent folk songs and dances (based on the interview with Padam Kumar Thapa). However, these

seasons are mainly associated with paddy planting, irrigating, weeding out, and manuring the paddy

fields until the harvest is ready at the end of autumn and pre-winter. So, monsoon time does not

seem appropriate for visiting neighbouring villages for the performance of Kauraha because of the

problematic wet, muddy, slippery terrain. During pre-winter, the busy harvest days mark a non-ap-

propriate timing associated with Kauraha performance.

6.4. Performance Procedure Kauraha has its own procedures of performance. It generally starts from the day of Maghe

Sakranti (tenth month of Nepali calendar) that falls on mid of January according to the Gregorian

calendar or from Basanta Panchami/Shree Panchami (somewhere between January-

February) ends on the day of Ashad (in June-July) Purnima: a full moon day on the third month of 44

Nepali calendar.

In social rituals and festivals, the Kauraha performance begins with the Kauraha guru’s in-

structions. Kauraha guru starts invoking gods and goddesses and all the deities of the community.

Neupane (2013) finds this form of invocation highly popular in Palpa and Rishing-Ghiring

of Tanahun district. The guru starts the prayer, and other singers follow him. In some places, Ra-

mayan and Mahabharat hymns are sung during this session (Neupane, 2013). At the same moment,

the females dance circumambulating the Waapa , which they continue in different festivals from 45

Maghe Sakranti to Ashad Purnima. In the closing ceremony of the Kauraha, the Magars worship

their deities like Sime Bhume, Mandali, Jalkanya, Bai, Kulayan, Sehe, Behe, Baje Baraju, different

gods and goddesses. All the singers and dancers get together. They collect all the khaijandis accord-

ing to the direction of the Kauraha guru, and after the ritual offering of ghee in the fire and tanning

the skin of the Khainjadi in the same fire; they take an oath not to sing and perform Kauraha before

It depends on ‘Tithi’ Lunar day, so it is movable. 44

A Magar priest. 45

53

the next Maghe Sankranti or Shree Panchami (Shrestha, 1996). After this, the formal closing occurs

when they separate from each other. Such ritual performances have been rare in the present context;

there are no obligatory restrictions of time, places, and situations.

In detail, the procedure can be divided into the following three steps, which are discussed

below:

a) Awakening of goddess Saraswati (Goddess of knowledge in Hindu Religion)

b) Singing Kauraha

c) Ending or closing of Kauraha performance

a) Awakening of Gods and Goddesses:

Awakening of Saraswati/Prayer song or Devotional song/Bandhan line:

To avoid any hindrance from supernatural objects, the Kauraha guru starts to recite names of all the

local deities, gods, and goddesses within musical recital of devotional Kauraha. This process is

known as Saraswati Jagaune (Neupane, 2013). This process is also known as the Bandhan line

(Shrestha, 1996). Bandhan is an inflection of the word Bandana, which means devotion to gods,

goddesses, and the deities. The lyrics excerpt of the Saraswati Jagaune Kauraha song is presented

below as performed in different parts of Tanahun.

ha ha parcham hami timrai sarana, yesai gaunka devi deuta, hamro rachhya garana,

parcham hami timrai sarana yesai gaunka devi deuta hamro rakchaya garana,

parcham hami timrai sarana, ha ha parcham hami timrai sarana,

ha ha parcham hami timrai sarana, 46

  The exact length of this devotional singing is not mentioned because it fully depends on the

names of the gods, goddess and the deities Kauraha guru can remember. However, it is important 47

to mention the names of dominating gods, goddesses and the deities at the time of performance.

Saraswati’s awakening symbolises the goddess of knowledge or musical performance, and people

believe that all kinds of knowledge are bestowed upon people by goddess Saraswati.

Traditional composition as documented by Neupane (2013)46

Guru : Instructor or teacher.47

54

b. Kauraha Singing

After the awakening of the Saraswati, the awaiting Kauraha singing and dancing starts. The

group of male singers (around 5-10 persons, no specific number is required but generally odd num-

bers) and unmarried female dancers, dressed in typical Magar costume: Cholo, Lungi, Yellow

Patuka and Ghalek , ornaments such as Madwari in the ears; Bulanki and Phuli on the 48

nose; Haar-silver coin or gold coin necklace; Pote-yellow or green beads with tilhari-gold

cylinder; Jantar, Dhungri, Phul and Kantha, glass or gold bangles as well as Sirbhandi, Sirfula and

Chandra on the head. The male singers wear Kachhad, Bhoto, and askot and sit parallel to the 49

dancing floor on a hay mattress or mattress of similar kinds or locally woven woollen carpets (as

Cholo: Colourful blouse, Lungi, Fariya: A long skirt, Patuka: Yellow cloth wrapped around the waist, Ghalek: draped 48

shawl like fabric, also Pachauri or Majhetro.

Kachhad- similar to loincloth., Bhoto- Shirt, Askot- Waistcoat. 49

55

per the setting and availability) laid by the female dancers. The male singers accompany themselves

with the Khainjadi. One singer opens up the intro with the rhythm of Khainjadi and singing sylla-

bles ha ss along with it, and others follow among the singers

ha ha nani ta raicheu hamrai damali, kahan ho nani ghar timro, kahan ho maiti mavali ,

ha ha nani ta raicheu hamrai damali kahan ho nani ghar timro kahan ho maiti mavali,

Nani ta raicheu hamrai damali ha ha nani ta raicheu hamrai damali ha ha nani ta raicheu hamrai damali

- (Traditional, 2009)

56

The rhythmic music creates excitement for the female dancers to come on the performance

floor. Moreover, as soon as they start singing, the dancers humbly present themselves with the ges-

tures as per the rhythmic variation and gradual increase in the tempo. In this way, they perform

Kauraha annually in between from Mage Sakranti (1st day of the 10th month.i.e. Magh of Nepali

calendar) or Shreepanchami and close in Ashar (3rd month of Nepali Calendar) Purnima, a Full

Moon Day in Ashar. after Six months (Baralmagar, 1981).

c. Closing of Kauraha performance:

The ending of the Kauraha performance is known as Kauraha

Bisaune or Kauraha Selaune in Nepali, which means the closing of Kauraha singing and dancing.

There are two kinds of Kauraha closing ceremony as per the Magar tradition. One is a regular or

daily closing ceremony, and another is the Annual closing ceremony. The music notation and

melody are the same; however, the words are different.

57

In a daily closing ceremony, with a tentative schedule towards ending the performance, the

unmarried female dancers serve the singers with delicious food and then the singers, as per their

ability to give cash gifts or goods. Then after, the Kauraha singer starts singing the farewell Kaura-

ha and the female dancers express those emotions through dancing the lyrics such as:

ha ha ke dinchau nani samjhana, hey nisthuri maya le chadi gayo Nabahna

Ha ha ke dinchau nani samjhana hey nisthuri Maya le chadi gayo nabahna

ke dinchau nani samjhana ha ha ke dinchau nani samjhana

ha ha ke dinchau nani samjhana 50

However, in the annual Kauraha performance’s closing ceremony, all the singers and dancers

come together with their Khainjadi and Jhurma. They put all their instruments together. Remember-

ing all the gods and goddesses and local deities, they offer Dhup (offering of ghee to fire), lit locally

made cotton illuminations, and take oath for not performing and entertaining Kauraha before

Maghe-Sakranti or Shree Panchami.

   6.5. Structure of Kauraha lyrics Shrestha (1996) asserts that the very few folk literature experts like Keshar Jung Baralma-

gar, Chuda Mani Bandhu, Dharma Raj Thapa, Hanspure Subedi, Chabilal Thapa Magar has named

Kauraha as a “chudke royla” consisting of three lines with eight syllables in the first line with rests

at 2-2-2-2; seven syllables in the second line with rests at 2-2-3 and nine syllables in the third line

with rests at 2-2-2-2-3. For example : 51

Du-bai, bai-ni, Go-le-ni-ko (8 syllables)

Eu-tai, bar-na, pa-re-ko (7 syllables )

Mai ma-ya-le jhan-dai ma-re-ko (9 syllables)

Nevertheless, in singing, rests exist at the ending of each phrase or line or following the

eighth, seventh, and ninth syllables. Short syllables are sustained. (See the musical transcriptions

above)

These lyrics provided by the informant, Harka Ale, during the interview. 50

This example is as mentioned in Shrestha (1996). 51

दु-बै, बै-िन, गो-ले, नी-को, एउ-टै, वर्-ण्, प-र-ेको, मै-मा, या-ले, झन्-डै, म-र-ेको,

58

6.6. Types of Kauraha Songs There are different types of Kauraha songs; however, some of the Nepali folklorists mention

that there are two types of Kauraha as short melodic Kauraha and long melodic Kaurahada (Neu-

pane, 2013). Other folklorists divide it into Old Kauraha and New Kauraha (as cited in Neupane,

2013). However, this study agrees, for now, with the following types of division based on the lyrical

content or wordings expressed, suggested by Shrestha (1996), as more accurate to understand Kau-

raha.

Devotional or Prayer Songs: The songs to evoke various gods, goddesses, local deities, and

clan gods. They are specially performed on the occasions of festivals and rituals and before begin-

ning Kauraha performance for entertainment purposes.

Entertaining Songs: The lyrical content of such Kauraha bases on the expressions of feel-

ings of attachment and love affairs, suspicion, sarcastic, and humorous.

(a) Suspicious: Expression of doubt about something or the love affairs, for example, a

girl with unique ornaments such as finger rings, her lover doubts that a rich man from

the village has proposed her.

(b) Indicative: Indirect expression of something or situation, for example, a man already

married is trying to persuading a new girl to marry; the girl, via singing, expresses that

she will be disliked and beaten by his wife.

(c) Sarcastic: Expression of sarcasm, for example, a girl with a wealthy lover, leaving

him for a poor man. In such a case, her great future’s ironic image ahead is expressed

from a wealthy lover’s view point.

6.7. Kauraha performance scenario By playing khainjadi, all start singing initial ha ss ha ss syllables together as the part of the

song to tune the vocal pitch. The leader sings the first verse starting from the third line slowly, and

the chorus repeats it at the same tempo, and again the leader starts the verse from beginning to the

third line in slow tempo, which later increases and all starts to sing the verse on faster tempo. Then

the females dance following the same manner of the tempo. At the closing of each verse, they touch

the khainjadi and salute it. Again, the leader starts another verse on the same theme and continues

59

till they wish to sing or dance.

6.8. Transformation in Kauraha

Transformation in Kauraha is crucial to understand as it helps determine its prospects and

survival. The consequences of transformation in overall aspects of culture are inevitable and true for

music too because music is a part of the culture. In this notion, the Magar communities’ cultural

transformations are directly proportional to that of Kauraha. As these transformations are in-

evitable, it is more significant to search for the fundamental way in which our culture and the music

within it survive for the future. The social acceptance of various transformations in culture plays a 52

vital role in making Kauraha a widespread practice of Magar people.

Before the urbanisation in Nepal, the context of Magar culture and its patterns differed from

their present context, and Magars were almost isolated from other communities. The rural peasantry

society of Magar people was based on herding and agriculture for subsistence. After urbanisation,

Magar’s rural lifestyle witnessed changes as the income generated from the various national and

international employment, business, and craftsmanship proved an alternative means of subsistence.

It helped Magars to change their traditional way of living. Following the urbanisation, enculturation

and acculturation also affected their cultural patterns.

In the context of this study, it is tough to figure out the originality of Kauraha because it is a

product of Magar culture, and the history of Magar culture and the origin of Magar people is still

obscure (Shepherd, 1982). In such a context, to understand the changes, Kauraha, before the urban-

isation of Magar communities, needs to be compared with the present context of Kauraha perfor-

mances. Therefore, as per the information gathered from the interviews, analysis of the texts, and

own personal insights into the Magar culture and Kauraha, the following types of transformation

are noticeable in an association of Kauraha and its performance.

a. Changes in the timing of performance:

It was necessary to follow and strictly adhere to the yearly calendar and specific timing for

traditional performances. Kauraha performance used to open and close on specific days of the year.

It used to start from the day of Maghe Sakranti (tenth month of Nepali calendar) that falls on mid of

January according to the Gregorian calendar or from Basanta Panchami/Shree Panchami (some-

Murdock (1956) as cited in (Merriam, 1964) mentions that transformation in culture starts with innovation and be52 -

comes standard or universal practice if accepted by the members of a culture.

60

where between January-February) ends on the day of Ashad ( in June-July) Purnima: a full moon

day on the third month of Nepali calendar.

b. Changes in the performance venue and boundaries:

Kauraha was solely performed within the boundaries of Magar communities and on the so-

cial periphery of Magar people. The performers and the audiences all come from the same commu-

nity, and primarily the venue used to be a neighbouring Magar village. Now Kauraha is celebrated

outside the boundaries of Magar communities, such as Gurungs, Dura, Darai communities. Kaura-

ha even penetrates the international programs in Hong-Kong, the United Kingdom, the USA, and

other countries (Ale, 2016).

c. Changes in the status of performers:

In the past, dancers were strictly unmarried females; however, this is not a compulsion in the

present context. There is no restriction of age and the marital status of the female dancers. In the

case of Magar communities, as discussed before, the love marriage was the most typical type of

marriage in the Magar communities (Sinjali, 2011). For this reason, there was a compulsion to have

unmarried girls as dancers in order for a mature boy to find his prospective wife from the venue of

the Kauraha performance, which is not reliable for the present. At present, there is no confinement

based on the marital status of female dancers.

d. Changes in patterns of consumption:

With the development of digital technologies and the rise of digital media, people in differ-

ent communities in Nepal are producing the movies and materials of ethnic interests such as

movies, music videos, and documentaries related to their culture. These types of materials are now

disseminated mainly from popular media such as YouTube and Television. This digital awareness

brought various changes in consumption patterns, which has tried to depict the traditional Kauraha

to the larger audiences dispersed throughout the country and Magar diasporas worldwide. Nowa-

days, Kauraha dance has been a significant attraction for national and international tourists interest-

ed in Magar culture, and it has helped local Magar people generate income.

e. Changes in the outfits of performers:

61

According to the information, female dancers’ typical costumes are modified from extended

ankle hiding wrapped skirts to shorts above the knee, which signifies vulgarity and is against the

Magar tradition’s norms.

f. Changes in instrumentation:

Establishment of state-owned Radio Broadcasting Organisation: Radio Nepal, in 1951, gave

a way to record and develop folk songs in Nepal’s context The incorporation of elaborate instru-

mental textures of various instruments, Bansuri, Madal,

Sarangi, Guitar, bass guitar, violin, and mandolin over the traditional melody of songs, also helped

transform folk songs, their original essence (Henderson, 2003). Hence, most of the recordings of

folk songs like Kauraha are multi-layered with modern electronic instruments. In the context of

present Kauraha songs, as incorporated in the Magar movies, audio recordings, music videos are

multi-layered.

6.9. Institutionalisation and transmission of Kauraha

Institutionalisation initiates and manages individuals’ societal behaviour within an entire

society or a human organisation (Keman, 2017). Keman (2017) suggests that the process of institu-

tionalisation requires at least three actions: installation, adaptation, and reforming of social conven-

tions or rules (Keman, 2017).

In the context of Kauraha, folk culture or traditions of similar kinds, the installation process

initiated to form an institution is not apparent, however, from the point of “rational choice theory:

the assumption that individuals choose a course of action that is most in line with their personal

preferences” (Amadae, 2017, p. 1). It is justifiable that, through the aural, oral medium, Kauraha

became established as an “institution: any organised element in a society” (Williams, 1985, p. 169)

of Magar people. Kauraha and its survival as “a performing arts tradition depend on its transmis-

sion from one person or group to another” (Blacking, 1990, p. 20).

Though, Kauraha institutionalised traditionally in the past, with the aural and oral transmis-

sion, at present, with the urbanisation of rural societies and the influence of globalisation, the

younger generation of the Magar communities in the study area are remarkably unaware about their

culture and the elements associated with it, such as folk dances and rituals. This situation is daunt-

ing to the Magar intellectuals and the stakeholders. Therefore, they are trying to aware Magar peo-

ple about their cultural roots and identity (Ale, 2016). This awareness has rapidly developed after

recent political reforms in Nepal that focused on multicultural aspects of ethnic diversity. In this

62

situation, to be distinguished from other groups of people in the country, the Magar group started

following their cultural practices (S. T. Magar, 2014)

Additionally, there is a conscious focus on preserving their cultural heritage, revitalisation

their folklores, and awareness associated with it. At present, the Magar people focus on the institu-

tionalisation and transmission of Kauraha to the future generation. So, in the history of Magar peo-

ple for the first time, the two days Kauraha conference titled: Pratham Rashtriya Maulik Kauraha

Nritya Sammelan was held on May 28-29, 2016 in Damauli, Tanahun district, Nepal that elected 53

Harka Bahadur Ale (One of my informant) as a coordinator of the intellectual group along with the

stakeholders such as Magar folk artists, dancers and concluded with twelve-point proclamation in-

cluding Kauraha and its origin, etymology, types, costumes, processing, Kauraha, geographical

area, popularity among other groups of people, Kauraha and specialty, social importance, state’s

responsibility, research, and management.

The conference stressed comprehensive studies, research management, and awareness to

preserve the traditional aspects of Magar culture along with the Kauraha and other dances.

First National Original Kauraha Dance Conference. Maulik in Nepali means — original, real, authentic in English, a 53

problematic term here because no one knows how it in the past was. In my opinion, the traditional instead of original is

a proper term to be used and I prefer traditional over original.

63

Chapter Seven Discussions

7.1. Functions of Kauraha Music in Magar Society        The concepts of musical activities, such as practices, performances, and music sound pro-

duction, generate every society’s music system (Merriam, 1964). People’s musical concepts repre-

sent how they organise their music, to understand its meaning within its pragmatic realm in that so-

ciety (Merriam, 1964). Even though verbal and non-verbal concept exists, it needs to be understood

and analysed from people’s experiences in that society (Merriam, 1964). Therefore, it is crucial to

understand the music’s nature and its integration into society (Merriam, 1964).

Furthermore, in understanding the nature of music, it is essential to understand the ideational

phenomena as suggested by Elwell (2013), which comprise the ideologies, norms, values, religious

beliefs as well as other symbolic things every member of society carry in their head from their

childhood and further enhanced throughout their lives in connection with other members. For ex-

ample, the shared sense of belonging to a group, view about the world, and their role in society,

do’s, and don’ts. As Elwell (2013) suggested, These materials, structural and ideational phenomena,

were the skeleton of all human societies since primordial time. The lack of any one of these phe-

nomena affects one another as well as the whole sociocultural system (Elwell, 2013).

Therefore, the concepts of production and performance of Kauraha and the songs found in

almost all cultures worldwide are pragmatic and utilitarian in the sociocultural system’s proper

functioning. Music manifests the sense of belonging to a group as it functions towards a communal

objective in society. The various emotions, discontent, happiness, and sorrow are related to the so-

ciocultural system, and music is associated with activities such as works, life cycles, lullabies, pu-

berty, greetings, love affairs, marriage, and funeral (Merriam 1964).

Likewise, as this study suggests, Kauraha as a musical medium originated from its pragmat-

ic and utilitarian manifestations, which is the consequence of remote rural conditions of a day to

day hardship encountered by Magars (Shepherd, 1982) ideational phenomena (Elwell, 2013).

Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, Hitchcock (1965) describes the various genres like Rod-

hi, Kahaura, Jhabre, Nachari, and Ghantu prevalent in the Magar community and their link with

agricultural fieldwork of particular seasons of the year. There are songs for other special occasions

like marriage ceremony, religious ceremonies, festivals like Dashain and Tihar (Hitchcock, 1965a).

Each song has its melody patterns and a dance accompaniment, denoted by the same name, and

every song with their dance mark a particular season or time of the year (Shepherd, 1982) driven by

64

the Magar ideologies, norms, values, religious beliefs, and other symbolic elements that they carry

from childhood lives interconnected with their fellow members.

Moreover, Kauraha serves as a daily entertainment in Magar people’s life and functions as

the social communication platform. Magar people meet and share their emotions through musical

interaction after their daily peasantry hardships (Shrestha, 1996). Besides, Kauraha serves as an

essential element in the life rituals like birth, wedding, and religious functions within the Magar

community, without which, such rituals and religious ceremonies are incomplete (Informant inter-

view). Therefore, such utilities of Kauraha signifies that Magar people’s social activity represents

their concepts of sound’s organised production (Merriam 1964) for its pragmatic functions. Hence,

this study explores and discusses the functions of Kauraha from the perspectives of Merriam (1964)

and various scholars.

Emotional Expression

Many scholars conclude that the music functions broadly and on different levels as a medi-

um for emotional expressions, and the song texts express ideas and emotions which are not mani-

fested by ordinary conversation (Merriam, 1964). So, It is vital to understand the platform and sce-

nario of Kauraha performance. The boys from one village go to another village after the hardships

of their peasantry work where they play the Khainjadi along with singing Kauraha song, to signal

and awaken the girls, then after, the girls welcome the boys. The Kauraha performance begins, the

boys sing, and girls start dancing to the rhythm of the Khainjadi in a social gathering; the sponta-

neous wordings express the various feelings of affection, belonging, discontent, and disappoint-

ment. For example, when the boys signal with Kauraha song to the dancing girls a will to marry

and take her home, the girls disobey it, and in this situation, the boys feel discontent and express it

by singing. These feelings of love and affection, discontent and disappointment, and the many at-

tempts to persuade the girls are the emotions manifested via Kauraha performance.

Aesthetic Enjoyment

Kauraha performance is mostly youth-oriented and is performed in social gatherings of vil-

lagers so all the Magar people, no matter what their age, enjoy and participate in the Kauraha

singing and dancing. Expression of pleasant emotions in the Kauraha songs and the romanticised

wordings of love and affection boys wish to marry, and mocking of the boys by the girls creates a

humorous environment that enhances the level of aesthetic enjoyment to the performers and the au-

diences. Therefore, the song displays cheerfulness, happiness, and celebrations (Shrestha, 1996). In

65

such a scenario, Kauraha lures Magars and other neighbouring people and provides an aesthetic

enjoyment that transcends the ordinary life.

Entertainment and Communication

In Kauraha, the ladies pull the boys randomly to the dance floor, and they are obliged to

dance in the style of the boy; if the boy is not a good dancer, the girls imitate those gestures of the

boy and follow his styles of dancing, this scene provides a unique entertainment to the audiences

and participants and one of the interviewees, stresses that this is the specialty of Kauraha perfor-

mance (Interview with Deepak Thapa). The Kauraha singers and dancers communicate via the lyri-

cal expression of their feelings that transcends ordinary experiences. As there is no obligation on

performers’ status, no matter their age, married or unmarried can establish communication with the

female dancers and express his love and affection, which may not be possible in regular communi-

cation.

Symbolic Representation

The idea of semiotics by Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914) comes to be an appropriate

lens in analysing the symbolic functions of the music. He views a sign as anything that creates cer-

tain effects when perceived by an observer and his/her imagination. Hence, the sign situation has

three facets (a) sign or sign vehicle, (b) object (c), and effect (as cited in Turino, 2008). In such cas-

es, Kauraha is a sign, as perceived by Magar observers, that creates physical, emotional, and cogni-

tive responses. For example, when a sound generated from the Khainjandi awakens the girls and

draws them to the dance floor, they understand the symbol of sound generated by Khainjadis call

for them to dance in Kauraha.

On the other hand, Kauraha performance represents the status or prestige symbolically be-

cause Magar people view other Magars in terms of Kauraha performance quality. Though there are

no specific measurements on the quality, this study views that those ideas are formed as perfor-

mance hits villagers’ emotions. According to the informant, the quality of Kauraha performance

provides the platform to showcase the dominant impression of that specific group of Magar com-

munity over others as a matter of competition. When the boys perform Kauraha in other Magar

communities, the local people of that community examine the quality of their Kauraha performance

and assign them individual status based on it, directly linking the performer’s village or communi-

ty’s image.

Physical, Emotional, and Cognitive Response

66

Merriam (1964) discusses with the examples of Herskovits (1938) that, in certain cultures,

religious ceremonies without the possession are termed unsuccessful (Merriam, 1964). The posses-

sion of the dancers and singers in Kauraha during the performance of awakening god and goddess-

es (Shrestha, 1996) is evident that singing, dancing, and playing evokes, arouse, and channels peo-

ple’s emotions through physical responses (Merriam, 1964). Kauraha, sung accompanied by the

rhythm of Khainjadi, warns the girls to wake up and be ready for performance. The meaning of the

performance is understood spontaneously and responded physically.

Additionally, Clayton (2016) suggests that music helps in the regulation of an individual’s

emotional, cognitive, or physiological states because music, along with singing, helps in respiration

and body posture; many musical instruments help in developing both hands coordination that gives

physiological changes that affect emotional and cognitive states of persons involved. That helps

regulate emotions or excitation in the given situation and even take to trance (Clayton, 2016). These

all functions are also accurately manifested by Kauraha.

Enforcing conformity to social norms

In the view of Merriam (1964), applying or imposing conformity to social norms is one of

the critical functions of music because it indirectly establishes a social control to identify the right

and proper behaviour in the society (Merriam, 1964). Therefore, in Kauraha, the aspect of tradi-

tional performances is considered more important in preserving the cultural norms accepted by the

members of the Magar community. They define and set conventions concerning the musical per-

formance of Kauraha, its social limits, and boundaries of performance are imposed and maintained

with the set of conventions to follow with proper costumes, time of performance, the occasion of

performance, ritual behaviour.

Validation of social institutions and religious rituals

Sociologists and historians tend to meet in the confirmation that religion is the most primitive of all social phenomena. From it, by successive transformations, have come all the other manifestations of collective activity: law, ethics, art, science, political forms. Everything is religious in principle. (Durkheim 1978:123 as cited in Datta & Milbrandt, 2014)

From the above statement, it is provable that Kauraha music is a collective activity of Mag-

ar people that has its root in the religion, and it also serves as an “institution: any organised element

in a society” (Williams, 1985, p. 169) so in this context, Kauraha as performance and an institution

67

in itself, is an organised activity of Magar people and validates Magar community as an institution.

Kauraha is an element of Magar culture; without it, their culture cannot function entirely.

Likewise, for social institutions’ existence, individual members’ behaviours are essential,

and they need to abide by the rules of the society they live. When they follow the rules or specific

society’s behaviours, it validates the social institutions and religious rituals (Merriam, 1964).

Contribution to the integration of society

Merraim (1964) and Clayton (2016) both agree that, music contributes in integration of so-

ciety. Clayton (2016) asserts that music functions relate to individual and social identity, mediation,

and personality (Clayton, 2016). From his notions, Kauraha is a tool that helps in discovering, con-

trolling, and projecting the self-identity of being Magar. The Magar identity mediates via Kauraha

inside and outside of the Magar boundaries, and who ever performs Kauraha bears a Magar person-

ality. It helps in channeling communications by negotiating intimate connections and the integration

of Magar people. “In Magar society, the concept of unity is the mainspring of life” (Shepherd, 1982,

p. 30) and Kauraha functions to enhance that unity of all the Magars scattered throughout the coun-

try (Based on an interview with my informant Deepak Thapa)

Contribution to the continuity and stability of culture

According to Merriam (1964), if music executes all the functions mentioned above, it dis-

tinctly contributes to culture’s continuity and stability (Merriam, 1964). With this concept, Kauraha

also executes all the above functions; then, it contributes to the continuity and stability of the Magar

culture.

7.2. Relationship of Kauraha and Magar Identity In the view of one of the informants, Kauraha is a significant part of Magar culture, and if

there is no Kauraha in Magar culture, there will be no existence of Magars. Hence, the statement is

evident in claiming the deep-rooted relationship between Magar people and the Kauraha (based on

interview with Deepak Thapa).

Historically, Kauraha performance gave a way to begin a life cycle, as evident from unmar-

ried girls’ compulsion to be the dancers. It was non-arbitrary because it served a utilitarian purpose,

from where a boy, in his age for marriage, can look and choose his prospective wife, among the

Magar girls present in social gathering of Kauraha performances in villages. If a girl accepts the

68

boy’s proposal, she runs with him, and later the marriage ceremony is organised as per the Magar

tradition. From this incident, one can easily understand the essence of Kauraha performance as a

foundation of the Magar life cycle.

Though one cannot find evidence about such marriage at present, however, Kauraha is still

celebrated in contemporary Magar communities because it assures a Magar in finding a sense of

belonging to their cultural roots. There are other different types of dances practiced in the Magar

communities, but why Kauraha is only concerned and priorities by Magars? It is an important ques-

tion that needs attention because “a culture’s favourite song style reflects and reinforces the kind of

behaviour essential to its main subsistence effort and to its central and controlling social institu-

tions” (A. Lomax 1968, p133 as cited in Nettl, 2005). In other words, the culture’s dominant music

functions to control social institutions, and by doing so, it helps for the survival of culture and it

also as a “song presents an immediate image of a cultural pattern” (A. Lomax 1968, p 6, as cited in

Stone, 2008, p. 43).

Additionally, the recent activities of Magar people to priorities Kauraha over other dances is

justifiable with their intentions and “interests in roots, in heritage, and places of

origin” (Weisethaunet, 2017, p. 92), because of the globalisation and crisis of representation at dif-

ferent levels in society (Middleton a cited in Weisethaunet & Lindberg, 2010). Along with it, the

current interest of cultural awareness among the Magar people in the preservation of their culture

and Kauraha, in particular, can be viewed as their effort to establish the subjective and collective

identity per the musical preference they share as a particular piece of music (Kauraha in this case)

enables the emotional connection in the maintenance of various identities (Frith, 1996), i.e, to be a

Magar in their own subjective and collective feelings, and to distinguish themselves from others in

their neighbourhoods.

Analysis of Kauraha, with the view of Stokes (1994), it is a communal activity that shapes

Magar identity, carried together by Magar performers and audiences when they unite in time and

place in order to experience a distinct and independent existence of themselves, with their musical

interests or preferences (Stokes, 1994). That is evident when people other than Magars identify Ma-

gars from their Kauraha performances.

Hence, when Magar people perform their communal activities such as Kauraha perfor-

mance, they identify themselves and their positions to outsiders, creating boundaries to establish

their various identities as self or as groups as per their unified inclination. Such inclination estab-

lishes the cohesion between different Magars to integrate into a community because musical activi-

69

ties are very few occasions where all members join together to establish their group identity (Merri-

am, 1964; Stokes, 1994).

Furthermore, Kauraha, from the perspectives of the ‘music-identity’ relationship discussed

by Rice (2007), it serves as a medium for the “symbolic shaping” of identity that Magars carried

from the historical past and to keep identifying it in the future too. For example, the traditional cos-

tumes and outfits of the Kauraha performers unite them to distinguish themselves from others

through the conventional representation of Magar identity, carried from the past to the future.

Additionally, from the perspectives of Turino (2008), Kauraha, as a dance and music, also

fits the categories of performing arts: central in forming identities of the people in a community. So,

Kauraha, as a performing art, is central in establishing the Magar identity. Like other performing

arts, Kauraha brings Magar people as participants and observers to realise their emotional and cul-

tural values in making themselves different from others with a natural feeling of solidarity. Solidari-

ty is essential to living emotionally, economically, and culturally as something beyond self (Turino,

2008).

The Magar respondents’ personal views also suggest that if a Magar individual is unaware

of Kauraha, he/she cannot be identified as a Magar. So, Kauraha strongly manifests the individual

identity by sanctioning a person if he is not aware of Kauraha and which is further defensible with

the following statements:

Throughout his life, the Aboriginal is surrounded by musical events that instruct him about his natur-al environment and its utilization by men, that teach him his world view and shape his system of values, and that reinforce his understanding of aboriginal concepts of status and of his own role. (Waterman 1956:41, as cited in Stone, 2008, p. 43)

Therefore, to be a member of the Magar community, it is not just sufficient to be born as

Magar. To have a Magar identity, a Magar needs to understand his musical events and its signifi-

cance in his culture and the world views associated with it.

Hence, from the above discussions, the study finds:

• Kauraha, with its socio-cultural performance, reinforces the various individual and collab-

orative relationships among Magars to enhance their ethnicity in the context of multi-eth-

nic Nepal.

70

Chapter 8 8.1. Summary and Conclusion

Nepal is still a ‘traditional society’ because ‘ethnicity’ is a significant factor in shaping

Nepali people’s culture or everyday life. The one hundred and twenty-five ethnic groups, as listed in

the national census of Nepal, showcases the multifaceted ethnic diversity in the country and estab-

lishes Nepal as a multicultural nation, where complex cultural interactions take place daily. At the

same time, ethnic groups keep separating themselves from others to establish their own identity as

per their world views.

Magars are one of the significant ethnic populations in Nepal and identified as indigenous

people of Nepal. Though scattered throughout the country, their major settlements are on and

around the Gandaki province in Western Nepal. So, the study bases on the Magar communities of

Tanahun district in the mid-hills of Gandaki province in Western Nepal in Tanahun district as the

Magar ethnic population highly dominates it. Even though Magars’ origin history is still not clear,

they were known to be in Nepal for a long time before, as mentioned earlier, and were of Mongo-

lian origin whose language falls on the Tibeto-Burman sector. However, from the historical past,

Magars remained the country’s important inhabitant and have their remarkable position on Nepal’s

unification.

Similarly, being under the influence of Hindu people for a long time, most of the Magar

communities in Tanahun district are guided by the religious views of Hinduism; however, after the

emergence of ethnicity debates in the context of Nepal, identity became an essential thing for the

representation and demand of equal access to the state resources. In such a case, Magar people and

other ethnic groups were directed to search for their roots of origin and culture. With such thought

in mind, Nepal’s people were highly focused on their cultural roots and trying to distinguish them-

selves among others by revitalising their cultural essence. In the process, their lost and endangered

aspects of culture, such as traditional dances, costumes, and language, are essential to identify them

with their ethnic background.

Therefore, this study situating on the representation issue explains Kauraha as a marker of

Magar ethnic identity and tries to set it as a Magar ethnicity performance. Kauraha is a distinct type

of entertaining folk musical performance, well-liked throughout the country. It is a typical practice

among the Magar communities inhabiting mainly in the mid-hill areas of Tanahun, Syangja, Palpa,

and Nawalparasi districts of Western Nepal (Bandhu 1998, as cited in Neupane, 2013). Some folk-

lorists identify Kauraha as the ancient folk dance of Western Nepal (Neupane, 2013), in which a

71

group of males sings and females dance in the accompaniment of Khainjadi. At present, Kauraha is

based on call-response singing or “dialogic, conversational sung poetry, that brings neighbours and

strangers together, within frameworks of social exchange and negotiations of status” (Stir, 2017).

Neupane (2013) mentions that in Kauraha, Magar males typically sing and play musical instru-

ments such as Khaijandi and Jhurma, and unmarried females dance (Neupane, 2013).

The study determines the various functions of Kauraha performance; its transformations and

institutionalisation as evident in the social context of Magar people and discusses the Kauraha-Ma-

gar relationship in identity formation through the performance of Kauraha, in and out of their cul-

tural domain. The functions of Kauraha, as analysed from the Merriam (1964) perspective, estab-

lishes it as the vital element of Magar culture without which the Magar culture’s proper function

cannot be achieved. For the survival of a society, every element of its culture is deemed necessary

(Merriam, 1964).

Hence, Kauraha is capable of demonstrating the functions of emotional expression, aesthet-

ic enjoyment, entertainment, communication, symbolic representation, physical response, enforcing

conformity to social norms of Magar, validating Magar and their social institution and religious rit-

uals as well as contributes in stabilising, and continuity and integration of Magar culture (Merriam,

1964).

Even though various transformations are evident in the Magar culture and Kauraha itself,

these transformation needs to be understood as inevitable due to the unstoppable urbanisation

process, enculturation, and acculturation. In such, if the changes fall under the category of ‘social

acceptance’ (Murdock -1956, as cited in Merriam, 1964), Kauraha, its transformation and the evi-

dent efforts of Magar people to institutionalize it helps in preserving their cultural roots and Magar

identity associated with it.

Additionally, from the idea of Stokes (1994), Kauraha, as a communal activity, helps shape

the identity of their community, individuals, and their positions, with outsiders, creating boundaries

by establishing various identities as per their individual and unified preference and inclination. Such

inclination establishes the cohesion between different Magars maintained through the Kauraha per-

formances because musical activities are one among the very few occasions in which all community

members come together to establish their identity (Stokes, 1994).

Kauraha performance also refers to some power that goes far beyond the scientific under-

standing because it is expressive capability, and it is also able to define the relevant central values

of the Magar culture in abstract form (Nettl, 2005)

72

According to Rice (2007), Kauraha is a medium for ‘symbolic shaping’ of Magar identity

carried from the historical past and that Magar will acquire in the future. Moreover, from the per-

spectives of Turino (2008), Kauraha as a performing art, is central in establishing the Magar identi-

ty because it brings people together to make them realise their emotional and cultural values to

make themselves different from others with a tangible feeling of the union: essential thing to live

emotionally, economically and culturally as something beyond self (Turino, 2008).

Therefore, Kauraha, with its socio-cultural performance, reinforces the various individual

and collaborative relationships among Magars to enhance their ethnicity in the context of multi-eth-

nic Nepal.

73

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Annexes

80

2. Kauraha performance in a rural setting: Magar males of various age groups, sitting on straw, with their Khaijandi sings Kauraha song while the group of Magar girls in their traditional dresses dance.

1. A typical Magar settlement in rural area of Tanahun district.

81

4. Magar youths with Khaijandi and traditional attire, in-front of the banner of their community affiliation posing for photo before competitive Kauraha performance in Damauli, Tanahun. 2019.

3. Photo session before Kauraha performance in contemporary urban setting

82

6. The Magar girls expressing gestures in a Kauraha performance.

5. Excited for Kauraha performance: Magar Teenagers in Bhangra, with their Khainjadi waiting for their turn to perform Kauraha in an open competition.

83

7. An old Magar man teases the young Kauraha dancers and tries to pull her holding on her shawl (Majhetro) and the Kauraha singers laugh by expressing the sarcastic lyric.

8. Excited for competitive Kauraha performance: Young Magar girls in their traditional attire posing for the photo, in an urban contemporary setting.