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Masculinities, Food and Place:

An Analysis of Assemblages on

the Valdivian Artisan Fish

Industry in Chile

Daniela Schoorl, 2015

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Wageningen University – Department of Social Sciences

MSc Thesis International Development Studies

Masculinities, Food and Place: An Analysis of

Assemblages on the Valdivian Artisan Fish Industry

in Chile

This thesis was conducted through the departments of:

Sociology of Development and Change & Sociology of Consumer Households

and in collaboration with the Universidad Austral de Chile

July, 2015

MSc Program

International Development Studies

Specialisation

Rural Development Sociology

Thesis code

SDC-80433

Student code

910709745010

Name of student

Daniela M.E. Schoorl

Name of supervisor(s)

Dr. A.M.G. Arce

Wageningen University, The Netherlands

Dr. C. Sato

Wageningen University, The Netherlands

Dr. G.E. Blanco Wells

Universidad Austral de Chile, Chile

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Table of Contents

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 6

ABSTRACT 7

1. INTRODUCTION 8

2. LITERATURE REVIEW: GENDER FOOD AND PLACE 9

MASCULINITY 9

MASCULINITY IN CRISIS 10

MACHISMO 11

PERFORMANCE & EMBODIMENT 13

IDENTITY 13

MULTIPLE IDENTITIES 14

GENDER AND FOOD 16

SPACE 18

3. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 20

THREE FOOD DOMAINS 20

ASSEMBLAGES 22

IDENTIFIED GAPS IN RESEARCH/KNOWLEDGE 24

CONTRIBUTION TO EXISTING FIELDS OF KNOWLEDGE 24

4. METHODS 25

QUALITATIVE RESEARCH 25

1. PRE-FIELDWORK 26

2. FIELDWORK 26

3. POST-FIELDWORK 29

4. ETHICS 33

5. DE-TERRITORIALIZING QUASI-ACTANTS 35

THE ACTANTS 35

THREE FOOD DOMAINS 39

GENDER, FOOD AND THE PUBLIC/PRIVATE 40

QUASI-ACTANTS 41

ASSEMBLAGE & ARTICULATION 42

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EMBODIMENT & PERFORMANCE 43

DE-TERRITORIALIZING EFFECTS 47

SPACE IS SOCIAL 47

DOMESTICATION OF THE PUBLIC 47

IDENTITY 49

NEW UNDERSTANDING 52

6. ETHNOGRAPHY 54

6.1 THE MATERIAL DOMAIN 55

ARTISAN FISH 55

CONSUMPTION AND PRODUCTION 55

PUBLIC AND PRIVATE DOMAINS 62

THE CITY OF VALDIVIA 62

THE KITCHENS 64

FOOD PRACTICES 66

MASCULINITIES 76

GENDERED LABOUR DIVISION 76

TEXTUAL ANALYSIS 79

6.2 THE SOCIO-CULTURAL DOMAIN 81

ARTISAN FISH 81

CONSUMPTION AND PRODUCTION PRACTICES 81

PUBLIC AND PRIVATE DOMAINS 85

SELF-SUFFICIENCY 85

FOOD PRACTICES 88

MASCULINITIES 89

ASADO 89

FONDA 92

MACHISMO 94

6.3 THE CORPOREAL DOMAIN 100

ARTISAN FISH 100

CONSUMPTION AND PRODUCTION 101

PUBLIC AND PRIVATE DOMAINS 104

HOME COOKING 104

BODIES 107

HEGEMONIC MASCULINITIES 109

GENDERED LABOUR 110

FOOD PRACTICES 113

SEXUALISATION 115

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7. DISCUSSION 116

IDENTITY 117

RETHINKING MASCULINITIES 119

RETHINKING FOOD 129

RETHINKING PLACE 139

7.1 LIMITATIONS 155

7.2 FUTURE RESEARCH 155

8. CONCLUSION 157

9. REFERENCES 160

APPENDIX 164

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Acknowledgements Throughout my BSc and MSc program I have always shown an interest in the human relation to food.

I was able to follow several interesting courses on globalizing food processes and rural development

which culminated into the collaboration with Dr. Alberto Arce for my BSc thesis. Throughout the rest

of my BSc program I felt it necessary to expand my knowledge of food related issues even further

into the field of sociology. Throughout my MSc program, I came to find that several gender courses

concerning food and development were given by Dr. Chizu Sato. She was able to show me that

gender and food are concepts that are deeply intertwined and in fact share a multitude of ideas.

Finally, my interest in gender –that I had practiced on a small scale throughout my BSc program- had

been fulfilled and further triggered.

The first half of my MSc program was thus filled with various anthropological and sociological courses

on food, gender and in some cases even both. When it came time to find a subject for my MSc thesis,

I was quite sure on what the leading subjects would be –gender & food. Luckily I have had the

privilege to attend classes by both Dr. Alberto Arce and Dr. Chizu Sato and was familiar enough to ask

them to co-supervise my thesis.

I am thankful for Dr. Alberto Arce’s extensive knowledge on food sciences, development sociology

and the fields that seek to connect them. I have enjoyed our long and detailed discussions on both

subjects, which helped me to rationalize and push me into processual ways of thinking. I also

appreciate his involvement into my subject as he habitually presented me with –often to my dismay-

new books and literature to include in my thesis. Nevertheless, I appreciate and admire his passion

and therefore lost several hours of precious sleep as I was reading these interesting and always

useful texts.

Being lucky enough –because I really am- to have had multiple supervisors throughout my thesis, I

want to also thank Dr. Chizu Sato. She guided me through the relatively new and unexplored field of

gendered studies, and I could not have done it without her. I truly appreciate her patience and the

fact that she read all of my submissions with the utmost detail. She forced me to always go that extra

mile and to keep on making connections between subjects, texts and theories. But, most of all, I

want to thank her for keeping me so motivated throughout the whole thesis process by always

remaining positive and letting me ramble on about any new ideas I wanted to include. Thanks again

for introducing me to the field of gender studies and making it as stimulating as possible to explore it

further!

A thesis knows several stages, and Dr. Gustavo Blanco assisted me through a very crucial aspect of it.

As a dear friend and colleague of Dr. Alberto Arce, I want to first of all thank him for accepting to

assist me with so little given information on the subject. I was truly contented with the fact that our

collaboration went as smoothly as it did. He provided me with the right tools to get started and freed

me from any doubt I had on conducting research in this particular setting. Dr. Gustavo Blanco and his

wife received me with open arms and I am thankful for our brief, yet crucial chats on the subject.

Through his widespread knowledge on the artisan fish industry in Chile, he was able to alert me on

the various aspects that surround the business and thus point me towards the right direction.

Finally, I would like to thank my parents and family for their unconditional support and most all –

patience. They have always encouraged me to pursue my goals and have done everything to

substantiate them. I could not have done it without their help.

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Abstract This thesis will be concerned with exploring the ways in which gender, food and place are connected.

It will critically revise their current definition and use literature from both developmental and

gendered fields of study. Moreover, this thesis will opt to complement feminist literature on gender

and food with recent ethnography from a masculine perspective. It will support literature that

exposes data on the social and interwoven character of gender, food and place. Their

interconnectedness can be defined as social, dynamic and most of all fluid. The findings conclude

that the dichotomized boundaries of the former concepts are too rigid in order to fully grasp their

meaning. Instead, through the understanding of assemblages and quasi-actants can these boundaries

be conquered and used towards creating borderless spheres of interaction. Ultimately, this thesis will

seek to answer how masculine identity is constituted within the artisan fish industry in Valdivia, Chile

by following a processual and participatory approach of explanation rather than description.

Key words: geder, food, place, assemblage, quasi-actants, artisan fish, Chile.

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1. Introduction I have always been fascinated by the relationship we have with food. Whether it is positive or

negative, whether we are aware of it or not; it remains a complexity that has intrigued me

throughout my studies and personal experiences. Additionally, the last couple of years my curiosity

has been triggered by another subject too: gender. Only recently have I become aware of the fact

that both subjects share various similarities and are highly interrelated. It is exactly this connection

that led me to conduct this thesis.

Through literature reviews I came to find that the concepts of gender and food are deeply

interwoven. They are assembled through social relations and are inherently1 dynamic. Yet, despite

their social character, gender and food are often subject to dichotomies. Scholars have argued that

these binary divisions become an issue when trying to properly understand their relation. Gender

dichotomies, for instance, have led scholars to argue that masculinity is experiencing a ‘crisis’ as well

as closely related concepts such as machismo. Additionally, food is often only thought of as

contributing to our health/nutrition (or not). Nevertheless, through this thesis I would like to argue

that their relation actually goes beyond their dichotomized notions.

These two elements thus share a complex connection that I wish to explore further. However, before

doing so, I wish to add a third element that in my opinion is vital to understand their relationship:

place. Place is often perceived as something static and related to geography. In this thesis however, I

see place as something more than a fixed element, rather it plays an active role in the (re-)

assemblage and constitution between food and gender. As this element is subject to dichotomies as

well, I found an interesting link that I wish to explore further.

The gaps in the literature, however, point to a lack of knowledge on all three concepts together; they

are seldom connected. These items have been extensively discusses separately, yet hardly in

combination to each other. Also, connections between gender and food are most always viewed

through western feminist notions on gender and seldom in Latin-American contexts. As my data

collection was conducted in the region of Valdivia, Chile, I found that it would be particularly

interesting to view the gender-food and place relation through Latin-American notions of

masculinity.

My thesis was conducted in the region of Valdiva, Chile over a period of 3.5 months. As this region is

famous for its rivers I found it particularly interesting to explore how artisan fishery plays a role in the

everyday life of its citizens. Closely situated cities such as Niebla and Molinos were often visited too,

as they are at the core of the fishing industry in this region. The combination of rural and urban life

contributed to an intriguing understanding of the relations between gender, food and place.

The following three chapters will expose the literature review, conceptual framework and methods

used to realize this thesis. Within the existing fields of knowledge I discuss the literature I read to

orientate myself into the particular subjects that are of importance to my thesis. The theories that

hold together the central elements throughout my work will be presented and complemented

through a critical literature review. This review contains both similar and diverging theories that have

been of use to support my ethnography. Through a critical literature review I have made some

theoretical assumptions that have led me to choose the appropriate direction of my thesis.

1 Inherently dynamic: I refer to social relations as being intrinsically dynamic; it is part of their ‘being’ as they

cannot be understood without their dynamism.

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Gender

Food Place

Subsequently I was able to identify a gap in the current research/knowledge fields. At the end the

conceptual framework, I present my research question, sub-questions and the aim of my thesis.

Additionally, the contribution of my ethnography and overall thesis towards the existing fields of

knowledge as discusses in the prior elements, will be discussed. Lastly, the methods used in order to

review and obtain data will be highlighted in the methodology section.

2. Literature review: gender food and place I started of my literature review by examining the existing literature on the three main subjects of my

thesis; gender, food and the place. Although the issue of place at first was not part of my research,

by examining the food and gender relationship I came to understand it as an important intertwining

concept. I have visualised their connection through the following image;

All three elements play an equal part in their

tringulation. Even though the relation between food and

gender has often been more widely discussed in theory, I

have noted that a proper conception of space is of equal

importance. The following sections will therefore firstly

focus on the existing notion of gender and food and then

be complemented with knowledge on place.

Through Julier & Lindenfeld (2006) I was made aware of

the fact that “we lack an understanding of how gender

and food operate together as fields of experience that shape contemporary lives”(p.3). This triggered

my curiosity and led me to expand my literature review on this particular relationship. First off, it is

imperative to know that both food and gender are social and dynamic phenomena (Allen & Sachs,

2007; Julier & Lindenfeld, 2006). They agree upon the fact that food and gender are actively created

and subject to (constant) change. They explain this phenomena as that both food and gender engage

in interaction with each other and therefore create meaning. These two concepts are thus relational

and inherently intertwined. Subsequently, my second point of interest was formed by the following

question; how exactly are we connected to food and how is food connected to us?

Masculinity

While conducting my literature review, I found a significant amount of data on the female

relationships to food. Gender and food are highly debated themes within feminist literature and have

always played an important part in understanding the gender and food relationship. Judith Butler,

Carole Counihan and Suzan Bordo are such theorists. While I did find their work revealing and quite

innovative, they lacked to include the aspects of masculinities. I found the same deficiencies when

trying to connect masculinity to issues about place. This triggered my interest to explore –and focus-

my research on the masculine gender relation towards food and place.

In general, masculinity can be defined as the following; it is a gendered performance and can be

performed by either men or women. McKinley (2006) for example, argues that “the masculine body

is constructed as a site for the projection of hegemonic masculinity2; that masculinity is often

associated with stereotypical masculine attributes such as power, control, dominance and

2 The importance of hegemonic masculinity in my thesis will further be discusses in chapter 5.

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aggression”(p.159). Connell (2005) adds that hegemonic masculinity “embodies the currently most

honoured way of being a man, it requires all other men to position themselves in relation to it, and it

ideologically legitimizes the global subordination of women to men. Hegemonic masculinity is

understood as the pattern of practice (i.e., things done, not just a set of role expectations or an

identity) that allows men’s dominance over women to continue” (p.832). Most importantly, it should

be noted that hegemonic masculinity must be distinguished from other masculinities, as it is subject

to hierarchy.

However, Connell (2005) continues that the hierarchy that characterizes hegemony changes over

time. There exists a general struggle for hegemony where ‘older’ forms of masculinity can be

replaced by ‘new’ ones. Parasecoli (2005) subsequently argues that masculinities are neither

programmed in our genes, nor fixed by social structure prior to social interaction. They come into

existence as people act. They are actively produced using the resources and strategies available in a

given social setting (Connell, 2000 in Parasecoli, 2005:18). Furthermore, masculinities are defined by

men and women and therefore are a social constitution. People attach certain meanings to

masculinities (and femininities); if either men or women perform or possess such characteristics;

they are thus enacting masculine (or feminine) behaviour. These characteristics, while social, are

subject to personal interpretation and definition; what one might define as masculine, might be

described as feminine by another person. Butler (1988) therefore argues that gender is “an internally

discontinuous concept”. She believes that there is not one way to interpret or to perform ‘a gender’.

These meanings are subject to interpretation and therefore discontinuous. The social reality of

gender, as she calls it, is constituted through language, gesture, and all manner of symbolic social

sign (p.462). She embraces the multiplicity (and therefore discontinuity) of this in the all-

encompassing term of identity that is characterized by social temporality; meaning that it is not a

fixed entity. It therefore becomes an appearance of substance; “a constructed identity, a

performative accomplishment which the mundane social audience, including actors themselves,

come to believe and perform in the mode of believe” (p.462). In other words: gender, and therefore

masculinity, is constituted through performative acts that are part of their specific network/sociality,

and therefore are inherently discontinuous.

Masculinity in crisis

First of all, while I previously defined masculinity as “a gendered performance” that is largely

constituted through social interactions, Julier & Lindenfeld (2006) believe it is subject to social forces

that add to its complexity. They argue that masculinity has become a unitary concept where people

fail to understand how it has come to be. As Connell (2005) argued, masculinities are subject to

change and part of the social. “We [therefore] need to undo concepts of masculinity as fixed and

stagnant” (Julier & Lindenfeld, 2006:8). Whitehead & Barrett (2001) too argue that displays of

manhood have often been stigmatized. Paired with the various binaries and vague descriptions, I felt

I should take a second look at this particular concept.

The problem with gender is that it is often dichotomized; society places you in a box that either

determines you are a man or a woman. What constitutes as hegemonic is “decided” by society

through interaction. Butler (1988) already pointed out that “the transformation of social relations

becomes a matter of transforming hegemonic social conditions rather than individual acts that are

spawned by those conditions” (p.468). She argues that this notion [of masculinity and femininity] is

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restrictive and does not allow for genders to “act” in an unscripted manner. Instead, “bodies get

crafted into genders” and in a sense repress individuality. Julier & Lindenfeld (2006) add that we

need to undo ourselves from these fixed and stagnant concepts of masculinities. They identify a

problematic relation between men and the media: they argue that men only tend to be placed within

a superficial notion when compared to food, commonly restricted to a certain spatial area (such as a

public kitchen). Nonetheless, Julier & Lindenfeld (2005) acknowledge that men’s hegemonic power

operates through the cultural fields of reproduction. The (re-)production of dichotomies is done in

relation to each other, meaning that masculinities aren’t constituted alone, rather in co-constitution

with femininities (what it is not). These constitutions in turn, build on hegemonic and personal

meaning and understandings of masculinities/femininities. People form their opinion through their

“operating field”; contact with others and what is projected by society. Through their relation with

certain people and objects that are connected to them, they form their gendered identity3 (Schatzki,

2002). This supports the idea of an existing hegemonic concept of masculinities which will

continuously be reproduced if these dichotomies aren’t tackled. Also, while these dichotomies are

socially constituted, it does not help that we dichotomize their definition as well. It is therefore that

some authors have called for a reconceptualization of masculinity in general. They claim a crisis has

arisen because we fail to properly conceptualize it and most importantly, we often fail to

acknowledge that masculinities are dynamic and subject to change (Whitehead & Barrett, 2001).

Consequently, Lemon (1995) believes that men experience confusion about “what it means to be a

man” in our current society. As they are bombarded with binary gendered images, they often fail to

comply. These binaries are often restricted to hegemonic ideals, authors are therefore trying to go

beyond these fixated images of traditional and stereotyped masculinities in order to include a

multitude of characteristics (this is a trivial point in my thesis that will be discussed throughout).

Hence, some argue that “the issue of changing masculinities…is key in understanding changing men

and a possible crisis in masculinity (Whitehead & Barrett, 2001:7). Lemon (1995) further states that

men currently find it hard to conform to these traditional masculine norms and therefore question

masculinity in itself. Thus, before questioning masculine identity, I need to question masculinity in

itself.

As I concluded in the previous section, gender, and therefore masculinity, is dynamic. Its constitution

is subject to change and a constant flow of interactions. Restraining my data to a unitary concept of

masculinity would therefore not fit into the overall network of gender, food and place. I therefore

followed several authors in their reconceptualization. Additionally, I chose to broaden my scope of

masculinities as well, to closely related concepts such as machismo.

Machismo

Closely linked to the changing masculinities is the issue of machismo. In short, machismo is an

idealized sex role, an ideological order inscribed and consolidated through various masculine

dichotomies of what men should be like. Villegas, Lemanski, & Valdéz (2010) define “machismo as an

exaggerated masculinity for men and marianismo as a passive, nurturing role/counterpart for

women” (DeSouza et al. 2004:329).Two problems arise: first, the performances of these “orders” are

often restricted to certain spaces such as kitchens, sports fields, factories, bakeries, hair salons etc.

These spaces are therefore highly dichotomized and accordingly affect behaviour. Second, Mirande

3 This concept will further be discussed in the section on “identity”.

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et al. (2010) argue that the problem with machismo is that all Latino men are often seen as machista,

not taking into account that there are different types [of machismo].

First, it should be noted that machismo shares various characteristics with hegemonic masculinity,

which makes it hard to fully grasp its essence. In part this is so, because hegemonic masculinity is an

important component of machismo as they are actively is construed by each other. For instance,

hegemonic masculinity can be described as the standardized notion of what a man is, on how to

identify yourself as a man. Arciniega, Anderson, Tovar-Blank, & Tracey (2008) believe that machismo

can be described as “the standard behaviour by men…men’s manifestation of perceived male

characteristics” (p.19), which is quite similar. Villegas et al. (2010) add that machismo can be seen as

a gender role theme, a “perspective that sees males as dominators over women in every sphere.

Torres, Solberg, & Carlstrom (2002) use Mirandé’s definition in that machismo is depicted “as a

culturally pathological entity reflecting maladaptive manifestations of societal and family

dysfunctions among Latino men” (Mirandé in Torres et al., 2002). This bring me to a second point of

discussion; according to Torres et al. (2002), machismo is often seen as an “extension of masculine

gender roles specific to Latino cultures” (p.163). While later on I will argue that this is not true, it is

important to stress that machismo has often been a misunderstood concept. As it remains difficult to

distinguish between hegemonic masculinity and machismo, I will nevertheless try to highlight its

relevance by using hegemonic masculinity to deconstruct and understand machismo better.

A second point for discussion is led by; Arciniega et al., (2008); Asencio, (1999); Mirande et al.,

(2010) and Torres et al. (2002). They have stated that while machismo is often linked to Latin

American cultures, it is not restricted to this continent. For several decades this concept has been

understood as native to the Latin American culture and associated with mostly negative male

characteristics. Most recent studies, however, have concluded that machismo is not limited to the

Latin American culture (Asencio, 1999; Mirande et al., 2010; Torres et al., 2002). The folklore of

machismo, as Peña (2014) calls it, is a reflection of economic structures which are mostly

characterized by negative stereotypes and behaviour towards women. Yet, Villemez & Touhey (1977)

argue that “little is known about individual differences in the tendency to stereotype and

discriminate against either sex” (p.411). This is why it is important to move beyond the stereotypes

of machismo and masculinities. Consequently, Arciniega, Anderson, Tovar-Blank, & Tracey (2008)

believe that the negative conception of machismo is too restrictive and that the positive aspects

need to be highlighted as well, this bring me to the third point; Torres et al. (2002) agree, and believe

that machismo is too often linked to negative, hypermasculine behaviour which according to them

does not encompass all aspects of it. This hypermasculine behaviour often tends to justify violence

(Asencio, 1999) and further antisocial behaviour such as drinking (Arciniega et al., 2008) and

domination over women (Villegas et al., 2010). However, some authors argue that not all aspects of

machismo can be perceived as negative. Liang, Salcedo, & Miller (2011) for instance want to include

a positive counterpart to machismo as they believe machismo contains positive traits as well. These

positive traits, which they associate with the Spanish concept of caballerismo4, often encompass the

aspects of generous protective, family men. But also, romanticism, autonomy, strength of will and

daring (Torres et al., 2002). Thus while the focus of machismo is largely placed on its negativity, these

authors are advocating us to move away from these binary settings and encompass the “full”

concept of machismo with both its negative and positive characteristics. Paired with their dynamic

4 This concept is often compared to chivalry in English.

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and social character, authors such as Mirande et al. (2010); Torres et al. (2002) and Whitehead &

Barrett (2001) have therefore argued that machismo (and therefore masculinity) can be understood

as multiple. As it is not limited to one culture, rather performed and interpreted in different ways

across the world, it becomes easier to think if not one machismo, but of machismos.

To conclude, when taking into account the various critiques on the conceptualization of machismo,

Torres et al., (2002) argue that we should think of machismo as multiple. Its social character is unique

to each society and can therefore not be defined in one particular way. We should therefore come to

think of this concept as more encompassing of both positive and negative aspects. Also, (hegemonic)

masculinity is an active component in the constant (re-)production of machismo. Subsequently, the

multiplicity of gendered identity5 is sustained by the numerous embodiments and performances that

we engage ourselves in. How does this multiplicity then affect our (masculine) identities? In order to

address such matters, the following section will be concerned with illustrating matters of our

gendered performance and embodiment.

Performance & Embodiment

Butler (1988) states that gender is a performative act; it is not something inherent to our being,

rather something we enact and embody. Embodiment can be defined as “the various physiological

and biological causalities that structure bodily existence and the meanings that embodied existence

assumes in the context of lived experience” (p.3). The embodiment of our gender is thus inherently

intertwined with our gendered performance. She continues that gender is “a constructed identity, a

performative accomplishment which the mundane social audience, including the actors themselves,

come to believe and to perform in the mode of belief” (p.462). The performance of our gender is

thus a series of acts and expressions that have been constituted through the various embodiments of

our relations. For instance, she refers to Simone de Beauvoir’s statement that “one is not born, but

rather, becomes a woman” (p.462). Butler claims that gender is a performance (1988:466) and that

these "acts" are a shared experience and “collective action” (p.468). “Becoming” a woman thus

depends on the acts and collective notions society has on what it is to be a woman. “Gender reality is

performative which means, quite simply, that it is real only to the extent that it is performed”

(1988:469). Determining what is feminine and what is masculine is thus highly dependent on how

gender is perceived in a particular society. She therefore states that “the body becomes its gender

through a series of acts which are renewed, revised, and consolidated through time” (p.465), once

again highlighting the dynamic and relational character of gender in itself. Taking this into account,

how then can we determine what the feminine or masculine identity actually is?

Identity

First of all, we need to define identity in itself. Butler (1988) inherently connects it to gender

performance and calls it gendered identity. She claims that “gender is in no way a stable identity or

locus of agency from which various acts proceed; rather, it is an identity tenuously constituted in

time-an identity instituted through a stylized repetition of acts” (p.462). She understands these

constitutions of acts not only as constituting identity, but as a compelling illusion; meaning that they

are constituted differently for every actor. According to Latour (1996) an actor (or actant) is

something that “does”. It can be anything or anyone of which any form of activity (generated or

assigned) is instrumental to its existence. Therefore, it is not limited to humans; non-humans are

5 This concept will be further operationalised in chapter 5.

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equally equipped with generating action as humans are. Each actor therefore co-constitutes their

own identity in relation to what they are surrounded with/surround themselves with.

Schatzki (2002) writes about identity as well. As stated before, he is concerned with social orders and

practices and argues that identity is an important component of these socialites. He states that

within these social orders, social life transpires and is in fact an arrangement of people and things.

They are “a hanging together of entities6 in which they relate, occupy positions and enjoy meaning

and/or identity” (p.20). He defines meaning as “what something is” and identity as “who it is”.

Interestingly enough, the “who” is not restricted to humans as he focusses on the function of their

relationships rather than on the who itself. Meaning is given to the identity through the social

relations which consists of roles, institutions and social actors (p.39). But how exactly can meaning

and identity –in relation to masculinities- further be understood? The next section explores the

possibility of identity being multiple by focussing on the relationship between masculinities, meaning

and identity.

Multiple identities

In the previous section I concluded that due to the multiplicity in masculinities we have come to think

of machismo as multiple too. These multitudes are the result of a constant interplay of embodiments

and performances of any kind. If these are then affecting our gender, how can we then understand

the meaning and therefore identity that is connected to them? This section will follow various

authors’ arguments in how they believe our identity is multiple.

When we think of masculinities as part of our identity, it is only logical that our number of identities

increases. Masculinities are multiple and go beyond the hegemonic, often negative, stereotypes of

“unengaged men”. They are not restricted to public life; they live in multiple spheres which affect

their identities in a myriad of ways. Realizing that men too have changed over time and how this

influenced their role in society has pushed various scholars to opt for a reconceptualization of

masculinities and embracing it as multiple. These statements go hand-in-hand with the proclamation

of Oberhauser, Mandel, & Hapke, (2004); Torres, Solberg, & Carlstrom, (2002) that people might

have multiple identities. The fact that there exist various identities, perhaps even within one person,

seems less of an odd proclamation than some years ago as we have become intrinsically mobile and

are submerged in various life-worlds. These multiple (gendered) identities however, are often

obscured by the dichotomies attached to certain idealized gender aspects. This has become a

prominent issue and thus forms part of my research problem.

Arciniega et al., (2008); Mirande et al., (2010) and Torres et al., (2002) too, are examples of authors

that believe our identity is multiple. Torres et al. (2002) for example, follow Gilmore (in Torres 2002)

in that there are differentiated gender identities across cultures that are actively being reproduced.

Mirande et al. (2010) go further into matters of masculinities and argue that “multiple masculinities

coexist in contemporary society” (p.310). They believe that these masculinities overlap and are

subject to hegemony, subordination, complicity and marginalization. This all adds to the diversity in

masculinity and they conclude that therefore “men are incredibly diverse and cannot be understood

with a simple monohilitic model…findings cannot and should not be generalized” (p.330).

6 Entities are arrangements of humans, artifacts, organisms, and things of nature. They are important in

understanding how human life hangs together and can be understood through meaning and identity. (Schatzki, 2002:129).

15

Butler (1988) approaches this theory in a different manner; she argues that we have the capability to

perform and become multiple identities. As “the more mundane reproduction of gendered identity

takes place through the various ways in which bodies are acted in relation to the deeply entrenched

or sedimented expectations of gendered existence” (p.466). She thus suggests that we engage in

multiple performances as these adhere to diverse gendered ideologies. Gender is thus subject to

certain expectations which we either comply to or not. The reproduction of such dichotomized

categories however, is enacted on a larger (political) scale, she argues. The acts, in turn, are shared

experiences and part of collective actions –you cannot perform and embody gender alone; it is a

social performance (p.468). Because performing a gender, and thus embodying a certain identity,

depends on the social subjects/objects included in such a social act, we cannot expect them to all

consists of the same actants. This then implies a diverse set of performances with a multitude of

outcomes, and thus identities.

Thus, the recognition of various masculinities and the fluidity of male performances regarding food,

for example, have led multiple authors to argue that there exist more than one masculinity

(Arciniega et al., 2008; Liang et al., 2011; Mirande et al., 2010; Torres et al., 2002). Nevertheless,

stereotypes on masculinities remain prevalent. Vartanian, Herman, & Polivy (2007), for example,

argue that these are quite powerful in the sense that they reflect generalized beliefs and drive

behaviour. These stereotypes are often the outcome of dichotomies that sustain the

masculine/feminine divisions. Hegemonic masculinity and machismo, for instance, are largely

characterized by these dichotomies. People either try to comply, or not. Nonetheless, they engage in

a constant (re-)establishment of these specific norms.

Hodgetts & Rua (2010) believe that even though these dichotomies exist, “men (or women for that

matter) can enact different versions of what it means to be a man across different situations”

(p.156). As “being a man” is a social constitution, they are constantly open for revision. A constant

adoption and rejection of these attributes is being assessed and has thus eventually led them to

argue that men’s identities are socially negotiated. Subsequently, they opt for a reconsideration of

masculinites as certain gender roles might overlap. Overlap between gender definitions is highly

dependent on what is understood as their identity. Now that I have concluded that identity is

multiple, it is important to take such matters into account when trying to understand masculinity.

With this thesis I wish to reveal how masculine identity can be understood amongst people involved

in a particular working field. More importantly, we need to think of food as active constituent of this

identity in that it affects and we affect it too. Rosewarne (2005) for example, links the gendered

aspect of food to the construction of our identity. Just as food is multiple and diverse, so is our

identity. When we try to make sense of the relations that define our identity, we should not forget

the fact that we derive meaning from food and vice versa. The multiplicity of our identity therefore

remains complex, but nevertheless needs to be understood in order to grasp how our gender/food

relations operate and thus how our multiple identities are sustained.

Through the last two segments I wish to highlight this relationship further, but with consideration of

its multiplicity. Schatzki (2002) and Latour (1996) already suggested to revise linear and structured

ways capturing networks. These are often too limiting and do now allow for social multiplicities to

easily flow between actors. Additionally, they include the aspect non-humans (such as food and

16

objects) to become part of our relation with identity. Paired with some healthy critique on the ANT

(Latour, 1996) and context (Schatzki, 2002), I will analyse this phenomena further.

Gender and food

When exploring the three food domains, I questioned how food relates to us (and our gender) and

how we relate to food. Young, Mizzau, Mai, Sirisegaram, & Wilson (2009) have found and interesting

connection and argue that food is gendered. According to Ruby & Heine (2011) foods are expressions

of one’s identity and therefore gender is inscribed in it. In this sense, it might indicate that food and

gender are constituted in the same manner. Their obvious connection might point to the fact that

food plays a prominent role in identity “making”. Therefore, determining who and what

something/one is, is of paramount importance when trying to understand identity.

In that light, we must not forget that food, as well as gender is social (Vartanian, Herman, & Polivy,

2007). They argue that in a sense “you are what you eat” (p.266). If we actively constitute our foods

through our relations, and in turn food does the same (through our connections), you can argue that

we become embodiments of each other. If the food is (literally) part our bodies, we thus become

representation of what we eat. As we interact with food and derive meaning from it, we in turn allow

it to perform socially and add another dimension to its (already present) social character. They

continue stating that food can thus be seen as part of our embodied self and therefore a symbol,

medium and a sensuous object (Holtzman, 2006:372). We are thus involved in a dynamic relation in

which food plays a prominent role in the following; identity, communication, social interaction,

status and gender roles (Vartanian et al., 2007:266).

When taking the previous statements into account, gendered food then becomes less of an odd

proclamation. When it comes to food practices7; the actions we engage in in order to produce,

consume or add value to food, it is important to consider gendered food. For instance, whether it is

the production or consumption of it, we are influenced through various sources. Our friends and

family, commercials and magazines all affect our food practices (material and socio-cultural

representations). Consumption and production patterns become part of our relation to food in

different ways. As we apply these influences to our daily lives, we see the boundaries between

public and private blurring; media, friends and other sources all influence how and what we eat. It

determines how we prepare it and why, for instance, we choose specific foods. We apply these

homogenized views to our performances and these companies/commercials build on our demands.

Not only are these food/consumption views projected through media and public opinion, gender

ideals are a big part of this industry as well. Because these relations are constituted in various ways

and through multiple connections, we can no longer say they are part of a specific place (eg. public or

private places). This leads to question our definition of place, and perhaps moving towards a

different concept of spatiality such as context, (like Schatzki suggests) that does include the flowing

character of food and gender. Before doing so, however, I would like to explore the connection

between masculinities and food further.

7 I have adapted Schatzki’s social practices into food practices in that I acknowledge them as social practices as

well. They are often a combination of human and non-human interactions, where both can be needed to generate a particular activity concerning food. This particular activity has as a goal to produce, consume, generate, alter or add value to a food. These practices are relational and are constituted through a gender and food relation.

17

Closely linked to these gender frames is the issue of stereotypes8 as discussed by Bordo (1998). She

starts her article by stating that young girls begin early in controlling their weight. This is often done

through a mystification of dieting pills and other romanticizing acts of weight. Contemporary ads are

focussed on certain gender subjectivities rather than the actual size and shaped of bodies, she

argues. These gendered subjectivities have been classified as mostly European and “dominant, white

culture”. The article continues to state the difficult relation women have with food and the various

complexities they encounter. What is left out of the previous statement, however, is the important

counterpart of masculinities. When men and masculinities are connected to food, however, it is

often subject to these stereotypes as well. Bordo (1998) states the following about this; “men are

supposed to have hearty, even voracious appetites. It is a mark of the manly to eat spontaneously

and expansively, and manliness is a frequent commercial code for amply portioned products:

“Manwhich,” “Hungry man dinners” and “Manhandlers”, she argues. Even when men advertise diet

products (more frequently than before), they brag about their appetites” (p.17).

The previous statement reveals that indeed there are studies on masculinities that show that they

have specific relationships with food as well. However, they are often limited to portion sizes and

“male foods”. These male identities link back to what Bordo calls the “metaphorical dualities” of the

sexes: “class meanings presuppose an idealized (and rarely actualized) gendered division of labour in

which men strive, compete, and exert themselves in the public sphere while women are cocooned in

the domestic arena” (1998:21). This brings me back to the popularized dichotomies between

masculinities and femininities, which often only provide a monohilitic perspective on gender. We

have to remember that men’s relationship with food not only affects their appetites, but also their

bodies; “clearly, body insecurity can be exported, imported, and marketed…in this respect, what’s

happened with men and boys is illustrative. Ten years ago men tended, if anything, to see

themselves as better looking that they (perhaps) actually were. And then the menswear

manufacturers, the diet industries, and the plastic surgeons discovered the male body. And now,

young guys are looking in their mirrors, finding themselves soft and ill defined, no matter how

muscular they are” (Bordo, 2009:53). The previous statement might hint to the fact that some men,

as well as women have a problematic relationship with food. They are concerned on how it affects

their bodies, in contrast to what older data on masculinities might suggest. Bordo (2009) argues that

“on the one hand, the idealization of certain kinds of bodies foments and perpetuates our anxieties

and insecurities – that is clear. But, on the other hand, such images carry fantasized solution to our

anxieties and insecurities and that’s part of the reason why they are so powerful” (p.52). This could

be why certain stereotypes continue to exist: because they contain a powerful masculine message

(muscles are manly, muscles are healthy). Consumption plays a crucial role here; gender and food

matter. Men need to follow, according to these fitness magazines, a certain “diet” that helps them

achieve the desired bodies. Valentine (1999) argues that “consumption rituals mark social

relationships of inclusion and exclusion…consumption plays a critical part in the production of our

identities because goods can be used to locate ourselves within narratives which are not of our own

making” (p.491). Thus once again it is contended that even though consumption is part of our

identity, it still is linked to broader social ‘contexts’ which we actively engage in. But are these

contexts then determined by place, food or gender in itself? The fact that multiple masculinities exist

suddenly adds a whole new dimension to the construct of male identities. For years the focus has

been on the numerous feminist approached to femininity, while perpetuating the masculine identity.

8 These stereotypes are characterized by dichotomies of feminine/masculine foods.

18

Yet, Whitehead & Barrett (2001) argue that “men are central to the gender transformation that

characterized the late twentieth century and continue into the twenty-first” (p.4).

Overall, both gender and food have become more intertwined when analysing their relationship with

more depth. Ruby & Heine (2011), for instance, argue that there exist both masculine and feminine

foods. These gendered foods are a way of expressing one’s identity, they state. The choices we make

concerning our foods are deeply influenced by what we believe is the right choice or by what is

available to us. This choice, in turn, is influenced by the networks and relationships we engage

ourselves in. Subsequently, this environment is dictated by notions on hegemonic gendered

identities. How we wish to project ourselves is a great part of our being they argue. If our food is an

expression of our identity, and our identity is constituted (in part) through our relationship with food;

food then can be seen as an embodiment of our gender. Our food practices for that matter can be

viewed at as gendered performances. Understanding masculine identity then becomes less abstract.

Until now, however, the third component of gender and food –place9- has been left out. Through the

next section I will argue that it plays a crucial role when trying to understand masculine identity. A

true understanding of gender and food cannot be complete without grasping the role of

(dichotomized) space10. The next section will further expand on this matter.

Space

When thinking of identity, Schatzki’s definition it is comparable to Butler’s in that they view it as

something relational and dependant on social (inter-)action. They both argue that it is important to

explore social relationships (of any kind) with more depth. Yet, while Butler (1988) goes deeper into

matters of the embodiment and performance of the actors, Schatzki is more concerned with the

actual relationship between them. He argues that we should view social relationships as more fluid

networks with less rigid borders between human and non-humans. The site of the social11 plays with

physical and non-physical sites (or spaces) that make up the network. Then, a critical question arises;

where does a network or social relationship “end” and where does it begin? Perhaps more

importantly, we should question if there even are ends and beginnings to these networks? Schatzki

(2002) argues that we should not view this in terms of inside/outside or beginnings and ends.

Rather, he suggests we view it through context: “the backdrop that envelopes entities and helps

determine their existence and being” (p.20). Through this, a third element towards understanding

the complex network of gender identity unfolds; the element of spatiality.

If we are are talking about relationships, networks and activities; then some of these actions are

bound to take place in some kind of “space”. Whether this is physical or abstract –it is constituted

through social interaction. Latour (1996) for instance, has tried to include the spatial element in his

9 Place: “it can raise an image of one's place in the world, of the reputedly (but as we shall see, disputed) deep

meanings of 'a place called home' or, with much greater intimations of mobility and agility, can be used in the context of discussions of positionality” (Massey, 1994:1). I will use place as a more physical concept; where something is, takes place something that can be pointed out. 10

Space' may call to mind the realm of the dead or the chaos of simultaneity and multiplicity. It may be used in reference to the synchronic systems of structuralists or employed to picture the n-dimensional space of identity (Massey, 1994:1). Place, in a sense, seems less abstract as it is subject to meaning, just like food and gender. I will use space as a more encompassing term of spatiality, a combination of the physical and abstract. It (re-uses) meaning and therefore affects place. 11

Site of the social: “where things exist and events happen; the social site of human co-existence. How lives inter-relate in and through the dimensions that compose individuality. The site is a space of possibility…or a bounded domain. It is a context, some or all of whose inhabitants are inherently part of it” (Schatzki, 2002:146)

19

Actor Network Theory (ANT). First of all, he argues that a network (within the ANT) should not be

confused with technical networks such as sewages, trains or subways. Secondly, these networks have

little to do with the social networks as we know them today. While still being concerned with human

behaviour, the ANT rather focusses on the “social relations of human individual actors; their

frequency, distribution, homogeneity, and proximity…aims at accounting for the very essence of

societies and natures” (p.2). This brings me to the second part of the ANT; the actors.

Actors are not limited to human beings; Latour argues that non-humans are equally equipped with

generating action such as humans. He continues that actors are not fixed entities, rather “flows”. The

role of the ANT then is, as Latour (1996) describes it, to trace new network activity rather than to

observe already traced networks. “A network is not a thing, but rather the recorded movement of a

thing” (p.14), it traces and inscribes meaning, he claims. The attribution of actants12 is viewed

alongside their distributed entities and how they circulate and transform amongst each other and

the connections they make. Spatial elements thus get a whole new meaning as they no longer abide

the physical borders of place.

The reason why I chose to focus on the ANT at first is because its essence is comparable to the three

food domains13 –which are the basis for my conceptual framework. The domains contain actants that

interact in different playing fields, which in turn are connected to each other in a myriad of ways. Yet,

their connections vary among each other and are constantly evolving, just like the ANT claims.

Secondly, and perhaps most importantly the “issue” of fixed places and contexts no longer play a

leading role when tracing new networks. The ANT focusses on the “performed” activity in general

and does not focus on the fixidity of the actions in place. As Latour describes; “the networks have no

outside”, nor inside for that matter (1996:6). Quite paradoxical, he argues that a network is bounded

whilst not consisting of an inside or outside, therefore reinforcing its flexibility and adaptability. It is

exactly these characteristics that I feel are of paramount importance when analysing the

connectedness between gender, food and place.

All of the prior arguments are of great value in capturing masculine identity. The dynamic and fluid

relationship between gender and food has pushed the boundaries of human to non-human

relationships and has questioned the fixidity of place.

What remains important is to understand space as fluid. Valentine (1999), for instance, agrees with

Massey (1992) in that space is open and that it is constructed through movement, communication

and social relations which likewise are not restricted to a certain place. However, me must keep in

mind that space is gendered and that “it is essential to understand how outdoor advertising

illustrates, amplifies, and facilitates the interaction between sexes in the public spheres” (Rosewarne,

2005:70). Thus, space is a contributor to the construction of gender as well, she argues. “Spaces both

reflect and are produced by cultural prescriptions, and the acting out of gendered and sexed

performances” (which are sustained by media portrayals) (p.71). However, these images perpetuate

the understanding of such gender performances. How then can we conceptualize masculine

identities in a proper manner? Rosewarne (2005) states that it is hard to demand public policy

12

Actants: “An “actor” in AT is a semiotic definition -an actant-, that is, something that acts or to which activity is granted by others. It implies no special motivation of human individual actors, nor of humans in general. An actant can literally be anything provided it is granted to be the source of an action” (Latour, 1996:7) 13

The next chapter will expand on this theory.

20

intervention over private, intimate spheres (such as the body) that reproduce such hegemonic and

stereotyped images –making it even harder to detect true autonomous identities. What then is the

best way to understand the gender-food-place connection?

What can be concluded from these existing fields of knowledge is that both food and gender are

constituted together as they are inherently social14. They operate (in part) together and constitute

meaning and identity through their interaction. The relation takes place through (inter-)action and

performances that are largely shaped by the embodiments created. Their particular relationship is

inherently discontinuous as its meaning and identity are fluid and in constant interaction. This in

turn, has pushed the boundaries and fixidity of place, and has therefore allowed us to question

public and private boundaries. Now I have exposed the several theories that constitute my thesis, I

will connect them through my conceptual framework. I have chosen, in large, to follow Allen & Sachs'

(2007) three food domains in order to better understand the relation between gender, food and

place. More specifically, I will focus on the affects of their relationship on public and private space as

these highly dichotomized terms have proven to be of crucial importance in the fields of gender

(Butler, 1988; Massey, 1994).

3. Conceptual framework In this section I will once more lay out the theories that I will use throughout my thesis and will

eventually take up in the discussion. By placing these theories together I hope to better identify the

gaps in research for the following section. Also, it facilitates the identification of my contribution

towards the existing fields of knowledge.

The three food domains are at the basis of my conceptual framework as they provide an

understanding of how gender, food and place operate together. Each domain contains certain

aspects of their relation which carefully need to be evaluated, but most certainly need to be placed

against each other. I must add that while ‘place’ is not a specifically mentioned feature of the

triangle, I found its contribution within the conceptualization of the domains in itself. I will

complement Allen & Sachs' (2007) paper with the assemblage theory Anderson & McFarlane (2011)

and McFarlane & Anderson (2011), that goes deeper into understanding the connections between

the several actors. This eventually led me to identify certain gaps in current research and knowledge,

which I will highlight towards the end of the chapter. Lastly, I will argue what the overall contribution

of my thesis will be and how I intend to

complement the identified gaps in research.

Three food domains Allen & Sachs (2007) have developed a theory

that aims to explain this particular

relationship, and map out its different

components through what they call the three

food domains. These domains can be physical

or abstract, but in any sense connect gender

and food in three ways; through the material,

socio-cultural and corporeal domain.

14

Inherently social: being and engaging in social acts is an intrinsic part of their being.

Material

Socio-cultural Corporeal

The 3 food domains;

Allen & Sachs (2007)

21

The material domain is one where “material aspects of gender relations throughout the food

system” are analysed (p.4). Elements that concern consumption and production practices, labour

forces and commodity chains all belong to this particular domain. Additionally, elements that

concern consumer/producer resistance or which affect/are affected by politics are included as well.

The socio-cultural domain studies the intersectionalities between gender, class, race and ethnicity. It

is concerned with the effects of (gendered) labour in our every-day life and how this affects our

being. Allen & Sachs (2007) argue that it is important to understand and explore the work and lives of

people and how these are shaped through socio-cultural practices. Lastly, the corporeal domain is

interested in “real” bodies. They are concerned with the nutritional aspects of our food consumption

and how this affects our health and physical bodies. They refer to the often problematic relation

women have with food and build on this bodily discontent as being important in understanding the

corporeal aspect of our relationship with food. I can thus conclude that there are various aspects that

connect us to food. The division of labour, the reason behind this division and the effects of this on

ourselves are sustained through these food domains and generate a complex network. The three

food domains thus serve a platform to lay out our multiple connections to food (and vice versa). But

how can these connections actually be understood? This question is another important component

for my thesis.

I wish to highlight that both food and gender are social; which means that they are constituted

through social processes and practices. For example, farmers grown corn on their lands and then

process it into foods we can eat. These foods become part of our daily lives and of our bodies too.

What we produce and consume thus affects our bodies and being in general. Yet, Schatzki (2002) and

Bruno Latour (1996) argue that the dynamism of gender and food is not restricted to a subject alone

(food or bodies). Gender and food build on each other; they co-constitute each other in place.

Through certain practices we engage in interaction and from there build meaning. Schatzki (2002)

defines practices as “a bundle of activities…and organized nexus15 of actions” (p.71). Our

engagement with food can, as explained through Allen & Sachs (2007) be understood in a myriad of

ways. In our day to day life we can take note of such connections; certain objects that connect us to

food, such as knives, tables, pans, fire and supermarkets all influence and sustain our relationship

around it and vice versa. The foods we pick, eat, prepare etc. are all results of an interaction between

us, other people and these foods. For instance, our friends might recommend certain dishes, tasting

new foods might change our diets and the commercials on TV also play an important role. We have

to keep in mind though, that even when dealing with the same type of products, our relations might

differ. For example, the farmers producing the corn are connected to it in a completely different way

than the consumers in the supermarket are. Even though dealing with the same product

(technically), they handle it in a different way; instead of corn the consumers might encounter the

same product through maple syrup (which affect their bodies in a different way than if they ate

bread). These connections and engagements are thus diverse and complex. Therefore, Schatzki

(2002) and Latour (1996) both argue that we should try to better understand our relationship with

food and the objects that connect us to them. The next important question that arises is concerned

with how we define food and gender. In sociology, anthropology and gender studies there already

exists a multitude of theories, papers and articles on how to best define both concepts. Julier &

15

A nexus: “things that hang together without representing anything at all” (Schatzki, 2002:17).

22

Lindenfeld (2006) however, argue that both concepts cannot be defined in separation from each

other.

As concluded in the previous paragraph, both gender and food are relational, dynamic and social;

they cannot be viewed as a single entity and are inherently discontinuous16, Butler (1988) argues. She

explains that there is not one way to understand gender as it is to be viewed in relation to other

(societal) phenomena. Julier & Lindenfeld (2006) agree, as they recognize that “gender is contextual

and relational…and is a process and performance embedded in a particular institutional context that

often reinforces inequality” (p.4). When placed in the context of food the examples are quite clear;

there is a lot of hunger and malnutrition in the world. Both poor and rich suffer the consequences of

food (or lack thereof). But how exactly does our gender influence this relation and how is our gender

affected by it?

First, when transcribing my ethnography I will use the three food domains as portrayed by Allen &

Sachs (2007) in order to identify the several components in the gender/food relationship. Following

this theory I will question the dichotomized notions of gender and food by approaching them

through Butler's (1988) sense of performance and embodiment. Consequently, I hope to detect the

dichotomies that currently dictate gender theories. Second, I found that Schatzki’s (2002) theory on

meaning and identity are deeply intertwined with the understanding of Butler’s concepts. In

combination with Latour’s ANT, I came to agree upon the fact that networks and social connections

are of paramount importance when analysing the gender and food relationship. And while domains,

contexts or orders might be too restrictive, they do provide useful insight into why and how certain

connections are made, which lead me to a third assumption; the borders of public and private

domains are subject to binary oppositions and restrain the dynamic and flowing character of genders

and food.

After some critical review on the theories I explored before my data collection, I found it important

to complement these with concepts/theories that critically reviewed them. This led me to assume

that current conceptualization of masculinity, and closely related subjects such as machismo, is being

wrongfully defined. I will therefore embrace the theory that we “have” multiple identities, which

leads me to my last assumption; in order to properly use the new conceptualization of the former, I

need to find an equal theory that grasps their multiplicity. I have argued that Krarup & Blok (2011)

provide useful insight into this matter by using the theory of assemblages as to capture the

relationships between certain subjects and objects.

Assemblages What the ANT and Schatzki’s social sites have in common is the fact that they both recognize that

humans are not the only ones capable of provoking action. What I will be focussing on in this thesis,

is their intersubjective relation, that is to say: how both actants derive meaning from each other.

Subsequently, I will use Krarup & Blok (2011) to build on those theories and move towards an

approach that questions the spatial aspect in networks further.

First of all, they do agree with Latour that objects are active components within social orders and

relations, yet they take it a step further; they believe that objects project and take meaning. These

16

Inherent discontinuity: the concepts are subject to interpretation and subjectivity. Therefore, they are constantly changing; there is not one way to interpret them. Thus, discontinuity is part of their understanding.

23

objects allow for new associations, flows etc. that now circulate within these “networks” and have

different values.

Second of all, Krarup and Blok (2011) state that there is more than context and prefer to go beyond

it; there exists interaction between and within the material, social-cultural and corporeal domains.

Latour mentions “black boxes” which contain piles of relations that can be consulted whenever

needed. Krarup and Blok, however, do not agree; they believe that not everything can be described.

Instead, they wish to reassemble subjectivity, as Latour neglects this specific point. They argue that

“full description is impossible” (p.44) because of virtual theory and quasi-actants. Virtual theory is

“the dimension of the actual which is not directly observable” (p.58); not everything can be

described. Quasi-actants17 reflect this uncertain social reality as they are often self-referential and

“erase their traces” as Krarup and Blok (2011) mention. These two concepts are thus of great

importance when trying to understand the subject/object relation; these are interrelational. Context,

for that matter, becomes superfluous. Inter-subjective relations do not adhere to a bigger structure

or a frame for that matter, rather they exist through interaction and connections. I will call these

connections assemblages.

Various authors now use the word assemblages to refer to the relations between actors, actants and

spaces. I will use Anderson & McFarlane (2011); McFarlane & Anderson (2011) to explore the

concept of assemblages. This term is in line with Krarup and Blok’s (2011) concepts of quasi-actants

and I will build on their connection throughout my thesis.

First of all, McFarlane & Anderson (2011) note that the reason assemblages emerged is the result of

unsatisfying information extracted from, for example, ANT and other existing methods concerning

multiple geographies and power constitutions. One of the main goals of assemblages is to embrace

these emerging multiplicities (in any form) and create “a name for unity across difference” (p.162).

Second of all, while creating unity in a world fulll of multiplicities, this term needs to embrace

change, dynamism and disruption as no relation remains static forever. Assemblages are built to

capture this sense of uncertainties and non-linearity and to, most of all, stress diversity. Thirdly,

assmblages are concerned with space, in particular the spaces in-between relations. Because

relations are dynamic and are constantly made and re-made, certain disruptures are bound to

emerge. The role of the public/private relations become relatively important when trying to

understand how these relations are sustained and re-constructed. Keeping this in mind, the authors

argue that there is no limit to assemblages and new ones are constantly developed. Fourthly, these

constant re-constitutions blur divisions of the socio-material and structure-agency. They lack a

cerntral governing and framework, which allows them to be increasingly mobile. Anderson &

McFarlane (2011) therefore highlight the temporality assemblages and emphasize the constructionist

account of the social-spatial relations.

Concluding, masculinity and machismo should be understood in terms of multiplicity. The numerous

interpretation that serve the embodiments and performances of gender have fostered various

authors to conclude our identity is multiple as well. When trying to understand gendered

relationships with, for instance, food, it is proposed to move away from ANT and context. According

to Krarup & Blok (2011) assemblages embrace and are constructed through multiplicites and

17

I will build highlight this term further through chapter 5.

24

therefore serve as a way of their understanding. This allows them to support co-existence across

differences and therefore serve as a great way to analyse the various quasi-actants as portrayed by

Krarup & Blok (2011).

When constructing my conceptual framework I encountered several gaps in research and knowledge.

I have largely tried to subvert these notions by combining several theories and authors in my

literature review and conceptual framework. Nevertheless, it remains important to highlight these

gaps, as they have primarily guided the literature and framework of this thesis. Hence, the following

section will focus to shed light on these matters.

Identified gaps in research/knowledge The reason this thesis was conducted, is in part due to the lack of data on masculinities and food in a

Latin-American context. Second, I was aware of the urge for a reconceptualization of masculinities.

Lastly, I thought it would be relevant to analyse the concept of machismo as it is deeply intertwined

with masculine behaviour, especially in Latin-America. What can thus be concluded from the

previous theories and concepts is the fact that: masculinity needs to be reconceptualised and

understood as multiple. Intertwining concept such as identity, food and space need to be revised as

well. These are subject to social and theoretical dichotomies that are far too limiting to fully grasp its

meaning. Additionally, the relation of men towards food is often restricted to their physical bodies.

Thus, the following problems arise:

Masculinity is in crisis

Masculinities are rarely linked to food related issues

Public and private place is multiple

Overall, I found it hard to find ethnography on (current) gender and food relations, specifically when

it comes to masculinities. Often the concept of machismo would pop-up, but often accompanied

with its negative stereotypes and geographical bounding to Latin-America. Additionally, little articles

were found that incorporated all concepts of masculinity, machismo and food. There, on the other

hand, an enormous amount of data available in feminist literature on female relations to food. This

was also one of the reasons why I was triggered to focus on the “opposing” concept of masculinity

and questioned why it is that the relationship between gender (femininity) and food is often limited

to feminist literature. Lastly, when adding a third dimension of spatiality, the amount of literature

became even scarcer. When conducting my research, however, I found that these connections did

exist and through my ethnography found interesting relationships between them. It is thus through

my ethnography that I wish to contribute to the existing fields of knowledge.

Contribution to existing fields of knowledge As listed at the beginning of this chapter, I wish to answer the following research question;

How are masculine identities engaged within the artisan fish industry in Valdivia, Chile and how does

their relationship affect the existing division between public and private?

I have developed three sub-questions that I have reworked as the aim of my thesis in order to best

answer the research question, which are the following;

Gender

Food

Place

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1. What is the material domain?

2. What is the socio-cultural domain?

3. What is the corporeal domain?

Considering that my conceptual framework consists of the three food domains, it would seem only

logical to view my ethnography -and therefore results- in the same manner. I will answer these sub-

questions through the triangulation of gender-food-public/private, which are present in each

domain. By exploring the way in which these themes are connected through assemblages,

embodiments and performances, I hope to grasp a sense of how the subject/object relation is

constituted within the artisan fish industry that is so characteristic for the region of Valdivia.

The relevance to the sociological and anthropological fields of international development can thus be

identified as the following; acknowledge gender and identity performance to be multiple;

acknowledge the embodiment of assemblages as valid starting points; de-territorialisation18 has

caused the boundaries of public/private domains to blur; opt for a new understanding of the

gender/food domain and lastly, to provide recent ethnographic data in a Latin-American context on

the gender, food and public/private relationship.

The following chapter will discuss how I conducted my research prior- during and post fieldwork. I

will also briefly mention any ethical dilemmas that might have influenced the validity of my data.

4. Methods The chapter will describe the various methods used during the thesis in order to obtain and analyse

the data.

I opted for this particular mix to best triangulate and compare the data retrieved. I feel that by

collecting the data first hand and applying existing theories and concepts I might be able to detect

(dis-)continuities with existing information. Additionally I used a combination of (relatively) old and

new literature that is connected to each other through similar concepts and ideas. By combining the

former to contemporary field data I wished to create an up-to date understanding of the current

phenomena. With this particular methodology and conceptual framework I hope to find and

understand the relationships that dictate my research question and ultimately contribute to this field

of knowledge.

Qualitative research First of all, I conducted a qualitative research. I chose this method as it allows for a more dynamic

and explorative approach towards obtaining data. This approach follows the structure of my research

question as this suggests a fluid relationship between several subjects and objects. The

characteristics of a qualitative research thus support this insinuation as it is often described as:

exploring, unstructured, descriptive, dynamic, observatory and engaging. These are exactly the

techniques I used in order to retrieve data, as will be explained in the forthcoming paragraphs.

In order to support this dynamic and explorative approach, I follow Marcus (1995) in what he calls a

multi-sited ethnography, which is designed to analyse “the circulation of cultural meanings, objects,

18

De-territoriazlisation will be explained in the following chapter.

26

and identities in diffuse time-space” (p.96). He continues “precisely because such interdisciplinary

arenas do not share a clearly bounded object of study, distinct disciplinary perspective that

participate in then tend to be challenged…ethnography becomes integral to and embedded in

discontinuous multi-sites objects of study” (p.97).

The three phases of my thesis are: literature reviews (pre-fieldwork & post-fieldwork), data collection

(field research) and data analysis (post-fieldwork). The data I used for this thesis is a mixture of

primary and secondary data. The secondary data consists of literature reviews. The primary data was

obtained in (and around) Valdivia, Chile. Lastly, the data analysis combines the former methods and

aims to link and analyse both.

I opted for a mixture of methods that both provided fitting and critical theories in order to obtain the

best answers possible. I found that by comparing answers from different sources, it would amount to

the validity of the answers. Additionally, not only the multiple sources but also the various types of

sources add to the credibility of the outcome.

1. Pre-fieldwork Literature review

In order to orientate myself into the various themes discussed in my thesis, I found it of paramount

importance to explore the multiple subjects, theories and concepts that are connected to this

particular thesis before collecting field data. The three holistic components of my thesis consist of

the following: gender, food and place. I therefore explored these large themes further and combined

these with more specific concepts and theories once I had a clearer vision of my research question.

I acquired the various literary data through articles, books and book chapters.

The literature used in this thesis was mostly obtained through the WUR online Library where I used

Google Scholar and JSTOR databases. Additionally, several articles, books and book chapters were

retrieved through my supervisors.

2. Fieldwork Field research

My thesis is based on data retrieved from Valdivia, Chile. The data collected for my thesis was

obtained through interviews, observations, textual analysis and participations. Textual analysis is a

form of gathering information in the form of texts. I will interpret text and visual prints (TV,

magazines, papers, clothes, prints etc.) in order to better understand social life. The literature was

mostly read before conducting the field research to be conceptually and theoretically prepared. Both

qualitative methods and literary reviews were analysed after the data collection and are part of my

data analysis.

Interviews

A large part of my data is the result of the semi-structured interviews I conducted. In total I

conducted 32 interviews with 14 different people and engaged in over 30 casual chats. The

interviewees consist of; restaurant owners, bosses, fishermen (sardine, sierra, shellfish, kabeljou),

food processors, chefs/cooks, driver, presidents of organizations, consumers (the former are also

considered to be consumers).

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Most interviewees were either fisherman or chefs/cooks as they are the principal factors that work

within the artisan fish network. Furthermore, I chose to complement my data by interviewing various

other people who are involved within this network in any form, such as: drivers, bosses and

presidents of fish organizations.

In general, the interviews were structured in the same manner;

Question on how they obtained their job

What they do/do not like about their job

What their job consists of

Their duties at home

Their consumption of fish

Continuities/dis-continuities of food practices between home and work

Personal explanation of the general fish/food culture in Chili

The interviews were conducted in Spanish. The length of the interviews varied from 15 to 120

minutes, excluding participatory interviews such as working at the fishplant or at the kitchen (3-5

hours).

With most of my interviewees I had the opportunity to conduct follow-up interviews where I would

ask more details about their personal relation to the consumption of fish, on their food practices and

labour division.

Information about masculinity, masculine identity, machismo and other gender-related issues were

not explicitly asked. As I was interested in their personal concept of masculinity and gender, I

structured my questions in such a way that their opinion on the matter became clear to me without

directly asking the interviewees. The reason this method was chosen lies in the fact that, while

gender in socially constructed, one’s personal interpretation lies at the basis of their identity. As an

interviewer I can easily influence the interviewees answer, therefore by touching on gender related

subjects I can still obtain answers to these question in the hope of eliminating socially desirable

answers.

Semi-structured interviews

I chose to conduct semi-structured interviews where I had a list of prepared themes that needed to

be discussed. The order of the questions and themes was not of importance. In most cases the

interviewees would include additional information and the interview would venture into several non-

scripted subjects. Because these unscripted subjects are of great value to my thesis, I would mostly

let the interviewee continue. Subsequently I would probe on these additional subjects in order to

attain more information. Some of the topics where repeated during various interviews and chats,

therefore in future interviews I chose to include them in my set of questions.

I chose to record all of my formal interviews on tape in order to retain as much information as

possible. All of my interviewees agreed to be recorded.

Informal chats

Not all interviews were formally planned. Some were not official interviews, rather informal chats.

These chats were conducted with a diverse set of people (cab drivers, friends, students etc.) in

various locations (cabs, pubs, public squares, university etc.). Most of these chats were not recorded

on tape. However, I included them in my fieldnotes.

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Observations

During my field research I constantly observed the area in which the fish and its producers/

consumers operated. I took note of these observations and coded them in a notebook which I l

analysed in the post-fieldwork phase.The codes were mostly categories or concepts that I felt were

relevant to a particular person or answer. These codes were processed in a special program for

qualitative data anlysis called Atlas.to. I processed my observations in the form of detailed fieldnotes.

Besides observing the people and objects involved with the artisan fish industry, I also took note of

greater societal processes that are of interest, connected to three components of my thesis (gender,

food and place). The observations took place in public as well as private places; during interviews, in

restaurants, open squares, fish markets, fish plants, on boats and societal events and celebrations.

Fieldnotes

All throughout my field research I took field notes. Here I recorded all of my informal chats,

observations, participations and even some notes/statements during interviews. These notes were

written in English and Spanish, depending on the nature of the observation. During my interviews I

tended to write in Spanish in order to fully focus on what was said instead of the translation. Other

notes were usually taken during observations, and if this was not possible, between 1-3 days after

the event.

Participation

As most of my interviews were conducted during working hours, I had the opportunity to observe

their working space. While most chefs/cooks had the luxury to postpone their work in order for me

to interview them, not all participants had. Therefore, in several occasions I chose to participate in

the food practices19 my interviewees were performing, as I noticed this was the only manner in which

I could obtain information.

This resulted in my participation at the fish processing plant (3x), distribution of fish (1x), cooking (1x)

and observing in restaurants (1x) and accompanying a fishing trip (1x). This form of data collection

combines the previous methods; while I am interviewing my subjects I have the opportunity to

observe their actual working space and additionally experience it.

This rather informal way of interviewing provides me with a diverse set of data that could not have

been obtained otherwise. Within this participatory approach, I do not lead the interview, as opposed

to non-participatory data collection, as I depend on the subject. This reverse interview, as I call it,

provides me with the opportunity to approach my interviewees from a different angle and thus

retrieve a diverse set of data.

19

At the fish plant: conducted the same labours as the workers did; cleaning, gutting, be-heading the fish. Cleaning the surfaces and the floors of the plant. Cracking open jaiba shells and takin snails out of their shells. Observation in the kitchen: I sat in a corner and took notes. I actively conversed with the staff. Cooking in the kitchen: I helped prepare the plates, some sauces and did the dishes. During the participation I actively talked with the staff. Boat trip: I observed, took notes and interviews the rower and the scuba diver during their job.

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Media text

In order to complete the data collection, I chose to include textual analysis into my methodology. I

will be using Katlheen Carley's (1993) notion of ‘textual analysis’, as she believes that a lot of social

information can be viewed in the form of texts. Therefore, by including information retrieved from

texts, magazines, propaganda, newspapers, television shows, music, billboards etc. I opted to

balance the interpretative data. Carley (1993) argues that “text are a rich and valuable resource for

understanding social behaviour” (p.76), which is why I chose to include it in my methods.

The textual analysis is a combination of the observations as stated in the previous paragraph, the

reading of magazines & watching TV and lastly by the pictures I took. As much as I wanted to write

down all the details of my observations, I believe that I could not capture all. Therefore, throughout

my field research I took various pictures and included them in my textual analysis. I believe that

these sources, in combination with the textual analysis, encompass a large part of the network in

which my thesis takes place.

3. Post-fieldwork I used two methods to analyse my data:

Atlat.ti

This quantitative data analysis program helped to code my recorded interviews and literature. The

codes in turn linked the various data together in the form of network analyses. Since qualitative

research is highly subjective, the data analysis needs to be equally as adaptive. This program allows

to link and analyse the data in a dynamic and explorative manner, keeping the value of the

subjectivity intact.

The analysis of data is done through what the program calls: coding. These codes are words,

concepts and theories that group together the various quotes and sentences of the interviews and

literature. The codes are based on the several categories that shape my thesis: gender, food and

place. These have been divided in sub-categories and concepts such as that I have found of

importance through analysis in the post-fieldwork phase. After the data has been coded, links

between the texts and quotes can be made in order to start the network analysis, which is at the

basis of analysing the data. I coded and translated my data in English.

Literature review

By reading multiple articles, books and book chapters I was able to get a well-rounded view of the

available information on my subjects of interest. By comparing and coding the texts I was able to add

valuable descriptive and analytic information to my collected data and thesis.

Location

My thesis was conducted in the area in and around Valdivia, Chile for a period of 3.5 months. I chose

this city as it is relatively populated and contains both rural and urban aspects. Other villages

included in my thesis were Niebla and Los Molinos, as my subjects of interested operated there too.

While these villages are rather small compared to Valdivia, their interconnection remains very

important in certain aspects, especially when it comes to fishing.

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Valdivia belongs to the 14th region Los Ríos and is the regions

capital. It is one of the biggest cities in Chile, hosting a population

of around 150.000 (reportescomunales.bcn.cl). Additionally, the

commune of Valdivia contains several other cities, which include

Niebla and Los Molinos.

Valdivia ha a rather advantageous location as it is surrounded by

rivers, lakes and the sea. For this specific thesis I had chosen to

focus on a certain type of food –fish, therefore I believed Valdivia

would be the perfect city to conduct my research. The fact that a

lot of sweet and salt water surrounds this region would hopefully

confirm the city’s access to various types of fish and aquatic

activities. Source: google maps: Valdivia, Chile

Earthquake

While Valdivia derives a lot of benefits from its geographical position, it also encountered several

natural disasters. In 1960, the city was hit by a large tsunami which was later nicknamed: the Great

Chilean Earthquake. It has been the most powerful earthquake ever recorded which has obviously

left its marks. Nearly everything in the city was destroyed as well as in its surrounding cities and

villages. It would take a lot of money and time to rebuild the city, luckily a few countries offered to

assist, Germany being one of them.

The German influences in Valdivia are quite vibrant in my opinion. Only to mention a few: Chilean

last names, infrastructure, buildings, dishes and pastries and most noticeably; Valdivian beer. What

can be noted from this is the fact that the Germans, quite smartly, made good use of all the

surrounding water sources. This has dictated and influenced a lot of job opportunities and careers

such as (artisan) fishing –which will be the focus of this thesis.

Demographics

Besides certain German aspects, Valdivia and its region also include Spanish and Mapuche (south-

Chilean and Argentinean indigenous peoples) influences (munivaldivia.cl). These are interwoven into

the everyday life and are part of being “Valdivian”. Through this thesis I opted to understand what it

meant to be a “Valdivian” and how this influenced the construction of this particular identity.

Additionally, I focussed on what it meant to be masculine; how does one construct a masculine

identity in this area and what kind of components are part of this particular construction?

The masculinity index in the commune of Valdivia (representation of number of men per 100

women) is 96, which means that roughly there is the same number of men as women in the

commune. The largest part of the population belongs to the people between 15-29 years, which isn’t

that surprising given the fact that the city of Valdivia is home to three large universities. I have been

told, however, that about 80% of the people living in Valdivia and the surrounding cities of Los

Molinos & Niebla are not “Valdivian”.

The city has attracted a lot of people, especially students from all parts of the country. I must say, it is

a charming city built in harmony with the Cau-Cau river that thanks its beauty to the scenic views.

Additionally, city squares are full and vibrant and the daily fish market always attracts a lot of people,

especially tourists. These “non-Valdvivians” however, will be a part of my thesis just as the “original”

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residents are, as I need to understand the social dynamics of this city. The fact that this city is home

to so many different Chileans and tourists already creates a different sense of identity amongst its

residents and thus plays a crucial role in determining what they understand as being masculine.

Jobs

While the main focus of my thesis is concerned with the relationship between gender and food, I

cannot forget to include related subjects such as jobs, income and education. These subjects are

intertwined within gendered subjects and food practices in the following ways: jobs can be highly

gendered, just like their wage. Certain jobs might only be performed by either men or women, such

as fishing or cleaning jobs. Additionally, certain expectations or social-economic statuses for either

men or women might alter their opinion towards attending further education. These choices might

eventually influence the social circle they “attend” their socio-economic level and therefore

construct their gendered ideals in numerous ways, which in turn influences their identity.

According to CASEN, a Chilean organization for national statistics, the general employment level in

the region of Los Rios is 46.6%. Los Rios belongs to the bottom two regions, with 61.6% of the men

being employed compared to 33.5% of the women (Ministerio de Desarollo Social, 2013).

The unemployment rate in this region, compared to the others, is also relatively high: 8.4%. In

general, women have a higher unemployment rate in Chile. In this particular region of Los Rios,

10.3% of the women and 7.2% of the men experience unemployment (Ministerio de Desarollo Social,

2013). Additionally, women in Chile generally earn less than men. Women earn an average of

344.021 Chilean pesos per month (€500), men earn around 416.909 (€614). Within the region of Los

Rios the average monthly income goes beyond the national average, again positioning the region at

the bottom two (CHP: 318.019). Lastly, the gendered income division shows significantly lower

incomes for women; CHP275.007 per month, compared to CHP344.929 of men (Ministerio de

Desarollo Social, 2013).

Fish Facts

Because, as I will conclude later, people may have multiple identities, we cannot speak of a “true

Valdivian masculine identity”. I will therefore not attempt to prove such a thing. Instead, by focussing

on a particular object, in this case –artisan fish, I hope to understand the masculine identity

constructed by men working with the same object.

Consumption

Upon my arrival, one of the first things I noticed was the greenery surrounding this city. Paired with

the undeniable presence of the large rivers and sea, this city was clearly built to do “something” with

water. While a lot of people evidently benefit from this geographical position, I was quite stunned to

find out Chile is the country which consumes the least fish in the world! (Merino, 2015) Rather, it

seems, they compensate their lack of fish consumption with their love for meat. Despite their 4800

km long coast, a whopping 89,1 kg of meat per person per year (on average) is consumed compared

to 7 kg of fish/shellfish (Merino, 2015)This made the focus of my research even more interesting as I

was dealing with a paradoxical industry ; how does this influence a city, and its citizens’ behaviour

towards fish production and consumption?

32

Production

According to a study conducted by the Subsecretaría de Pesca y Agricultura (the department of

fishery and agriculture) in March 2014, 12 out of the 33 principal fisheries in Chile can be classified as

“healthy exploitation” –that is to say they are in good shape. 8 out of the 33 however, are classified

as over-exploited and another 8 as used-up.

The exploitation of fisheries not only affects people’s jobs but the fish too. The merluza (hake), for

example, is such a fish that got over exploited. The government had to cut its [merluza] quota by 50%

in order to avoid extinction. One of the bigger problems the government is dealing with, is the lack

of information. According to the ONC The Nature Conservancy, TNC and Layla Osman, about 80% of

the world wide fishing industry deals with a lack of/low quality information. As Enfoque magazine

(Merino, 2015) states, the lack of understanding and knowledge on good, qualitative fish in part

fosters the lack of its consumption. Pedro Witto (in Merino (2015) further states that Chile does have

the capacity to produce high quality products, however the consumers do not know how to profit

from them. Additionally, the lack of knowledge and accessibility towards high quality products does

not stimulate more consumption either.

Alongside the Valdivian coast, the government has tried to implement several techniques to obtain

and provide clearer information on the products. However, this data is often too technical and does

not positively influence consumers’ choices.

Export

Frozen trout, smoked fish, fresh grapes

and salmon are amongst the best

exported Chilean products of 2013. Even

despite their lack of fish consumption, in

2013 over $2.890.000 (US Dollars) of

salmon were exported, making it the

largest (food) export of that year

(Merino, 2015). The following graph

shows Chile’s top export partners (in

percentages):

Source: Economy Watch

Import

Amongst Chile’s top imported products are petroleum, cars and planes. The most common places of

origin are the following: United States (23%), China (18%), Brazil (6.4%), Argentina (5.8%), and

Germany (4.5%) (Observatory of Economic Complexity)

Artisan Fishing

In order to narrow down the scope of this thesis, I specifically chose to focus on a particular working

field: the artisan fish industry. As Valdivia is surrounded by water, the fishing practice is often spoken

of. The fishermen’s practices are well known in this city, especially in adjacent areas (Niebla & Los

Molinos), where most of the people are fishermen. The multiple protests by fishermen partake in,

33

are situated around the city centre and add to the available information of the job. Being a fisherman

is an active struggle that most of the people seem to be aware of in this city. Additionally, since most

fishermen are in fact men, it seemed only logical to focus on them. While women are also part of the

artisan fishing industry, they often do not perform the same food practices as men and therefore are

often not as central and/or visible in this working field.

The Servicio Nacional de Pesca (SERNAPESCA - National Service for Fishing) define artisan fishing as;

“the extracting fishing activity realized by natural people in a personal, direct and habitual manner.

SERNAPESCA describes artisan fishermen as someone who acts/performs as a shipmaster in an

artisan boat. They make a distinction between the extraction of fish and shellfish, as so their title

changes. However, these titles aren’t exclusive, as fishermen can enact various roles simultaneously,

as long as they are performed in the same region.

Another aspect that should be taken into consideration is the size of the boat. An artisan boat may

not exceed 18 meters of length and a gross tonnage of 50. Additionally, each boat operator should

officially be inscribed and identified as artisan by the corresponding registers. These registers are in

turn controlled by their regions, provinces, communed and localities.

4. Ethics The characteristics of qualitative data suggest informal approaches towards the subjects of interest;

interviews, chats, descriptions and participations. Consequently, this influences the outcome of the

data and therefore impacts the results:

My presence

The fact that I am physically present at the interviews, observations and participations, already

impacts the interviewees’ behaviour, answers and actions. If I wouldn’t have been there, or hadn’t

asked any questions, then their response would probably have been different. However, this does

not mean that their answers are untrue; rather, they are produced and constructed in combination

with my presence. Therefore, it is of paramount importance I construct my questions and responses

in such a way that my presence remains as neutral as possible.

As the focus of my thesis is masculine identity, I mostly interviewed men. The subjects discusses

were, as previously mentioned, centred around gender, food and place. The fact that I, as a woman,

am asking men about gender relations, societal beliefs and other themes related to masculinities,

already has an effect on the interviewees answer. They might give me socially desirable answers

concerning masculinity, or change their answers in such a way to project a more positive image of

themselves.

Several other personal factors play a role too, such as my age, education level and the fact that I am

a foreigner. These characteristics shape the perception people have of me and (un)consciously

influence the behaviour of the other person towards me. These characteristics will influence

behaviour no matter what; I can choose to introduce myself and lower the “stranger”-barrier or I can

choose to not tell anything about myself. Both can have positive and negative effects since the more

I tell about myself, the more chance there is people might find some aspect unappealing. Therefore,

upon meeting a new person, I chose to give a brief introduction about myself: my name, studies and

that I am conducting a thesis in Valdivia (including very few details). I believed that if the people

34

wanted to know more about me, they would find the opportunity to ask me. This also served as a

way to detect if people would like to be interviewed or engage in a conversation about my thesis

subjects.

As a researcher it is difficult to detect which answers are real and which ones are altered. I tried to

control this bias by including my observations and details about the interviewee and the location in

my fieldnotes to verify if their answers were continuous. Just as my personal characteristics form a

bias during the interviews, so do my interviewees’ specificities. For example, some men might feel

uncomfortable talking to a young adult, especially from the opposite sex. The amount and quality of

the data might thus vary among the several interviewees depending on their age, marital status, job

etc. Interviewing a woman about masculinities, machismo and other societal ideals might also

generate very interesting answers that are significantly different from men’s.

Location of interview

As previously mentioned, the location of interviews also plays an important role concerning the

quality of the data. I would prefer places where the interviewee would feel most comfortable.

Moreover, if the interviewees are surrounded by people they know; colleges, bosses, family, friends

etc., this might influence their answers in a positive or negative manner. Therefore, as stated before,

I would mostly let the interviewee decide where the interview would take place; as I trust they will

pick out a location where they would feel the most comfortable. Additionally, while most interviews

were done in publically accessible places, some of them were conducted in a smaller, private area.

These one-on-one interviews could make the interviewee uncomfortable. However, to avoid these

situations, I would mostly let the interviewee pick out a place to conduct the interview.

Presence of a recorder

Before conducting formal interviews I asked all the interviewees if they would mind being recorded.

Additionally, I informed them they would remain anonymous and their data would be used for my

thesis. I always showed them the recorder and usually placed it in a visible spot.

The usage of the recorder might have influenced the responses given, as the information would be

used for academic purposes. However, from an ethical point of view, I did not feel comfortable

withholding such information from the interviewees. Moreover, the presence of the recorder itself

might alert people and add to their cautiousness. There is not a way to overcome this besides clearly

asking them if they do or do not mind being recorded. In none of the cases did the interviewees

decline. In some scenarios people added information after the recording had stopped, in this case, I

added this information to my fieldnotes.

Fieldnotes/observations

A significant amount of my data was recorded in my fieldnotes. As stated before, this data is

subjective as it is influenced by my personal interpretation. However, this is part of qualitative data.

By combining this data with other methods, such as literature reviews and observations I hope to

include as many information sources as possible. This way, I can avoid one-sided data collection and

can analyse it through different angles.

Anonymity

In order to respect my interviewees’ anonymity, I changed all of their names throughout my thesis.

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5. De-territorializing Quasi-Actants Now that I have explored the basic theories I will be using throughout my thesis, I find it important to

place them against one another. This chapter will therefore be concerned the working and re-

working of these theories in order to later on place them against my ethnography in the discussion.

The chapter will start by introducing the several actors involved within my thesis and which of my

ethnography is based on. Subsequently, guided by my research question and sub-questions, I aim to

go deeper into the matters of the food domains and how they can best be understood. Eventually,

this will lead to a revision in gender, food and place and ultimately to creating a new understanding

of their relationship in a de-territorialised quasi-actant setting.

The Actants First of all, the main actors involved are; the fishermen, the Caleta de Los Molinos (fishermen

organization), Pesca en Línea (the processing plant), the driver, the restaurant owners, the

cooks/chefs, consumers and lastly the artisan fish itself.

The following image represents the artisan fish industry through a linear chain of connections. The

several actors are connected from left to right and it suggests that no direct connection is made

between, for example, the driver and the fishermen or the restaurant and Pesca en Línea. Instead,

this chain perpetuates the individual relationships between the several actors in this chain.

Furthermore, it does not take into account the various connections on a non-physical level, such as

governmental laws, consumer demands and work ethics. Trying to capture and represent both

physical and non-physical connections within a linear chain then becomes quite difficult. In this

particular network it can be noted that some inter-relationship are therefore being “denied”. One of

the goals of my thesis is thus to come up with a new representation of this particular artisan food

network that does include the multiple and dynamic inter-relations between the actors involved.

Next, I will present the various actors involved within the artisan fish network in Valdivia. Within

these paragraphs I will briefly highlight the main food practices they perform as well as their role

within the network.

A) Artisan Fish

Fish plays a central role within this particular artisan fish network and my thesis as it (in-) directly

connects all actors involved. The fish in itself can be seen as an actor, an object and a quasi-actant

because people actively engage with it through extraction, processing, production and (non-)

consumption. I will examine the fish through its various relationships with the actors and thus

encounter its multiple forms: alive, dead, cleaned, cooked, fried etc. These forms are of great

importance when discussing food practices, embodiments and further relationships. The role of the

Restaurants

& Hotels Consu-

mers

A B C D E F G

36

artisan fishing industry for that matter is inherently connected to its “being” throughout the

network.

For this thesis I explored the network of the artisan fish industry in the region of Los Rios. I quickly

came to find that non-hobby fishing is rarely conducted in Valdivia, instead, the neighbouring towns

Niebla and Los Molinos are more known for this particular extraction. Several sardine and line-fish

fishermen are stationed there as well as shellfish extractors. This particular region of Los Rios is well

known for its vibrant nature, various lakes and proximity to the sea. Therefore the amount and

variety of fish is extraordinary. However, it has been limited in the past couple of years due to

climate and governmental issues. Nonetheless, the fish that is still available and in large caught by

the various artisan fishermen in the region. They are avid fish consumers and truly admire their local

products. Citizens from neighbouring cities and villages, however, engage in an ambiguous

relationship with fish; they either love it or they don’t. Throughout my thesis I will explore the

multiple socio-cultural, economic and educatory reasons for these diverging opinions. I will

henceforth pay attention to its quality, availability, price, taste and preparation as I have found that

these intersecting concepts play a significant role when it comes to fish consumption and its food

practices.

B) Fishermen

As previously explained, the artisan fish industry differs from industrial fishing in a myriad of ways.

First of all, the scale of fishing is significantly less. The relatively smaller boats and number of crew

members do not allow for the same amount of extraction as the industrial ones. This leads me to a

second point of distinction; food practices. The way in which the artisan fishermen catch the fish is

done quite differently. As previously mentioned, the size of their boats and number of crew

members physically impedes them from extracting massive amounts of fish. Furthermore, they are

limited in their extraction in three ways;

Their equipment does not allow for such amounts to be caught

The new “Fish Law” restricts them by imposing quotas

The type of fish they catch is not always accessible (or available)

These points are of great importance when examining the distinction between their food practices.

And while these are the main differences between artisan and industrial fishing, it must be noted

that within the artisan fishing industry there are a lot of diverging food practices as well.

The fishermen can be divided into several “groups” as to what they actually fish. Line-fishermen,

sardine fishermen and scuba-divers are such examples. While all these fishermen can be classified as

artisan-fishermen, the way they extract fish varies enormously from each other and even adheres to

a certain hierarchy, as will become clear from the ethnography. First of all, they vary in the type of

fish that is being caught; line-fish, sardines and shellfish are all obtained through different food

practices which require a distinct array of tools, boats, extraction areas, seasonalities, operating

hours and different types of fishermen too. Second of all, while the fishermen’s boats are stationed

in the same harbour (Los Molinos & Niebla), they often have their own crew and rarely switch boats,

locations or type of fish extraction. The size of the crew depends on the type of fish extraction. The

boats are adapted to this in the way that fits their food practices and the amounts of fish that can be

caught. Sardine fishermen, for instance, need bigger boats as they relatively catch more fish and do

so in a mechanical way (tubes, nets, motors etc.). Line-fishermen on the other hand, do not need

37

these machines and therefore use smaller boats. Also, the area of extraction (coast, open sea)

demands different types of boats. Lastly, artisan fishermen do not adhere to a larger formal

institution or framework; they are their (in a large sense) independent commodity producers20. They

do have to attain to certain rules opposed by environmental policies concerning quotas. Yet, they

depend on their own fishing abilities and frequencies as to how much and how often they fish.

I obtained data by interviewing fishermen and conducting various informal chats with them. These

fishermen either belonged to the Caleta de Los Molinos (4) or to a different sindicato from Niebla (2).

No fishermen were stationed in Valdivia. Some men I interviewed fulfilled a double role, as they had

two jobs (fishing being one of them).

C) Caleta de Los Molinos

Caleta de Los Molinos is the name of an all-male fishermen’s organization21 in Los Molinos. Caleta

can be translated to cove and is the place where various fishermen dock their boats. This

organization is part of the network because a lot of artisan fishermen are stationed here. They

provide fish for the processing plant nearby and to other companies in the region. Additionally, the

sindicato “owns” a fish restaurant of which the president is boss.

This particular organization is placed at the end of the beach and also runs a restaurant. The

restaurant opened in February 2014 and is thus quite new. As of now it is only open in the weekends,

but they hope that during the summer it will attract more customers. Most fishermen sell their

freshly caught fish on the dock and the restaurant uses this fish in the restaurant. The restaurant only

has a few workers; a male cook, his (female) assistant and a few waiters (both male/female). I

conducted several interviews with the cook at this restaurant.

The sindicato has a few offices and a restaurant stationed at the beginning of the dock in Los

Molinos. The small beach area is characterized by a few fish restaurants (±5) and most importantly,

by all the colourful boats in the harbour. The head of this sindicato is an elected board member who

is named president. In total, this sindicato has 46 members. To the president’s dismay, this number is

declining each year due to the worsened conditions of the artisan fish industry. He is in charge of

protecting fishermen’s values and to facilitate them with any political and technical assistance when

needed. Additionally he serves as a broker between certain governmental institutions and the

fishermen. I collected data from this president and a few of its members. I also attended a meeting

where certificates were awarded by one of the fishing federations to fishermen whom had

implemented and supported new sustainable techniques.

D) Pesca en Línea

This company’s name can literally be translated to (on-)line fishing. They describe themselves as

being “a social enterprise dedicated to direct marketing of products of high quality fishing. For its

social and environmental, contribute to the sustainability of marine resources, adding value to

products and positioning the artisan fishing sector in the heart of direct marketing” (pescaenlinea.cl).

20

Herein I do not include the supply/demand of fish or its availability. In the ethnography section, however, I will go deeper into this matter and sustain my findings through examples. 21

This type of organization can be translated to sindicato in Spanish. There are numerous sindicato’s in the region of Los Rios, Los Molinos being one of them. This sindicato’s members are all fishermen and are governed by a board. It is an all-male organization.

38

Pesca en Línea’s company consists of one small office building, the processing factory and the old

factory. It is located next to the ferry in Niebla and is placed next to a dock. The company sells their

fish online and has one driver who distributes the fish among its buyers. 90% of its clients consist of

hotels and restaurants and the remaining 10% are independent consumers.

Pesca en Línea is a small company that consists of about 7 or 8 permanent workers. It is led by two

managers (male and female) who supervise three factory workers, a driver and the occasional interns

and seasonal workers. Most of its workers are female; the head position is fulfilled by a woman and

all the factory work is conducted by women as well (with the exception of 1 male seasonal worker).

The second manager and the driver therefore are the only permanent male workers in this company.

I conducted several interviews with the male manager, an interview with the driver and had various

informal chats with the male seasonal worker while assisting the factory workers. Additionally, I

helped out at the factory a few times, where I had multiple chats with the women that worked there.

E) The driver

While not directly “touching” the fish, this actor in the artisan fish network remains highly important

as he is responsible for the producer-consumer connection. He picks up the fish from several docks

(Los Molinos) and brings them to the fish plant (Pesca en Línea), where the factory workers process

the fish and place them in special shipping boxes. The driver then brings these boxes either directly

to the hotels/restaurants in Niebla and Valdivia or, in some cases, brings it to a distributing centre in

Valdivia which transports the fish to further located cities, such as Santiago. He is responsible for

receiving the payment of the orders and cashing this to his boss. Additionally, he fixes certain (small)

technical problems at the plant.

F) Restaurant and hotels

The majority of Pesca en Línea’s clients are restaurants and hotels which are mostly located in

Valdivia and the nearby villages. Hence, I tried to contact as many of their clients as possible. This

resulted in several interviews with cooks and owners.

The owners, in most cases, are the head chef at the restaurant as well. In the restaurants where this

wasn’t the case, they still had an executive power that handled the kitchen purchases and thus

decided what type of food was prepared. What was interesting is the fact that each restaurant has a

different concept and therefore sells different types of fish. Overall I can state that public22 fish

consumption is low in Valdivia and is restricted to certain types of fish. The restaurants have

anticipated these demands and therefore altered their menu.

The size of the restaurants is quite diverse; the hotel restaurant is amongst the largest, seating over

100 people. Other restaurants vary from 12-60 people. I interviewed 5 head chefs and 3 cooks. Most

cooks and owners are male, yet some restaurants have female cooks as well. Waiting staff is usually

female. Cooks and restaurant owners play an important role within the artisan fish network as they

have the ability to influence the consumer. And while I will argue that their relationship is reciprocal,

cooks nonetheless change the relationship between people and food (and vice versa). The kitchen

22

In this case I refer to public as any place outside of the private home kitchen where people can consume food in exchange for money.

39

thus is an important place where the transformation of the fish takes place. There, taste, quality and

preparation all come together and await consumer judgement.

G) The consumers

Consumers are an important part of the network as they influence consumer demand. Whenever

they buy fish, they support the fishing industry. However, it is imperative to know where the

consumers buy there fish, how much and what kind. Through various observations, interviews and

informal chats I created a map23 where I presented the places where fish was bought and consumed.

I found that there are multiple intersecting reasons for the lack of fish consumption in Valdivia, which

in part are due to location. Other reasons included the socio-economic environment of the consumer

and further food education. More importantly, while the fish consumption is relatively low,

consumption of meat and fast food is quite high. I noted that several food practices are influences by

certain gender relations and ideologies, which is why this aspect has played a central role throughout

my thesis.

Three Food Domains As stated by Allen & Sachs (2007), their proposed food domains provide us with useful insight into

the various components of the gender and food

relationship. These allow us to (re-)think how we are

connected to certain phenomena in society that in

some way (co-)determines our relationship with food

and vice versa. However, the matter of spatiality is

never explicitly cited. While in general it is

understood these domains “exist in space” and are

bound to what they define as our materiality, socio-

culturality and corporeality, they do not provide an

explanation as to how these relations between the

domains (and food) come to be, let alone how they affect space. I have therefore identified three

ways in which these domains are too restrictive and need to be expanded into more encompassing

terms of relation. Ultimately, this has led me to revise the concept and definition of “domain” in

itself. Throughout the chapter I will highlight my findings further in relation to place and gender.

First of all, through Krarup & Blok (2011), Latour (1996) and Schatzki (2002) I found that there is

more to our relation with food than consumption and production practices. The labour force in itself

is not sufficient to properly capture all the elements that connect us to food and vice versa. Rather,

we should investigate the subject/object relation with more depth, Latour (1996) suggests.

Therefore, I have opted to expand the concept of materialities in order to include “actual”

materialities such as tangible and visible objects as well. Thus, while still concerned with the

concerned with the processes of consumption and production, the focus now included the objects

involved in these operations as well.

Second, the socio-cultural domain is restricted to the gendered labour and feeding aspects of food as

a result of the limited conceptualization of materialities. Also, as Allen & Sachs approach matters

from a feminist perspective, the arrangement of this particular domain is viewed through such a lens.

They are focussed on women as the main food providers and their subsequent marginalized position

23

Which can be found in the appendix.

Materialities

Socio-cultural Corporeal

40

in the labour force. As my thesis is focussed on masculinities, this particular focus might delimit my

findings. Accordingly, I have chosen broaden the socio-cultural domain so it can encompass a wider

understanding of how (gendered) labour forces, consumption and production practices etc. impact

our being in general.

Lastly, the previous reconceptualizations have led me to revise the corporeal aspect of the gender

and food relation as well. This particular domain is one that receives a lot of attention through theory

as it, in a sense, includes both material and socio-cultural aspects (as I have defined them). While

(Allen & Sachs, 2007) focus on the nutritional aspect of food and females’ general bodily discontent, I

found it important to view the body as a subject as well as an object. I will include Butler’s notion of

embodiment and performance. These terms encompass both subject and object and play with their

boundaries.

Expanding these domains has ultimately led me to revise the concept of domains. Its spatial

counterpart has largely been neglected and therefore made it hard to understand the

interconnection between these relations. As stated in my conceptual framework; gender, food and

space are dynamic. The connections between each of them can be viewed through the concepts of

assemblage and embodiment. Also, according to various authors, we then have to revise our concept

of space and its boundaries (Dewey, 1927; Lewis, 1953; Massey, 1994). A “domain” in which either

material, socio-cultural or corporeal relations are developed might therefore not support the

dynamism between them. I have thus concluded that, while the three domains provide a good basis

in which to understand the gender-food relation, it is too restrictive and calls for a

reconceptualization of the domains and ultimately of “domain” itself.

In the following sections, I will highlight my motivations for broadening the scope of these “domains”

by going deeper into the gender-food-space relation itself. I will use Anderson & McFarlane (2011);

Featherstone, (2011); McFarlane & Anderson (2011); Krarup & Blok (2011)and Schatzki (2002) to

stress the importance of their (social) relation.

Gender, Food and the Public/Private Through the following two sections, I will use the triangulation of gender-food-public/private to

move beyond the restrictiveness of “domains” and come to a better understanding of its

components in general. A pertinent issue within this

triangle is that while the gender-food relation has been

widely debated, the issue of space, and in specific of

public and private “space”, has rarely been included in

this setting. Hence, I have chosen to incorporate the

public/private debate as it is often paired with aspects

of gender (Butler, 1988; Massey, 1994). Firstly,

however, I will lay out the gender-food relation and

pay attention to the connection between subjects and

objects. Herewith I prepare my argument as how to

include the public/private (re-)conceptualization,

which will be handled in the section on de-territorialisation.

Gender

Food Puplic/Private

41

Quasi-actants

The main argument I make in this chapter is that we have to undo ourselves from the idea that our

gender-food relation is pre-set through a framework and is a results of our rational thinking. This

social constructionist thinking, for example is according to Boghossian (2012) the idea that

knowledge is constructed rather than created. By focussing on construction alone, the interpretation

and understanding of relationships is lost. This theory limits itself to human-to-human contact in

where humans adhere to a pre-set model that determines their actions. However, not all actions are

between humans and can certainly not all be recorded. Therefore Krarup & Blok (2011) argue that

we can no longer place the indescribable and unknown in an all-encompassing “black box” as Latour

(1996) states. Rather, we need to rethink and reconceptualise actor’s relationships and analyse how

they are presented to us. In order to do so, I will need to locate the several actors involved and will

use Krarup & Blok's (2011) definition of quasi-actants to do so.

While I used the term actant24 in my introduction, this definition will now morph into the more

encompassing term of quasi-actant. Quasi-actants suggest a more dynamic and diverse (multiple)

concept. Krarup & Blok (2011) already stated that each of these human/non-human organic/non-

organic actants cannot be minimized into a single association, rather they fight this reductionism and

allow for these actors to fold into “itself, subjects and quasi-objects” (p.46). They argue that they

want to go beyond the binaries and dichotomies that dictate the (gendered) world. For example, a

fish is not simply a fish; instead we see fish as an animal, food, income, leisure, nutrition etc.

Additionally, the fish can “present” itself in multiple forms: alive, dead, skinned, fried etc. In each

situation, the fish portrays a different role and affects us in diverse ways. For instance, it accessibility

and its quality can affect our consumption and health. Subsequently, the fish too is affected by our

performance as we can consume it or contaminate its habitat; the fish is thus dependent on our

actions.

However, every actor performs in its own way and therefore creates its unique connections. Quasi-

actants are assembled through their interaction and depend on this co-constitution of

subject/object. If the fish isn’t accessible, for example, then fishermen don’t have anything to sell

and will have to divert to other practices in order to obtain income. But also, the fact that these fish

can’t be accessed means they can repopulate and perhaps foster a better fishing season in the

future. The way in which these relations are sustained and developed Krarup & Blok (2011) argue, “is

embedded in networks of bodies, institutions, and things” (p.48). Yet, they emphasise that we cannot

and should not try to explain each relation between subjects and objects. Not everything is

describable, and they critique Latour (and Schatzki for that matter) in that he tries to seek for a term

or concept that includes and describes all relations and understandings. Schatzki (2002), for instance,

uses context to encompass all entities that are connected to each other. He believes that an

arrangement of entities form a social order25 which can be understood through context. He argues

that it is through context that its components can be determined, its actors, if you will. However,

Krarup & Blok (2011) state that such all-encompassing frameworks or context are wrong to believe

24

Actant: “something that acts or to which activity is granted by others. It implies no special motivation of human individual actors, nor of humans in general. An actant can literally be anything provided it is granted to be the source of an action” (Latour, 1996:7) 25

Social order: an arrangement where people, organisms and artifacts hang together. It is an order through which social life transpires, where entities relate and poses meaning (and identity). It characterizes human coexistence. All social life is marked by social order.

42

that they can include all aspects of subject/object relations. As mentioned before, not everything can

be described. Subjectivity is an important component of quasi-actants as they accept the fact that a

lot is left to interpretation. Subsequently, not everything can be described because it might not be a

physical matter. They refer to the symbolic and performative powers of human actants –“which are

distinct from purely ‘material’folds in terms of their social effects” (p.55). There is thus more than

materiality and therefore its combination with the socio-cultural and corporeal is so important. They

continue that the concept of quasi-actants is designed to “allow certain obscure forms of social-

symbolic ‘objectifiers’ – like moral concerns, identities, desires – to (re-)gain an explicit role in

empirical inquiry, without fundamentally breaking with ANT social ontology” (p.55). What is meant

by this statement is the fact that some aspects of understanding might never be captured or

understood because “social effects extend beyond visible presence” (p.56). The reality of life is that

not everything can be explained, and they argue that by accepting this, we can actually better

understand social relations.

Krarup & Blok (2011) continue stating that while the ANT might perfectly fit within techno-science,

when placed in the field of sociology, it runs into several complications. They have argued that these

“black boxes” in which Latour wishes to put all the subjectivities and descriptions, do not hold when

including the concept of interpretation. In fact, it prevents social life from “unfolding” and in a sense,

ignores a large part of the subject/object relation. Instead, (Krarup & Blok, 2011) wish to use quasi-

actants as they are inherently discontinuous and accept the fact that not everything can be

described. This empirical obscurity, as they call it, serves to supplement the deficits of the black

boxes that Latour holds on to. Through quasi-actants they hope to re-construct ANT and think in

terms of virtual theory. This particular form of theory can broadly be understood “as the dimension

of the actual which is not directly observable – and which hence requires some work of conceptual

abstraction” (p.58). It is an attempt to deal with the several uncertainties that are part of

interpretation and description of social reality. What then is needed in order to best understand

these quasi-actants when they are inherently “incomplete”? They argue that by embracing the

uncertain possibilities, we “can structure the evaluation of possibilities and uncertainties of: ‘what

actually happened here?’” (p.59).

Assemblage & Articulation

Assemblages, as portrayed by (Anderson & McFarlane, 2011; Featherstone, 2011; McFarlane &

Anderson, 2011), provide such a platform that embrace this “incompleteness” of quasi-actants.

According to Featherstone (2011) the terms of assemblage and articulation are crucial in

understanding relationships. Anderson & McFarlane agree in their articles in that they “attempt to

describe relationalities of composition” (in Featherstone, 2011:140). They not only acknowledge

relations between subjects/objects, but go as far as including issues of spatiality as well. Their

arguments will be highlighted through the following paragraphs.

First off, it is important to note that quasi-actants perform and embody a certain type of

relation/being. Through assemblages they become part of networks; they act in social life and

therefore perform and embody our relations. However, Krarup & Blok (2011) argue that quasi-

actants cannot easily be identified through “social form” as they remain subject to continuous and

collective employment. Therefore we have to approach them through a different manner.

Featherstone (2011) follows Arturo Escobar in he too explores how “assemblage thinking might

43

reconfigure understandings of the spatial constitution of articulation” (p.139). By articulation,

Featherstone means “the form of the connection that can make a unity of two different elements,

under certain conditions. It is a linkage which is not necessary, determined, absolute and essential for

all time” (p.139). An articulation thus, is a type of connection with no necessary belongingness. The

focus is rather on the relation itself and its emphasis, according to Featherstone (2011), on the “ever

present possibility of articulating relations in different ways”(p.140). Articulations are thus dynamic

and subject to a myriad of interpretations. They are the unity between elements – a connection -

while assemblages form a way to interpret this particular connection.

The way in which these articulations fit into the issue of space is in that they are temporary; they

acknowledge space as a constant flow (Morston in Featherstone, 2011). These articulations take

place in ontological sites; “a site that is a dynamically composed aggregate whose ‘map’ is drawn

according to its own internal ‘logics’ rather than any generalising laws” (Woodward et al. in

Featherstone, 2011). So, they are subject to interpretation and assemblages can thus be used to

understand them. Featherstone (2011) refers to both McFarlane and Bennett as to highlighting the

importance of assemblage when using articulation. McFarlane argues that “assemblage thinking is an

attempt to describe relationalities of compositions –relationalities of near/far, and social/material

and is defined by an interest emergence and process, i.e. in multiple temporalities and possibilities”

(McFarlane in Featherstone, 2011). The focus is thus between sites rather that within sites itself.

Featherstone makes a link to Bennett in that assemblages are “trajectories that cross or engage each

other to different extents over time, and that themselves exceed the assemblage” (Bennett in

Featherstone, 2011). She argues that there are diverse relationalities connected to assemblage,

which add to their evermore dynamic character.

At the beginning of this chapter I stated that we have to move away from linear chains of reference.

Bennett (2010), for example, supports this argument. She claims that “in nonlinear assemblages,

“effects” resonate with and against their “causes”, such that the impact of any added element or set

of elements cannot be grasped at a glance…it stabilizes itself through the mutual accommodation of

its heterogeneous components” (p.42). A set frame of reference does not allow for this dynamism

and does not capture the social nature of quasi-actants as Krarup & Blok (2011) suggest. Therefore, I

follow Anderson & McFarlane (2011) as they state that assemblages can be understood as a “co-

functioning” of the heterogeneous elements. So instead of consulting an “all-encompassing” frame,

we should rather focus on the co-functioning of these elements, and in specific to their embodiment.

Embodiment & Performance

Here I would like to introduce another important concept that helps to understand the quasi-actant

relationship; embodiment. Both Jane Bennett (2010) and Butler (1988) use the term of embodiment,

however they approach it from different fields; food and gender. Through this chapter both

intertwining approaches will be explained and their relevancy towards the gender-food-

public/private will hence be discussed. Second, the concept of performance is inherently intertwined

with acts of embodiment and I will use Butler (1988) to highlight these.

44

Embodiment

Butler bespeaks embodiment through gender; she argues that gender comes to be through acts of

embodiment. This “doing gender” as Butler (1988) calls it, is part of an act; it is an embodiment of a

certain subject. For example: one ‘performs a women’ rather just being one. For instance, by putting

on a dress I feel more like a woman, or if I put on lipstick. These acts, or “sets of strategies” as she

calls them, are closely linked to performances (which will be discussed in the following praragraph).

When connecting embodiment to food, it might be hard to understand that a fish is embodying

something other than “being a fish”. However, embodiment should not be taken this literally. Rather,

it should be understood as an interpretation; what this “form” means to us.

The meaning of the embodiment is connected to the social agents performing them; “they constitute

social reality through language, gesture, and all manner of symbolic social sign” (p.462). Here reality

can be paired to social ontologies in that everyone interprets this in his/her own way. Butler

embraces their multiplicity in a model of identity that requires social temporality; gender is an

internally discontinuous concept and therefore an appearance of substance. She defines the latter as

“a constructed26 identity, a performative accomplishment which the mundane social audience,

including the actors themselves, come to believe and perform in the mode of believe” (p.462). In

other words, gender is constituted/assembled through performative acts and is inherently

discontinuous. The embodiment of such assemblages and constitutions are thus crucial in

understanding gender (and food/space) relationships.

Bennett (2010) on the other hand, links embodiment to food rather than gender. For instance, she

treats food as “conative bodies vying alongside and within another complex body (a person’s own

body)” (p.39). She treats food as actants- as active agents. She believes we should look at these

actors (and fish) through their emotions and associations. Embodiment then can be viewed in a more

literal way in that she refers to actual materialities (food & bodies) that derive and project meaning

through this embodiment. For instance, freshly caught fish thrown on a grill is different from

processed fish that has travelled across the world for several days. Putting this in terms of Bennett’s

embodiment: the processed fish “does not act the way” their freshly caught counterparts do. And

here is when the concept of performance interlocks with embodiment; “consumption is a two-way

street, an encounter between bodies human and non-human” (p.47).

Performance

Performance, as portrayed by Butler (1988) should be understood in terms of actions. In her article

she uses performances in order to understand our gendered bodies. These acts that constitute our

gender “bear similarities to performative acts within theoretical contexts…gender is constructed27

through specific corporeal acts” and she wished to explore “what possibilities exist for the cultural

transformation of gender through such acts” (p.463). It is through these performances that the

material, socio-cultural and corporeal come together in the gender-food relation.

26

While Butler (1988) uses “construction” to refer to identity, I prefer the term constitution as construction often refers to a pre-set framework with little room for interpretation. I chose to copy her full quotation because in a large sense I do agree with her. 27

Again, I chose to fully quote Butler, even though I do not agree with the concept of construction as aforementioned.

45

According to Bennett (2010) “food is a self-altering, dissipative materiality…it enters into what we

become” (p.51). This “becoming” connects the materiality of our food to our corporeal bodies and

can be interpreted through socio-culturality. The role of performance is crucial in understanding the

assemblages that connect these human and non-human bodies (Bennett, 2010). She continues to

highlight the connection to food. Just like the artisan fish, food in general can perform different roles;

it can represent our job, our hobby (cooking), it can form part of our nutrition and it can even

influence/generate emotions (memories, sickness, comfort). Food is also part of us and our bodies

through various ways, even without us directly ingesting it. When we do, however, come to ingest

foods, it contributes to our body as it can generate new human tissue Bennett (2010) argues.

Through a series of performances we become engaged with food and vice versa. Food is (literally)

part of our bodies; we become embodiments of our foods and likewise, food embodies us. Not only

do we project meaning on food, but food also project meaning on us. Thus, we can no longer argue

that “we (only) are what we eat”, rather we also have to argue that “we eat what we are”.

Performances and embodiments are thus deeply intertwined and serve to help us understand the

subject/object relation. When analysing these particular relations, the terms become closely

connected to assemblages and articulations. Articulations form the unity/connection between

subject/object. This relation is embodied in certain ways, they are representations. Assemblages are

the ways in which we interpret and understand such connections and representations. Lastly, our

performances are a series of actions that we embody and that are inherently part of our gender.

These concepts are construed socially and can be viewed as a constant process, Butler (1988) argues.

When we think of all encompassing structures and frames that for example the ANT adheres to, we

heretofore cannot claim that these sustain the dynamism of subject/object connections. Different

bodies contain multiple assemblages, and perform multiple acts. Therefore, Bennett (2010) argues,

they produce diverse patterns and effects which are not predictable and therefore non-linear, in

contrast to a more structurized framework. Rather, they way in which gender and food are

connected is through a relationship between the eater and the eaten (Bennett, 2010). As actors

derive meaning from each other and therefore generate activity, we can no longer argue that food

and other objects for that matter are passive partakers in the gender-food-public/private

relationship. Quasi-actants, in contrary to actors, do have the ability to move beyond the

indescribable, as Krarup & Blok (2011) argue. Exactly because not all of our connections and relations

are (directly) visible (such as our emotions, tissue making), they have opted to approach them as

hybrids; in-betweens of description and explanation. It acknowledges that not only the men, but also

the fish itself influences these men; fishermen depend on the seasonality of the fish and the fish are

influenced by our overfishing. The simple subject/object dichotomy therefore becomes redundant as

it does not allow for a fusion of both, rather it focusses on their separation (when this often is not

the case). They become quasi-actants; they are dynamic, diverse and multiple and most importantly;

perform.

Concluding, within the gender-food-public/private triangle we have to acknowledge that not

everything is describable, and in a large sense is left to interpretation. Subjectivities form an

important aspect of the understanding of subjects and objects. Quasi-actants, for example

incorporate these uncertainties and play with the subjectivity that is inscribed in their performances

and embodiments. Through their assemblages and articulations we can better capture their

connectedness and place them, for example, in a gender-food relation. These concepts thus offer

enough data on the interrelation of aspects that concern gender and food. Therefore, I have to argue

46

that the binary position of the “domains” should be revised as various authors argue that its

compartmentalization is not feasible. Rather, the social relations between them are constantly

changing and do not adhere to one domain in particular. The following section will focus on public

and private matters, as they have largely been overlooked until now.

47

De-territorializing effects Issues on spatiality are important to incorporate

within the food domains as our connection to food

“takes place” in either physical or non-physical spaces.

All three components derive meaning from each other

and operate through their relations. Yet, an often

neglected aspect of these social phenomena is the fact

that space is construed out of social relations as well

(Massey, 1994). Therefore, this entire section will

illustrate how the public/private has come to be and

what its relation is towards gender and food. Lastly, I

will connect this triangle to identity, as this is one of the central elements in my research question.

Space is social

According to Massey (1994), space is constituted out of social relations and cannot be seen

independently from it. She believes that the spatial is a “stretching out” of social relations -a

configuration- as they are inherently dynamic. Moreover, these social relations are “imbued with

power, meaning and symbols” and therefore experienced differently by each (p3.). They can thus be

understood as an “ever shifting social geometry of significance” which leads to a “simultaneous

multiplicity of spaces”, she argues (p.3). Accordingly, Massey (1994) links the conceptualization of

space and place to issues of gender. She finds similarities in that both are subject to binary

definitions and dichotomies. They are largely steered by hegemonies and are polarized by multiple

oppositions. For gender, the male/female divide is source for a lot of debate28, for space the

oppositions often consists of the public/private divide. While this division still seems to mark the

constitution of space in a large sense, Kumar & Makarova (2014) and Massey (1991, 1994) argue its

actually the sociality of space that has blurred the lines of this dichotomy. The following section will

lay out more details on this matter.

Domestication of the public

According to Kumar & Makarova (2014) public and private spaces are vanished; its boundaries have

been dissolved. The media and institutions have entered both spheres and created a whole new

conception of space in general. Private life is no longer just associated with the home and family,

larger societal processes are art of it too. According to Kumar & Makarova (2014) the private life is

now carried out into the public; extending the private into a broader sphere. Similarly, the “public” is

being revised, as I will conclude through the following paragraphs.

Kumar & Makarova (2014) have used two concepts to mark the blurring of boundaries between the

public and the private: privatization and domestication. The privatization of the public, which entails

that public spaces are being designed by private sectors and institutions and where admittance is

controlled, is closely linked to the concept of domestication. The domestication of the public is “the

carrying of the behaviour, attitudes and emotions generally associated with the private realm –

specifically to the home- into the public sphere” (p.326). This “displacement” of public and private as

Kumar & Makarova call it, has a severe impact on the gender identities and performances. If public

and private ‘domains’ overlap; what then can be said about our identities? Where does one

28

This will be highlighted in the section on “identity”.

Gender

Food Puplic/Private

48

“identity” end and the other start? While the domestication of the public (and its subsequent

privatization) has dictated the re-evaluation of the public/private terms, we should also keep in mind

that the public influences the private as well. Due to the co-constitution between quasi-actants and

place, we can conclude that this dislocation is not just a one-way street. Therefore, authors such as

Bennett (2010) have named this phenomenon; de-territorialisation. She argues that our connections

to other subject/objects are established through non-linear assemblages; there is “a mutual

accommodation of heterogeneous components” (p.42). Accordingly, she defines de-territorialisation

as an actor/actant that no longer just serves one purpose in a particular place. She uses the following

example; a bird uses a grass stem in order to build a nest. A bird also uses a grass stem during his

mating ritual. In both cases the same object is used, however the end and means differ greatly. The

grass stem thus is a de-territorialised component.

Massey (1991) provides similar arguments in that through processes of globalization, we are

experiencing a sense of “dislocation”. If our physical presence no longer is of paramount importance

to perform our desired actions, you can argue that we can be in multiple “places” at the same time. I

could be on vacation and still be connected to my home by making a phone call to my parents, for

instance. Massey further questions: “what is it that determines our degrees of mobility that

influences the sense we have of space and place? Time-space compression refers to movement and

communication across space, to the geographical stretching-out of social relations, and to our

experience of all this” (p.2). If topography no longer is inherent to place, can we then start to think of

place in a different form? How then should we re-conceptualize the public/private? Massey (1991)

opts for a vision that includes a more socially formed, socially evaluative and differentiated way to

look at the time-space-compression.

In Place, Space and Gender, Massey argues that “the hegemonic spaces and places29 which we face

today are not only products or forms or economic organization but reflect back at us also- and in the

process reinforce- other characteristics of social relations, among them those of gender” (1994:183).

She believes gender is of great importance to the geographical constitution of space and place

because their relation takes place alongside binary divisions as well. Relations, she argues, should be

viewed within some kind of “context” as the binaries and dichotomies do not provide us with the

proper lens to view them in. Hence, she calls for a reconsideration of the public/private divide in

order to better understand “space”.

John Dewey (1927) and Hywel D. Lewis (1953) are two authors who have developed a diverging

understanding of space as well. Dewey (1927), for instance, does not approach the distinction

between public and private in a black and white manner. He argues that public and private cannot be

seen separately from each other, rather, in association to one another. I could argue that they co-

function together, just like quasi-actants. He believes that the same statement goes for people:

“there is no sense in asking how individuals come to be associated. They exist and operate in

association” (p.23). However, humans are not born “associated”; they become what he calls “social

animals” and develop ideas, sentiments and behaviour30. These are outcomes of what he constitutes

29

For this thesis, I will not go into further detail about the difference between space and place. My focus is to undo ourselves from binary thinking between public/private spheres and therefore the distinction between space and place will not further be touched upon. 30

Butler (1988) for example already made such claims; “one is not born a woman, yet, becomes one”. See the paragraph about embodiment in Gender, Food and the Public/Private.

49

as associations. Thus, relating this back to space, Dewey believes that both space and people are in

association within and towards each other. Therefore, there is no need in making a clear separation

between public and private “space” as our mobile bodies are not confined to such dichotomies.

Lewis (1953) approaches this question in a more philosophical manner. He first of all questions what

‘real’ space actually is. What are the characteristics of it and how can we detect them? He plays with

reality and goes further into this matter by provoking a discussion on what ‘is’ really in space and

what not. In a sense, this can be paired to embodiment and its interpretations. Lewis argues that to

some, an image or reality might be “presented” in certain ways and to others it might be presented

contrastingly. This links to Dewey in that we have certain associations with particular people, things

or elements in society that might appear differently to other people. Public and private space might

thus vary across cultures or between people as well as they are embodied in distinctive manners or

do not exist at all. Therefore it remains important to stress the heterogenic and multiple characters

of assemblages and their embodiments. In a gender/food context, for example, showing your

appreciation for a cooked meal is done in various ways: either completely finishing plates, eating

large/small quantities or burping after a meal (or not). There is no holistic way to show appreciation

for a meal. What remains important, though, is the fact that we can acknowledge it and use this

multiplicity as a starting point for further understandings of space, but also gender and food.

In conclusion, through processes of domestication and privatization we have found the boundaries

between the public and the private to have blurred. Both Butler (1988) and Massey (1994) have

argued that space is a product of our social relations and hence are characterized by non-linear and

heterogeneous assemblages. This non-linearity –paired with processes of domestication- has

ultimately led various authors to believe that the once dichotomized boundaries of public and private

‘domains’ need to be revised as there no longer exist explicit outlines as to where public space end

and private space begins. Instead, we should follow Butler (1988) in that space is social, and that

therefore is constituted through social relations. It is through the previous arguments that I can

argue why involvement of public/private are crucial within the gender and food sphere.

Identity

What I can conclude from the previous paragraphs is that the assemblages between gender and food

are embodied and performed in various ways. This multiplicity has been stimulated by an increasing

de-territorialisation of actors which have blurred the dichotomized notions between public/private

domains. One of the main goals of this thesis is to understand how these processes influence

masculine identity. Therefore, rethinking public/private domains through heterogeneous

assemblages has eventually led me to rethink its association to identity as well. This paragraph will

draw upon the works of Butler (1990) and Nayak & Kehily (2011) in order to challenge the several

‘strands’ of identity, as they call it.

Through my introduction I have tried to conclude that both masculinities and machismo need to be

reconceptualised and their multiple character needs to be embraced. Due to their de-

territorialisation, the way in which these characteristics are embodied varies across the world and

therefore are heterogeneous and multiple. When thinking of the “dislocation” of these masculinities

and focus on their various engagements through assemblages, I wonder how then to interpret

identity? Nayak & Kehily (2011) like to challenge the “ontological status of (gender) identity” and

divide it into three interrelated strands; subversion, regulation and embodiment.

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Subversion

Nayak & Kehily (2011) start off their article by quite boldly challenging the whole notion of identity.

They follow Butler (in Nayak & Kehily, 2011) in that she is driven by multiple identity formations.

They argue that by ensuing this theory they subvert and implode the very basis of identity. They

believe that this more than deconstruction of gender into its socially constitutive parts as either

masculine or feminine, male or female binaries provides an unstable basis as to understanding

identity in its current form. As concluded in the previous section, it is exactly the revoking of the

binaries of gender and place that have allowed us to better understand and conceptualize them, as

they are inherently social characters. They use an example of putting on lipstick to illustrate their

argument; if a girl puts on lipstick, they argue, it is not a feminine act. Rather, a mode of “girling” –

acting like a girl. They believe that we should not focus on the doer behind the deed, but understand

that the doer is assembled through the deed. For instance, if a goth, lesbian or drag queen puts on

lipstick, three very different meanings can be derived from one single action. Even though the same

object is being used and the action in itself is the same, the particular understanding of such

performance and embodiment are completely different. Putting on lipstick thus is not something

only women can enact, rather, putting on lipstick has become an act of “girling” – something

commonly associated with women, but not limited to them. Butler (1990) hence questions if gender

is “an act”? She believes that gender requires repetitions of actions; the repetitions is a “re-

enactment and re-experiencing of a set of meanings already socially established; and it is this the

mundane and ritualized form of their legitimation” (p.420). Even though individuals act and perform,

they are stylized into hegemonic gendered modes- public actions, as she calls them. These gender

norms, she argues, are phantasmatic and impossible to embody, in other words; they can never be

achieved. In that sense, Nayak & Kehily (2011) believe that this discursive enactment [of putting on

lipstick] opens up gender to a multiplicity of subject positions that simultaneously hold multiple

identifications. Furthermore “if the inner truth of gender is a fabrication and if true gender is a

fantasy instituted and inscribed on the surface of bodies, then it seems that genders can be neither

true not false, but are only produced as the truth effect of a discourse of primary and stable identity”

(Butler in Nayak & Kehily, 2011).

Regulation

What can be concluded from the previous paragraph is that we need to rethink identity as a whole,

and perhaps even subvert it. Gender identity31 and identification32 are two important concepts to

consider when trying to understand masculine identity as a whole. It is important to note that,

according to Nayak & Kehily (2011) there exists a certain dissonance between both identity and

identification. They believe that what separates the ideal (identity) will never occupy the same spatial

and temporal zone as our reality (identification). The reason for this, they argue, is the fact that both

are subject to regulation; “heterosexual masculinity was not something that could lie still, but

continually had to be asserted, regulated and performed” (p.464).

31

Gender identity: “fabrications manufactured and sustained through corporeal signs and other discursive means” (Butler, 1990:417) & “the ideal meaning, where the signifier and signified come together” (Nayak & Kehily, 2011) 32

Identification: “the never touching encounter that exists between the desiring object and the desired object” (Nayak & Kehily, 2011:465)

51

The authors agree with Butler in that gender is a phantasmic constitution, a “reality that is fabricated

as an interior essence (Butler, 1990:417). The continue to say that gender signs are constituted

through difference, and are part of a bigger network of meaning where these terms constantly refer

to each other, and therefore their constitution is different, multiple if you will. However, they critique

this ‘bigger network of meaning’ as it is often subject to western notions of gender identity. These

are “western patterns where meaning is produced through a binary of presence and absence. The

binary, designed around opposition and exclusion, seeks to avoid intermixture through the

polarisation of categories’ (p.466). They argue that this ambivalence exists precisely because “there

is a cost in every identification…the forcible approximation of a norm one never chooses, a norm that

chooses us, but which we occupy, reverse, re-signify to the extent that the norm fails to determine us

completely” (Butler in Nayak & Kehily, 2011). In a sense, this statement resonates with what Krarup

& Blok (2011) have tried to advocate through their quasi-actants. Because social relations are part of

our gender-food-public/private triangle and therefore are inherently social, we cannot adhere to a

framework or manufactured chain of “one-size-fits-all”. Instead, we have to acknowledge its

multiplicity and accept that not everything can or should be described. Interpretation and

subjectivity are important partakers in this theory. The following chapter will build on this knowledge

and follow the last strand of gender identity, which is embodiment.

Embodiment

Embodiment is the third and last component of gender identity as Nayak & Kehily (2011) have

proposed to revise it. They state that in order to better understand the social processes that are

inherent to our being, we need to understand how these discursive and material components are

embodied in our everyday life.

First of all, they have argued that bodies matter; “gender identity is an embodied action that does

not exist outside of its ‘doings’; rather, its performance is also a reiteration of previous ‘doings’that

become intelligible as gender norms” and it is through embodiment that we sign our bodies with “an

active notion of performance” (p.467). In a sense, we ‘style’ our bodies through embodiment and

performance and therefore ‘do’ gender, they argue. All our ideas on gender, for that matter, are

habitually embodied, meaning that our identity and identification are closely connected through our

performances but, are never the same as they have argued. The regulation, performance and

embodiment of our genders are subject to a circle of repetition. Repeating certain acts might thus

generate the idea that they are ‘real’ and might thus bring us closer to the gendered ideal. But, even

though it has been established that gender is an unachievable ideal, why do people still want to

uphold its fantasy?

Nayak & Kehily (2011) believe that “through the notion of performance we see objects as

technologies for the production of gendered selves. Through repeated actions these taken-for-

granted objects are no longer simply the accountrements of gender –the desired or discarded items

of boyhood/girlhood- but transformed into the founding techniques through which these identities

are realised” (p.471). What can be concluded from the previous statement is that our gender and

identity are very closely intertwined, and as long as people act, embody and perform gender

identities will exist. Even more so, it is through the repetition of such acts that we constantly re-

create gender (and therefore identity). Most importantly, we have to acknowledge that the

embodiments and performances we enact are already productions of gender themselves and

therefore inherently intertwined. And even the ‘non-action’ the ‘non-identification’ are part of our

52

identity; “I am not a man”, “I am not a tomboy” etc. It must be noted, however, that these

identifications are subject to change as identities are fluid and open. “They deprive hegemonic

cultures of the claim of naturalized/essentialist gender identities” (Butler, 1990:418). Thus, there is

no ‘pure’ or ‘natural’ gender, what ‘makes’ gender are the (repetitive) embodiments and

performances we engage in as they are both productions and result of our identity and identification.

To conclude, identity is very closely intertwined with our gender. When trying to understand the

masculine identity (as proposed in my research question) I must first understand how gender and

identity relate to each other. Butler (1990) and Nayak & Kehily (2011) have provided valuable insights

into the matter. First of all, they believe gender and identity are a result of social processes. They

have argued that gender identity is an illusion, a fantasy created by ourselves which can never be

reached as it is subject to change. Our attempts to do so, however have been named identification.

These exist in constitution with our the subversion, regulation and embodiment of our identity in

itself. Our embodiments and performances are active component of our identification and at the

same time creators of (gender) identity. When linking this to the statements made in my introduction

on multiple masculinities, machismos, I must agree with Butler (1988) in that she believes that we

have the capability to perform and become multiple identities. There is thus not one way to capture

gender or identity for that matter. Frameworks and linear chains of explanation no longer are useful

in trying to understand the relationship between gender and identity. Therefore, the next chapter

will in short try to move away from this notion and more towards creating a new way of

understanding these phenomena.

New understanding At the beginning of this chapter I argued that I was moving towards creating a new understanding of

the relationship between gender-food-public/private in a de-territorialised quasi-actant setting. First,

I looked at the three food domains as presented by Allen & Sachs (2007). I objected the

restrictiveness of their boundaries and instead incorporated several interrelated concepts that I felt

were necessary to understand their relation in general. These concepts were handled in the following

chapter where I argued that gender, food and the public/private are active components of the food

domains. As they are developments of social

relations, their interaction has led to de-

territorializing effects of gender and identity.

Overall, I argue that the restrictiveness of

boundaries and dichotomies has negatively

influenced the understanding of these phenomena

in general.

This thesis does not have as a goal to provide the

right understanding of these relationships, as I do

not believe there is one. However, I do believe

there are certain ways to improve it. Giuseppe

Arcimboldo, an Italian painter from the 16th

century, produced a series of paintings which, in

my opinion, understood the human/food

connection quite well;

53

As you can see, the human torso consists completely out fish and shellfish. It is quite clear that the

painting is of a man with a beard. He is wearing armour and his head is protected by a helmet of

some sort. However, when we look closely not even one part is human flesh; his eyes, his open

mouth, his nose and beard are all made out of fish. You can basically say that this man is assembled

through food, and in particular fish. “You are what you eat” then becomes quite literal.

I believe Arcimboldo brilliantly lays the foundations for a more inclusive visualization of the

gender/food connection; it is a step in the right direction towards moving away from linear chains of

understanding. However, he neglects some crucial features that are part of this relationship as well.

What about further embodiments and performances that require our other senses such as tasting,

smelling, touching and hearing? What about the non-visual connections? Through my ethnography,

presented in the following three chapters, I will provide further examples of these particular relations

and I will analyse them against the theories as presented in this chapter in my discussion.

54

6. Ethnography I have chosen to section my ethnography in three different chapters, namely; material, socio-cultural

and corporeal. I will thus largely follow the lines of the theory proposed by Allen & Sachs (2007).

Nonetheless, the somewhat rigid borders of these domains will be used in their ‘new’ forms as

argued in the previous chapter. There I stated that the three domains do not encompass or

incorporate the vital aspects of gender, food and the public/private that have proven crucial to its

understanding. In order to still integrate all three aspects within all domains, I opted to link them to

the interlocking aspects of artisan fish, the public/private and masculinities which are the primary

elements of my thesis.

While all three chapters largely expose data on artisan fish, public/private matters and masculinities,

each will have its own inclination into the matter, namely; the material, socio-cultural and

public/private. And while complete compartmentalization is not possible, I will highlight each section

with subjects that I felt were most significant for that ‘domain’.

The sections on artisan fish encompasses all that is related to the artisan fish industry in and around

Valdivia. It is especially concerned with the consumption and production practices concerning the

industry and its workers. The public/private sections will touch upon data that is related to the

demarking or blurring of boundaries between different types of labour; paid and unpaid labour. It

pays attention to public and private kitchen and their accompanied food practices. Most of all, it

deals with the data that indicates performances of the life lived within the city and in what way it

influences the quasi-actants involved in the artisan fish industry. Lastly, the masculinities expose data

on the gendered masculine identifications of the men involved in this particular industry. It combines

the food practices and gendered labour and investigates them through events, labour and city life.

The main focus will be on what is considered to be their identity and what their identification is of

the men (in this industry).

Throughout the chapters I will thus be guided by the quasi-actants that compose the artisan fish

industry. I have introduced them in the previous chapter and will now go into further detail on their

relation to the artisan fish industry, the role public/private plays concerning their food practices and

how this affect/effects their masculine identity. I wish to explore how their relations towards these

matters are assembled, embodied and performed. The three interrelates I just mentioned will serve

to highlight this.

It must be noted that overlap between the quasi-actants is inevitable. Nonetheless, as argued by

Butler (1990) and Nayak & Kehily (2011) through the repetition of acts and by using the same

material and objects, contact with similar actors and living in the same ‘spaces’ as the other actants,

it must not come as a surprise that the men all working in the artisan fish industry might share

comparable identifications. Hence, I argue that overlap is not necessary an obstruction, rather a

result of the dynamic and multiple identities and identifications that are part of the industry.

55

6.1 The Material Domain This chapter will be concerned with what Allen & Sachs (2007) have referred to as the material

domain. According to them, it contains everything that has to do with commodities, the production

of food, labour and gendered labour division. The material domain as they have portrayed it however

is too restrictive. I will complement their theory with my ethnographic findings that encompass

additional themes that I feel are of importance when studying this particular domain; I will expand

the definition of materialities so that it goes beyond (gendered) labour division and production

processes. Henceforth, as explained in the first chapter, I believe materialities should also include the

objects/tools used in order to realise certain food practices and additionally, focussing on material

objects themselves. Lastly, I found it important to include how the relation between materialities and

labour is realized through the food practices people engage in.

Artisan Fish This particular section is concerned with the consumption and production practices that surround

the artisan fish industry in Valdivia. I will discuss the several places were fish can (publically) be

bought and consumed. Herewith I will pay attention to physical aspects of these places and how the

artisan fish is connected/used within these locations.

Consumption and production

In this section I will discuss the several consumption and production (extraction & processing) points

of the artisan fish in and around Valdivia. I will present my findings in such a way that I portray an

image of these locations and highlight how the artisan fish plays a role within them. These selling

spots are the following: the Feria Fluvial, Feria Costumbrista and restaurants. Furthermore, the

various production points are: supermarkets, Feria Fluvial, Feria Costumbrista, Pesca en Línea and

restaurants. As can be noted, several consumption and production points contain certain overlap,

which is why I chose to combine the repeated concepts into one paragraph.

Feria Fluvial

The Feria Fluvial (the river fair) is often used as a reference point for tourists and locals. As it is

between the two parts of the city, it is quite

central. Also, it is an important place where

tourists and hungry Valdivians gather.

Throughout the year it draws thousands of

tourists who seek to catch a glimpse of the

rumoured “lobo marino” (sea lion) that

roams around the fair. The fair is a line-up of

32 stalls that contain a mix of foods, smells

and vibrant colours. On the left side, various

men and women sell a variety of fish and

shellfish. The other side consists of multiple

fruit and vegetables stands.

As Valdivia is a popular traveling place, the river is filled with boat tour companies. They constantly

walk along the pier searching for customers. The same pier is used for big events where people come

together to eat, dance and even exercise.

56

What I observed during my weekly visits to the Feria, was the fact that first of all, both women and

men were selling fish (about 50/50). They occupied the same food practices as well; weighing the

fish, cleaning the fish, gutting the fish, cleaning the surfaces and selling the fish. I noted that all these

practices were conducted manually. They used old (non-electric) scales to weigh the fish and in

general conducted all handlings with few materials; knives, water and scales. Behind the stalls are

some permanent concrete tables that they can use and clean with a water hose. These people are

wearing comfortable and warm clothes and usually protect themselves with plastic aprons and rain

boots.

The men and women selling fish,

however, are not fishermen/women;

they are regular traders. The Feria in

itself belongs to the municipality; these

people rent a stall from them. The

municipality does not cover any costs

and therefore these people are fully

responsible for what happens at the fair.

One of the guys (50+) working at the

Feria told me that he and his wife work

together and rent two stalls. Every

morning, every day of the week, the

driver brings the frozen fish from Corral, Puerto Montt and Niebla. They stall it on multiple crates and

fill it with ice. Then, when a client wants to buy a fish, they take it to a table in the back and clean it;

they add value. The left over fish parts are often tossed in the river or given to the sea lions who are

anxiously sitting behind the salesmen waiting to be fed.

The amount and variety of fish that they have sold has been deeply affected by the harsh winter they

had in the region he says. Sierra, for example, a very popular fish amongst Valdivians, has not been

caught in over 60 days due to the wind and rain that has been falling in the area. These weather

conditions, he explains, drive the fish away and make it harder for the fishermen to perform and

catch fish. However, there still is a great variety of fish that is sold; purel, albacora, reineta and

salmon. The merchant tells me that this particular fair is the only one in South-America that sells

fresh fish in this manner; that you can see it, smell it, touch it etc. The success of this fair is then

supported by the large consumption of fish in the region of Los Rios. The weekends are his most busy

days he says; Sunday is a family day in Chile where most people have more time and the majority of

the stores and restaurants are closed. The families come to the fair and buy fish to prepare at home

or choose to eat some (cooked) shellfish on the spot. These pre-cooked meals are sold by private

vendors who sit in between the two rows of stalls. They box the meals in plastic boxes and sell them

as individual meals which are often consumed during lunch time (around 15:00/16:00). Furthermore,

the Feria is surrounded by people selling soUnanirs and street musicians.

During the summer and sunny days, various families, friends and couples come together and sit on

the benches overlooking the river and mountains surrounding the city.

Thus, as can be concluded from the previous statements, the Feria attracts a great variety of people.

Its accessibility and open sphere allow for a great flow of people and its semi-permanent status lends

57

itself to transform in a different type of market during fairs, festivities and other events. However, it

wasn’t until I learned more about the fish consumption in the region, that I knew what kind of impact

this fair had on the hegemonic fish “culture” in Valdivia.

Consumption

One of my most striking findings during my research was that Chileans eat relatively little fish. They

are carnivores and eat an estimated 89 kg of meat a year, compared to 7 kg of fish. Every single one

of my interviewees told me they love meat and eat it almost every day. The amount of consumed

fish however, varies among profession, age and gender. The next step for me was to investigate

which people did consume fish and where they purchased it.

In and around Valdivia there are only a limited amount of places that sell fish; the most preferred

being the Feria Fluvial. Other places include the bigger supermarkets, a handful of fish restaurants

and the Feria Costumbrista in Niebla. As mentioned, the Feria Fluvial is very popular among

Valdivians and tourists. The fishermen from Niebla and Los Molinos, however, told me that they

would never go to this fair to buy fish. They argue that they can easily get fresher fish on the job and

would prefer that option any time. Valdivians however, do not have this option as they occupy a full-

time job in the city. When they do want to consume fish, they choose to purchase it at the fair or, on

Sundays, go to the Feria Costumbrista in Niebla.

Feria Costumbrista

This fair roughly shares the same concept as the Feria Fluvial in that vendors rent a stall in this roofed

space and process their foods on the spot. The vendors each have a stove, a sink and kitchen table

cramped in their little stalls where they are constantly cooking and processing their products. It can

therefore get quite hot at the fair as a result of all the accumulated steams, though it allows for the

lovely cooking smells to travel along the tables.

The fair is about 17 km from the centre of Valdivia and can easily be reached by bus. During the

winter it is only open on Sundays, but during summer it can be visited every day –the weekends

being its busiest days. One of the founders of the fair told me she started this concept as a sindicato;

an independent trade union. Together with a few other women they managed to construct various

stalls without governmental help and attract salesmen and women to sell their dishes at the fair.

Nowadays, this fair consists of 62 stalls, 20 of those selling the typical Chilean empanada. Besides

empanadas, there is a number of asado33 and parillada (barbeque) sellers. Other stalls offer fruit and

pie, but also chicha (alcohol) and beer.

In between all the stalls there is a large number of pick nick tables and in the centre there is a stage

where often traditional dances are performed. The founder told me that the fair attracts a lot of

tourists and Valdivians. As the prices of the fair are quite affordable, the variety of people is quite

diverse; families, students, young couples, retired people etc. are all regular customers. A visit to the

feria is often combined with a trip to the beach, which is at a 5 minute walk. After a day at the beach

people like to eat these traditional Chilean foods which consists of the following; meat empanadas,

anticucho (different meats on a stick), asado, shrimp empandas and pulmay (a broth of shellfish).

33

Asado: can be compared to parillada; they are different types of the western barbeque as we know it. An asado is typically characterized with pork/chicken rotating on a stick over a fire.

58

Most foods are served without any side-dishes, with the exception of the asado. This one is

accompanied with a few large potatoes and the typical ensalada Chilena; a salad consisting of

tomato, lettuce, cucumber and a bit of onions. While most of the food stands sell meat, my friends

and interviewees have told me this too is a good place to consume fish. There are about 2 stands

that sell fish empanadas which contain a mix of shrimp, onions and garlic. The shrimp is often bought

from local artisan fishermen in Niebla and otherwise imported from larger cities such as Puerto

Montt (about 4 hours from Niebla). The other option is to eat pulmay; a fish-broth made out of

various shellfish (clams, shrimp, oysters, jaibas) which are placed in a small net that simmer in a large

soup bowl. The owner told me that these are the only two options to consume fish; the main

attraction remains the meat. People do, however, often combine the meat and shrimp empanadas

and share with their friends. People buy them by the dozen or more, they are rarely sold individually.

The pulmay, on the other hand, is considered to be a complete meal as the fish and broth are quite

satisfactory.

Restaurants

Besides the more informal/casual fairs, the people in and around Valdivia also have the option to

consume fish in several restaurants. Niebla has about 5 restaurants, excluding the Feria

Costumbrista. Los Molinos has a few more restaurants, but nonetheless cannot be compared to the

amount of restaurants that are present in Valdivia.

Valdivia has various restaurants all specialized in different foods; meat, fast food, Thai, sushi, fish etc.

The number of fish restaurants is quite limited (4 to 5) and are mostly set around the Feria Fluvial. I

spoke to one of the owners of a fish restaurant in Valdivia “El Rey del Marisco”, that was in front of

the Feria. He only sells a few artisan fish at his restaurant, such as the jaiba. This particular fish

restaurant owner does not buy artisan fish from Pesca en Línea; I did not ask him why, rather I was

more interested where he did buy his products. He then told me that mostly, he purchases fish and

shellfish from fishermen in Puerto Montt and has it shipped over a few times a week. He rarely buys

fish at the Feria, even though his restaurant is situated in front of the fair. The reason for this, he

argues, is the fact that the traceability of the fish is difficult and that reflects itself in the quality of

the product. He has good contact with his supplier and speaks of a trusting relationship. In the past,

he tells me, he has argued with his supplier at the Feria Fluvial as she was taking advantage of him.

After this incident, she never did it again; now she is the only supplier at the Feria he does business

with.

The other restaurant owners and chefs I interviewed do purchase products from Pesca en Línea. The

products they order vary between each restaurant as it depends on the type of restaurant/hotel. The

non-fish restaurants, for example, only order a limited amount of fish products because it is not the

focus of the restaurant (2-3 options). Dishes such as; meat, soups, salads and fast food, on the other

hand are really popular among Valdivians, the chefs tell me. The fish that is sold however is mostly

salmon, shrimp and a white fish of the season. Nonetheless, the focus always remains on the other

dishes.

The fish restaurants I visited did offer a lot more fish dishes, naturally. Apart from El Rey del Marisco,

both restaurants are situated outside Valdivia. Restobar Fischer, for example, is a small restaurant

(max. 12 people) based on a hill overlooking the see. The other restaurant, Caleta de Los Molinos, is

59

on the fishermen’s dock in Los Molinos. Both restaurants have various options of (shell)fish and often

accompany it with pasta, ensalada Chilena or potatoes/fries. While the two restaurants are

specialized in fish, there remain a few crucial differences; Caleta de Los Molinos, for example,

purchases its fish before it is sold to Pesca en Línea. As the restaurant is based on the dock, Gabriel

(the chef) tells me he just walks down to the pier, picks out a few fish and then brings them into the

kitchen. Meanwhile, the guys that work on the pier clean and weigh the fish further and afterwards

sell some of the fish to Pesca en Línea, Wilberto34 the driver will often transport the fish to the plant.

The second difference between both fish restaurants is the customers it addresses. Caleta de Los

Molinos is quite new (8 months) and was built with the idea to attract as many tourists and locals as

possible. As this restaurant is owned by the sindicato, its main goal is to support its member; the

fishermen. However, in order to attract the most customers, it has to appeal to the majority of them

and therefore the prices are relatively low (around 6000 CHP for a main course). The atmosphere is

relaxed and the decoration in the restaurant is really basic. It overlooks the dock and the bay, but is

blocked a bit by the fish stalls and boats based on the pier. And while the restaurant is relatively

bigger that Restobar Fischer’s, it does not have the option to sit outside. Fisher’s restaurant is also a

bit more expensive; the main dishes are around 10.000-12.000 CHP. The owner tells me that most of

his customers consist of young couples and groups of friends between 30-50 years, while at the

Caleta most of the customers are families with kids and generally older people. The atmosphere in

Fishers’ restaurant is also directed towards a younger public; the music and decoration are modern

as well as their merchandise (he sells books and handmade leather bags).

Edgar, the owner of Restorbar, tells me he is not in it for the money; he loves to cook and share his

talent. He does not mind the limited amount of people that fit in his restaurant. He prefers a small

number of people that he is able to assist perfectly rather than a large group that causes him stress.

Additionally, he does have the luxury of placing his customers on his balcony so they can overlook

the ocean. Edgar buys most of his fish at Pesca en Línea because he trusts their products. He argues

that he likes their “cadena del frío”; the way the company processes and delivers the frozen fish. He

can rely on the good quality the company offers, which is reflected in its taste, he argues.

Occasionally, he does buy fish from the Feria Fluvial in Valdivia. Edgar mentions that only when he

does not have enough fish stocked in his kitchen, he considers buying it at the fair. He prefers this

option to the supermarkets as he can actually touch, smell and see the fish that is sold and can

therefore judge its quality better. Caleta de Los Molinos, on the other hand, always has the option to

sell the freshest fish possible as the fishermen deliver the fish each morning.

The other restaurants involved with Pesca en Línea can in some ways be compared to Restobar

Fischer in that they too address the same kind of public; middle- and upper class customers who are

in their thirties (and onwards), just started working and still have the lifestyle of going out for drinks.

Santo Pecado in Valdivia is such a restaurant. Norman, a young entrepreneur, owns a Mediterranean

restaurant aside the river CauCau which flows through Valdivia. Most of its dishes contain meat, only

2-3 options are fish. He says he has some white fish, a shrimp salad and occasionally some salmon.

He works with a day-to-day menu where customers can choose between two/three three course

meals. There is always a fish option.

Norman too buys from Pesca en Línea, and strictly limits his visits to the fair for emergency

situations. Only when an unexpected large group comes and orders fish or if he does not have time

34

Al names throughout my thesis are fictional in order to respect the anonymity of the interviewees.

60

to place an order does he divert to the Feria Fluvial, which is only a few hundred metres from his

restaurant. Norman mentions that the prices at the fair have increased about 20% during the last few

months due to the bad weather and harsh economy. While the Fair still remains less expensive, he

sees the increase in price as an incentive to support local products and fishermen by buying products

from Pesca en Línea.

Other chefs, however, completely avoid the Feria Fluvial. Dan, a chef at Espacio Cocina, El Patío,

Picamadero and New Orleans argues that the quality of fish is really important. Not only taste wise,

but also for our health. He states that with meat it is easier to detect its condition. People in general

have more knowledge on how to prepare meat and can judge whether it is of good quality or not.

Additionally, some meat can be eaten raw or undercooked, with fish, Dan mentions, this is more

difficult. It is harder to judge its quality, especially if people do not possess the knowledge. He sees

the Feria as an unhygienic place; it is in an open space; seagulls and sea lions surround the products

and car fumes can easily reach the food stands. Tim, one of his bosses, agrees that it is a tricky place

to buy fish, however he does sometimes purchase sea products there. He says that he only buys fish

for his restaurant Espacio Cocina as long as he is the one to check and value it. He also likes to

support the local artisan fish industry by purchasing his products from Pesca en Línea. In fact, Tim

knows Pablo Ibarra from hotel Naguilán and too is part of a chef’s organisation where they try to

promote local products. Together with Tim and other chefs from Valdivia they are part of “Chefs de

los Rios”. They promote the usage of local products in restaurants in and around the region. Most of

all, they want to raise awareness with the consumers of the countless products their region has to

offer.

Pedro is the executive chef at the prestigious Naguilán hotel in Valdivia. It is located in the same

street as Santo Pecado and Espacio Cocina and faces the river. The restaurant has few fish dishes

which in general are consumed quite often. Pedro mentions that about 50% of the people order fish.

The fish is grilled and served with pasta or grilled vegetables such as zucchini, eggplant, some

peppers and onions. Salmon is also a very popular fish. Lastly, there are a few shellfish option. The

consumers at this restaurant are a bit different than at any other restaurant (meaning; non-hotel

restaurants). As this restaurant belongs to a hotel, the menu needs to be structured in a dynamic

way. Pedro says people who stay here for a few days demand a diverse menu and do not want to be

faced with the same dishes each day. In general, the hotel attracts older people (50+). He mentions

that these people dine here because they can enjoy life and have more time, especially during the

summer. Other customers consist of tourists from the north of Chile, Argentinians and Brazilians. On

a day-to-day basis, the restaurant receives a lot of businessmen and hosts various events. Each event

needs to be catered in a different way, which adds to the dynamic job description Pedro told me

about. While primarily he studied to be a chef, he now is in charge of the kitchen and the restaurant

services in general. Due to the large amount of people that visit, he wishes to create awareness of

the variety of products the region has to offer. He too mentions the hesitation towards buying fish

products by the Valdivians. Through Pesca en Línea he hopes to stimulate artisan fish consumption

and therefore promote its consumption too.

In and around Valdivia people can thus consume fish at the Feria Fluvial, La Feria Costumbrista and in

restaurants. Some people, however also have the option to go fishing or to buy sea products right by

the dock. Though, not everyone has the luxury of eating out in restaurants or equal accessibility to

fresh fish, and therefore have to venture towards a different source: the supermarket.

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Supermarkets

As mentioned before, the supermarkets in Valdivia sell fish too, Lider and UniMarc being the largest

ones. Niebla and Los Molinos do not have any supermarkets of this sort, just a few mom and pop

stores35 and the occasional person whom sells fish at their houses. Nonetheless, supermarkets

remain the most important places to buy good in general.

While shopping at the supermarkets in Valdivia I noticed that they have a large assortment of meat.

There is a special meat cutting section where about 3 to 4 people are constantly stationed to adhere

to the large consumer demand. There are numerous options to choose from and the meat can be cut

to fit each consumer’s need. Yet, one of the first things I noticed in these supermarkets was the fact

that there does not exist such a section for fish. Lider and UniMarc do have an assorted section of

frozen fish; tilapia, salmon and pangasius for example. Nonetheless, most fish is sold in cans;

sardines, clams, tuna, oysters etc. Most of the canned fish and shellfish at UniMarc are extracted in

Chile, while the frozen fish is mostly imported from other parts of the world. The smaller

supermarkets only have a limited amount of fish, which is often restricted to canned tuna and clams.

The fish and canned fish prices are relatively more expensive than meat. Most of my interviewees

complained about the “rendability”; for the same price you can get more meat than fish, which is

often the reason people choose to buy meat. The frozen fish is sold in transparent plastic bags which

have been massively stacked upon one another. In most supermarkets they are towards the end of

the frozen food isle in between other ready-made meals.

The overall amount of choices in the supermarket, in my opinion, seemed quite limited. What I

noticed was that even though the supermarkets were quite big, they only had a limited variety of

products. For example, they sell the basic day-today products such as olive oil, pasta, cereals and

cookies. Within these categories however, the choices would be endless; there were about 20

different sorts of cereals and 15 pastas brands that could be chosen from. Most of these products are

processed goods that need little to no cooking. There is a great variety of ready-made-meals

available in the frozen section as well as a multitude of individually packed hamburger patties. These

meals and packages are relatively cheaper than buying all the ingredients individually. Again, only a

limited amount of fish was offered in this manner (frozen fillets).

The fruit and vegetable stands were limited too, in my opinion. Only a handful of different vegetables

were offered, compared to an even smaller amount of fruits. The prices of these goods are quite

expensive, which is why most people often opt to buy them at a local fruit and vegetables store.

Another aspect that caught my attention was that the largest UniMarc store contained a small

restaurant; next to the meat section there was another counter that sold ready-made product such

as soups, stews, empanadas and vegetables that could be warmed up and eaten on the spot. Next to

the counter there are a few tables and chairs where the customers can take place and consume their

foods without leaving the supermarket. There are little to no fish dishes offered.

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Mom and pop stores: small, independent, family owned businesses. They are not franchises; instead they are single location stores of any kind. In this case I refer to small stores that usually sell junk food and sodas. (http://www.investopedia.com/terms/m/momandpop.asp visited: 19-06-15).

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What I found in the Valdivia area, is the fact that fishermen have become extremely dependant on

consumer demand. At Pesca en Línea for example, only the exact ordered amount is bought from the

fishers in Niebla and Los Molinos. This means that if fishermen catch more fish, they will have to sell

it to other companies (who generally pay them less). One of the fishermen I spoke to on the dock in

Los Molinos told me he constantly gets scolded at by his chancho (pig): an intermediate who re-sells

his fish. Pancho explained to me that about 80% of the fishermen try to sell their fish at the beach

with help from a chancho. However, the fisherman has to pay the intermediate a lot of money, which

often does not compensate their own costs, which is added to its final price. The fact that large

supermarket chains are favouring to sell foreign fish does not help to promote local artisan fishery.

These fishermen are dependent on the chancho’s in order to earn money.

The hierarchy between the fishermen and their armadores (owners of the boats) is also a source of

conflict. Javier (a fisherman and sindicato president) tells me that the armadores are not fishermen

themselves, they just own the boats36. They exploit the fishermen in order to gain as much money as

possible. In contrast to the fishermen, the armadores do not protest the Ley de la Pesca, as they earn

enough money. Javier continues to state that economic power in this industry rules, and therefore

little action is taken to help out the fishermen. “The ones with the money hold the decision making

power” he tells me. In Valdivia there are three fish federations: FIPASUR, FEPACOR and FEPASER. The

oldest and most traditional federation being FIPASUR. According to Javier, they have signed several

contracts with the fish industry which will only harm the artisan fish industry. He therefore tries to

promote fishermen to join sindicatos, as these usually operate without governmental help, yet this is

really difficult he argues.

Public and Private domains In the following section I will focus on the materialities and labour force that characterize the

material domain. I will further explore the implications of public and private domains on (gendered)

labour practices and food. Furthermore, the materials and objects that are involved when conducting

food practices will be discussed as well as they remain important to better understand the

relationship between the men involved within the artisan fish industry.

The city of Valdivia

When walking around Valdivia I immediately noticed the large number of fast food restaurants.

While the main square remains “free” from restaurant chains, every other street is filled with mom

and pop stores, fast food restaurants and

mini-marts. The square, however, is very busy

and filled with street vendors and shoe-

cleaners. It is a place where families, school

kids, grandparents and youth come and enjoy

the sun out on the benches and the occasional

music concert is held. Mostly, the square, as

well as the Feria Fluvial are places where a lot

of people gather and big social events and

protests take place.

36

Armadores own the bigger boats such as sardine boats. The smaller ones which are used for scuba diving or line fishing are usually owned by the fishermen themselves.

63

Prostests

This was exactly the case on my first day in Valdivia; I was confronted with a large artisan fishermen’s

protest. The river was blocked by about five kabeljou fishing boats which were tied up together. The

fishermen stood on the pier and held up various signs. They were protesting against the government

and arguing that it is taking away their jobs. At the pier, they had a little box where they were trying

to collect money in order to help the fishermen who were being disadvantaged by this particular law.

A different protest a few months later, also took place close to the pier. The bridge that connects

Valdivia to its more prestigious island, Isla Teja37, is often used as a place for protests too. This time,

however, the protests were of a more violent matter. Various (fisher?) men had set electricity cables

on fire and herewith blocked the circulation on the bridge. They were throwing stones and yelling

towards the police who tried to calm the situation down. I was told that this protest occured because

of the lowered quotas on certain fish, which impedes the fishermen in their job. This is mainly the

reason why a lot of fishermen have joined sindicatos; together they can stand up against the

government and create more awareness on the problem.

During my stay, I was jokingly warned by my interviewees and friends of the multiple protests that

are held each month in Valdivia. “Students protest a different cause each week” and “Fishermen are

always complaining” were common statements. Jim Zuñinga, the president of Sindicato de Los

Molinos explained to me that the current politics have ruined the artisan fish industry. Various

politicians choose to support industrial fishing by favouring import/export prices over local products.

The strict rules they have opposed on the artisan fishermen in order to promote sustainable fishing

have in fact harmed the artisan fishing industry rather than encouraged it. The reason for the lack of

support is simple, he says; industrial fishing generates a lot of income in a relatively small time

period. The future of artisan fishing therefore becomes quite unsure, Jim argues. Due to over

exploitation, foreign competition and general lack of consumption, artisan fishers are facing hard

times. This becomes even clearer when walking around town in Valdivia.

Fast Food

There are countless fast food restaurants which offer an array of burgers, beer and completos

(hotdogs). These places are not at all that inviting to stay in and often do not even have tables or

chairs to consume their products. These restaurants often have special menus that offer a cheap

package deal that include some kind of meat/bread with fizzy drinks or beer and potatoes/fries. Also,

quite close to the main square are Mcdonalds and Doggis- a Chilean hotdog/fast food chain. These

are surrounded by ice cream shops and various beer cafes. The Isla Teja, on the other hand, has a

few other restaurants. On the other side of the bridge the restaurants look a bit more sophisticated;

the buildings are more modern, and the variety of restaurants is relatively bigger. It is known that

these restaurants, being on the “island” are also more expensive and therefore attract a different

kind of public. Towards the end of my stay, I found out that there even was a vegetarian restaurant

here that, surprisingly enough, was quite popular. This side of Valdivia also hosts various beer

breweries and foreign restaurants. In general one could argue that Isla Teja is more focussed on

projecting a different atmosphere and food-style. Yet, this does not mean that regular fast foods are

excluded from the restaurants, on the contrary, these are highly demanded and loved in combination

with the artisan beer. The island just offers more variety regarding food. Fish consumption,

37

The specificities of Isla Teja will be discusses with more depth in the next section on fast food and in the chapter of the socio-cultural domain.

64

nonetheless, remains meagrely consumed. Therefore it continues to be one of the main points of

concern by various people involved in the artisan fish industry.

The atmosphere that is projected in Niebla and Los Molinos is quite different from that of Valdivia.

First of all, Valdivia is one of the largest cities in Chile. While compared to Santiago it is relatively

small, it nevertheless still functions like a bigger city. It is used as a central point of commerce; it is

largely focussed on tourism and has all the (luxury) facilities such as hotels, casinos, restaurants,

museums, universities and sports arenas. These facilities influence particular consumer behaviour;

various interviewees from Niebla and Los Molinos have told me there are no supermarkets in these

towns and therefore have to do their groceries in Valdivia. For quick groceries they visit the multiple

mom and pop shops who only sell the most essential products. Most fishermen, however, do have

access to fresh fish due to their jobs, and buy their meat at a local butcher. The fact that these towns

are closer to the coast generates a second important point of differentiation. A fisherman from the

Molinos sindicato told me that most fishermen do not envy life in the city; it is based on

consumerism and everything revolves around money; “you almost have to pay for the air you

breathe” he mentions. He prefers life in the rural areas, especially on the island he lives. There, he

says, you can eat fresh fruits and vegetables from the trees and the fertile land that surrounds the

area. When taking the bus to Niebla or Los Molinos this is exactly what you see; vibrant green

mountains surrounding the blue river that leads a smooth path towards the sea. There barely are any

houses and if so, they are camouflaged behind large trees and colourful flowers. The people living in

these towns are far from being self-sufficient, but either way live a contrastingly different life than

people who live and work in the city. Most people living in these towns have some kind of

connection to fish; they are either a fisherman or related to one. Their harbours are constantly filled

with different kind of fisher boats while Valdivia’s river bend only has a few tourist boats and the

occasional boat obstructions. However, besides fishery, timber and restaurants, Niebla and Los

Molinos do not have diverse of job offers, unlike Valdivia.

Life in the city is characterized by fast-paced citizens who commute from work to home. Most of my

interviewees mention that therefore they lack time to cook. Due to the economy, a lot of families

have been forced to send both husband and wife to work. As a result, less time is left to do house

chores and to cook. This has generated a growth in kindergardens and an increasing demand for

school meals. As most parents work all day, kids are forced to have lunch at schools or buy their own

meals when school is out. Paolo, one of the managers at Pesca en Línea says that the government

can spend $2 per child per school meal a day. The menus are constructed in collaboration with

nutritionists in order to produce a balanced meal. They only serve fish once a week. He continues to

state that his kids get a lot of fast food at school; burgers, meat, bread etc. Some kids choose to get

their own meals with the money they get from their parents. However, they often spend it in the

nearest fast food store and buy the products that satisfy them more easily (snacks, crisps, cookies

etc.).

The Kitchens

This section will focus on the similarities and differences I found when visiting and cooking in several

kitchens. I have divided my findings into private and public kitchens; where private are non-

commercial kitchen and used for personal purposes and where public kitchen are part of

restaurants/hotels and paid consumption.

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Home kitchens

Home cooked meals have thus decreased over the past few years. Not only families, but many of the

cooks I interviewed mention that they do not like to cook or eat at home. Tim tells me Chilean

kitchens are often small and oddly placed in the houses; they are narrow, dark and not easily

reachable. In my own kitchen, for example, I barely had space to cut and mix ingredients. Other

kitchens I saw were

indeed very basic and

often not well

maintained. I got the

impression kitchens

aren’t a priority for many

Chileans. Most people

do, however, have an

asado in their garden, no

matter the state of their

kitchen.

These home kitchens

cannot be compared to

the kitchens I saw in the

various restaurants I visited. There, cooking is a priority. Both Edgar and Tim work with the concept

of “open kitchens”; customers can see them cook, walk in and converse with them. Edgar argues that

he has nothing to hide; he likes to feel free. Both have worked in larger kitchens before, some even

without any windows. Now that they have their own restaurant, they said they liked to use the space

and involve the customers. Edgar jokingly said that now at least he can see what the weather is like,

instead of being locked in the kitchen basement. The other, non-open kitchens are equipped with the

general restaurant kitchen facilities and vary in size depending on the number of guests the

restaurant can receive.

The type of houses in Valdivia impacted me deeply. During my first days I was surprised by the large

amount of wooden houses and corrugated iron roofs. Being in a timber extraction area this should

not have surprised me, however, when you think of big cities, this is not the first thing that comes to

your mind. Valdivia has a vibrant history and, as mentioned before, has been hit by tsunamis and

earthquakes multiple times. A lot of European countries offered to help and this has influenced the

architecture of the town as well. Close to the river, various buildings look straight out of a German

travel magazine. The outsides of Valdivia however, are largely rural and often forgotten to be part of

the city. These houses are not at all like the apartment buildings and concrete houses like in the

centre. These houses are mostly built from wood and compared to European houses, look quite

primitive. Towards the end of my stay I noticed that it was not always due to a lack of income that

these houses looked the way they did, rather these people had different priorities and preferred to

invested in good cars, phones and other gadgets.

Isla Teja, on the other hand, remains different. You can see that the kitchen is placed in a more

central manner and is now often paired with the dining area, whereas on the mainland the kitchen is

in a separate room. Interestingly enough, Isla Teja was not part of Valdivia in the beginning; only

after the German settlement did this part become connected to Valdivia through the Pedro de

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Valdivia bridge. That bridge now is one of the main transit areas in Valdivia as it connects to the road

that leads to Niebla and Los Molinos. The island was the first to experience the industrial revolution

as led by the Germans in 1953 (hisotiriadevaldiviachile.cl). This is also the reason why most modern

institutions such as the German high school and the UACh University are placed here. The houses

look significantly different and have more family houses than cabañas, which can be found a lot on

the other side. These cabañas can be compared to the ski cabins in Europe; small efficient housing

equipped with only the most essential facilities. These cabins are often used by students, who rent if

from private owners who this way earn a little bit of extra money. Students in general do not cook

that much either, my friends tell me. The cabins are small and dark, which do not favour cooking.

Also, students are lazy and prefer to buy ready-made food or go out for dinner.

Public kitchens

Fast food restaurants, as mentioned before, are quite cheap in Valdivia. Consumers often choose the

cheaper options and therefor end up buying dinner and lunch at these types of places. The chefs I

interviewed for my thesis however, address a different kind of public; upper and middle-class. These

consumers too have a limited amount of time to cook and prefer to go out to eat, the only difference

being that they can spend more money. This immediately opens up a wider array of (food) choices.

The foods at these restaurants are often adapted to these requirements and serve “picoteos”; small

bites to eat, snacks. Tim for example sells pizzas, salads, quesadillas and other foods that can be

shared. Interestingly enough, the products used in these restaurants are often local (fish,

vegetables), yet because of the relatively higher prices at the restaurant, it excludes a large part of

society (such as students).

The kitchens, as explained in the restaurant section, are quite modern compared to home kitchens.

There are, however, some striking differences. Some chefs were really concerned with the

“openness” of their kitchen and therefore opted to not enclose the kitchen, but rather make it part

of the dining area. Others, while separating these areas, still wanted a grand and open space. These

kitchens are characterized by big windows and a lot of light. The hotel kitchen combines both

elements in that their kitchen is constructed through 3 different rooms; the cooking area, the

refrigerated area and a space where minor practices are conducted. Lastly, some kitchens are more

enclosed; they do not have any windows and are quite small as well. The amount of space in a

kitchen influences the practices of the cooks as well; the amount of cooks that can be in the kitchen

at the same time, the organization of furniture and foods etc. all effect the production process

(various cooks).

The next section will focus with more depth into the food practices that are conducted within the

artisan fish network. There exist diverging ways in which the practices are performed and therefore

make the labour force of this particular network quite dynamic. I will therefore describe with more

detail what the specific jobs are of the people involved.

Food practices

Everyone involved in this particular artisan fish network engages in some kind of labour. And while

most of the people can be divided into groups of fishermen and cooks, none of them actually

perform the exact same food practices. In this section I will briefly highlight the general labour force

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in Valdivia and from there on focus more on the (artisan) fish industry and my interviewees’ food

practices.

Labour force

When walking around Valdivia I got the impression that there was enough job availability.

Throughout my stay, I only saw a few street beggars and in general did not notice a lot of poverty on

the streets. Most of my interviewees told me that in these hard economic times, everyone was

required to have at least one job, which might explain the extra drive to actually find one. What

caught my eye was that a lot of “extra” jobs were created in order to adhere to the large supply of

labour. In the supermarkets, for instance, there were a lot of teens who bagged groceries in order to

make some tips38. In drugstores, I was attended by three different people before I could actually

purchase some shampoo; an employee, someone who got the product for me (it was behind a

counter) and the cashier. Personally, I see this as a lack of efficiency. Yet, the more I conversed with

Valdivians I came to understand this trend might be fostered by the economy and government itself.

Various fishermen, cooks, friends and other acquaintances told me Chile is an expensive country.

However, compared to other Latin American countries, Chile is more advanced industry wise and has

a relatively higher socio-economic level. Additionally, it has a large import and export climate that

encourages mass production. Their convenient position, however, cannot be taken advantage of as

their purchasing power is low .

Edgar, a young chef at El Patio, told me that the problem with Chile is that it does not protect their

own labour, it does not take care of its own people. Copper, for example, is one of its main export

products. Massive amounts are exported each year towards China and USA

(www.atlas.media.mit.edu). Chileans extract large quantities of this raw material and send it to be

processed abroad. Then, once it has been processed, they ship the copper back to Chile and sell it for

a significantly higher price. Edgar tells me that he finds it ridiculous that the processing of their own

product is conducted abroad and that Chileans have to pay a much higher price for the “end”

product than if they would have processed it within their borders.

A similar example can be drawn from one of my visits to the beach. In one of the bays near Los

Molinos I met a few men who were cutting algae from the rocks in the sea. About three men (father

and sons) were up to their knees in the water manually picking each algae and putting them into

large plastic bags. The father was telling me this was one of his jobs which he took on whenever he

was not working on the other. His kids and wife often helped him out as it is quite a tiring job. He

said that while they paid him [the seaweed picker] an outrageously low amount per filled bag, he still

needed the money to get around. He mentioned that sometimes he actually liked this job as he was

at sea and could enjoy the weather. What did disturb him, however, was the fact that the algae he

picks are shipped over to Japan. The product is then processed into several beauty products and

afterwards re-sold in Chile. The price he gets for the products are nothing near comparable to the

price one flask of cream. He continues to say that these creams can’t even be consumed by all

Chileans as it is a luxury product. Thus while at essence the product is Chilean, only a limited amount

of people can actually enjoy it. Additionally, the ones benefiting from this product is limited the

Chilean elite and Japanese companies.

Artisan fishery 38

In Chile it is common that teens help out the customers by bagging their groceries. It is accustomed to tip these teens a few cents. I do not know if they get a former salary as well.

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Pancho Lourdes, a Chilean sociologist and documentary maker, told me that Chile does not maximize

their benefits, especially when it comes to producing and protecting their fish (or algae for that

matter). Javier Gallardo, fisherman and sindicato president agrees. He gives the example of the

kabeljou. In Chile, there are about 200 kabeljou boats, each equipped with about 10 men. In total,

about 2000 “bacalaero’s” can be counted for, yet the production and processing of the kabeljou does

not stop at the edge of the boat. On the contrary; everyone who helps out in the process of

disembarking the fish, transporting it, processing and selling it are also dependent on these particular

fishermen. Javier concludes that then instead of 2000, about 10.000 people are involved in this

business and this is only within the kabeljou branch.

When talking to fishermen and asking them about their job, most of them told me that while they

love it, it remains a really hard job. Working conditions are harsh and the fact that the amount and

variety of fish are declining does not help future job prospects. What was often mentioned by the

fishermen and sindicato members was the new “Ley de la Pesca” (the new fish law). It has been the

source of a lot of conflict and fishermen’s protests in Valdivia, as explained before. Wilberto, Pesca

en Línea’s driver, told me that the future of fishing is hanging on a very thin thread. Hence, while the

rest of the economy is trying to create extra jobs, both Javier and Pancho believe that the new fish

law has created the exact opposite for the artisan fish industry. In short, what this new fish law

entails is that the fish industry has all the power to decide what happens to the fish, and the artisan

fishers have to comply.

Artisan fishers are subject to certain veda’s (seasonal fishing prohibition) and quotas (maximum Kg.

of certain fish per year). These have been set up in order to promote sustainability and a better

fishing climate. However, the critique by many people is that these numbers have not been backed

up scientifically. The people who have set up these quotas have power over the amount of

exploitation that can be done. The problem then turns into a political rather than an environmental

one. As it turns out, the current users thus have the power to appeal to “historical catches”

(geographically) which works in their benefit when rents are given. The government legally has the

power to favour these historical industrial fisheries as they have been registered. Before, artisan

fishers never have been registered (legally) and therefore are “robbed” from their fishing ground,

which brings me to the second point of conflict. Artisan fishers are not allowed to operate in a

different region than the ones they are currently registered at. Industrial fishers do not have this

restriction, their only limitation is to being restricted to catch certain fish species (www.ciperchile.cl).

Industrial fishing has caused a huge loss in fish species and varieties, which have been noted by most

cooks. Reineta, for example, is such as fish that used to be very popular. Currently, however, this fish

can no longer be caught as they have been over exploited.

The industry thus keeps on fishing, while the artisan fishery is impaired in their ability to fish and thus

generate income. Javier was telling me that after our interview he was actually headed to

Constitution to attend a funeral of two fishermen. These two fishermen were found dead on their

boat at sea while they tried to catch fish. He mentioned that these men died from de-nutrition, as

they hadn’t eaten in days. Apparently, a lot of artisan fishermen venture into illegal fishing activities

in order to at least sell something. Wilberto mentions that this is the case with salmon, there is a

large black market of illegal salmon selling. He says that often fishermen have some by-catch that is

not allowed; salmon for example. However, if they have had a bad week/month they might try to sell

the fish anyway instead of throwing it back into the sea. In larger boats, as the fish is sucked into a

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big container, the by-catch dies anyways as it is stuck between the other fish and therefore makes

the decision to sell them illegally even bigger.

In sum, artisan fishermen are impaired by the fish law which is why a lot of chefs opt to stimulate

local fishery and buy their fish. Everyone involved in the artisan fish industry is influenced by this law

and so are their food practices. The next section will in solidarity explore the food practices my

interviewees engage in, in order to make better sense of how it affects their identity and vice versa.

Fishermen

Fishermen can be classified into different groups regarding the type of fish they catch. Herman

Henriques, a sardine fisherman tells me that catching sardines is quite different from catching line-

fish. Sardines are caught in a mechanical manner; 11 men set out a net , which is operated

mechanically and encloses the sardines. Once the fish has been trapped, they are sucked in via a

rubber tube and into a special tank on the boat. Meanwhile, the captain steers the boat into the right

direction. A lot of man force is needed to operate the heavy net and making sure the tube stays

connected to the boat.

The boat has several

compartments; a

machine room, the

deck, a TV room,

sleeping cabinets, a

kitchen and a room

where the captain

steers the wheel.

Herman tells me that

the group leaves at

around 2:00 or 3:00 in

the morning and work

for about 3 hours

before coming back to

the harbour. The

reason for the

sleeping cabinets in the boat is because several men live in Valdivia. As there is no public transport

after 23:00/00:00 at night, they leave around 22:00 and sleep for a few hours on the boat. All 12

crew members rotate the jobs, except the captain and the cook. The cook has two jobs; being a crew

member and cooking for his colleges. The captain always remains the captain and rarely leaves his

cabinet. The cook on the boat cooks quite well, Herman says. They eat relatively varied; meat,

chicken, chancho, fried eggs, soup etc. He says that this is where people get the best food. And while

fishermen really love to eat fish, they remain 100% carnivorous; they rarely eat fish on the boat. He

mentions that “only the poor eat fish”. The kitchen on the boat is quite complete in my opinion. It

has a 4 pit stove, an oven, a large counter and a few kitchen cabinets. The stove and cabinets even

have special bars that impede the pans and pots from falling when the boat moves. The kitchen is

placed on the lowest floor under the sleeping compartments. There is a big table with some chairs

and one bed.

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Wilberto the driver, who is a sardine fisherman as well, tells me Hector’s boat is one of the worst

ones on the dock. It is very old, and usually sardine boats are equipped with shower areas as well.

Nonetheless, he argues that sardine fishermen are quite fortunate; in general they have a better

income, higher socio-economic status and better houses and cars. In a sense, sardine fishermen can

be more closely compared to industrial fishers as their working hours and working conditions are

similar; they go out for a short amount of time, a few times a week and have places to sleep and eat

well. Also, most of their work is mechanical, they even have special technical assistance on the boat

that locates the sardines. Wilberto tells me that sierra fishermen for example, will never achieve this

status just because you can never earn that kind of money in the sierra business. Good sardine

fishermen, he says, might earn up to 10.000000 CHP a year. There is no direct discrimination

between sardine fishermen and others, yet, he notices that they treat each other differently.

Sierra fishermen are line-fishermen. Their boats

are significantly smaller than that of sardines.

Their boats can contain about 200-300 kg while

sardine fishermen can contain a few tons of fish.

Sierra boats too can have a large crew; about 10

people. However, the main difference lies in their

practices. With sardines, the crew has to wait

until the captain finds the fish and then they set

out the nets. With sierra and other fish, it is up to

the crew to set out the nets in the hopes of

catching fish. The materials used are quite

different too; the nets, for example are all

adapted to catch a specific type of fish.

Additionally, sierra fishermen leave early in the

morning and go out for 10-15 hours at a time.

Kabeljou fishermen go even longer; 20-30 days.

Wilberto mentions that sardine fishermen have

the option to go back to shore whenever there is

bad weather. Sierra and kabeljou fishermen, on

the other hand, really depend on what they catch

and therefore go out no matter what the weather

is. A fisherman from Los Molinos even told me

that if they did not catch anything in the morning, they go back in the afternoons as well. Sardine

fishermen do not do this because they get paid every two weeks; they have a buffer. Sierra, robalo

and other fishermen get paid right away at the dock and therefore need to fish everyday on order to

have income. Line and net-fishermen also engage in extra food practices as they are responsible for

gutting the fish on the boat. Vendors buy the “useful” fish from them, meaning; just the flesh. So

once they arrive in the bay they grab their knives and start cutting and gutting the fish in order for it

to be sold. Sardine fishermen, on the other hand, discharge the fish mechanically and do not need to

cut the fish in any way.

Consumption on the boats is quite diverse as well. As explained previously, the sardine fishermen

usually get to eat a “full” meal on their boats. They have a cook that has the time to prepare good

meals as he has the material to do so. The smaller boats do not have this luxury. First of all, these

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boats do not have a kitchen and second of all, their working conditions do not allow them to prepare

such elaborate meals. As the boat is constantly moving and most of their food practices are manual,

they do not have any free hands to cook as well. Additionally, the movement of the boat and lack of

any roofed protection makes it even trickier to prepare a meal. These men have to sit on a wooden

bench all day and cannot hide inside when it rains. Therefore, these men bring some sandwiches and

coffee from home and either eat it on the boat or on the beach. These conditions are more similar to

the smaller fishing boats who catch robalo or to the scuba divers. The crew consists of about 2-3

people where one of them rows. The other is in charge of catching the fish. Two fishermen tell me

that by throwing out a special net, they lure the fishes into it and then trap them. They can extract

about 80-150 kg of fish per time, if they are lucky. This sums up to about 300 fish in total.

Scuba divers, on the other hand work a bit

differently. They too have a crew of about 2-3

people where one person rows. The rower is in

charge of following the scuba diver around and

making sure his oxygen tube is long enough. They

leave at around 9 in the morning until 12:00-13:00.

The scuba diver goes under water for about an

hour at the time (4x a day) with a small net and a

harpoon. He mostly catches catfish and jibas. If

they are lucky they can find some rock-shellfish

too (piure).

In general all fishermen told me that they love

their job. Yet, they always remark that it is a very

hard profession. Javier mentioned that it is more

than a job; “it is a way of life”. One’s completely

consumed by it. It is dependent on so many factors

(quotas, seasonality, legality, accessibility,

demand), that one has to be extremely flexible.

Also, due to the new fish law and competition with

industrial fishing, most fishermen need multiple

jobs to survive. When one fish is in veda, for

example, most fishermen switch to catching a different type of fish or, just like Wilberto, take on

different type of day jobs.

Cooks/owners

While working with the same products, cooks and restaurant owners process the fish in a different

manner than fishermen do. The owners, for example, are in charge of purchasing the products. Both

Norman and Tim have a culinary background and therefore portion the meat and fish as well. In

other cases it is mostly the head chef that is in charge of handling the food.

Norman, on the other hand, practically always stays out of the kitchen during working hours. He has

a female chef who is in charge the kitchen. He only enters when it is extremely busy or when he

cooks for himself. Norman lives upstairs and there he does not have a kitchen, therefore he is obliged

to cook in the restaurant’s kitchen. On Sundays, he often prepares asados for his friends in the

restaurant’s garden. He argues that he does not separate his work from his private life that much, as

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he works long hours a day and “lives” in both spaces. He does the cleaning both in the restaurant as

in his space upstairs. In general, he is in charge of the administrative work; ordering foods, weighing

and buying them and occasionally he helps out with the mise en place39. He starts in the morning and

around 15:00-16:00 he has a few hours to himself. He says he uses this time to work out, catch up

with some friends or even work a bit more.

Tim on the other hand, is still engaged in the kitchen as he is head chef. Besides being a chef, he is

also a sommelier. He started working at hotel Naguilan, where he met Pedro and Dan. Now he has

his own restaurant a few blocks away. As an owner, he wakes up early in the morning, pays the bills,

orders food and then he does the mid-day shift until he has a break at around 16:00. His girlfriend

and daughter are present at the restaurant as well. She often does some administrative work in the

kitchen and his daughter sits in her buggy all day. Tim’s open kitchen is located in a separate room

next to the dining area. There is a window the customers can look through; however, there still is a

door that separates the kitchen from the hall and dining area. Therefore, his girlfriend and daughter

have a bit more privacy. Also, there is a large metal panel that separates the kitchen space with

administrative area (which is located in the open kitchen as well). His daughter’s buggy is usually

placed behind it. Tim says he likes to have his family at work, otherwise he would not see them at all.

He leaves early in the morning, spends some time with then during his break and then does not go

home until 2:00 in the morning. He rarely cooks or eats at home.

Dan is head chef at El Patio, but also works with Tim and at two other restaurants. He likes the mix of

his jobs as he can execute different practices at each one of them. In each restaurant he has a

specific routine and a different form of freedom. His boss at El Patio, for example, is not allowed to

come into the kitchen. Dan explains that when he tries to mingle too much, it affects his

performance. As he is head chef, his boss should respect and trust him. At Espacio Cocina, Tim is his

boss and head chef. While they are good friends, and in general there exists a relaxed atmosphere, it

is quite noticeable that Tim has executive power. Dan can come up with ideas and experiment in the

kitchen, but Tim is the one that makes the final decisions and directs the main routine between

them. Dan is looked at by the waiters as some sort of boss, as they fully respect him as well. Yet, they

also see him as a friend and colleague because he is younger and jokes around with them from time

to time.

Dan separates his work and private life quite rigidly. He works from 9:00 to 2:00 each day, therefore

he prefers to relax when he actually is at home. He told me he refuses to cook for himself and only

buys ready-made meals. He lives by himself, so on his day off (Monday) he has to clean his house as

well. When he does have to eat, however, he heats up something in the microwave or gets some

take out. Dan says he does not take such good care of himself, he eats a lot of fast food. When he

does have some spare time, he likes to meet with Tim and other colleagues and friends to play some

basketball. They try not to talk about work, that way he can truly get some rest he says.

39

Mise en place:” It is used in professional kitchens to refer to organising and arranging the ingredients (e.g., cuts of meat, relishes, sauces, par-cooked items, spices, freshly chopped vegetables, and other components) that a cook will require for the menu items that are expected to be prepared during a shift. The practise is also effective in home kitchens”. (Wikipedia.com)

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Edgar works in a completely different manner; he is owner of a few cabañas in Niebla that overlook

the sea. The restaurant is set on a cliff and surrounded by greenery. A few years ago Edgar and his

girlfriend/co-worker transformed this cabaña into a restaurant. He created his own vegetable garden

next to the restaurant and uses these ingredients in his dishes. Edgar and Sandy are the only ones

working here as the capacity of the restaurant is quite small. There fit about 4 tables and there is

some space on the deck too. They have an open kitchen and little bar area that overlook the big

windows. Overall I felt that the restaurant was quite cosy and most all inviting. Edgar is the main

cook and Sandy helps with everything else but the stove. Edgar usually stays in the kitchen, except if

he wants to greet some of his customers or friends. In any other case, Sandy is the waitress and

makes sure the tables are set right.

Edgar tells me the kitchen in their small cabaña is for emergencies only; to make so toast or tea. He

cooks his dinner at the restaurant as all his materials and facilities are here. In the future, he is

planning on remodelling the second floor to live there with Sandy. He told me that he sees the

restaurant as an extension of his own home and therefore has decorated it as if it where his own

house.

At La Caleta de Los Molinos restaurant, Gabriel is in charge. He is assisted by a young girl, Paola, who

is still in culinary school. As the restaurant is relatively new, they are still trying to figure out a good

routine. For now, however, he usually is the one that handles the fish, cuts the meat and prepares

the warm dishes. Paola helps with the mise en place and generally does the cold dishes; salads and

desserts. Their shifts usually start at around 13:00 and end at 19:30, after they clean the

kitchen together. During their shifts, Gabriel tells me he collects the fish downstairs at the dock

where a few men are selling fresh fish in some stands. The fish is directly brought in by the fishermen

and cleaned by the guys on the pier. As most of the guys are his friends and/or family, he has a good

relationship with them. Gabriel says that when days are slow he helps the guys out and prepares

some snacks for them too.

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He says he sees them as his colleagues. Jim Zuñinga is the president of the sindicato and also

Gabriel’s boss; when he has new ideas he pitches them to Jim and then they work out some way to

implement them.

As of now, Gabriel only works from Friday till Sunday; he believes that the summer will bring more

clients. During the week he stays at home and tries to experiment with cooking. He sometimes cooks

for his friends but also likes to watch cooking shows and read books about food. He mentions that he

finds it hard to distance himself from “the kitchen”. He is constantly trying out new recipes, but

prefers to cook simple foods for himself.

Pedro works at hotel Naguilán and is in charge of all food and drink related activities. While he

studied gastronomy, he now rarely finds himself in the kitchen. Rather, he manages the menu,

events, waiters and other food related services at the hotel; the design and supervision of the plates

is his main job.

There is a female head chef who is mainly in charge of what happens in the kitchen cooking-wise.

Pedro is her boss, but she is responsible for what happens in the kitchen. Pedro does not have a

specific schedule; it varies each week to what is required according to events, sales, customers etc.

Some days he starts at 6:30 and other days he just comes in for a few hours. As the restaurant/hotel

is open all year, even during holidays, he needs to be very flexible. Pedro told me he only saw is

family twice last year due to his busy schedule. He told me that even when he does get the day off,

he needs to be on standby or reachable at any moment in case of an emergency. His job remains

quite dynamic he says, sometimes he helps out in the kitchen and even cleans the dishes. He believes

cleaning is part of the job, it relaxes him. Overall, his life is consumed by cooking: he works in

something he loves and is passionate about. He watches a lot of TV shows about food; gourmet,

competitions; both national and international, Gordon Ramsey, Jamie Oliver. Recomiendo Chile is a

cooking program that he watches about typical foods or places that are recommended in Chile. At

home he does not cook for himself. If he cooks, he prepares some pasta with a little side dish. Yet, he

often buys ready-made food or goes out to eat. The satisfaction of cooking to him is to serve other

people.

Managers

Paolo is a manager at Pesca en Línea. He is in charge of the commercialization of the company and

keeps contact with their clients. Paolo is also in charge of paying the bills and the general planning of

their schedules. He attends various meetings and seminar at the university and with other companies

in Valdivia. Occasionally he travels to Santiago for certain fish or gastronomic events. As Pesca en

Línea is a relatively small company (and is still growing). Paolo and the other managers can’t devote a

100% of their time to it. He mentions that about 30-40% of his time is consumed by Pesca en Línea

while the other 60% he spends doing other jobs. Paolo tells me that as the company does not have a

lot of capital yet, Cindy, Romana and he cannot afford to spend all their time at this company and

therefore need a second (and third) job to sustain themselves. Because of this, the managers usually

come in at around 11 or after lunch.

Up to a few months ago, Paolo was completing his master thesis. He tells me he spent very little

time with his family. Luckily, now he has more time to spend with his wife and kid as the company is

running smoother and he completed his degree.

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Jim Zuñinga is president at the Sindicato de Los Molinos. He too has multiple jobs; Jim is primarily a

fisherman he tells me. At Los Molinos, he is seen as the legal representation of the organisation. He is

in direct contact with all its members and larger fish organisation such as FIPASUR. He makes sure all

the fisherman’s rights are being vouchered for. His office is located under the restaurant on the

Molinos dock. His office hours are quite steady, he tries to squeeze in work whenever he is not

fishing. He told me he needs multiple jobs to sustain himself as well. He did not become the

president for the money, though. He believes someone should be responsible for the fishermen and

do something to better their working conditions. He does it because it is a matter close to his heart.

Sadly enough, he believes the artisan fishery will not last more than 5 years before it really goes

downhill. “People need to find other ways to survive” he tells me.

Processors

Andres is one of the seasonal workers at Pesca en Línea’s processing plant. He works there together

with his wife and three other women who are contracted on a permanent basis. They all do the same

work; cleaning fish, gutting

fish, cutting fish, breaking

shells, boiling shellfish, sealing

products and cleaning the

workspace. The difference

between permanent and

seasonal workers is that they

get paid per day and their

colleagues per week. When

there is work Andres and his

wife are asked to come in from

9:00 till 18:00, just like the

permanent workers. Yet, when

the orders are low they can go

weeks or months without working. Their working hours are quite strict and they have to clock in

through their thumbprints. Andres has a lot of trouble with this given that during his job as a fisher

his fingers suffered a lot; he barely has any fingerprints left. Their work is really seasonal, in the

summer they have more to do and almost work every day. Pesca en Línea works on an order basis,

meaning that when people order fish, there is a lot of work. If clients do not order anything, the

company does not buy any fish from the fishermen and their workers have less work to do. Andres

and his wife are only there to alleviate the hard work.

Andres tells me the working conditions are hard as they are dependent on fish demand and the

weather conditions. At the plant itself work is hard as well; they wear special gear to keep the work

hygienic and to keep themselves warm. The plant itself is quite cold too, as they are surrounded by

freezers and therefore have to put on extra clothes. They have a 1 hour lunch break, which they have

to spend in a different room. The room smells quite bad because they are drying algae there and

additionally there is a sewage problem.

Wilberto also works at the plant. He is in charge of the general operations, as he calls it. He collects

the fish at the various docks, finds suppliers/fishermen and keeps good contact with them. He is also

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in charge of delivering the products to their clients. When the clients are far away, he makes sure the

boxes of fish get properly labelled and delivers it to a transport company in Valdivia. Wilberto is also

responsible for making sure that the clients make the payments towards him or the company in

general. He collects either the money or a signed, which he gives to his boss Cindy. His working hours

don’t vary that much; he usually delivers fish between 15:00-18:00. In the mornings he collects the

fish, brings it to the plant and carries in the boxes. He rarely goes into the actual plant, and just parks

his car in the entrance, where a large garage door opens and the processing workers take over the

fish. After this, he goes home, spends some time with his kids and in the afternoon does his

deliveries. He tells me he does not have any fixed working hours, as he needs to be available 24/7.

Fish is a delicate product that needs to be kept as fresh as possible, therefore whenever a large order

is needed, he needs to pick it up/deliver it immediately. Besides delivering fish, he also does some

minor technical work at the plant.

Willy also works on a sardine boat. Whenever he has the opportunity he goes out to fish in the hopes

of earning some extra money. He prefers his job as a driver, though. He tells me that this way he can

spend more time with his kids and wife. Before, when he was the captain of a fisherman’s boat, he

rarely saw his kids. He would go fishing for 20 days straight. Now, he gets to play with his kids and

relax.

Masculinities For this thesis I am interested in exploring how masculine identities are embodied and assembled

through their food practices. Now that I have highlighted the practices my interviewees engage in, I

will focus on the gendered labour division. While it may seem that most women are invisible in the

artisan fish industry, I actually found this to be untrue. There are, however, certain practices and

ideologies in and around Valdivia that seem to dictate certain food practices regarding gendered

labour. I will henceforth briefly lay these out. The following chapter will go into further detail on

these gendered practices and performances.

Gendered labour division

I will divide the following chapter into public and private labour division. In this section I will refer to

the public gendered labour division as paid labour. Private gendered labour division for that matter

will focus on the unpaid food practices men and women perform.

Public

As can be noted from the previous chapter, most people involved in this artisan fish network are

male for the reason that the majority of fishermen are actual men. Women can rarely be found

helping out on boats, let alone owning one. Selling the unprocessed fish is a job that is quite varied,

labour wise. At the Feria Fluvial, for example, both men and women sell the fish. They cut and clean

it on the spot. In Los Molinos, however, the people directly selling the fish are only men, because the

majority of the members are male. The members rotate this job and this way help the sindicato earn

some extra money.

Herman Rafael tells me he only works with men on his boat. He does not know why this is the case as

he believes women are often braver than men. Scuba diving, however, is the field where most

women are involved in the actual fish extraction, Herman states. Only after I had lived in Valdivia for

a couple of weeks did I hear about a myth that, according to Javier Gallardo, has influenced the

gendered relations in the artisan fishery. The myth claims that women are not allowed on boats, as

they bring bad luck. The mere fact that it took me over two months to arrange a boat ride confirms

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this statement, as well as multiple interviews with fishermen and other people involved in the

network. Both Javier and Jim argue that this is a machista thing; it is sedimented in fishermen’s

traditions. This is also one of the reasons that sindicato de Los Molinos only consists of men, Jim tells

me. In the past they have worked with women, yet, this did not result as productive. Wilberto’s boat

does not have any women working on it either. The other fishermen I interviewed either worked

alone or with 2-3 people; all men as well.

Coming back to Javier’s statement; we have to look beyond the people working on the actual boats.

What I am trying to portray through my thesis is exactly this; the artisan fish network consists of

more than fishermen alone. The people involved in the artisan fish business thus is more than the

sum of its boats; we might have to multiply it by 4 or 5 times the labour force.

The processing of the fish at the plant in Niebla, for example, is mostly conducted by women. Three

women, all differentiating in age, work there on a permanent basis. They get told what to do by their

boss Romana, who gets instructions from Cindy (her boss) and Paolo. The girls working at the plant

are quite unsatisfied with their bosses. They tell me their own work is quite demanding and hard.

Their working conditions are harsh and tiring too. Their bosses, on the other hand, have their offices

in a separate area and rarely come into the plant. They tell me they often communicate through

radio and they mention that they “barely touch the fish”. They also complain that Willy, the driver,

should not ask for a raise, as he actually does not do a lot; “he only drives the fish around”. They like

Paolo better, Una argues. Even though he complains to them a lot, at least he listens to them when

they have a complaint. They dislike the fact that they have to be at work each day at 9:00 and their

bosses only come in at 11:00 or later.

The women at the plant aren’t dressed feminine. Mostly because they have to wear warm clothes

within the plant and secondly they prefer to dress more comfortably. These women have to stand all

day and only get to sit down during lunch. Sometimes their back hurts because of the cold

temperature, especially in the winter.

Andres always works with his wife at the plant and therefore is the only male processor. He conducts

the exact same jobs as the women. They are quite chatty, whereas Andres always remains quiet.

Sometimes he chimes in and makes a joke, but mostly concentrates on his work. Una, the youngest

girl (27) usually takes the lead. She has the phone where the bosses call her on and she makes sure

to keep the overview on what everyone is doing. Even during lunch breaks she is still calling people

and prepares certain activities for after the break. Andres remains quite passive, as his wife serves

him lunch. She always pre-cooks their meals at home. The other ladies sometimes use the stove and

oven in the lunch area to heat up their meals. Besides working at the plant, Andres is also a

fisherman. His wife Elena, usually stays at home when he goes fishing and tries to earn a bit of extra

money by transforming seashells into jewellery and souvenirs.

One of the other women at the plant mentions that this is not her only job either. She tells me she is

also a mother, a wife and a cleaner in her own home. Those are truly demanding jobs, she argues.

Her husband does not help her with this. One of the other girls still lives at home and needs to take

care of her brothers and sisters as well.

Quite close to the plant is a lady that sells smoked salmon from her house. Her husband was a

fisherman, and after he died she kept on fishing. She and her kids always helped him out and through

this learned her fishing skills. A few years ago she took it upon herself to learn how to smoke salmon.

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She decided it was a good idea to sell this from her house. Her kids do not help her with this, it is her

main form of income.

The Feria Costumbrista, only a kilometre away, is divided more equally between men and women

than the “direct” fishing business. While mostly women are working in the empanada stands, the

meat stands are characterized by male salesmen. I spoke to a couple who had two stands: an asado

(man) and empanada stand (woman). She mentioned it usually is divided this way, with a few

exceptions of course. I was able to take a look into the kitchen of an empanada stand; two women

and a man were working in a 2 by 2 booth where they had access to a 2 pit stove. They also had a

sink, one chair and a large table where they would lay out the empanada dough. The two women

divided their into cutting out the dough and cooking the stuffing for the empanadas. The one man

(husband) working in the stand was sitting down on the chair most of the times and occasionally

attended customers. The Feria fluvial, in my opinion, presents a more egalitarian work division

between men and women, as they are actually performing the same food practices.

Within the restaurants the labour division between men and women is quite different. Tim, Norman,

Jim and Edgar for example are all owners at the restaurant. Only Tim and Edgar, however, cook. The

kitchen at Norman’s place, Santo Pecado, is led by a women, just like Pedro’s restaurant and that of

Rey del Marisco. Head chefs Gabriel, Tim, Edgar, Dan and Roman all have female assistants in the

kitchen whom usually work with “cold elements” such as salads and desserts. Most of them are still

in training and are taught by their bosses.

Other jobs in Valdivia regarding good and services are performed by both men and women.

Supermarkets, department stores, pharmacies, banks, sales women/men etc. have what seems to be

an equal division of labour.

Private

When it comes to housework or any other personal errands and practices, the work is not as equally

divided. I must add that it largely depends on the type of generation the subject finds him/herself in.

Some families might find themselves in a transition, moving from a more traditional towards a

modern household. Mary, a nutritionist, tells me that both men and women cook now, whereas

before it was only women that cooked both at home and professionally. Yet, what most men cook is

related to meat. As explained before, Chileans love to prepare asados and eat together. Men are

always the ones taking care of the meat, which is often transferred back to the home kitchen.

The overall cooking however, despite its female connotation, is slowly declining. Given the

compressed time issues and increasing supermarket prices, families find themselves struggling with

what to buy and time to cook. Dining out has therefore become really popular amongst all classes of

society in Valdivia. In Niebla and Los Molinos this is slightly less, as they are somewhat more isolated

from all the restaurants. A lot of these people still are, to some extent, self-sufficient and can survive

by eating what they have produced or what their neighbours are selling.

The notions on how private food practices should be performed vary quite deeply and are dependent

on the background and surroundings of each interviewee. I will go further into detail over these

matters in the following chapters.

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Textual analysis

In order for me to correlate such notions, I will have to compare them to the hegemonic male and

female ideologies that dictate most behaviour. During my stay, I took note on what kind of images

are being portrayed in town; I looked at magazines, TV spots, songs and clothes. I also took into

account various informal chats with friends, professionals, cab drivers etc. Through these textual

analyses I found several ideas on man- and womanhood that are sedimented in society. They will be

specified throughout this chapter.

In general, what I could find was that from a very

young age the division between boy/girl is quite

clearly marked in society. All clothing,

department stores and even supermarkets

clearly make a distinction between girls/boys

clothes and toys; girls’ clothing is always

colourful and marked by a lot of pink. Boys’

clothing is characterized by dark colours such as

blue, black, green and occasionally some red.

The prints on their clothes are usually divided

into princess clothing for girls and superhero

characters for boys. Their toys are quite different

as well; small play kitchens are placed close to the dolls and pink toys, whereas cars, monsters and

Lego constructions are grouped in the boys’ section. In the department stores, female clothing is

often on the same floor as the sweets/candies and beauty products. Falabella, for example, is a

Chilean department store throughout various Latin American countries. The one in Valdivia is one of

the biggest stores in the mall and separates men and women’s products quite strategically; female

clothes are paired with accessories, perfumes and shoes. Men’s clothing is situated on a different

floor and offers less variety. It is more focussed on brands such as Levi’s. Also, it is not as colourful as

the female department. It is close to the sports gear and clothes. At Ripley, a different department

store, male and female products are dichotomized as well. Men’s clothing is a bit more colourful and

includes more foreign brands. Bikes and electronic products are sold next to male clothing. On the

top floor, there is a little square where some personal electronic products are sold as well, such as;

electric razors, dryers, nose trimmers etc. (mostly male or unisex products). On the large poster next

to it, however, a woman in her underwear is displayed shaving her legs. This dichotomy goes further

into the fact that there are significantly more clothing stores geared towards women than men

throughout the city.

The clothes for women are generally quite feminine and reserved. It is girly, yet, not too revealing.

Men’s clothing is quite simple; t-shirt and polo’s are what is sold most often together with dark pants

and jeans. When walking in the streets, in most cases people wear comfortable clothing such as;

boots, hiking shoes, jeans, fleece sweaters and waterproof jackets. As Valdivia is one of the rainiest

cities in Chile, it is not surprising that people dress up for this type of weather. Even when met decide

to dress up, they stay “safe” with dark colours and checked blouses. In general I can describe the

style of men in Valdivia, Niebla and Los Molinos as “lumberjack” or “cowboy” style. They too wear a

lot of hoodies and body-warmers. They spent no time fixing their hair with any products. Some do,

however, have either dreadlocks or little braids, which require little upkeep.

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The magazines sold in the kiosks are mostly geared towards women. There is an array of magazines

on knitting, cooking and lifestyle whereas male magazines are scares. The ones that are either unisex

(National Geographic, Enfoque etc.) male or either a male version of female gossip magazines (Vogue

Men) or one specialized in male interests (Men’s Health, (Schuller, 2014)). These are usually filled

with über masculine

figures and celebrities.

They focus a lot on sports,

working out, health and

most of all: women. Other

magazines for men include

a focus on science and

cars. Vogue Men, however,

is trying to branch out a

more metrosexual side of

the men; caring about their

appearances. I have been

told by some students that

there is a new “type of

men” emerging; the

Princesos. Quite

noticeably, they did not call them princes; rather, they morphed the word princess into a male

version of it. The young adults (15-19 years) are quite openly more concerned about what they wear

and how they take care of their physical aspects. Most magazines focus on celebrities and especially

male and female Telenovela characters, which are known for their exaggerated portrayals of

female/male characteristics.

Chilean music in general is marked by hyper masculine and feminine traits as well. They listen a lot to

Hispanic music or songs by Latin Americans in English. Jeniffer Lopez, Pitbull and Enrique Iglecias are

such artists. Latin American rock is also a popular genre. Yet, what is played in taxi radio’s, clubs and

shops is mostly reggeaton; a genre that is marked by hyper masculine, sexist and derogatory lyrics.

In some night clubs the video clips of these songs are shown, which are quite revealing. They are

characterized by a lot of nudity, 1 male/multiple female settings and singers are surrounded by

luxury. Telenovelas and Latin soap operas, are also known for their over the top performances;

everything is exaggerates; make up, attitudes and emotions. Granted, Chileans prefer the Mexican

soap operas over their own. The girls from the fish plant tell me Chileans are “copiones”, meaning

they like to copy other countries, especially Latin American countries. This is reflected in the way

they dress, but it is emerging in the food scene as well. Various interviewees such as Una, Wilberto

and Tim have told me Chileans especially like and copy Mexican culture (to a certain extent).

One of Chile’s most popular foods “el Completo” (a hotdog) is based precisely on this. A complete is

basically a processed sausage on a white bun (usually) served with tomatoes and onions. It has

multiple variations such as “el Italiano” which contains large amounts of avocado and mayonnaise.

Some completos are also served with sauerkraut, which might be a German variation to this adopted

dish. When it comes to fish dishes, they only seem to have some rivalry with the Peruvian “ceviche”.

It originality is debated upon. The same goes for the Pisco (sour), an alcoholic beverage that is

popular in both Chile and Peru.

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In the next chapter I will go deeper into the socio-cultural implications of the Chilean artisan fish

industry. I will expand into matters of (fish) consumption, political debates on the fishing industry

and of course, the hegemonic masculinities that influence the industry and vice versa.

6.2 The Socio-Cultural Domain In the following chapter I will discuss the socio-cultural domain as Allen & Sachs, (2007) have

portrayed in “the gendered politics of food”. The socio-cultural domain as they describe it is

concerned with the gendered division of labour and its influences on our everyday life. It compares

the lives of women as official members of the labour force, as well as their domestic chores. And

while the main focus is on the provisioning of food, I would like to add more interrelated subjects,

such as proposed in my introduction. These subjects go beyond the scope of women as carers or the

home, and include the broader socio-cultural meanings food practices conducted by both men and

women in- and outside the home. The theme of machismo will be discussed with more depth and

will be linked to several matters from the material domain. Most importantly, the subject of artisan

fish industry will remain central as I will limit my findings to socio-cultural effects and affects of this

industry.

Artisan Fish The relative lack of fish consumption in Valdivia can largely be divided into three categories: high fish

prices, people’s laziness40 (not wanting to cook), and the dislike/not used to the taste of fish. This

section fill display several examples and statements of my interviewees that argue why these

categories have prevailed amongst Valdivians. I have incorporated these statements in the broader

consumption and production practices because I found them to be intertwined within these bigger

themes.

Consumption and production practices

During my interviews I found several intertwining factors that have influenced these phenomena. For

instance, most of my interviewees seem to agree upon the fact that no matter what, Chileans will

always choose meat over fish. The main reasons being that meat is cheaper, easier to prepare and

often tastier too. The owner of Rey del Marisco tells me that, due to the worsened economy, people

think a lot about the price vs. quality of their food. Pancho Lourdes explains that in Santiago you have

to pay 7800 CHP for 1 kg of Congrio. For a little bit more (8000 CHP) you can buy a good piece of

meat, boneless and ready to eat; minimum preparation needed. And when it comes to cooking,

Chileans are truly lazy, Dan (a cook) says. Therefore they will often choose the easiest dishes to

prepare; meat is such a product that needs little preparation. Yet, when you ask most people

involved in the fish business, they will always prefer a good fish over a piece of steak.

I noticed that the majority of the fishermen I interviewed chose fish over meat. In most cases

however, they all ate more meat than fish especially while they were on the job41. Both Mary (a

40

This is the opinion of various of my interviewees (namely cooks), see page 27. 41

As explained in the previous chapter, sardine fishermen have access to a kitchen on their boats. They cook more “elaborate” meals, yet rarely cook fish. The smaller (line) fishermen do not have the ability to cook on the boats as there is no kitchen available and because the boat moves too much in order for them to prepare

82

nutritionist) and Pancho agree that, in the south of Chile people truly love to eat fish. Yet, the several

factors constraining people from eating it have amounted to the decline of fish consumption over the

years. First of all, the price of fish has increased tremendously. Industrial fishing in Chile is mostly

exported, while foreign42 fish is being imported in large amounts. And while the price of this fish is

relatively low (compared to artisan fish), people still refuse to buy it, which brings me to a second

important factor. Most of the people I met told me that the taste of fish is not something everyone

can get used to. The fishermen and cooks I interviewed all seemed to love the taste of fish, everyone

else for that matter, not so much. The reason for this can be linked to the accessibility of the

products. As previously mentioned, cheap fish can be purchased in the supermarket and at the Feria

Fluvial. The quality of the fish, however, is by far not as good as the fresh fish sold in Los Molinos or

by Pesca en Lineá (as told to me by Dan, Paul, Tim, Patrico F.and Jim). The problem with supermarket

fish is that is it not fresh and more importantly, it is frozen. Paolo goes on by telling me that at Pesca

en Línea, they try to sell the products as soon as possible and try to keep them cool at all times. At

the Feria Fluvial, for example, you cannot tell how many times the fish has been frozen, defrosted

and frozen again. He goes on by explaining that there is a difference between fresh and frozen fish,

therefore, Pesca en Línea only works with orders; once orders have been placed, they buy that exact

amount from the fishermen and sell it straight away. The freshness of their products can be

guaranteed because they work in the most hygienic way and constantly keep the fish at a particular

temperature. This however, is reflected in their prices and therefore excludes a large part of the

population. Additionally, the issue Paolo and Pancho have with supermarket fish is the fact that you

receive less “fish” for what you actually pay. Pancho tells me that frozen fish weighs more as it

contains extra water. Consumers pay for this amount while in reality getting less fish. This can be

linked back to Paul’s statement that 1 kg of meat can serve more people than 1 kg of fish. Thus,

overall these multiple factors do not stimulate Valdivians to consume (more) fish.

A large part of the Chilean population can thus be discarded from fish consumption due to its price

(and quality). The remaining people who do (once in a while) buy fish, are not further encouraged to

do so given their compressed time and general laziness (as Dan would say) regarding its preparation.

Tim says that, especially in Santiago, people are lazy; they do not cook at home since the restaurant

prices have declined. I noticed this particular trend in Valdivia as well. Going out for dinner is

relatively cheap compared to restaurant prices in Europe. The money I spent on my weekly groceries

did not differ that much from if I would go out to eat each day; supermarkets are expensive in Chile

as most of its products are imported. Additionally, Chilean (home) kitchens are often quite small and

oddly placed; personally I did not feel quite invited to cook in them. Edgar tells me that the decline in

home cooked meals has to do with time. As Pancho Lourdes ads, both husband and wife have to

work now to sustain their families, as a result there is less time left to cook an elaborate meal after

work. Families thus often opt for quick meals, go out for dinner or try the popular “delivery”43 . Fast

food has become a staple food of the Valdivian community.

anything. Therefore, they have to bring their own snacks on the boat which often consists of bread, empanadas, fast food and some coffee. 42

The fish is foreign in the sense that it is shipped over from abroad and secondly, because this fish is largely unknown in Chilean seas. People have increasingly become more aware of these types of fish however, most fishermen mourn the loss of their “own” Chilean fish species. 43

Delivery: almost all restaurants in Valdivia have the option to deliver meals at home. This phenomenon is popular amongst all type of ages as it is relatively cheap and still allows you to consume your food in the comfort of your own living room.

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These particular trends haven’t stimulated the Chilean cuisine to incorporate or promote fish. Dan,

who is Ecuadorian, mentions that the Chilean national cuisine is nothing compared to his; Chileans

do not take advantage of the products they have. Both Edgar and Pedro agree, and argue that

Chileans do not appreciate the great variety of fish. Pedro and Pancho mention that in a large sense

this is due to a lack of education on how to consume fish. The most popular fish dishes amongst the

fishermen are fried or grilled fish condimented with some salt and lemon. They usually prepare this

at home or occasionally on the job. Non-fishermen do not go through the trouble of cleaning the fish,

let alone prepare a batter to fry them in. Paolo told me that the reason he did not eat fish at home

was due to its smell. Now, he tells me, he knows the difference between good quality and bad quality

fish. If he hadn’t joined Pesca en Línea he would not have known the difference and he would not

have incorporated it in his diet.

Education

All of the previously mentioned reasons have amounted to the lack of fish consumption in Chile.

Enfoque magazine produced an issue completely dedicated to the top 4 chefs of the Chilean cuisine.

In their interviews two general trends caught my eye: the Chilean cuisine in underdeveloped (1)

which is caused by [a lack of knowledge] (2). Top chef Axel Manríquez argues that unfortunately,

Chileans know little about their country – food wise. While their gastronomic niche lays in the sea,

people lack the knowledge to fully recognize its potential. Guillermo Rodriguez agrees and feels that

Chileans should learn how to use their incredible ingredients and how to optimize their potential. He

adds that sea food is amongst the most valuable products Chile has to offer, yet it is used in a limited

manner. Álvaro Morales continues to state that marine cuisine is the Chilean specialty, but Chileans

lack the love for one’s own products to truly value this cuisine. “What then can be characterized as

the true Chilean cuisine?” – the interviewers asks. Pedro Mellado believes that this is largely

characterized by pork dishes and a multitude of sandwiches. Dan concurs and adds that Chilean food

can be classified as “simple” and easy to prepare. Top chef Pedro argues that the current Chilean

cuisine is a mixture of local and “foreign” foods- that now have been adopted. Guillermo calls it a

“mestizaje” (a fusion, hybridization) of immigrant and local foods that express (and embody) Chilean

history. Pedro Mellado says that cecina (salted, dried beef), desserts and beer44 are the most popular

mestizajes of the German culture in Chile, especially in Valdivia. Such fusions have slowly affected the

fish culture as well, and have manifested themselves in the sushi and ceviche “scene”. The original

sushi and ceviches have been altered with the accompaniment of avocado, salmon, merkén and ají

(hot sauce), Pedro argues. Another “booming trend”, as Axel puts it, are the home made and organic

products. In the rural areas, self-sufficiency has made a re-appearance, yet with a different name. It

has become widely popular to grown one’s own foods and keep their chickens now. Pancho Lourdes

ridicules this movement as this is what rural people have been doing all of their lives. Now, however,

people have put a different label on the phenomenon and added a few numbers to their prices: it

has become exclusive and elitist. Chef Axel agrees in that this concept of self-sufficiency has boomed

over the past couple of years. TV programs/shows such as Recomiendo Chile and Chile Conecatos

have stimulated this trend, and have increased awareness and education on the Chilean cuisine. The

44

Valdivian beer: Valdivia has a wide array of locally brewed beer; Kunstmann (one of the oldest breweries in Chile), Cuello Negro and Valbier are a few of them. Just outside of Isla Teja (in direction to Niebla) is the large Kunstmann brewery that serves various beers along with a multitude of sausages and pies. Desserts: often referred to as Kuchen. Kuchen is the German word for cake. In Valdivia there are several stores that are specialized in selling these German oriented cakes, berry- and cheesecake being the most popular ones.

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lack of education on food, Guillermo argues, has resulted in a lost “gastronomic identity” of the

Chilean citizens. Perhaps the fact that the Chilean identity cannot be seen as “pure”, rather a mixture

of multiple identities, has resulted in a confusion on what it exactly means to be Chilean and thus

what foods represent this identity, Álvaro argues. He continues to state that this confusion might be

fostered by the lack of knowledge on what Chile has to offer and what foods represent the country.

He says that fishermen and women, for example, sacrifice themselves each day in order to feed their

families and “practically risks their lives at sea” while their products do not seem to be valued.

There is thus a big contrast in what it means to sustain oneself: on the one hand, the elite that have a

piece of land and grow a few vegetables and chickens whilst still having the option to go to the

supermarket. On the other hand, you have the fishermen that have no other choice but to go out

and fish each day in order to survive. The lack of fish (both variety and amount) makes the life of an

artisan fisherman hard and is further influenced by the lack of consumer.

Both Javier and Jim have told me that the relationship between artisan fishermen at the sindicatos

has changed dramatically over the years. First of all, fishermen have a generalized negative image to

combat. Traditional fishermen, according to Wilberto, were known for their alcoholism and general

disorderly behaviour. Most of them have not attended school and only know the basic vocabulary. As

the artisan fish industry has come under scrutiny and job availability has decreased, a lot of these

fishermen are forced to become more “serious”. Wilberto argues that they have become more

responsible now. As fish is not as abundant anymore, fishermen cannot joke around or spend

multiple days drinking on their boats. Instead, they more conscious about the consequences of their

reckless behaviours and have been informed by the sindicatos as well. The various penalties also

serve to alter fishermen’s behaviour as the police are constantly patrolling the sea.

Second of all, it is hard to get fishermen to join the sindicatos as they have increasingly become more

individualistic. The general solidarity between fishermen has been lost over the years as they have

become rivals instead of colleagues. 80% of the fishermen are part of feudal family businesses, and

hence the whole families are submerged into the artisan fish business (and thus dependent on it).

Therefore the fishermen cannot risk losing their jobs. The loss of solidarity between them has thus

resulted in increasing individualistic behaviour. People do not like to rely on others for help, and as

Javier says, find it hard to protest against the larger industry when they do not have the economic

means to support themselves. A fishermen from the Molinos dock told me that, as a small boat

owner, he experiences unequal treatment from sardine fishermen. As they have bigger boats and

more man power, it is easier for them to protest their causes. He, on the other hand, only owns a

small boat, which is not enough to barricade the large bridge in Valdivia. He feels that he cannot

compete with the larger boats and therefore does not find the need to protest for his own rights –

which is exactly the reason they should join sindicatos, Javier says.

Nontheless, Javier argues that people still love the artisan fish industry. Rather than it being a job, he

calls it a way of life. You change your whole lifestyle to fit this mode of life and never really are

separated from it. He calls it an addiction, “a vice”; once you are submerged in it, it is hard to let go.

He adds that, for better or worse, most of these fishermen did only attend primary school and

therefore are in a way “stuck” to this job. Nevertheless, every single one of the fishermen I

interviewed said they all loved being a fisherman and would not trade it for anything in the world.

They did agree that working conditions are hard, especially in the winter, but as most of the

fishermen are 50+ and have been fishing for over 30 years, they cannot and will not change

professions. Chefs on the other hand, do have the opportunity to specialize themselves or expand

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their knowledge by venturing into closely related fields such as management, nutrition and business.

The job availability in these fields is higher and their growing opportunities are bigger. Most of the

other men involved in the artisan fish industry already take part in multiple fields of profession as

they cannot live solely from the fishery (Jim, Paolo).

Overall, Jim believes that politics have ruined the artisan fish industry because people choose money

over their future. This affects their relation towards artisan fish and therefore their overall food

practices. The next section will be concerned with the overlap of these food practices between public

and private domains. The re-defining of job descriptions and the altering of family life will be

discusses in regards to the (lack of) fish consumption in the region of Valdivia.

Public and Private domains Public and private food practices45 have increasingly become more intertwined. What used to be

strictly marked public/private and gendered space now cannot as easily be pointed out. Cooking, for

example, can either be considered a public or a private practice. Fishing, for that matter, can be seen

as a leisure activity as well as a job. The practices one performs during cooking and fishing are rarely

different than when conducted as a hobby. We are thus experiencing overlap between domains. This

section with henceforth focus on this phenomenon and how it affects our cooking and food practices

in different ‘places’.

Self-sufficiency

This can be compared to what was mentioned in the previous paragraph; while self-sufficiency used

to be a matter of course, now has become popularized as a public ideal. This has altered home

cooking and customers’ demands in restaurants. For instance, Patrico Fischer states that at his fish

restaurant people ask for simple accompaniments to their dishes. They often want simple potatoes

or “mote”; a Chilean grain that used to be eaten a lot in rural households. Nowadays, people in the

cities do not feel like preparing mote at home and instead request it when they go out to eat. Mote

has become a hype, Edgar says. A once generic local product has suddenly achieved an elitist status

within the upper-middle class citizens of Valdivia that can afford to eat out in relatively expensive

restaurants. However, my roommate Christy warned me that while mote has gained a popular status

amongst the elite, it is still part of the basic diet of people living in rural areas. For them it is seen as a

day-to-day product, while for the people who have become estranged from this product it suddenly

has become an object of desire.

The same trend can be found with the fish consumption in and around Valdivia. While local

fishermen consume fish frequently, restaurant goers might view it as an exclusivity which is paired

with their socio-economic status. As mentioned before, good quality fish is available in this town

through restaurants, fishermen and companies such as Pesca en Línea. Whether the Feria Fluvial,

Feria Costumbrista and the supermarkets sell good quality fish is debatable depending on the

personal notion of what constitutes as “good quality fish”. Either way, most men connected to

artisan fish have told me these aren’t the best places to purchase fish given the fact that the origin of

the fish is largely unknown. This has been one of the main reasons for Pesca en Línea to install a QR-

code on their fish products.

45

Public food practices: practices performed and embodied during paid labour. Private food practices: practices performed and embodied during unpaid labour.

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In order to better educate people on where their products come from and to raise awareness on

artisan fishery and their producers, Paolo and his team opted to introduce this tracking system. He

explains the QR-code is a traceability device that follows fishermen and their fish from the moment it

is caught until it is boxed and ready to be sent to their buyers. The device takes photos of the

fisherman and the fish then it is inscribed with information on when and where the fish was exactly

caught. This information is transformed into a code (in the form of a sticker) and placed on the box.

Paolo says they opted for this service as to add extra value to their products. Not all fishermen are

followed yet, but it is certainly a plan for the near future. He highlights that Chilean consumers did

not ask for this however, it was implemented to help the fishermen and consumers in the long run.

He adds that while 90% of their consumers are hotel/restaurant customers, they will most likely not

be able to scan the code, as they do not have access to the box. They are now trying to come up with

ideas to add a code on the menu or on the plate that informs the consumers about the journey their

fish has made. Paolo hopes that by informing and educating consumers they will be more aware of

the artisan fishermen struggles and overall be more inclined to try sea products. In a sense, this code

is on the verge of public and private domains as it connects consumers and producers during their

public and private labours. However, according to Paolo, the linkage between producer and

consumers is not optimum yet, and therefore these boundaries need to be “crossed” in order to

raise awareness.

Fishermen themselves have diverging consumption practices when it comes to fish. Herman Rafael

for example (a sardine fisherman) tells me that the consumption of fish is only for the poor, he sees it

as a lower-class food and chooses not to consume it that often. Most other fishermen in Niebla and

Los Molinos are indeed relatively poorer (compared to sardine fishermen) and in fact do consume a

lot of fish products. On the other hand, it is the upper- and middle class citizens of Valdivia (and

tourists) that come to Niebla and Los Molinos to consume fish.

When looking more closely to the

preparations and favourite fish

dishes by my interviewees, I see an

interesting trend. Fishermen (and

people more closely related to them)

tend to eat fish as pure as possible,

that is to say; with little to no

condiments. Most fishermen prefer

fried or grilled fish with just a bit of

lemon and salt. Cooks on the other

hand, are willing to be ‘more

adventurous’ (stated by Dan) as they

try complementing the fish with

more condiments and vegetables. The fish they serve at their restaurants, however, is adapted to

consumer taste and is a mixture of pure/plain fish with little diversity. Edgar for instance, tells me

that even though he does not fry or grill his fish, his customers seem to like it anyways. He

complements the dishes with little vegetables and simple ingredients46, just like the Chileans like it.

46

Such as: cilantro, onions, garlic and salt.

87

He argues that they like simple food. As Valdivians rarely eat fish at home, they prefer to eat the fish

as they used to know it when they go out to eat (as they are not accustomed to it in another form). It

can somewhat be compared to how fishermen eat their fish: plain and simple, yet he adds a modern

twist. As mentioned already, he tries to mix his dishes with traditional, local foods such as the mote;

these foods used to be consumed by everyone. Now they have become staple foods of the rural and

poor as well as part of the new food movements that stimulate local products. However, Edgar

mentioned that not all people see mote as a “renewed” and “cool” food, instead they still associate it

with the poor rural lives. He just gives them potatoes. Again, Chilean people are not adventurous

when it comes to trying out new dishes Dan tells me. (As he has lived in several places in Chile, he

has acquired a diverse set of knowledge on Chileans in general). This has challenged and altered the

food practices of the chefs, especially when they are working with fish. Dan continues to state that

when he started introducing “new: ingredients such as red onions, beet roots, warm fruits and

heavily condimented foods into his menu, it took his customers a while to get accustomed to it.

Sometimes these dishes worked out, other times he had to take them off the menu. Thus while

fishermen eat fish almost every day, the “regular” consumers only eat fish once in a while. And when

customers want to eat fish, they want it to resemble “traditional” fried/plain fish as this is what they

are used to. This poses a difficult decision for cooks, Pancho says, as their profession has progressed

over the years. Due to the various culinary school in the country, including Valdivia, new and young

people are constantly entering the business. In turn, the studies are adaptive to change in the overall

cooking industry as to be up to date. Fishermen do not have this “luxury”, their business is not

“renewed” that often47.

He argues that professionalism has deeply influenced both public and private food practices. As

Javier stated “being a fishermen is a lifestyle, it is more than a profession” it consumes their whole

lives. Most fishermen barely finished primary school and have no means to continue studying or to

expand their job. Managers, cooks and restaurant owners on the other hand, mostly do have one or

multiple degrees and have ventured into several professions. In this day and age, Tim says, you need

to diversify in order to compete. Without a degree this almost seems impossible. Fishermen rarely

have the option to move forward in their jobs. Their private lives are therefore affected differently

than most of the professionals. For instance, some fishermen tell me they do not really separate

themselves from “fish” physically as mentally. Cooks for that matter, face similar “problems”. They

either have to be available 24/7 or, in order to improve their profession, spend their spare time

practicing and studying. The role that professionalism plays in these jobs, however, is how these men

perform their private food practices. As the prospects of having a job for managers, cooks and

restaurant owners are far better than the future of fishermen and factory workers, the former have

the ability to expand their professions into something more diversified. The latter, on the other hand,

cannot (as easily) switch professions as being a fishermen is sometimes all they know. For most other

careers in and around Valdivia a professional degree is needed, which fishermen and factory workers

most likely do not possess because they often only attended primary school. How then does this

affect the men’s food practices? Are they able to separate their profession(s) from their personal

lives? Do they have “personal lives”?

47

With the exception of new GPS tracking systems and QR codes; the fishing industry remains taught from generation to generation.

88

Food practices

When it comes to performing [food practices] it becomes difficult to differentiate when a practice is

public or private, especially if public and private domains are used interchangeably during the job.

For example, Tim brings his daughter to work every day. When he occasionally comforts or feeds her,

has this then become part of his daily routine and therefore part of his job description? And when

fishermen tell me they sometimes eat the freshly caught shellfish on their boats, is this then part of

their public or private food practice as they are technically on the job? What is actually part of the

job and what becomes part of an ordinary lifestyle becomes blurred. Professionalism then might play

a role in highlighting the separation (as it more clearly marked) whereas otherwise it can be defined

as a way of life. Professionalism can thus affect the public food practices in that some men might be

able to move forward and create a “career” while others do not have this option. Private food

practices in turn are affected in by the dependability of their jobs. Vice versa, public food practices

are affected as well by skills or degrees acquired during private food practices.

Our lives are thus a constant interplay between public and private (food) practices. And while not all

practices are concerned with food, social interaction in Chile and Valdivia are always closely

intertwined with it. Most group gatherings revolve around food and drinks and often take place in

public venues such as restaurants and bars. Gabriel tells me that when going out to eat, the social

aspect is just as important as the food. Tim agrees and says food is a way of interacting between

people. The Chileans have a word for eating and sharing bits of food: picotear. Picotear is also the

word they use for how chickens eat their grains: small and quick bites. Most dishes in restaurants are

therefore adapted to this way of eating; close friends share several plates of diverse dishes. During

asados and fondas (large tents where people come together to party and eat) people usually gather

to dance and eat all night long. Small dishes are served and people often eat with their hands. While

[the men are in charge of the asado], women stay in and drink and chat. Once the meat is done, it is

passed around in a plate and people grab a small piece (with their hands) and consume it while

standing up or in between dances. Large festivities for that matter always revolve around food as

well, and while these are of a more public setting, people are never reluctant to share their food and

drink with you.

These big events are part of the social food interaction. During my first weeks in Chile, I was invited

to such a social food festivity: an asado. I was nicely welcomed and offered drinks and food. The next

day I was invited to a fonda where I was equally welcomed and offered to eat and drink as much as I

liked. Food is thus a central element in the sociality of people’s lives both publically and privately.

What caught my attention however was the fact that local events such as the beer festival,

gastronomic fairs and spring parades all revolve around food and alcohol. When attending these

grand social events I was able to explore the sociality of food and drinks in a different way. Some

events, such as the asado, were marked by gendered food practices. Several of the practices carried

out publically48 are continuations of private food practices, and are part of hegemonic ideals on

gendered labour division49.

While the large events have been in Valdivia’s traditions for years, the public/private food practices

have been changing a lot because people have less time to cook, the increased fish price, a lack of

knowledge on food production and lastly because a decline in fast food prices. Subsequently, the

48

In this case I refer to food practices in public places such as: night clubs, the streets, squares, restaurants etc. 49

This will further be highlighted in the next section.

89

public and private domains have become even more interdependent as consumption patterns are

used interchangeably within the domains, especially regarding fast food consumption. Due to the

fact that people have less time to cook and are willing to order in or go out to eat, restaurants have

become more popular. Fish consumption on the other has become more popular as well, yet only to

a limited number of people- the ones who can afford it. Fast food thus has grown into a staple food

in everyday life consumption patterns of the Valdivian community; while fish consumption has

become a rare and unique “experience” that can only be found in limited places. The lack of

knowledge on food production and preparation has influenced public and private food practices

tremendously as well, as Chiles top chefs argue. People in the artisan fish industry are limited in their

practices as they are (largely) dependent on consumer supply; if there is no demand or like fish- no

fish will be sold or consumed. For instance; Pesca en Línea only buys the fish that is demanded by the

consumers. That being said, most social events still revolve around food and drinks. Even though

Valdivians are picky in what they do or do not want to eat, they still enjoy the sociality of food and

drinks. Men and women practices during these gatherings, events etc. are sometimes quite marked

and represent a more profound public and private domain relation.

The following chapter will look at these gendered food practices in more detail. I found that

masculine and machista ideals influence current public and private food practices in various ways.

Therefore I will highlight them through examples acquired from certain participations in public

events and personal observations conducted in the city.

Masculinities I would like to start this section by presenting one of my experiences during one of the asados and

fonda I attended. After, I will link certain (food) practices to broader socio-cultural phenomena.

Furthermore, the focus of this segment will always be linked back to the gendered food practices

that are performed and embodied during both public and private food practices.

Asado

The 18th of September is a national day of celebration as it marks the beginning of Chile’s

independence. While the official holiday is held on the 18th, Chileans always try to find an excuse to

prolong the celebration by various days, depending on what day of the week it falls. Either way the

day(s) is/are spent attending asados and fondas. Through one of my interviews a few days earlier I

was invited to attend my first asado with a group of students in the big park at the Isla Teja.

When I arrived at “El Parque Saval” I was amazed by the large number of friends and families that

had gathered there. The first section of the park was “reserved” for young families with kids; several

bouncing castles and candy booths were placed around this area. In the conference hall opposite the

site a lot of people were selling handicrafts in their stands all the while a large band was playing

typical Chilean music. Once I moved further into the woods and to the other side of the park I

noticed that there were more groups of younger people preparing their own asados. Once I arrived

to the right asados I was welcomed by the guys I had met a few days ago. Immediately I was offered

some drinks and introduced to some of their friends. One large picnic table was filled with different

sorts of beer and plastic cups. There were a few bottles of liquor and sodas as well.

My first impression was focussed on the fact that there were very few women at the asados. The

group largely consisted of male students (15) and only a handful of women (4), including myself. I

quickly learned that the women at the asado were either girlfriends of one of the guys or close

90

friends. Aside from two large pick nick tables and a built in grill, no concrete furnishings were used.

All the people surrounded the grill that contained a few large chunks of meat and chicken. In front of

the grill, a large metal pole was inserted in the ground with half a pork stuck into it. I was explained

that at asados only one man is in charge of the meat. If it is a large asado, he might be assisted by

one helper. The guy in charge of the asado constantly checked the meat and poked it with a large

fork. He occasionally turned the meat and chicken on the rotating stick and “sprayed” the meat with

some salted water. The large pork needed more time to cook and was also taken care of by this

particular guy. One of the girls I spoke to told me he was her boyfriend. She said that being in charge

of the asado is usually seen as a privilege. In their friend group, her boyfriend was thus mostly in

charge. However, when I spoke to him, he told me it could get a bit boring sometimes as he would

always have to keep an eye on the food. Meanwhile, all of his friends would drink a lot of beer, play

music and joke around in the park.

In the meantime, everyone else was either drinking (alcohol) or talking to each other. A lot of the

men were also smoking weed, which seems to be very popular amongst all generations in Valdivia (in

this particular occasion women did not smoke weed, although I observed situations where both men

and women smoke weed equally). The guys pass around a pipe filled with weed; no one seems to be

bothered with the smell. At the same time, a large leather flask of red wine is passed around as well.

I was told that you are not allowed to touch the bottle with your lips; instead you are supposed to

squeeze the red wine from a distance into your mouth while eventually making the distance shorter.

Once the meat was done, the guy in charge cut all the meat in pieces while his friends helped to pass

the meat around. He used a large and sharp knife divide the meat. I was surprised at how good the

meat tasted (it only contained water and salt) as I am used to using a lot of herbs and spices on my

food. Besides the meat, no other food was served; just alcohol. Also, we had to eat the meat with our

bare hands; no plates or cutlery were offered (or brought for that matter). Once everyone was done

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eating, people gathered around to hear a few guys play the guitar. The guy in charge, helped by his

friends, passed around a hat so that people could contribute some money for the purchased meat.

The asado was one of my first big events and participations upon my arrival in Chile. What

immediately caught my attention was the fact that all the guys seemed to dress like lumberjacks.

They wore sober colours, plait shirts and comfortable shoes. A few guys wore a hat and scarf- which

later I was told is typical for the Patagonia area. A cab driver once told me that Chilean men will

never wear bright colours, especially not the 20+ generation. As a man, wearing bright colours

immediately projects something “un-manly” he told me. Although they are aware that men in the

tropics and Europe wear colourful clothing, in Chile and Valdivia this is not the case. First of all,

because of the weather, men choose the most comfortable clothing possible. Both the cab driver and

fellow (male) passenger enter into a conversation about gender portrayals in Valdivia. They tell me

that Valdivians are “apegados”- they are reluctant to leave the lovely city. Therefore, they dress

accordingly; boots, warm and comfortable clothes and wear a lot of sweaters and jackets. If men do,

however, dress with bright colours it is considered gay. The cab driver continues to state that men

grew up with a more traditional mentality, especially in smaller cities. In Santiago, for instance, this

might differ a bit.

Consumption

As stated in my literature review; consumption practices are gendered. At the asado, the girls there

told me that women do not drink beer as often as men. When they attend asados, parties or go

clubbing the most common drinks for women are piscola (pisco with coca cola) or mixed drinks. Men

usually drink beer. The amount of alcohol consumed by both sexes seems to be equal overall- no

matter age or profession. Nonetheless, when it comes to food some chefs do notice different

consumption patterns.

Norman, for instance tells me that the fish dishes at his restaurant are mostly consumed by women.

He believes they associate it with eating healthy- it is less “heavy” that eating steak for example.

Men, on the other hand will mostly choose to consume meat. Interestingly enough, most artisan

fishermen eat more meat than fish too (it is cheaper!), especially when it comes to their kids and

other close family members, they rarely eat fish. The salmon lady told me that even though she and

her husband have been fishers all their lives, their kids do not like fish. However, people who are not

submerged in the fish business (or are cooks for that matter) rarely consume as much fish as they do.

Both Norman and Tim say that the consumption patterns of women differ from that of men. They

tend to watch their weight more and prefer lighter meals. In most cases they order fish or salads,

while men like bigger portions and usually choose meat. In any case, both sexes (of this particular

socio-economic group) love quick and fast food which they either choose to share (picotear) or not. I

have been told, however, that these gendered food practices are particularly prevalent amongst

upper- and middle class citizens. I did not analyse what the practices were amongst other groups in

society.

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During other key events, such as the spring festival in Valdivia, most people were consuming fast

food. The Feria Fluvial was transformed into a place where popcorn, hot dogs and other fried goods

were sold- none of them being fish however. Other big events, for that matter, never seem to sell

fish or shellfish either. Wilberto tells me that if you are not a fisherman, you will not eat fish. The fact

that fish is rarely used as a “picoteo” or as a snack (fast food) reinforces the lack of mass

consumption during these events. During the fiestas patrias, the only fish dishes I encountered were

fish empanadas; little dough cakes filled with a mixture of shrimp and onion mix. Empanadas are

really popular in Chile, especially

during festivities. However, just as

in the Feria Costumbrista, the fish is

consumed less than the regulars. As

these events are usually attended

by the whole population of Valdivia

and its surrounding areas, the foods

needs to be “accessible” too (taste

wise). As fish has proven to be

relatively more expensive that

meat, my guess is that this is the

main reason fast food fish has not

gained popularity (yet). There is one

exception; sushi.

My friends have told me that Sushi has gained tremendous popularity in Chile over the past couple of

years, especially in the bigger cities. Valdivia already counts multiple sushi restaurants and delivery

services. There even is a sushi guy that goes around town on his bike to sell ready-to-eat sushi rolls! A

female student tells me that sushi is really popular among the students and young adults, as it is

relatively cheap and hip. It still remains a female-oriented food type, she says. On my first night in

Valdivia I went out for sushi with my roommate and her male friend. He tells me that he likes sushi,

yet he would never go out with his guy friends to eat it as it is viewed as feminine food. The girl tells

me the same thing; in a mixed group setting guys are fine with eating sushi, yet, guys would never go

out and eat sushi by themselves. They prefer steak and beer. As for food (and fish) preparation, I

find several gendered divisions especially regarding fishermen and cooks.

Fonda

The day after the asado, I attended a small fonda with my Chilean roommate. The fonda was held at

the home of one of her friends, who lives there with her husband and two step kids. She lives in a

relatively big house in the Isla Teja. Her house is surrounded by a garden in which a small barbeque is

placed by the entrance. During social gatherings this is most likely to be there centre of attention.

When I first entered the house, I was surprised by the size of the kitchen; it was quite big and was

equipped with modern machines and tools. I joined the group of women who were all gathered

around the salad table, while the men stood outside guarding the asado. My roommate, whom is a

good friend of the host, is a feminist and therefore most of her friends share similar ideals. Some of

these friends attended the fonda as well, I joined them for a conversation. They were quite

interested in my thesis and as soon as I mentioned that I was investigating feminine and masculine

identities, an interesting discussion unfolded. One of the women told me that she believes the

Chilean society is still machista, yet, not as traditional as it used to be. She refers to the fact that both

93

men and women have jobs now, and that women have more decisive power within the household. A

lady in the cab once told me that machismo is “over” as women (mothers, wives) now get to decide

what happens to their money. The fact that women now earn their own money and get to decide

what happens to it within their household, seems to insinuate a loss of machismo in the Chilean

society. Yolanda50, however, tells me that instead of women acquiring more power and equality, a

new trend unfolds. She calls this embrismo; a female version of machismo. She argues that in order

for women to reach the “top” or to gain some sort of prestige, they need to behave exactly like men

and to take on masculine behaviour. Meanwhile, women neglect their feminine side and engage in a

paradoxical movement; in order to gain equality women need to behave like men. Yolanda continues

to argue that there definitely isn’t any equality between genders yet. She believes the reason for this

lies in the fact that Chile’s society is highly sexualized and constantly stimulated through media

images and texts. When walking around Valdivia, one of the most interesting things my foreign

friends and I noted was the fact that a lot of young people are publically affectionate. These public

displays of affection (PDA) could be seen everywhere, especially in the parks and around public

squares. The PDA ranged from holdings hands, hugging and kissing to lying on top of each other in

the parks. One of my Chilean friends told me that the botanic garden at the university should be

treaded upon carefully as affectionate couples might be engaging in some PDA. Older couples do not

engage in PDA that much in the sense that they do hold hands and kiss, but do not go further than

that. They do often push the buggies, hold their wife’s and kids’ bags and mostly hold their kids’

hands as well.

Sexuality

Yolanda continues to mention that the sexualisation of society is currently stimulated through

brands, music videos, TV shows and what teens see in bars. Teen pregnancy is also a recurring

phenomenon in Chile. My roommate tells me that both in rural and urban towns girls are increasingly

getting pregnant at a very young age (13 and 14 years). The ladies at the fonda say that abortion is

illegal in Chile, just as the pill. They explain that it is due to the overarching religion51 that dictates the

government in Chile. While most people do not practice this religion anymore, the government

remains highly conservative, Yolanda argues. She also tells me that both school and household

provide little to no sexual education. Wilberto was telling me that he finds it ridiculous that kids are

not taught any sexual education at school and therefore opted to educate his daughter himself. He

told me that he sat down with her and explained what the consequences were of having sex in the

hopes of avoiding teen pregnancy. Many students and interviewees say that talking about sex is

taboo both publically and privately. Yet, when walking around the university campus I was quite

startled by poster that I found in the female toilet and on the library notification board. The poster

was geared to both men and women on how to put on a condom. In the Netherlands, sexual

education is done at quite an early age; it certainly is not left until university. Quite ironically, I saw a

relatively high number of girls walking around campus with their babies. My friends informed me

that there were several girls in their classes that had kids as well, or were pregnant.

The sexualisation of society can further be captured in its nightlife. Wilberto tells me that there is a

lot of prostitution in Valdivia. In any given newspaper you can find a lot of “offers”. When I ask him

why there is a lot of prostitution, he tells me that it is because men have a lot of fantasies that they

50

Yaell is a single mother of her 4 year old son. She is divorced, but still sees her husband occasionally so that her son can spend time with his dad. She does not have a good relationship with her husband. 51

In Chile most people are Christians and belong to the catholic church.

94

cannot perform at home. He says me that the reason he has visited prostitutes is exactly because of

that; his wife did not fulfil his sexual fantasies and therefore he felt the need to perform them

elsewhere. He continues to mention that there are special cafes called “café con pierna” (café’s with

legs). These cafes are attended by a lot of fishermen, he tells me. But in fact, most men like to visit

these bars as well. The Café con Pierna is a bar where scarcely dressed women serve drinks to men

and once in a while perform a dance. The men who visit these cafes usually buy drinks for themselves

and the ladies. According to Wilberto, there is little alcohol in the drinks served to the women so

they can stay sober and perform their job. Men’s drinks, on the other hand, are quite strong and they

get drunk quicker than the women. The goal is to find a pretty girl and to eventually take her home

or to a motel. Wilberto says Chilean men are quite direct; “dos cucharadas y a la papa” is an

expression he uses to describe Chilean nightlife. This phrase can translated to the fact that men do

not waste any time and get straight to the point. And while these women aren’t prostitutes, men still

appreciate their company. The popularity of the bars is high as every man gets female attention.

The Chilean male and female ideals are largely projected through media images. In the clubs I

entered, big TV screens display various Latin music videos which contain a lot of nudity and luxury.

(un)Consciously, people pick up on these notions and start expecting similar behaviour in real life,

Wilberto concludes. He believes that the reason there is so much prostitution in Valdivia is triggered

by fantasies that are fuelled through these particular images. Most of these video clips and TV shows

(telenovelas) are thought to project real life events. The three ladies working at the fish plant were

explaining that they compare themselves to the characters from the telenovelas they watch. One

lady even said that it “was her life” as the guy in the show also cheated on his wife and then left,

which is exactly what happened to her. I was told, however, that Chilean prefer Mexican and

Argentinian telenovelas over Chilean ones. They recognize that these are extremely machista, yet still

keep watching them.

Machismo

On one of my bus rides back from Niebla, two (male) clowns entered the bus and performed an act.

At first, no one was laughing; the clowns were loud and herewith tried to prep the crowd. After a

while their routine act started and they opened with a few jokes. Once the jokes started to get more

sexist and at some point even rude (towards women), people started laughing. The clowns continued

cracking jokes about their alcoholic father who beat their mom, their promiscuous sister and their

dumb mother. A lot of their jokes had some kind of sexual intonation and seemed to please the

crowd. I noticed that while a lot of people were laughing, mostly the male audience was triggered by

these jokes. The next section will include more examples.

During one of the informal chats I had in a karaoke bar with a male student, I was told that Chilean

men are really macho. They are quite possessive of their girlfriends and he explained the three

different stages of couples: casual hang outs, more formal dating “pololeando”; where you are not

allowed to date multiple people at the same time. And finally the pololo/polola stage

(boyfriend/girlfriend). He says Chileans take this one seriously. He laughs and adds that in this stage

people are practically married as they do everything together. He refers to the PDA in the botanic

garden and the affectionate behaviour on the streets. Their possessiveness is not always perceived as

negative, as it includes certain positive aspects as well; the guys are more chivalrous in some cases

too. During one of my colectivo (collective taxi) rides for instance, I was kindly assisted by a police

officer who opened the door for me. He was wearing his police uniform with a hat and opened the

door for me from the inside. He greeted me politely as I entered the colectivo. After a few minutes

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he reached his stop and, as I was seated on the right side, he needed to exist through my door. He

very kindly asked if I would let him out. As he was closing my door he thanked the driver and greeted

me again, calling me “señorita”, which is rare. As the driver drove off, he told me that he as well was

surprised at how polite the police officer was. Colectivo rides usually are quiet as most people do not

know each other. When you get into a colectivo, it is up to you to open the door. If you are seated on

the right side, it is expected that you make room for new passengers and give way to people who

need to get out- this is usually done without any verbal communication. Occasionally, people greet

and thank each other; mostly older people try to engage in a small conversation. When I am the only

passenger, I tend to sit in front and chat with the cab drivers52 who are always quite talkative. This

policemen, however, was extremely polite, as even the cab driver noticed. He told me that men are

only this polite when they are trying to impress someone. However, in general this polite behaviour

is not quite frequent. Both guys and girls have told me that Chilean men are quite direct and rarely

show signs of chivalry.

That being said, it does not mean that chivalry doesn’t exist as in some occasions it might not be

recognized as such. In buses, for instance, most men (even kids) stood up for women in order for

them to sit down. Often doors are held open for women as well. And when being introduced into a

new group most guys are quite polite and inviting. Nonetheless, this does not take away the fact that

chivalry is part of machismo as well. Jim, a 25 year old student told me that Valdivia is quite a

patriarchal town- it is a machista one. He believes that women form an important aspect of this

machismo (as it is constituted by both women and men). He continues to state that women are the

ones that get to decide what happens within the household. While men make the money, women

are the ones that spend it (and know what to spend it on). A woman that joined me in a colectivo

one day said that machismo in Chile is “over” as women are the ones that decide what happens with

the household money. Also, the fact that women now earn their own money too, adds to the fact

that they feel more empowered Yolanda told me. Jim continues stating that in Valdivia, machismo is

perceived as somewhat negative. Even though both sexes partake in its performances, he believes

that there still is room for chivalry. He argues that chivalry is part of it, and is a recurring

phenomenon; it is part of being masculine. While the essence of machismo still lies in the laboured

dichotomy that men work and that women are supposed to stay at home, this caballerismo53 can be

earned and thus is a reciprocal phenomenon, according to Jim.

As my stay in Chile continued, I noticed that more and more people objected the traditional machista

ideals of dichotomized labour and hierarchal positions in society. On another one of my colectivo

rides I was joined by an older woman and the driver whom were listening to a radio fragment about

dating. Both the driver and the lady were well over 40 and were attentively listening to the fragment.

The question that was asked to the audience was whether women could still find nice men to date.

One of the radio listeners (50+) phoned and gave her answer: she said that women of her age have

nothing. Older men, according to her, are not interested in older women and instead go for women

half their age. The radio lady interrupts and asks if it could be that men need to reaffirm their

masculinity this way? The other lady responds and says that these older men are just “spreading

their seeds all over”. The cab driver at this point reacts in disbelieve and repeats what was said on

the radio. The female passenger joins the conversation and agrees with the cab driver and the radio

52

All of my colectivo and taxi rides were steered by male drives, with the exception of one female colectivo driver. 53

Caballerismo: the positive counterpart to machismo, often associated with chivalry (Torres et al., 2002).

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lady in that this is a very bad phenomenon. The cab driver continues to joke and says he should move

to Argentina so that the Chilean women can no longer be mad at him for being an older man (and

seeking affection). The radio lady says she really does not know why this phenomenon is occurring so

much in Chile at the moment. She herself does not wish to date younger men and therefore finds it

odd men do find the need to do so; all she wants is a decent guy.

Gendered labour

When I chat with people about machismo, they usually respond in a negative manner; most people

agree that it is something to be avoided. Like the sign below suggest: “machismo kills”. I found this

sign in a local pub where lots of men and women (20-60 years) come and enjoy a beer. People in this

age range usually feel that machismo is

something negative and usually not

acknowledge its positive counterpart.

There are both men and women that

agree machismo is still existent,

especially in the fishing industry. Others

argue that it is “over”. Gaby, a friend of

mine that works closely with Paolo. and

Jim tells me that the fishing industry in

particular is extremely machista. She

refers to the fact that women are not allowed on boats. She actively tried to help me arrange a boat

ride and interview with some of fishermen, yet too noticed it was extremely hard to contact them,

let alone to let me on their boat. Gaby calls them “viejos machistas” (old machista men). While the

fishermen never explicitly told me the reason why I could not join them on their boat, it was clear to

me that it was going to be difficult. Javier told me that this superstition is very much respected by the

artisan fishermen, especially by the older generations. He argues that back in the day, women did not

even have time to help out on the boats as they had to stay home and take care of the kids. Women

were in charge of household and did not object this superstition as there were little/no opportunities

to help out on the boat Javier says this superstition thus stems from the machismo ways that have

been sedimented in the business for years now. He told me that he does not mind if women join the

artisan fish industry, or any other kind of business for that matter. In fact, Hector, Wilberto, Andres

and Jim the scuba diver too argue that they would like to see more women in the business as they

believe in their capability. However, the numbers still remain low.

When it comes to home gendered labour, Yolanda tells me that traditional machismo in Chile is often

associated with the gendered separation of cooking and home labour; women are responsible for the

household and men earn the money for the household. And while men still do not cook or clean in

the house, they have taken on different responsibilities. Especially the younger generations are

venturing into different types of masculinities (princesos, metrosexuality). They dress more

colourfully and try out different styles of clothing. Their behaviour can in some ways be described as

more effeminate, according to a few of my interviewees; they are more caring and considerate and

in some situations can be considered to me chivalrous. The majority of the 20+ men, however, are

largely driven by a more traditional type of masculinity, Yolanda argues.

So far I can conclude that the differentiation between the sexes becomes quite apparent when it

comes to affection and labour practices. In more private spheres there still exist dichotomized roles

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for both men and women as well. While a lot of people argue that machismo no longer exists, others

believe that it still is quite present in modern day society, albeit not in its traditional form. When it

comes to the artisan fish industry (and all people connected to it), there are quite some prejudices on

what is perceived as masculine and what not. In general, a lot of jobs are assigned a gender that

represents them best. Fishermen, for example, are most always thought of as being men. Even

though there are very capable women within the business (as Herman mentions), they still are not

perceived as representing the business. The way in which fishermen communicate is quite different

from how the other workers in the artisan fish industry do. Fishermen in general are quite still and

non-verbal. My interviews, for example, never lasted over 15 minutes as they do not go into detail

about anything and just give straight answers. They dress in the most comfortable way and in sober

colours, as the cab driver told me. They look quite rough and dirty, which seems only logical as they

are on the boat all day and have to clean the fish. Their hands are usually full of dirt, and so do their

clothes. Wilberto adds that as most of them barely finished primary school, they are not that

articulate and prefer to focus on their job. The processing of the fish on the other hand, is mostly

associated with female workers.

At the processing plant Paolo told me that the reason he mostly hires women is because they pay

more attention to detail. As a lot of work is quite precise and requires the delicate handling of the

fish, women are usually hired. Nonetheless, Andres works there too, and he performs the exact same

food practices as the women. The managers at Pesca en Línea for that matter are both women and

men. Yet, I noticed that Cindy is, as Yolanda argues; embrista. Compared to female telenovela

characters, Cindy is not that feminine in that she dresses comfortably and does not put on any make-

up. Her gestures are quite bold as she is really direct, harsh and bosses people around. The factory

workers have told me that they do not like her at all and even call her a “witch”. She has the leading

position at Pesca en Línea. Paolo also has a managerial function, yet dresses more neatly than the

factory workers or fishermen. As he rarely goes into the plant, he can basically dress in his normal

clothing. His clothes are still quite typical in the sense that he wears dark colours, comfortable shoes

and plait shirts. However, he looks a lot more hygienic and takes care of his appearance more; he

shaves and does not smell like fish.

Wilberto the driver looks more like a fisherman, although he does not communicate as one. Like

Edgar, he too talks a lot and goes into details. He talks about his feelings and is quite verbal in his

expressions. I do notice that Wilberto shows more resemblance with fishermen as he actually is one

as well. While he, like Jim, is more family oriented than the fishermen, they both express themselves

in a more restrained manner. However, compared to the cooks, for example, I perceive them manlier

in the sense that they look rougher and restrict their emotions and gestures more. Their posture is

more masculine in my opinion too (if I compare it to the men displayed on TV and magazines). Cooks

like Tim and Dan appear more effeminate in that they look really neat and cared for. Additionally,

they were well mannered in the sense that they greet everyone and offered drinks and food even

when I did not ask for it (it is part of their job description too). They use a lot more hand gestures and

are really concerned with their hygiene (work wise).

When I helped out in the kitchen with Tim and Dan, they constantly made sure I was okay and taught

me to make a certain sauce for the dish as well. What I found most interesting, however, was the fact

that they were willing to learn from me too. As I was ordered to cut the avocados, I did so in the way

that I am used to. Later, Tim told me that he found it interesting how I cut the avocado and said it

was a clever way- he used the same technique later that day while making more sauce. Also, after my

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last interview with both of them, I baked some Dutch pancakes for the staff. I told them that they

should add some bacon and syrup to the pancakes as it was how I preferred them. Tim told me he

found it a weird combination, yet proceeded to make the dish as I suggested. In the end, the whole

staff loved the dish and Tim and Dan agreed in that the dish tasted good, even though at first they

were hesitant to try this particular combination. Later, when Tim had left with his family, Dan was

left to do the dishes. I offered to help, but he insisted that he would wash them as he did not mind.

When I pointed out that there were a lot of dishes left, he said that I could help him a bit if I wanted

to. Afterwards, he cooked for all the waitresses and myself. Karin, the girl that works with Dan tells

me that Dan is very conscious when it comes to work; he never lets the girls lift heavy pans or do

extremely hard physical labour. He mentioned before that Karin is a good worker, yet she is tiny and

would never risk her getting hurt if it came to lifting heavy things. Karin says she appreciates this, but

notices that his behaviour is still machista and some of his remarks are somewhat sexist. She can

handle it though, as she is used to working in an all-male environment.

Even though most cooks I interviewed had more “experience” working with women (and often

showed more signs of chivalry/politeness) when it comes to their food practices, both fishermen and

cooks perform practices that have been classified as typically masculine. Their hard physical labour,

handling knives and working with fire/under harsh conditions have all been identified by them as

being masculine. Gabriel mentions that the long and varying working hours also affect the

male/female ratio in the job as most women take care of the kids at home too. These harsh

conditions in the kitchen, he argues, might be another reason for women to back out. Nonetheless,

the difference between fishermen and cooks is that fishing has always been thought of as a

masculine job and cooking not. As traditional machismo is still existent in some parts of society,

especially within the older generations, it is only logical that the fishing industry still adheres to its

ideals (as most fishermen are 40+). Professional cooking, on the other hand, is a relatively new

profession compared to (artisan) fishing.

Both Dan and Pedro told me that being a professional cook wasn’t always looked at as a masculine

thing. Dan mentions that especially in his country, it was viewed at as something homosexual.

Masculine jobs are, according to Norman, ones were men express power and earn a lot of money.

For him lawyers and doctors represent masculinity as their image is marked by status and prestige.

Contrastingly, the image of cooks and chefs is not always directly linked to masculinity. Tim and

Pedro say that traditionally, cooking was seen as a feminine job because it was associated with

mothers and grandmothers’ cooking. Most of the chefs told me they were taught to cook by their

mother or grandmother. On some occasion fathers taught their kids too, yet only if they were

already enrolled in the professional cooking business.

Pedro, for example, believes that the beginning of professional cooking in Chile was quite machista.

Because of their maternity, women were not seen as able to work. There was always a possibility

that they could become pregnant and have to stop working for a while, which was not viewed at as

advantageous. When he started to cook professionally, there were little women in the business. They

were treated really badly he says, which was mostly because of the possibility of them getting

pregnant. Pedro does believe women have the capacity and are sometimes even better that most

professional cooks. However, in general men in Chile do not quit their jobs when they become

parents and therefore are less of a gamble for the restaurant bosses and owners. The times have

changed now, he argues and more women have been incorporated in the professional kitchen. Yet,

the labour practices remain largely gendered.

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Machismo is not completely eradicated from the kitchen, Pedro continues. A lot of cooks are still

machista and underesvalues women’s work. Increasingly however, their work has gained more

recognition as their presence in the professional kitchen has grown. He believes that it has helped

that women have started to communicate better. The communication between spouses has changed

too he believes; the classic family image (dad at table with kids and mom waiting on them) no longer

is generalizable. Men are currently involved in home cooking and household chores54 as well, my

interviewees told me. In general they have become more involved with the family life, he argues.

Additionally, the fact that women now ‘go out’ and spend their own money has marked a great

change. Pedro states that in past, studying to be a cook was associated with being homosexual. And

within the kitchen, the confectionary is considered to be and extremely female dominated branch. It

is associated with delicate and precise work; characteristics that according to him are not associated

with being masculine. Professional female cooks are often associate with the “cold rooms”; starters,

salads, soups and confectionary. Confectionary is an extremely hard business as it requires precise

work. However, he says it is easier for a confectioner to be involved in the “regular kitchen” than the

other way around. Pedro believes the cooks’ personality and characteristics differ from that of

“regular” cooks. Some men are still made fun of being confectioners, he says. Yet, he knows one of

the best and the cook looks nothing like a women, instead, the cook is a large, heave man with thick

fingers, a beard and is “quite masculine”.

In conclusion, this chapter explored the meanings behind the several consumption and production

practices as described in the previous chapter. Through interviews and observations I came to find

that people in Valdivia are not always used to eating fish products. I have been told that the reason

for this lies in the fact that people –in general- do not like the taste of fish. Most fishermen, however,

seem to disagree with this statement as they do believe people like fish. Nonetheless, they argue

that even though people like fish, they do not consume it as often as fishermen do. This has to do

with the accessibility to fresh and good quality fish. If people do not possess the knowledge to

distinguish between a good and a bad fish, they often prefer to consume meat instead. Also, it was

often added that fish is relatively more expensive that meat. That being said, the fish restaurant in

Niebla, Los Molinos and Valdivia are quite popular amongst the upper- and middle class consumers.

Because the prices at these restaurants are often higher, not everyone can afford to eat there.

Instead, people prefer to consume fast food (with meat), where they get relatively more food for

their value. These consumption practices have affected the artisan fish industry in the sense that a

large part of their income depends on what consumers demand. Paired with the problems

encountered by the current fish law, fishermen find their working conditions (and hours) worsening.

This has changed the dynamic between them and led to a less solidary environment.

When it comes to food practices, I find several links dividing male/female labour; in the artisan fish

industry, for instance, no women are allowed on the boats due to bad luck. The fishermen argue that

in large, this is the reason why a lot of women are not submerged in the business. However, I do

notice that women are in the artisan fishing industry, yet often excluded from the boats themselves.

When it comes to asados, women are often excluded from preparing the meat. People explained

that one man (in group consent) is choses to take care of this practice while the rest engages in

conversations. During the fonda, the male/female division became even more apparent when all the

men were (usually) standing outside by the asado and the women were conversing and eating in the

54

Perhaps not as much in comparison to women, but they are more concerned with being good parents and helping out their wives once in a while.

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kitchen. These gendered divisions in the household are still quite common, but according to my

interviewees are slowly assimilating towards each other as both men and women are working now.

Lastly, I was told of the increased sexuality in the city. Amongst the younger generations, people

notice increasingly diverging ‘groups’ and identifications of both men and women (such as the

‘princesos’). According to interviewees, the lack of governmental support on these matters has

fostered an increase in teen pregnancies and perpetuated the causes of these events. This increased

sexualisation of society is also the result of hegemonic masculinities and femininities as projected

through diverse media. In combination with the several (food) practices these people engage in, they

might support/reject the current gendered labours and consumption. The next chapter will therefore

go deeper into detail on the consumption practices from a nutritional and corporeal perspective. It

will be concerned with the overall relation between bodies and taste and the issues concerning

health and the evolving palates of the Valdivian society. Herewith I wish to better understand the

effects of (gendered) consumption and production practices on our bodies.

6.3 The Corporeal Domain The following chapter is focussed on [the embodiment of the artisan fish industry trough bodies and

food]. Closely related subjects such as the senses, nutrition, health, cooking and gendered

performances will be linked to each other with the help of several examples from my ethnography. I

have complimented the corporeal domain by moving beyond the bodily discontent and nutrition

deficiencies in our current diet, and instead looked at the overarching performances with and

embodiments of food in general. By including the aspect of the senses into the domain I hoped to

expand the notion of body into a more encompassing “subject” that was able to properly capture its

dynamic relationship with food.

Artisan Fish What has become clear from the previous chapters is the fact that there exists combination of

reasons for why meat consumption is often chosen over fish. These are often related to money, time

and taste. Through the material- and socio-cultural domain I have tried to explain how the artisan

fish industry works and what the several socio-cultural meanings are behind the (food) practices that

support it. Within the corporeal domain, however, the focus will be on the affects of these food

practices on bodies itself, and will include nutritional aspects as well as a deeper focus on the

physical labour itself.

The Valdivian food evolution is thought of as being marked by the 1960’s earthquake. Nutritionist

Mary argues that Valdivian food culture and practices were (re)formed after this great historical

event. Considering the immense influence the Germans had during Valdivia’s reconstruction, it is

only logical that certain aspects of their society were projected onto the city and its citizens. The

city’s architecture and impressive waterworks have made Valdivia into the city that it is now. My

interviewees tell me that what makes it so special, is the fact that the whole city revolves around

water- the Feria and bridge being the most central points. What remains stunning, however, is that

even though water has such a central function in the city, fishing and the consumption of fish do not

seem to play a central role in (most) citizen’s lives.

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Consumption and production

The general lack of consumption is more apparent in Valdivia than in Niebla and Los Molinos. The

fishermen tell me that because they are physically close to fish and can easily access it, that

therefore they consume it more often. Yet, according to my observations, both the Feria Fluvial and

supermarkets sell fish. Additionally, people have the option to go out for dinner in Valdivia, Niebla

and Los Molinos and can consume fresh fish there. Why then are people still reluctant to eating it?

One of the problems that arose during my research was the fact that I found it hard to differentiate

between two intersecting trends: the preference of meat and the relatively lower amount of fish

consumption . Through the following chapter I wish to explore both trends further.

Dan told me that, through his experience in Chile he found out that people aren’t really used to

eating fish anymore. Most countries in South America have a coast, and therefore some sort of fish

culture exists. In Ecuador and Peru for example, ceviche is a popular dish. It consists of several raw

fish slices and is marinated in lemon/lime juice and some spices. Often it is accompanied with some

sweet potato and lettuce. Ceviche has gained a lot of popularity in Chile over the years; however Dan

says that his clients are very demanding when it comes to its preparation. When he first introduced

the dish, he presented it in its classical (Chilean) form; plain and simple. When he started to re-

arrange the menu he was asked to reconceptualise the Chilean ceviche. Together with Tim he

created a good basis for the ceviche and later modified it. His new dish included the following

ingredients: sesame oil, white wine, ginger, tabasco, oil, black pepper, white pepper and coconut

milk. As the previous dish only contained oil, lime and salt, it was no surprise that the clients were

thrown back a bit by the amount of ingredients this dish contained. Dan told me that his customers

were really hesitant in trying the new dish, it took them a long time finally taste and eventually

accept it. Also, he tells me that Chileans in general are reluctant to mixing (warm) food (main dishes)

and fruits55, which was another reason the ceviche was not successful at start. Another important

factor that influences the general hesitation towards eating raw fish is the fact that you need to

prepare it with good quality (fresh) fish as otherwise you can get really sick. The clients must

therefore trust the chef in that he chooses the right fish for them.

Dan gave me another example from his cooking experiences in Chile related to this; while working at

Espacio Cocina, he was in charge of preparing the main dish for 15 people. He chose to prepare raw

shrimp together with some vegetables. He prepared the dish as he was used to in Ecuador; heavily

condimented and most of all raw. It later turned out that all 15 people got sick from the shrimp. Dan

said he felt extremely bad, and as a chef was completely humiliated. Nonetheless, he argued that

had he served this dish in Ecuador, no one would have gotten sick. I asked him why this would be the

case and he explained to me that Chilean bodies probably cannot not handle the raw fish as they

rarely eat it. He says people are scared of the consequences of eating raw fish. Therefore, he says,

they usually pre-cook them a little in order to avoid these unfortunate events, but as he had just

arrived to Chile, he was not aware of this problem. When I asked him how sushi then could be so

popular he told that the amounts of fish in sushi are that small that people would rarely be affected

by them. Additionally, they are accompanied by avocado, salmon and rice (these are products that

are really common in Chile).

55

Dan did choose to mix fruit in a mian dish because he is used to this cobination. He is not Chilean, and he tells me this is more common in Ecuador.

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Ceviche, a raw dish that is more commonly consumed in Chile is never ordered as a main dish, Karin

argues. In fact, at El Patio there aren’t any main courses that contain fish. The fish is only used as to

“picotear” and in relative small amounts. The reason for this lies in the fact that most people haven’t

integrated fish into their diets yet, Karin argues. Papas Bravas, a Spanish/Chilean food fusion, on the

other hand has made this transition. After its primary adaption (in spices) it went from a regular

snack towards an acknowledged main dish at the restaurant.

Education

In order to expand my knowledge on the Chilean cuisine, I consulted a popular magazine focussed on

several different aspect of Chile. Luckily, I found one that contained interviews with four of Chile’s

top chefs and more information in general on fish consumption. What caught my attention, was the

fact that all four chefs in Enfoque magazine argued that there needs to be a general education on

what to eat (and what to avoid). People aren’t aware of the grand fish varieties the country has, and

more importantly, they do not possess the knowledge to differentiate between good and bad quality

fish. The fish plant workers tell me that only the people who have some sort of “fish background”

have the ability to judge what is edible and what is not. For them the Feria Fluvial does not seem as

such a risky place as they are able to differentiate between good/bad quality fish. Yet, the ladies tell

me that they still avoid supermarket fish because they are not able to judge the fish properly; you

cannot touch or smell it and in the case of canned fish, you aren’t even able to see it.

The socio-cultural association people have with fish is often negative too. In the previous chapter I

wrote about Paolo’s childhood memories on school meals. He said he could smell the fish being fried

from blocks away and that he would be disgusted by it. He remembers that is was usually fried white

fish, tilapia or pangasius (imported), and that it would be tasteless and full of grease. As a kid, this

was the only “interaction” he had with fish. He argues that it wasn’t that the fish was bad, rather that

the quality was low. He told me that while at home fish was never prepared, the school did introduce

it in their school meals once a week. The fish served at school, Paolo notes, is often not Chilean.

None of the fish they ate was local; it is all centralized in Santiago and from there on it is distributed

to all the schools. They get served tilapia or pangasius fillets that have been imported from Asia. He

says it is ironic that fisherman’s kids from Niebla go to school and not even get to eat the fish their

dads have caught. Instead, they eat different fish that has been imported. Paolo says, these kids

refuse to eat the fish as the taste and quality is better at home. Furthermore, they get stimulated by

all the fast food advertisements and cheap prices and thus often choose meat over fish anyway. He

continues to state that there is no public interest to consume more fish or to promote the

improvement of its quality. “No campaigns are directed towards incentives for sustainable

consumption” as foreign fish is often cheaper and the government earns a lot by exporting their own

fish. This is exactly what is harming the artisan fishing industry he argues. There are a few protests

now and then, but Paolo argues that they aren’t persistent and do not reach their desired goal. He

believes this has too has played a role in the lack of fish consumption in his life. Up until he got

married he rarely ate it, perhaps once every few months he says. Only when he started to get

involved with Pesca en Línea, did his consumption increase by about 80% he says. Even though he

not a “fan” yet, he does believe that with his gained knowledge and interest in fish, he has become

more prone to include it in his diet. He used to think that fish smelt bad, was hard to prepare and

that you needed to clean it yourself. The lack of consumption was mostly due to its preparation, not

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its taste. Now that he knows little effort is needed to prepare a good tasting fish (and has access to

it), he is more prone to include it in his diet.

It is thus a common conception that a lot of hard work needs to be put into cooking fish, according to

the cooks and fishermen I interviewed. The other factors restraining people from its consumption

however are far more difficult to attack if people do not actually consume it. What I have learned

from my interviews is that more than one sense must be triggered in order for people to actually try

it. Let’s start to examine the fish that people do consume: which is mostly fried. Like Paolo said, from

a young age kids associate the taste of fish with the fried fish burgers that are served at school. The

mass production and processing of the fish does not improve its quality and additionally, is masked

with a fatty batter that absorbs all taste that is left. Non-fisherman’s kids are then not further

educated on fish consumption in their homes and therefore associate the taste of fish with the

burgers that are served at school. However, if they do consume it, it is often fried or on the grill. The

reason for the limited variation in its preparation is because people do not know how to prepare it

otherwise. Experimental fish dishes might thus throw people off.

Fortunately enough, according to Pancho and Edgar, the role of cooks has changed a lot, especially

when it comes to differentiating between cooks and chefs. I have noticed that various cooks struggle

between cooking what they want and cooking what their clients want. Edgar argues that most of his

clients want plain and simple food, without any “weird” things as they call it; a few herbs, salt and

garlic is enough he says. Both Dan and Tim say they struggle with finding a balance in their cooking

when it comes to adding condiments while at the same time not compromising their cooking

practices. But as Pancho and Edgar have argued, people like simple foods. The question then

becomes [whether to satisfy the clients by giving them what they want, or to educate them through

their dishes]? Overall, the Chilean kitchen has

changed, both Edgar and Chile’s top chefs argue.

The traditional kitchen used to be demanded a lot

in restaurants, Edgar argues. Naturally, this was the

case as this was what consumer demanded most.

In most cases, actually, this still is what people

want Edgar argues. However, since being a cook no

longer is “enough” and people want to

differentiate themselves, they are trying to move

beyond the simple definition of cook towards a

more sophisticated “chef”. Edgar says that being a

chef is more than just cooking what the people

want; “it is about incorporating your personality in

the kitchen”. The chefs then “transform into a

different character” he says. In a sense, they try to

“present” their personality on a plate. Being a chef

is more than cooking; it is about the love for food

in all its aspects and senses. They way cooks/chefs

treat their product is reflected in its taste and

projected on their consumers. The word “chef”

however, is rarely tossed around and reserved for

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the top. What does this mean for the food education? Does this mean that only the people that can

afford to eat at their restaurants get the ’right’ education on food (and fish) consumption?

Both Dan and Edgar do not feel that way; yet, they take different approaches. Edgar says that his

clients want simple “home cooked” meals and therefore uses a lot of potato and mote in his dishes.

Dan, on the other hand, believes that he can educate people into trying new ingredients and

combinations. Both restaurants are well known in Valdivia and Niebla in that they serve good food.

We then have to question if there is a “right” approach. The fact remains that meat consumption far

exceeds the consumption of fish. It is easy to prepare, cheap and it is integrated into people’s

everyday lives (festivities, home cooking, public cooking, snacks, dinner etc.). Currently, the

consumption of fish is restricted to certain days of the week, snacks, jobs (fishermen eat it) and

selling points. Meat on the other hand is literally an all-round product.

Overall, taste and nutrition wise, the lack of fish consumption has affected the Valdivians in various

ways. It has especially influenced the food practices of the people involved in the artisan fish

industry. Furthermore, both public and private domains are being shaped by a combination of senses

that are triggered (or not) in people’s everyday lives concerning their consumption. The smelling,

tasting and handling of food for example, can alter practices in their public/private lives. In turn,

these triggers can be “set off” in any kind of situation and can be shaped by basically anything in

society; from social events, interactions and consumption practices to media influences. The

following section will focus on these senses and triggers concerning fish consumption, and will

venture into the further corporeal implications of it.

Public and Private Domains As explained in the previous section, a considerable amount of people are asking for traditionally

home cooked meals in restaurants now. My friend Christy warns me that a lot of these home cooked

meals as still consumed at home in the rural areas. However, in most urban environments these

practices have declined and become a rarity. Instead, people are mass consuming fast food. As some

cooks argue, their senses are not (constantly) triggered anymore and this has reflected in a decline in

health according to nutritionists and doctors. This chapter will dig deeper into these matters as well

as examining the differences between public and private food practices that seem to influence this

trend.

Home cooking

Pancho Lourdes argues that self-sufficiency in the rural areas is increasingly declining. While once

people used to own “huertas” (pieces of land), due to a change in their diets, time and money issues,

these pieces of land have largely been sold. They now buy ready-made foods in supermarkets and

fares. You could argue that they have literally been distanciated from fresh and local foods. Besides,

since pasta and rice have been introduced into the day-to-day cooking practices, the time spent

cooking (and producing food) at home has declined dramatically, Pancho argues. In general people

spend less physical time in the kitchen. Additionally, the time spent handling food has declined as

well. Time thus plays an important role in this matter; as both parents are required to work now, the

time spent on buying food and preparing it has dropped too. As a result, the consumption of fast

food has increased as it is less costly and requires little to no preparation. Pancho argues that at the

same time, the amount of obese people has been increasing. He thinks that the food industry has

promoted this trend. The lack of mobility and limited alimentation of Chileans in general does not

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positively influence this phenomenon. However, Pancho says that there are two different types of

obesities; one where people do have enough money to nurture themselves yet choose to buy the

“wrong” type of foods in excessive amounts. While the other type is marked by people who do not

have enough money to spend on nutritious foods and therefore choose the cheapest (fattiest) kinds.

Overall he argues that the quality of food in Chile has decreased as well as its availability.

Mary, the nutritionist that I met at the Feria Costumbrista, also agrees in that obesity has increased

in Chile amongst all generations. Because women are often forced to work now due to the economy,

there generally is less time for cooking, which often leads to preparing/buying snacks and fast food.

Even though both parents are often able to cook, neither has the time or willingness to cook after

work. People with irregular working hours such as cooks and fishermen too experience similar

feelings.

Most of the chefs I interviewed56 told me that while at work they try to cook as varied as possible and

introduce new tastes, when it comes to cooking for themselves, they rarely put in any effort. Dan for

instance, tells me that he does not cook at home. He says he is constantly cooking for other people

and handling different types of products and that on his day off (Monday) he refuses to cook. On

Monday he only drinks beer and coffee and if he has to eat, he orders a pizza or buys microwave

products. Pedro told me a similar story in that he is so tired after work that he never wants to cook.

He too eats a lot of fast food products and rarely cooks for himself. Tim said that he does not really

cook at home either. In part because he is never there for dinner and on his days off his girlfriend

complains that all his food tastes like the dishes from Espcacio Cocina. What she means by this is that

even though he does not prepare the exact same dishes, the things he cooks and the condiments he

uses are similar to the ones at his restaurant. Tim says is it only logical and therefore he either lets his

girlfriend cook or they go out for food. This way, he argues, he can taste different sort of dishes and

can amplify his palate too.

Edgar and Roman, on the other hand, really try to eat healthy at home too. Both Edgar and Roman

work with their girlfriends in the same restaurant and live with them too. As they both have the same

working schedule, their meals coincide. Edgar for example, says that because the kitchen in his house

is small and for emergencies only, he cooks in the restaurant’s kitchen. There he has access to all the

ingredients and fresh products he serves his clients as well. Around the restaurant he and Sandy have

built a little garden where they grow their own vegetables and herbs- he uses them in the restaurant.

He really tries to balance his diet and experiment with his cooking. He says that just like Norman, he

does condiment his food far more than he does for his clients. Roman mentioned that, in addition to

the cooking he does at home, he also loves to experiment with cooking at home, just like Edgar. He

reads a lot of books and watches cooking shows in order to increase his knowledge. Norman,

however, is not a cook but does use the kitchen in his restaurant as his house does not have one.

There he does experiment more with cooking. He puts more spices and herb on his food as he does

like his food with a lot of condiments. He says has to “tone it down” when it comes to spices at his

restaurants as most of his clients do not like it.

Interestingly enough, the fishermen I interviewed liked their fish as plain as possible too. They often

mentioned that they liked either fried or grilled fish with just a little bit of lime juice and salt.

Occasionally they add some garlic and Chilean salad, but in most cases they have told me they like it

56

Dan, Tim, Gabriel, Pedro and Norman.

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simple. Due to several interviews and observations, I believe the reason for this can be derived from

two practices. First, fishermen often live outside the city and for the most part used to be self-

sufficient. Therefore, they have rarely been exposed to the various preparations of fish. Secondly, the

smaller fishermen do not have the option to cook elaborately when they are on the job, usually a

small pit of fire will have to do. Also, they told me that through the movements of the boat it is not

advised to pack a lot of loose ingredients. Overall, they thus aren’t used to eating fish in

differentiating ways. Yet, it must be noted that for most fishermen this is their favourite sort of food,

yet it remains ironic they cannot consume it while on the job often because of the weather of legal

reasons. At home, however they consume it more often. Wilberto for instance, said that he eats fish

four times a week. Another fisherman from Los Molinos told me he eats fish almost every day as it

good for his health. He prefers his fish without any condiments; he prefers a “pure” fish. What is

interesting though is that the families of fishermen not always like fish. Wilberto argues that he tries

to educate his children to eat fish. Jim said he tried to, however, his kids did not like it. One of the

fishermen from Niebla experiences the same phenomenon. The fisherman is the only one at home to

prepare the fish, as no one likes it. Amongst fishermen, Wilberto tells me it is quite common that the

men prepare the fish, as they have the best knowledge on how to prepare it.

Cooking at home and cooking “on the job” can thus differ greatly. Even though chefs are aware of

what is nutritious or not, they often choose to eat fast food when they are not on the job. Fishermen

to engage in diverging food practices; while most of them have access to fresh fish, they often

choose to fry their fish or “limit” their preparations to the bare minimum. For them, however, the

fish tastes good and this is how they will present it to their families. Yet, in a lot of cases these

families do not like fish and prefer to eat meat. Herman Rafael, the sardine fisherman, tells me that

even though a lot of fishermen like fish, they will always remain a 100% carnivorous. As fish has not

been integrated in the day to day lives of the “average” Chilean, it is only logical to assume that the

consumption of meat will predominate. Additionally, with the current popularization of the “home

cooking” in restaurants, it is not surprising that fish has not surpassed meat consumption.

After talking to various cooks and restaurant owners, I concluded that because of this trend two

problems arose. First of all, people’s palates are not triggered anymore, as explained in the previous

section. Second of all, Dan concluded that people in Valdivia “do not taste anymore”. They put

ketchup and mayonnaise on everything therefore all the food tastes the same. Valdivia, however, is

known for three famous dishes, but when looking at the essence of the dishes- it is all about meat

and grease. One of my friends once told me that the best part of meat is the taste of grease; “no

other ingredients than water and salt are needed”. Edgar, Dan’s colleague names Valdivia’s most

popular dishes; papas bravas, pichanga and crudo.

Papas bravas are the famous [fried potatoes coated with a creamy sauce and a bit of merkén]. It is

often debated if they are from Chilean or Spanish descent, but either way consumed by all ages. The

Pichanga is a [combination of French fries and different sorts of meat (pork mostly) accompanied by

olives, eggs, avocado, onion, tomato, carrots and cheese]. It used to be a mix of meat, though later

on the fries were added. Edgar further explains that people only eat pork at asados in combination

with alcohol because otherwise they are afraid they might get sick. This might explain the fact that a

lot of beer bars and restaurants serve these kinds of dishes. Lastly, the Crudo is a [mix of raw meat

and is typically served with a yoghurt sauce]. This dish is from German descent Edgar argues and is

comparable to steak tartare. When I asked him if there was any typical fish dish he answered with;

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pulmay. This shellfish broth is popular in the south of Chile as it helps against the cold. Yet, it is not

eaten as often as meat. Notwithstanding, the previously mentioned “problems” have not impeded

people from exploring new tastes and expanding their palates. Both Espacio Cocina en Edgar’s

Restobar have opted to give cooking classes to small groups.

As I tried to explain earlier, food education is an increasing problem according to various cooks. Tim

and Edgar have therefore opted to encourage people in this exploration and offer weekly cooking

lessons. Edgar tells me that one can reserve a class whenever he/she likes with a limited amount of

people. He either teaches one or multiple classes and these can vary from basic instructions to more

elaborate dishes. Cooking in a particular national cuisine (Mexican, Thai) is also quite popular. What

was most important for Tim’s cooking classes was the fact the clients were able to pick a time. He

believes he should meet them halfway by letting them pick a time when is most comfortable for the

group. This way the group does not feel pressured to time-wise, her argues. The classes are given

every Monday, as this is when the restaurant is closed. The classes are given in the open kitchen

space and he tries to accommodate each class to the group’s wishes. He says that he already has

some advance groups that even surprise him when they are cooking. He is quite proud if the success.

Nonetheless, not all groups are regular clients. Some friends just take one or two classes to learn

basic techniques. Either way, both Edgar and Tim tell me that the classes are a success.

Bodies

The way in which the current food practices and consumptions in Valdivia have evolved over the

years, has affected their bodies as well. Not only nutrition and health wise, but also through its

senses. For example, the increase of fast food in their diets has resulted in an escalation of obesity.

The large amounts of grease and other assimilated tastes (ketchup, avocado) in Chilean cuisine have

also played an important role. Additionally, the absence of fish consumption has led to a lot of

bodies not being able to handle raw fish (both taste-wise and biologically). Can we then speak of

evolved bodies or just changing food patterns and likes? And if we look at how our bodies perform in

connection to food, let’s say our food practices, can we notice significant differences?

Mary argues that the lack of cooking and compressed time issue has led people to cut back on their

cooking. The actual time spent handling the food has therefore decreases as well. In combination

with the lack of knowledge on what (not) to consume, this has led to an increase in obesity. Thus,

you can argue that the overall decline in cooking has led to the worsening health and nutrition. She

concludes that the fact that Chileans are lazy and often skip breakfast has fostered the decline in

(physical) activities required to prepare meals; less cutting, cleaning, spicing etc. The processing of

meat, for example, is mostly done at the butcher’s and in the supermarket; the meat is bought ready

to thrown on the grill or pan. The food practices involved in the fishing industry do not vary that

much from that of meat; most of the processing is done before the fish is sold. Pesca en Línea for

example pre-boils their shellfish and completely de-grates and guts their fish. At the Feria Fluvial

“complete” fish might be presented, but the seller will clean in on the spot when asked. The

supermarkets sell ready-to-eat fish as well. The frozen tilapia, salmon or pangasius just have to be

defrosted and thrown in the pan before consumption. Canned fish for that matter needs no

preparation at all. Lastly, both meat and fish can be consumed “food practice-free” at restaurants,

hotels and can even be delivered at your house! But what does the transformation in food practices

mean for our relation with food? How does it affect our senses and bodies (and vice versa)?

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Private food practices have thus deeply been influenced over the past couple of years. A change in

consumption patterns has encouraged quicker preparations and fewer food practices. When it

comes to asados, I believe they perfectly resemble the Valdivian food practices. Only one guy is in

charge of the meat; he rotates the steaks and occasionally adds some water and salt. When the meat

is done he cuts it in large pieces whereas the attendees eat the meat with their bare hands. The guy

in charge of the asado usually keeps doing this for a couple of years. One of the girls at the asado

tells me that it is an honour to be in charge of the meat. Only when he gets sick of it does he “hand

over the fork” to another family member or friend. The minimum preparation and maximum taste

represent the daily food practices of Valdivians in general. The guys tell me that they enjoy the taste

of meat best when it is prepared simple and with a lot of grease. When attending other asados and

hearing stories from my friends I rarely hear any other “asado variations”. In that sense, food

practices largely stay the same. When it comes to affecting the actual bodies you can argue that their

practices rarely change and their other senses remain largely un-affected. However, even though

asados are regular events in the Chilean culture, it does not mean that they have completely

replaced other food practices. As mentioned earlier, the Valdivian food practices have been changing

due to changing diets. These changes have largely been triggered by grander societal processes

(governmental and educational).

Senses

An important aspect that I feel was neglected from the original corporeal domain are the senses.

Besides the (lack of) physical activities involved in the Valdivian kitchens, both publically and

privately, I feel that these bodies are influenced by their senses as well. Thus, our corporeal domain

is no longer limited to how we use it, but how it is affected becomes important as well. As explained

before, there is more involved in the liking/disliking of a particular product than the physicality of

consumption alone. Whenever I cooked at my apartment for instance, I had to make sure that I

opened all the windows and doors. As I cook with a lot of spices such as curry, my roommate told me

that these smells were too strong for her and I should therefore “air” the apartment. At one point,

however, I cooked for her and used the same curry spices. She told me she loved the dish and even

opted to buy some soy sauce for the house, as I had used it as well. Nevertheless, she never cooked

with these ingredients herself and still opened up all the windows and doors when I had cooked. My

friend, who lived with a Chilean family, says she experienced the same situation at her place. She told

me that any time she cooked with spices, her family would open up all the windows and doors as

they though the smell was too strong.

During one of my conversations with a young guy who owns his own bike & coffee shop in the centre

of Valdivia, I was pointed to another corporeal matter. The guy told me that in general, Chileans do

not have many “Chilean foods”. The regional foods can often be assimilated to dishes from other

countries, asado and ceviche being such examples. Traditional Valdivian foods too can be compared

to dishes from other countries; the crudo was introduced by Germans and he tells me that he used to

eat it a lot. About 15 years ago you could find crudo in every restaurant and take away store.

Nowadays, he says that the popularity of the dish has declined as people were getting ill57 from

eating it. He argues that there was some trouble with the raw meat and believes that people these

days don’t know how to prepare it anymore. They perhaps have gotten scared of raw products, he

contemplates. Knowing what to eat and how to prepare it are important practices. “People

nowadays do not know how to taste anymore” and in order to trigger the senses, “one needs to

57

He did not specify what the exact symptoms were.

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practice” he argues. As explained through the previous paragraphs, food practice and education are

matters that are encouraged through the combination of both public and private domains. However,

once these practices are assimilated, the practices become similar to one another and people rarely

“switch” food related activities. Additionally, tastes between public and private domains start to be

comparable as well. Dan tells me that he gets bored by tasting the same things every day. He is used

to “his own taste” at El Patio, therefore he asks Edgar or Karin to prepare dinner for the staff and

himself, as this way he can taste new “tastes”. People have different palates which are

represented/embodied while cooking, which might explain why everything you cook might taste the

same.

At Espacio Cocina Dan encounters the same problem; both he and Tim are used to each other’s’

taste. Dan argues that they know their palates and therefore, when they have the opportunity, they

choose to eat something completely different (in their cases; fast food).

The combination of changing food practices and evolving bodies can thus tell us a lot about current

consumption practices. The corporeal domain is no longer just ruled by our food practices; instead it

is supported by our senses in a way that influences our health, sociality and most importantly our

food. However, when analysing the corporeal domain from a public/private perspective, I encounter

a vicious circle when it comes to fish; through a combination of the lack of its consumption and the

increased demand for publically home cooked meals, the overall food taste in Valdivia and has been

reduces to a handful of popularized dishes. The implication of this phenomenon on our bodies has, in

general, limited the amount of food practices we engage in when it comes to preparing and even

consuming our foods58. It has compromised the food practices of the people involved in the artisan

fish industry in the sense that demand for their product is low and therefore performing practices

on/with the product are often limited59 or have changed. This however, does not encourage

consumer to eat or even prepare fish at home or at the restaurants. I must acknowledge that there is

a number of people who do consume fish, yet they either belong to the part of society that can

either afford to buy fish at restaurants or from companies such as Pesca en Línea or are fishermen

themselves and thus have easy access to it. Consumption is thus not promoted all round and

therefore does not encourage people to try it either.

The next section will be concerned with the further corporeal implications of these compromised

food practices concerning gender relations. I will discuss more in depth how our (bodily) relationship

with food can reflect our identity and eventually embody and perform certain characteristics through

ethnographic examples.

Hegemonic Masculinities Through the previous chapters I can conclude that our relationship with food is complex as it entails

more than consumption alone. It affects our food practices and our senses and vice versa. However,

it remains unclear how this affects the masculinities/femininities from a corporeal perspective; how

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The fact the people choose to eat a lot of fast food already insinuates that they require little preparation and thus few food practices from both the processors’ and consumers’ end. Additionally, at asados no cutlery or plates are used; food is thus consumed without the handling of an actual knife (besides the portioning of the meat) or fork. Beers are often consumed directly from the cans or bottles. The practice of opening a can/bottle and pouring it into a glass or making a juice or mix from scratch are often left aside. 59

In this example I am not considering the lack of fish availability in general, but I am aware of the fact that this phenomenon affects the food practices of fishermen as well. This is explained with more detail in the previous chapters.

110

do our bodies project the hegemonic masculinities for instance? What is the relationship between

the embodiment and performance of certain food and consumption practices? I found that by

looking deeper into the gendered labour practices and other bodily performances/embodiments,

that we might be able to better understand the relationship between bodies and food.

Gendered labour

Within the artisan fish industry I have noted that both men and women are involved, though in

different parts of the network. Being a fisherman is considered to be rather masculine and

henceforth is mostly occupied by men. The women involved in this business are rarely found on the

actual boats. Being that a lot of fishermen still live by a particular myth that physically restricts

women from boats, limits women in their food practices as well. Gaby, who works together with

Pesca en Línea and the sindicato says she needs to fight for her place during the job. As she is

constantly surrounded by “macho men”, as she calls them, she cannot afford to behave timid.

Instead, I admired Gaby in the way she communicated with these men; she was firm, to the point,

sometimes harsh and projected power. I might even compare her to what her friend Yolanda calls

“embrismo” as she actually embodies and performs certain masculine traits in order to operate well.

Gaby told me that often she was annoyed working with the fishermen as they did not always take

her seriously. She says they still very much live by the traditional machista ideals in that women do

not belong in this particular business. Yet, she showed me that next to Jim’s restaurant in Los

Molinos, a female sindicato had opened a restaurant as well. The restaurant is run and owned by

women only. She invited me to have lunch at their restaurant and convinced me to try their

empanadas of “queso y jabia” (cheese and jaiba). These were the best empanadas I tasted during my

whole stay in Chile as they were fresh and not that greasy at all. Gaby explained that the whole

kitchen staff consisted of women. However, when I asked if these women fished, she told me that

they didn’t. Either their husbands, brothers or uncles etc. were the “actual” fishers and provided

them with their products. She explained that still relatively few women were immersed in the fishing

industry, especially on the boats. As Paolo explained later to me, women are usually hired to do

precise and delicate work. He told me that this was the main reason mostly women work at the fish

plant in Niebla. The company wants to add as much value to the products as possible; therefore the

fish needs to be handled with extreme care. I noted that when I was working at the plant it was

actually quite hard work. At the beginning my work was not that precise and one of the ladies told

me that I had to throw away the fish I cleaned as it did not meet the company’s standards.

The argument that men cannot be delicate workers or precise takes on a completely different

sociocultural meaning when placed in the cooking industry. As Pedro mentioned, the area of

confectionary is one that, while often associated with women, men do strive in. The amount of male

chefs and professional cooks has increased dramatically over the past couple of years. Valdivia even

has its own culinary school: INACAP, where Gabriel studied. The younger generation cooks, however,

say that over the past couple of years, the amount of women that have entered the business has

increased as well. Nonetheless, it remains a male dominated business (professionally), my

interviewees tell me. Pedro argues that in some cases, excelling in the field of patisserie and other

“cold kitchens” receives even more praise as it is extremely difficult. While both Norman and Dan

argue that cooking is a masculine field because of the hard work, usage of fire and long hours, this

does not take away the fact that striving in exactly the contrary might be seen as being an even

better cook/chef. Dan argues that to be a good cook you cannot be afraid of “hard work”. I notice

multiple burn marks on his arms from handling the grill, over and hot pans. Karin, his colleague says

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that they often make fun of one of the waiters as he often complains the plates are too hot for him

to hold. Karin and Dan tell me that they jokingly call him “maricon”, meaning gay60. She explains that

if you work in this business you are bound to get burnt or hurt in some way as the work load is hard

and sometimes dangerous. Something petty like hot plates should not impede anyone from

performing their job.

Dan tells me that machismo in the kitchen has nothing to do with being a man or a woman. Like the

previous example stated, Karin agrees in that this particular waiter did not behave like “he should

have” concerning his working field. However, I wonder if they would have mocked one of the female

waitresses had she complained about the hot plates as well. Machismo, according to most

interviewees, is linked to the physical separation of men and women in the home kitchen. Women

were/are thought to be “part of” the home kitchen and household chores. And while a lot of people

claim this not true anymore, I noticed that the most nannies’ in upper- and middle-class households

are all women. The nanny’s do not only take care of the house, they also take care of the children.

My Chilean friends tell me it is quite normal for these families to have someone in the house to help

them out. Even my roommate told me that when she lived alone, she hired a lady to clean the house

for her as she barely had the time. They are thus mostly hired because of the compressed time issue

that has marked various families’ lives the past couple of years. Subsequently, I was told boats need

to be scrubbed and hosed as well. Wilberto’s mates used to call him the “Cinderella” as he was in

charge of cleaning it. Cleaning the kitchen on the other hand is not often associated with femininity

or princess-like deatures. Instead, cooks argue it requires hard work; handling the grease, lifting

heavy objects and using chemicals. This thorough cleaning is not comparable to the cleaning the

nanny’s do, conceptually. Most chefs argue that it is part of being a good cook; beginning from the

bottom and working your way up as well as possessing knowledge on all aspects of the job. For some

women, however, cleaning still remains a daily business apart from their regular jobs. As one of the

women at the fish plant told me, she has three jobs; processer, mother and cleaner. She has no-one

to help her out within her house. Additionally, on the job she is constantly cleaning the fish as well as

the surfaces of her working space. Yet, it is not to day that men do not clean at all. Andres, the male

processer for example, actually participated in all the activities the women did. He cleaned the fish

and the tools used. He also engages in precise and delicate work such as grating the fish or pulling

snails out of their shells. Yet when talking to his wife, she told me that at home she usually is the one

in charge. She cooks and cleans while Andres engages in other jobs such as fishing. Certain spaces are

thus gendered differently.

According to Dan, back in the day when he was younger, it was considered gay to work in the kitchen

as a man. During his studies he actually knew a lot of homosexual cooks, yet, out of the 15 only 1 or 2

were good, he argues. He believed the others lacked in strength and simply just weren’t good

enough (mostly because they feared the fire). “You have to be strong to handle this business, you

have to know how to handle a knife”, he says. These men were afraid of blood and weren’t strong

enough to lift and cut the fish. Yet, he too recognizes that there is a delicate counterpart to being a

cook. If you do not value the product and treat it with respect and affection, this will be reflected in

the final dish as well. The confectionary is such a part of cooking that demands this aspect even more

than in “regular” kitchens.

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Maricon is a derogatory form and can more precisely be translated to fag, faggot or queer.

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During my research I also had the opportunity to participate in the kitchen as well as going on a boat

ride. Here I learnt how men within the artisan fish industry interact with one another while on the

job. Firstly, I was invited by Dan to take notes in the kitchen while he, Edgar and Karin worked. As

head chef, he often had to leave the kitchen to attend small meetings and receive deliverers. In the

meantime, Karin and Edgar took over. Their routines were almost equally divided, yet I noted that

Karin had a bit more responsibility. For example, Dan lets her cut the meat and in general talked with

a lot of pride about her. He told me that before he hired her, he actually hired her boyfriend.

However, he fired him two weeks later as his work attitude did no please him and wasn’t satisfied by

his work. Karin started working there a bit later and has stayed there ever since. He tells me that she

did not study to be a cook; in fact she was studying to be a nurse but eventually dropped her studies

and started working here. He says that she is a strong woman and a hard worker. Karin told me she

loves working here with Dan and Edgar. They do joke around from time to time and make sexists

jokes when she is around. Nonetheless, she says she is not bothered by it. She knows that the guys

joke around with each other and she just continues working when they do, although sometimes she

will join them. Overall, she feels very comfortable in the kitchen and would like to make it her

career. Dan states that he has taught her everything she knows in this field, and is willing to teach

her more in the future. When I helped out Tim and Dan in Espacio Concina, she actually had just

finished a shift. Tim tells me that he sometimes invites her over and lets her practice in his kitchen as

well.

At Espcacio Cocina there is a completely different atmosphere. Tim stated that he and Dan are more

than colleagues, they are friend as well. This changes their dynamic when working together. Dan

argues that he likes working here better as he does not have to tutor any assistants (apart from

Karin). He and Tim have developed a routine that works best for them and in most cases each of

them is concerned with their own work. However, it remains apparent that some food practices

aren’t to be executed by both. During lunch Dan wanted to prepare a poached egg; this technique is

quite difficult and requires some skill. The first two times Dan tried it, the third time Tim helped.

When Dan wanted to try a fourth time Tim put his foot down and said that he had practices enough.

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He looked a bit stern and Dan obeyed. I thought it was interesting to see that while they seemingly

work as equals, when the boss needs to step in, he does. I noticed similar trends within the artisan

fish industry.

During the boat ride with the scuba diver I was told that this duo had worked for over 17 years

together. The rower, an older man (60+), said to me that he practically raised Jim the scuba diver.

They have known each other for years and have worked together for a great part of them. Other

fishermen have told me similar stories. The crews are quite close as they have worked together for

years and sometimes days on end. A sierra fisherman from Los Molinos told me that a fisherman’s

crew is like family. However, like in most families, there is some kind of hierarchy. The captain for

instance, has most “power” on the boat as he directs where and when to fish. Boat owners and

chancho’s have a lot of power as well: fishermen have to obey them even though they are not

around all the time. All crew members thus adhere to the boat owner, as explained in the previous

chapter. Their food practices then are no longer dependant on their peers only; there are several

people that influence these as well. Yet, things become even more interesting when we analyse the

dynamics of these men (and cooks) outside of their working environment. When certain

performances are suddenly performed in a different setting; how do they affect the corporeal

domain?

The food practices performed and embodied on the job are often carried through in both public and

private domains. The role of gender within these food practices has been explained in the previous

section. However, the role of masculinity and machismo on food has not been linked to these themes

yet. This last section will focus in these particular aspects.

Food practices

One of the differences concerning food that I noted between fishermen and cooks was the fact that

the practices learnt while fishing are often performed at home as well. They fish in their spare time

and often consume the same foods as on the boat (meat and bread). With cooks, the situation is a bit

different; as they are constantly working with food and cooking; once they get home they usually do

not want to cook anymore. They do not consume the same foods as on the jobs. Like Tim said; he

wants to change palates, expand them or at least switch things up a bit. Fishermen on the other hand

are not constantly cooking and therefore carry out the same practices (regarding consumption) at

home and on the job. When it comes to their fishing practices they will not suddenly change their

techniques when they want to fish in their spare time. The same goes for the processing ladies; their

consumption on the job is the same as it were in their homes. During lunch breaks these ladies

prepared a pizza and Elena (Andres’ wife) cooked a casuela and some rice at home and brought it to

work in a special isolated box in order to keep it warm. The other ladies consumed a lot of bread and

coffee; just as they would at home. When I look more closely to the differences in dishes between

the sexes I can notice some differences.

As Norman told me; meat is assumed to be for men and fish for women. He argues that women are

often more concerned with their weight and choose “lighter” foods such as salads and greenery. This

is also one of the reasons, my friend argues, that sushi is extremely popular amongst women. This

distinction is particularly apparent in bigger cities such as Valdivia. In (non-fish) restaurants men will

rarely order fish and definitely not as a main dish. According to Tim and Norman, fish is mostly

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ordered by women to snack (shrimp) or in some cases as a main course. Men, however, will

occasionally consume it as a snack (in a group setting), but always prefer meat, they argue.

When it comes to drinks, beer is mostly consumed by men and women often choose mixed

beverages. This became apparent during the asados, fondas and other social gatherings I attended.

Also, during these group events I noticed that most sexes were separated. During the fonda, all

women were gathered around the table with all the salads and pasta’s, while the men were all

standing outside in the rain keeping the “asado guy” company. When I tried to engage in a

conversation with the guy in charge of the meat, it was a bit awkward as he was non-responsive.

Later, someone told me that women usually do not interfere with the asado guy, especially if they do

not know him that well. This guy stayed outside most of the night and only came in once there was

no meat to be “guarded” anymore. Both men and women however consumed the steak with equal

delight. During other gatherings, however, I found that men and women in Valdivia mostly ate the

same sort of foods. They both participate in the fast food and snack industry and are fond alcohol

consumers.

Masculinity

The gendered labour and consumption practices within the artisan fish industry are thus often

dichotomized. But what can be said about the masculinity or machismo of these practices? This last

section will focus on how machismo and masculinity affects such practices and vice versa.

Overall, fishermen are seen as masculine and most of all as traditional machista men61. The plant

workers and managers that work with the fishermen and clients are represented by both sexes.

However, the women working in the industry cannot be compared to the average female that is

projected on the streets, magazines, TV shows or are desired in certain bars. Instead, they actually

embody certain masculine traits that are often associated with powerful men. They present

themselves as confident and powerful and dress in the same ways as most 20+ men in Valdivia: easy

and comfortable. The cooks, on the other hand, aren’t always associated with this idolized

masculinity. While some of their practices are considered to be masculine, such as handling fire,

stressful situations, heavy objects and long hours, but they just as well are associated with

femininity. First of all, cooking has not always been dominated by men. Only when men took over the

professional cooking area did this image slowly change. Now it has come to a point that even women

have to behave according to masculine perspectives, because otherwise they will not be able to

handle all the jokes, teases and male working environment in general. Some food practices have

changed their connotation as well; cooking and cleaning now are part of this masculine job

(publically and privately). Being precise and delicate with certain objects no longer is just associated

with being a woman. Instead these traits are praised within the professional cooking field.

However, all foods and practices stem from the fact that they are expressions of oneself, and vice

versa. Cooking can be seen as such an expression, Pancho argues. Cooks are trying to project their

identity on a plate through the organisation of a dish. This is an extremely hard task, he argues. We

thus engage in a reciprocal relationship with food where our bodies and senses are affected through

our labour practices. When looking at fishermen, for example, every single one of them told me that

it is an extremely hard job that requires a lot of sacrifice. Wilberto even argues that while the

government is not supporting the fishermen, some of them are actually harming themselves 61

As defined by my interviewees, where traditionality refers to the extreme subordination of men over women and where space is highly gendered.

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physically too. He says that scuba divers are harming themselves because it is an extremely

dangerous job. It is not good for their health and they often find themselves in risky situations. Other

fishermen, like him, still keep fishing under harsh condition for days on end. Working conditions are

quite risky yet fishermen tell me that they could see themselves doing any kind of other job. It must

be said, however, that most fishers do not know any other jobs. They were born into this industry

and have never left since. Most cooks, on the other hand, had the chance to experience multiple

jobs, studies and even travel the world a bit. Cooking for them is quite a broad concept where fish

only plays a minor role. For fishermen, however, fish is of paramount importance and is intrinsic to

their job. Therefore, it is only logical that through their different associations with fish, their

identification through and with the product are diverse as well.

Sexualisation

An important aspect of masculinity and machismo is the sexualisation of society. Various

interviewees told me that through media, kids and teens have been more inclined to partake in adult

activities from a younger age. Combined with the lack of governmental support on education, this

has led to a society where a lot of traditional machista ideals are being (unconsciously?) promoted.

Large numbers of teen pregnancy show that not all kids are aware of their consequences. People do,

however, recognize that it is an increasing problem. The sexualisation of society does not stop there,

though. As Wilberto pointed out, there are a lot of bars in Valdivia where women dance around and

try to earns as much money in tips as they can. Both young and older guys attend no matter if they

are married or not. Wilberto calls the Chilean men “bohemian”; people that lead an alternative

lifestyle often associated with hippies and are thought to be quite sexual. When talking to single

mom Yolanda, I got the impression that there are a lot of women in the same position as her. The

role of men in these situations is quite ambiguous; either they choose to stay with the girl or not.

What then happens is the fact that when couples do decide to marry, their families expand quite a

bit more because of kids from previous marriages. Through my Chilean friends I found out that a lot

of Chileans are divorced in general. Additionally, a new trend unfolds which is one where people do

not want to get married at all. One of the men selling fish at the Feria told me that he even

encouraged his daughters not to get married as it only causes problems. He argues that once you are

married, you are attached for life to someone. However, if you get sick of someone, or are treated

badly, you cannot escape “you share a life, stuff etc”. But when you are just living together and it

does not work out, you can just pack your things and go. He says both his daughters are divorced.

What I find interesting is the fact that even though divorce rates are high and the number of single

parents is increasing; the sexualisation of society seems to increase as well. The images and

ideologies people are surrounded with in Valdivia are constant images of successful, powerful men

with enormous muscles surrounded by a lot of women. Women on the other hand, are encouraged

to wear feminine clothes, pay a lot of attention to their physique and according to the telenovelas;

be concerned with the kids and the house. Reality, however, is not a perfect resemblance of these

pristine images. Yet, I do notice that it encourages certain kind of behaviour. The levels of PDA on the

streets are quite high. There too are a lot of “cafe’s con pierna” in town as well as hookers. Women

pay less entrance at the clubs and men are considered more masculine when handling fire and steak.

The sexualisation of society is thus a two-way street: not one sex is responsible for its results. One

friend told me that, due to the lack of education and the free-spirited youths, the amount of HIV

infected students at the university is 30%. I did not have a way to check this number, nor did I choose

to further investigate it however, the fact that these kind of “rumours” go around implies a

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combination of factors that I have tried to explain previously. The dissonance of governmental laws

and societal practices has fostered the lack of sexual and food education. The former has resulted in

large teen pregnancy numbers and further encouragement of (traditional) macho behaviour. The

latter too has influenced the practices society in the sense that it does not encourage consumption.

Also, the decline and change in artisan fish related food practices has resulted in a various changes in

the business over the years. On a corporeal level, people’s bodies are affected in a multitude of ways:

Physical wastage, physical objectification, changes in food practice, transformation of health,

nutrition, inclusion/exclusion of public/private domains, gendered labour, gendered food, evolved

palates and revision of the senses.

Throughout this chapter I have tried to enrich these corporeal effects with examples from my

ethnography. Overall, I found that two overarching trends intersect when it comes to the artisan fish

industry; the increased sexualisation of society (sustained by traditional machista ideals) and the lack

of (artisan) fish consumption intersect when it comes to defining and explaining hegemonic

masculinities in Valdivia. The artisan fish industry is composed of men that engage in diverging

masculine practices. While some of their food practices are comparable, others are different in the

sense that they diverge from hegemonic masculinity. The role that our food practices and bodies

(both physically and mentally) play within this conceptualization has proven to be of paramount

importance when trying to understand the corporeal dynamism in our current society.

7. Discussion The discussion will largely be led by the following question: how can we better understand the

relationship between gender, food and place? As can be noted from chapter 5, these three

components play an active role in the formation and

regulation of identity. Subsequently, I analysed the

relationship of these components through the three

food domains, which I argue are too restrictive in

order to capture the full dynamism and multiplicity

of gender, food and place. It is through my

ethnography that I expanded the concept of all

three domains and added further aspects that I felt

are important. I concluded that instead of searching

for a pre-set framework or a linear chain-network

that is subject to a set of rules and non-flexible constructions, I prefer to analyse them through the

concepts of quasi-actants and assemblages. These do embrace the social relations that constitute

the network of gender, food and place and have allowed me to understand their relationship as

inherently; social, dynamic and discontinuous. Nonetheless, we must keep in mind how these

characteristics affect the (co-)constitution of identity and therefore gender, food and place. I

henceforth have decided to divide the discussion chapter into the following four sections: identity,

rethinking masculinities, rethinking food and rethinking space. The identity chapter will discuss how

identity is involved with gender, food and place. The following chapters will each start by an example

from my ethnography which I will subsequently illustrate through a discussion between theory and

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ethnography62. Lastly, each section includes the effects of subversion, regulation and embodiment of

identity (discussed in chapter 5) as this will ultimately facilitate in answering my research question.

Identity My research question involves understanding how masculine identity is engaged with the artisan fish industry and how this affects the public and the private spheres. Throughout chapter 5 I have already used certain theories that support my research question. I stated that the gender, food and place triangle is crucial in understanding identities, which is ultimately what I wish to investigate through my thesis. This chapter will further highlight why it is important to consider identity and how it is involved with gender, food and place. First of all, it is important to understand what is meant by identity. I follow Schatzki (2002) in that identity is who we are. Closely connected to our identity is meaning; what we are. According to Schatzki (2002), performance influences meaning. Certain actions are thus closely intertwined with the meaning we give to something/someone. Similarly, Butler's (1990) understanding of identity: “fabrications manufactured and sustained through corporeal signs and other discursive means” is comparable to that of Schatzki (p.417). The notion of embodiment and performance are thus embedded in how we express and perceive identity. Nayak & Kehily (2011) follow Butler in her understanding of identity, yet wish to make a clear distinction between identity and identification, in specific: gendered identity and gendered identification. Gendered identity, they argue, is an ideal meaning of what a gender should be like. It is an imaginary where the sign and the signifier come together. These signs are constituted through difference and oppositions and most of all are a result of social processes. The signs and meaning given to this identity are arbitrary and most importantly –differential. The gendered identification, on the contrary, is our attempt to ‘live up’ to this identity. However, we will never be able to match this identity as Nayak & Kehily (2011) argue, because gendered identity is subject to constant change and therefore, in fact, is a myth, a phantasy we wish to uphold through our processes of identification. How then can we come to understand or even define masculine identity? Schatzki (2002) believes one can find the answers in social orders, where arrangements of people, organisms and artifacts interact and are in fact social. These social orders are established through social practices, which are organized through a web of activities. Most importantly, he believes they adhere to some kind of context from which meaning is derived. I agree with Schatzki (2002) in the fact that what drives identity is inherently within and part of the social. I also agree that the social is characterized and driven through practices and thus activity. However, Schatzki gives the impression that these activities are pre-set and inherent to context, not allowing for its activities to flow. The dynamic and multiple characters of social practices and relations cannot and should not be bound to a specific context that presumes their meaning to be processed, manufactured and most of all subject to some kind of fixidity and predictability. Schatzki (2002) in this sense is trying to explain X without investigating the mechanism and processes that lead to it. He is thus trying to explain gendered identity (and thus hegemonic masculinity) without understanding or even considering gendered identification. He does, however, claim that “social things cannot clearly and cleanly be separated from non-social things…practices do not have an independent meaning: it comes to be in relation to context of the action” (p.124). It is exactly this connection between human and non-human subjects/objects that I wish to explore further in order to better understand identity. Featherstone (2011), for instance, uses articulations in order to explain the form of the connection that is made when two different elements unite under certain conditions. It is, he continues, “a

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It was impossible to address every example in my ethnography; therefore not all data is discussed. However, I hoped to best illustrate my arguments by referring to the example as portrayed at the beginning of each chapter (which I occasionally complemented with further ethnographic data).

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linkage which is not necessary, determined, absolute and essential for all time” (p.139). Featherstone (2011) wishes to emphasize the constitutions of such connections by focussing on the ongoing articulation of relations, which follows the idea that certain relations are therefore articulated in different ways. In order to properly comprehend the articulated relations, he focusses on site ontologies. These site ontologies are “temporal constitutions of articulation” where “each site is dynamically composed out of internal logics rather than generalizing laws (Woodward in Featherstone, 2011:140). In contrast to Schatzki (2002), he does not look for an all-encompassing site of explanation, but rather embraces the temporal and dynamic character of certain connections and relations. Featherstone (2011) further links his work to that of McFarlane and Anderson in that “assemblage thinking is an attempt to describe relationalities of composition – relationalities of near/far and social/material and is defined by an interest emergence and process i.e. in multiple temporalities and possibilities” (in Featherstone, 2011:141). Featherstone is thus interested in the relations between sites rather than the relations within sites. He continues: “assemblage names an uneven topography of trajectories that cross or engage each other to different extents over-time, and that themselves exceed assemblage” (Bennett in Featherstone, 2011:141). Featherstone is thus concerned with the processual aspect or relations and their connections. He uses assemblages in order to understand this ‘processual relationality’ instead of accepting assemblage as a given, a construction. Accordingly, he agrees with D. Massey in that these processes are subject to what she calls ‘disrupted temporalities’, which she defines as “abandoning the notion of spatiality in the whole viewpoint of essential sections opens up the possibility of thinking space in alternative way, and with interruptive and dislocative consequences (Massey in Featherstone, 2011:141). Moreover, Featherstone (2011) too believes that articulations can be seen as the product of diverse objects; human and non-human. Yet, what are we supposed to do once we have identified the several subjects/objects that form these particular articulations and assemblages? Barth (1966) for instance, provides insight in such matters. In order to properly understand a matter, in this case, to understand masculine identity, Barth (1966) argues that we should look into explanation. Better yet, we should seek to explain through comparison as it “permits us to observe concomitant variations” (p.22). The purpose of comparison is to explain differences. He uses the word explanation in the sense of “locating the determining factors and showing how variations in these factors can have those specific, ramifying effect which characterize the forms” (p.31). His arguments can then be linked to Featherstone's (2011) notion of process; it is dynamic, non-fixed and subject to interpretation. Barth (1966) continues to state that a lot of emphasis is put on certain models/patters of description. He argues that these models, just like Schatzki’s context, only expose structural features of information. Featherstone believes that instead, we should use models that generate regularities or forms. We should move away from mere observation and rather embrace these empirical forms of social systems, as he calls them. In fact, what he ultimately wished to accomplish, is to; understand and explain together, to describe and study change, and lastly, to facilitate comparable analysis. When taking these three notions in mind and putting them to practice, one should be able to move beyond mere description alone. Rather, he wants us to focus on the processual relations of the general features in life, on repetitive acts. He is concerned with the regularities in social life, its frequencies. Interestingly enough, Butler (1990) for example, links these frequencies to certain aspects of gender and identity: “gender is an identity tenuously constituted in time, instituted in an exterior space through a stylized repetition of acts” (p.421). She argues that through these repetitive acts it might seem as if gender (or gendered identity) is something natural, and that these acts are inherent to its constitution when in fact, this is not the case. Instead, she argues that gender is a myth; we act, perform, embody and behave through repetition and therefore create and uphold a phantasy that there is a natural/original gender. Nayak & Kehily (2011) agree, yet state that “the impossibility [of this imaginary ideal]…makes it no less desirable subject position to inhabit” (p.465). Being such a ‘proper’ boy or girl remains a phantasy which is “embodied through an approximation of its norms: identity is therefore always based on an act of exclusion” (p.465). It sustains the dichotomized boundaries of

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inclusion/exclusion rather than blurring them. It therefore remains important to analyse and observe the processes that lead up to these dichotomies rather than analysing the dichotomies alone. This way, we can better understand and explain why these dichotomies are being established. Krarup & Blok (2011) largely follow and re-work the ideas of Bruno Latour’s ANT. This theory seeks to follow each actant through their network and describe their every behaviour. Krarup & Blok (2011), however, believe that (just like Barth) we should move beyond description. Instead, they wish to reconstruct ANT by moving away from a linear way thinking. They claim that not everything can be left to description and that putting what can’t be fully described into these so called ‘black boxes’ does not properly address the fact that it fails to explain how processes work. Therefore, in order to avoid black boxes and thereby overlooking explanation, Krarup & Blok (2011) use the concept of quasi-actants. These quasi-actants are either human/non-human, subjects/objects etc. that “erase their traces as they work on the social, making full description impossible due to empirical obscurity’” (p. 44). Quasi-actants are subject to multiple temporalities and a multitude of places. A fish, for example, connects such spatially distant places and “re-works, folds and creates new associations and new patterns of social relations” (p.46). Within these processes, new actants are created and therefore these objects are assigned meaning. Henceforth, quasi-actants have transforming capabilities and therefore no subject-object divide can be maintained. These quasi actants are “inextricably bound up together” and therefore connect human and non-human actants (p.46). They conclude that we have to accept that full description is impossible and therefore we need explanation. Latour, in that sense, dissolves explanations into descriptions, which goes against what Krarup & Blok (2011) are trying to advocate. Anderson & McFarlane's (2011) idea of assemblages largely connects to concept of quasi-actants. “Assemblages are composed of heterogeneous elements that may be human and non-human, organic and inorganic, technical and natural (p.124). An assemblage, in a sense, is the connection between quasi-actants that does allow for non-description and supports explanation rather than description. McFarlane & Anderson (2011), for instance, add that “assemblage is a form of relational thinking…it plays between stability and change, order and disruption…it captures a sense of the uncertainty, non-linearity and contingency of change in political, urban, cultural and historical geographies” (p.162). In conclusion, in order to understand how masculine identities are co-constituted, it is important to consider their social character in relation to gender, food and place. I found that the three food domains provide useful insight into how these concepts operate together. However, because these are subject to binary oppositions, I felt the need to ‘rethink’ and thus reconceptualise them in order to best understand how they operate in relation to identity. The following three chapters will henceforth, in combination with examples from my ethnography, discuss the ways in which we can rethink them.

Rethinking masculinities I will use the following example of Tim from my ethnography to illustrate a new understanding of

masculinities;

Tim is a young entrepreneur and cook. He is owner of the restaurant Espacio

Cocina in the centre of Valdivia. He calls himself ‘head chef’ and works closely

together with Dan, whom cooks there as well. The customers are served by two

waitresses and one bartender. Tim is in charge of the kitchen and the

administrative part of the restaurant. His girlfriend often assists him with the

administration and sits in the kitchen while working on the computer. Dan is a

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good friend of Tim and they share an almost equal relationship; Tim still has all the

decisive power. Nevertheless, Tim says he trusts Dan completely, which makes the

working environment pleasant. Occasionally, Karin helps out in the kitchen as well.

The restaurant has an open kitchen, which means that you can see the cooks at

work and can walk in. The area has a large table were occasionally cooking classes

are given. Furthermore, the kitchen looks quite cosy and it practically is a living

room; there is a big couch, books and cabinets, a table with chairs. There is a

second (small) table with a laptop as well.

Tim says his job is quite hectic and stressful. He barely has any spare time as he fills it up by conducting the dual role of owner and chef. In the morning, for instance, he comes in early and gets started with some paperwork, paying the bills, grocery shopping and making phone calls. After, he and Dan start with the lunch shift. At around four o’clock the shift ends and Tim leaves to spend some time with his girlfriend and daughter. Dan stays in the kitchen and cleans up and cooks for the waitresses and bartender. Tim tells me that he really likes having his girlfriend and daughter in the kitchen with him as otherwise he would almost never see them. He starts working at around 9 in the morning and ends after 12 at night. As his daughter is only a few months old, she sleeps a lot and therefore he would not be able to interact with her. While he is cooking, his girlfriend is doing the administrative work and takes care of their daughter; she comforts and feeds her. When the orders are scarce, however, Tim plays with his daughter. When she started crying he prepared her a bottle of milk and gave this to his girlfriend who fed their daughter. After, he cuddled his daughter for a while. Dan continued cooking. His daughter stays in the buggy all day behind a metal separator, his girlfriend is also behind this separator. What he likes most about his job is the cooking aspects. While he knows the administrative aspect is part of the job, he likes cooking best. The interaction with the people, the sociality, the act of sharing food is what makes him most happy. He loves that he can serve something he made to people and that they enjoy it. He noticed, however, that business went down when he was more focussed on administration. He argues that other cooks will never put in as much effort in the kitchen because it is not their own, which is why he works so hard. Because this requires long hours, his family therefore joins him in the kitchen. They usually leave together after the lunch shift and spend some time together. Tim returns for the night shift, which starts about 6 o’clock.

Subversion

What can be concluded from the introduction and chapter 5 is that we cannot understand

masculinity as a singular concept. Rather, we have to understand it as multiple and diverse. And

while I do argue that men adhere to a hegemonic masculinity, their identification towards this

masculine gender identity will never be the same and therefore is multiple. How then can we come

to think about masculine identity? What can be said about the masculine gender? In order to answer

these questions I have focussed on understanding the multiple masculinities that are co-constituted

between gender identity and gender identification.

According to Buerkle (2009) we are experiencing a blurring of boundaries between masculinity and

femininity. He believes that both concepts have always been highly dichotomized and therefore been

separated. Currently, however, Buerkle argues that both concepts are subject to ‘sexual malleability’.

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He follows Butler in order to explain this phenomenon: certain “performances disguise their

fictitiousness as naturalness, thereby concealing gender’s performative character and the

performative possibilities for proliferating gender configurations outside the restricting frames of

masculinist domination and compulsory heterosexuality” (p.252). What Buerkle is trying to say, is

that by following hegemonic, dichotomized masculinities (or femininities), the performative

character of gender is dismissed and wrongfully classified as natural. He believes that rather than

viewing the [fictitious] classification and dichotomization of gender, we should move beyond these

frames and come to think of masculinity and femininity as part of each other. Buerkle continues to

argue, and I follow, that “masculinity and femininity exist in a state of flux” (p.260) -they are

relational. When looking at the multiplicity of masculinity we must come to understand them as

existing in relation to one another, he argues. What then can be said about the hegemonic

masculinity?

Lemon (1995) has defined hegemonic masculinity as patriarchy: the “institutionalisation of

masculinity as the dominant mode of being” (p.61). The wave of feminism in the 90’s led to a gradual

erosion of male power. Feminists were questioning what it meant to be a woman which

consequently led other scholars to question what it means to be ‘a man’. Lemon follows Segal (in

Lemon, 1995) in questioning the rigid frames of masculine and feminine. Segal uses ‘sex roles’ in

order to identify gendered behaviour and argues that these roles imply an accepted standardized

behaviour for a particular role (masculine/feminine). I agree in the sense that a ‘role’ is scripted; it

adheres to a larger framework in which it is embedded. Its embodiment and performance have

already been ‘written out’ and do not allow for major changes, just like a performance in a play for

instance. I agree with Lemon (1995) in that these ‘sex roles’ fail to address social change, they do not

include any type of history or cultural dimension that, according to her, influences gendered

performances. What remains at the basis of this problem, she argues, is [the need to comply to]

hegemonic masculinity. There is a “contradiction between hegemonic ideology and the real

conditions of men’s lives” she states (p.62). What then does it mean to ‘be a man’, she questions.

Nayak & Kehily (2011) use the terms gender identity and gender identification in order to

understand gender in general. Gender identity is an act of exclusion “a demarcation of a boundary”

of what it means to be a man or a woman. It is embedded in subjectivity which is led by a mixture of

subject and objects which are socially constituted. Gender identity in this sense, can largely be

compared to hegemonic masculinity in that they are standardized norms accompanied by a set of

rules that you either comply to or not. It is based on a sense of exclusion and according to Nayak &

Kehily (2011), one can never fully comply. Instead, we are subject to a process of gender

identification. Identification, in turn, is used to name the process of never touching encounter

between “the desiring object and the desired object”. In this case; hegemonic masculinity and your

‘actual’ masculinity. They agree with Lemon (1995) in that gender identification is a constant process

of repeated performances. It is subject to a never ending course of actions in order to comply with

‘our gender’. However, they state that being a ‘proper’ boy or girl is “a fantasy which is embodied

through an approximation of its norms”, meaning that we try to fulfil these hegemonic norms as best

as we can, but in fact can never do so completely (p.465). The question then remains; what it means

to be ‘a man’, what is a man? Subsequently, what is masculinity? And if we follow Arciniega et al.,

(2008); Mirande et al., (2010) and Torres et al.,( 2002) in that masculinities are multiple, how then

can we create one understanding of masculinity? I believe there is not one way to define masculinity.

In fact, perhaps we need to question if we should try to find one understanding of masculinity.

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Lemon (1995) for example questions if masculinity might be ‘a myth’ since we are unable to

understand (and therefore define) it properly. Subsequently, Nayak & Kehily (2011) argue that

gender is a phantasy; “an illusion of substance –that bodies are compelled to approximate, but never

can” (Butler in Nayak & Kehily). Why then, they argue, should we uphold this phantasy, this act? They

believe that “through the notion of performance we see objects as technologies for the reproduction

of gendered selves” (p.471). It is through the regulation of repeated actions that these desired or

discarded notions of masculinity are realized. The following section will go further into detail on the

regulations that constitute gender.

Regulation

Now that I have questioned gender and more specifically –masculinity- it is important to understand

how these gendered norms are co-constituted. How can we come to understand first the subversion

of masculinities and second its current regulation? More importantly, how does the concept of

machismo fit into this re-conceptualization? I will largely use the Tim’s example in combination with

other ethnographic findings, to shed light on this matter.

One of the arguments I have made in the previous section is that masculinity is multiple. According to

Arciniega et al. (2008) “the ideals of manhood may differ for men of different social classes, races,

ethnic groups, sexual orientations, life stages, and historical eras” (p.21). What constitutes as

‘masculine’ thus differs across various groups of men. The previous statement, however (perhaps not

intentionally), hints on that men of similar race, ethnicity, age etc. share the same ideas about

manhood. Nonetheless, little is said about individual differences and specificities. What then can be

concluded from people who are part of the same/similar network? Through Tim’s example I will

argue that multiple identities can co-exist within the same network and might vary greatly among its

‘members’.

Gender

Tim is a very interesting actor within the artisan fish industry as he ‘approaches’ the fish in multiple

ways; as an owner, cook and consumer. As an owner he looks at the price and quality of the fish and

to the general demand. Keeping this in mind, he chooses the fish that he feels would sell best. As a

cook, he is concerned with the quality as well, yet this goes further. The characteristics of the fish are

of great importance to its preparations. He looks at what kind of ingredients he has access to in order

to complement the fish and then prepares it according to the tools he has in his kitchen. Lastly, as a

consumer he tastes and judges the fish in multiple ways. Depending on the result he changes the

recipe (or not). While in the restaurant and kitchen, he constantly embodies and performs these

diverse ‘identities’ as they hang together; this particular mix enables him to provide his customers

with the best dish and atmosphere as possible. What remains important is that often these identities

are performed outside the restaurant and kitchen as well. When Tim goes grocery shopping for the

restaurant or pays the bills at the bank for instance, he performs parts of his ‘chefness’ and

‘ownerness’. The identity performances are thus carried out in various ways and in multiple

locations; they are not geographically bound. More interestingly, his identity as a father becomes

intertwined with these other identities when his girlfriend and daughter join him in the kitchen.

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He says his family most always joins him at work. In a sense you can argue that, like Nayak & Kehily

(2011) suggest, through act of repetition, the norms of identity are realized. Because his family joins

him in his kitchen every day, they have become part of his identity as a cook and restaurant owner.

Since he rarely has time to eat out and prepares food for his workers and family at work, being a

father –a family man- is part of his

consumer identity as well. Part of

his gender identification is thus

regulated by repeated

performances that are part of his

food practices. During

identification processes, the actor

engages in (non-)performances

that he/she considered part of his

identity. For Tim, spending time

with his family at work, making

baby bottles and cuddling his

daughter have become part of his

cooking, owner and consumer

identity. The fact that Dan, Pedro or any other cook do not share these identifications already adds a

multiplicity to ‘cookness’, a diversity that is unique. For instance, Tim’s identity as a cook varies

deeply from that of Dan and Gabriel, for example. Dan works in four different restaurants and is head

chef in only one of them –there he has decisive power. Dan does not own a restaurant, which already

puts him in a different position from Tim. Tim argues that even if someone is a great cook, they will

never put in the same effort or care into the restaurant as a whole because they are not the owner.

Thus, while Dan is a dedicated cook, his embodiment and performance of a cook will never fully

intersect with that of an owner because he isn’t one. He does not pay the bills, he does not conduct

administrative work and has a different relationship with his co-workers. For instance, at Espacio

Cocina he and Tim are mostly seen as equals, they argue. Tim however, performs differently in

certain situations. For instance, Dan wanted to make a poached egg for a customer. There is a special

technique involved, which is quite tricky. Dan failed the first two times. By the third time, Tim

approached the stove and helped him a little –they failed again. Dan wanted to try a fourth time but

Tim firmly said they should not waste any eggs and decided to make the poached egg in a different

manner –which is known to always work out (I got the impression that it is celebrated if you can

make a poached egg without the help of a kitchen tool, which is why Dan wanted to try it out). Soon

after this event, Tim left with his family and Dan was left to do the dishes.

Hierarchy

While performing these multiple identities, several ways of hierarchy are played out. Hierarchy is an

important counterpart of hegemonic masculinities as it represents their gender identity: what type of

man they want to be like. Through their identification processes they constantly are trying to live up

to this particular identification. Machismo is another aspect that is closely intertwined with

hegemony as it is an idealized manhood that contains certain ‘codes of behaviour’, norms if you will.

These norms are inscribed in society and through act of constant regulation, people try to either

comply or not. Since machismo in general has a negative connotation amongst both men and women

in and around Valdivia, most people try to argue they do not comply. However, when looking at the

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definition they give me of machismo, I notice that it still runs vividly through this particular society,

especially within the artisan fish industry.

First of all, Torres et al. (2002) argue that there exists a narrowed focus of masculinity. Its multiplicity

is not often recognized and when great cultural beliefs and attitudes are attached, it is often failed to

recognize the variety in these too. When thinking of machismo, for example, it goes beyond

embodiments and performances; it is a way of living. I argue that is connects all of your identities

rather than being one in particular. Machismo differs from identity in that it creates a platform in

which ones’ multiple identities are played out, regulated and transformed. There is a certain

ambivalence that characterizes machismo, as it no longer can be associated with negative aspects of

manhood alone. Torres et al. (2002), for instance, argue that while machismo for a long time was

associated with hyper masculine behaviour, power roles and disrespectful behaviour against women,

the positive counterpart of chivalry needs to be taken into account as well. The part of the family

man, respectful husband, honourful and protective male etc. is part of machismo now too, they

argue. The fact that Tim’s cook and owner identity has expanded to include caring father, for

example, already points to a change in diversifying identities. Power and aggressiveness still play an

important role in defining machismo, hierarchy at home and at work are crucial in understanding

these aspects.

Various chefs have told me that they often started out by cleaning the dishes. In no way is this job

less hectic or hard than cooking under stress because it requires physical and mental strength as

well. They need to keep up with the dishes and organize themselves in order to have enough plates.

Due to my own experience cleaning the dishes you are often treated differently than if you are

working with the actual food; you are treated as less important and are in charge of the ‘dirty’ jobs. It

can be mentally draining. Additionally, it is hard physical work. Yet, Dan tells me that most every

cook starts out cleaning dishes; you start at ‘the bottom’ as they call it, in order to work yourself up.

It is a way to prove yourself in the kitchen, he argues. Edgar, Tim and Pedro agree as they too started

out as cleaners. They use it as a way to observe how the cooks go to work and then earn respect.

Once they have established a respected position as a cook, they sometimes go back to cleaning

dishes. Dan and Pedro told me that in order to give new cooks the chance to help out in the kitchen,

they would take over cleaning duties. Dan says he doesn’t mind anymore, and sees it as time to relax.

Cleaning the dishes in this sense, has a double meaning; either a bottom or top position. You can

either afford to do the dishes because you have reached a professional position, or you are still

working towards achieving this particular position. This ambiguity of performances is what makes it

so hard to capture ‘true’ masculinity. A way to come to understand these performances better, it to

analyse and explore hierarchies as they reveal a lot about the (inter)relations between the actors.

Hierarchy and gendered labour can be found in different parts of the artisan fish network. These are

intertwined with several identities and masculine performances. The multiplicity of the identities is

what makes it both interesting and difficult to understand masculinities. Wilberto, for instance, is

Pesca en Líneas’ driver and he is captain of a sardine boat. At Pesca en Línea he is treated by the

plant workers as ‘un-important’. They complain that he barely does any work and does not deserve

the raise he is asking for. The plant workers also argue that his job is easy, and nothing compared to

their (hard) physical jobs. Wilberto’s other job is being a captain of a sardine boat. Captains usually

have a lot to say and play a crucial role in capturing the fish. Additionally, captains are often very well

respected. However, during Wilberto’s day job as a driver he is not respected at all by his co-workers.

‘Having’ two different types of identities might thus trigger different behaviour from and towards

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other people. Interestingly enough, unlike Tim, he might not perform both identities as captain and

driver at the same time, which might add to the diversity of his social interactions. In terms of

masculinity, his identities can be regulated in diverging ways as his ‘driverness’ or ‘captainness’ rarely

intersect. Looking closer at the artisan fish industry, hierarchy between fishermen is often associated

with how much they earn, their comfortable lifestyle and their living situation. According to Wilberto,

Pancho and Javier, sardine fishermen earn significantly more than other types of fishermen. You

notice it by the way they dress (brand clothing, quality clothing), the type of car they have, the house

they live in, and in general live a more ‘relaxed life style’. They do not have to go out and fish that

often and spend relatively less time at sea. While they do perform hard physical labour, they are

assisted mechanically as well, which reduces the work load. When speaking to the people in Valdivia,

Niebla and Los Molinos, they most always say that being a fisherman is a characteristically masculine

job. They first and foremost mention that is has always been a male dominated industry. As women

were never allowed to set foot on the boats, it remained a job that was primarily performed by men.

Women were, however, involved in other parts of the artisan fish industry. A second point the

interviewees always mentioned was the fact that fishing requires hard physical labour (which is

considered masculine too). It is both physically and mentally exhaustive as the working environments

are harsh; the weather, seasonality and low wages make it hard to thrive in this business. While

women are increasingly getting more involved in the artisan fish industry (on and off the boats), it is

still viewed at as a (traditional) masculine job. Mostly because the ideas these fishermen follow are

linked to traditional masculinities marked by highly machista behaviour; men are the main bread

winners, they dress comfortably, perform hard physical labour have some sense of superiority over

women (the fact they are allowed on the boats). Within these fishermen, however, a hierarchy exists

and different types of machismo enrol. The scuba diver, for instance, laughs at the myth that women

are not allowed on boats. The fact that I was allowed on the boat while they went fishing already

points to a shift in what they call ‘traditional’ machismo; the hyper masculine behaviour that does

not include positive counter parts. Also, I was allowed on the sadine boat, the boat however was still

docked but nevertheless I was showed around.

Cooks on the other hand, have experienced a different effect. Cooking was most commonly

associated with femininity. Being able to cook at home or professionally used to be a female activity.

Only recently (±20 years) have male cooks taken over the professional kitchen (in Chile). In fact,

Chile’s top chefs are all male, according to Enfoque magazine. When asking several cooks (male)

what they find masculine about being their job, they firstly mention the hard physical labour. While it

differs from the physical labour of fishermen or plant workers, they find their jobs physically quite

demanding as well. Second, they commonly mention the aspect of fire and heat. Dan, Karin and

Manny all showed me their burn marks from working with the stove and oven; they say it is bound to

happen and is part of the job. The long hours and high pace of the job make it more demanding and,

as a few cooks argue, maybe less attractive for women to join. This does not mean they are not

capable, Tim, Norman, Dan and Pedro argue. Norman and Pedro, for instance, have female cooks

and are really happy with them. Pedro and Dan do mention however, that while professionally men

now strife in cooking, women are not completely left out of the picture. Women, for instance, are

mostly associated with the ‘cold’ kitchen or with the confectionary, again creating a dichotomized

division of labour. Nonetheless, the blurring of boundaries between masculinity and femininity

become more apparent when looking deeper into their food practices, as Buerkle (2009) suggests.

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Food

Food and food practices are subject to gendered divisions. While men are often associated with fire,

heat and grills, women are often paired with the ‘cold room’, pastries, salads and baking. Yet, what

happens if either one ‘switches’ practices? Karin, Manny and Dan all told me that one waiter (male)

could not handle the hot plates, he would complain and burn himself. Karin said jokingly that this

was kind of ‘gay’ behaviour and that he should suck it up. Dan agreed. Interestingly enough, Karin, a

female cook, shares these binary connotations, but does participate in them as she works with heat,

fire and ovens. Dan tells me she is a very good cook and respects her deeply. He hired her boyfriend

first, but he was truly bad at his job and therefore fired him. Dan argues that no matter if you are a

boy or a girl, if you cannot do the work properly, you get fired. However, Karin mentions that even

though Dan values her deeply, he is very machista. He makes sexist jokes, does not let her carry

heavy pans and in general is a bit easier on her than the guys. She doesn’t mind, but recognizes his

behaviour as such. Dan tells me that he does not let women carry heavy stuff because in general they

are often less capable of conducting this hard labour. Nonetheless, he respects them just as much as

he would respect his other (male) co-workers.

However, the fact remains that food and food practices are highly gendered. The asado for example,

is an extremely male dominated practice. There is always a guy in charge of the asado; he grills and

cuts the meat. The ‘asado guy’ handles the fire, rotates the meat and cuts the (whole) pork, chicken

or beef in pieces. Occasionally, he adds some salted water to the meat to add taste. While meat

consumption is representative for all Chileans, it remains a highly gendered phenomenon. Meat, for

instance, is associated with masculinity and machismo: heat, fire, grill and meat, being outside, the

public. Only one guy is in charge of feeding all the others and in the process he engages in dangerous

practices. Like Tim and Norman have noted, meat consumption and production (cooking) is very

much associated with manhood. They say women often prefer eating fish, salads or lighter meals

because they generally eat less and care for their health and weight more. Men will most always

choose to consume meat (over fish). Yet, we can see a few changes. When talking to a few friends, I

was told that sushi has become quite popular in Valdivia. Yet, it is seen as a delicate and feminine

food; small, fish, light and healthy. Nonetheless, men find it quite tasty and are not hesitant in eating

it. My friend Gustavo, however, told me that given the choice, men will never go out and eat sushi by

themselves, female company is ‘required’. Eating fish is thus, in relation to sushi, often associated

with femininity. But what about fish consumption within the artisan fish industry? If fishing is seen as

an extremely machista and masculine behaviour, then why is fish consumption often associated with

women and not with men? Yet, most people that consume fish (apart from the upper middle class)

are fishermen, and they are in no way associated with femininity. The consumption of fish is thus too

marked by an ambiguity.

Coming back to the example of the kitchen, it might be important to consider a separation between

consumer and producer. Pedro, for instance tells me he knows a chef that is excellent in making

pastries. While baking and working with sugars and sweets is often associated with femininity and

female chefs, this particular cook (and many more) excel at their work. Pedro continues stating that

this man in no way looks like he would be good at precise and delicate work, given the fact that he

looks rough (beard, hairy) and has thick fingers and hands. The characteristics associated with baking

are often attached to femininity as well; precise and delicate work, patience and sweetness. Pedro

tells me that still, when male cooks say they are involved in this business they are often viewed at as

gay. Nevertheless, he argues, it is easier for a pastry chef to engage in ‘normal’ cooking than the

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other way around, and that is an aspect that is often forgotten, he says. Thus, just because the

characteristics of the confectionary business are often associated with femininity, male cooks that

perform such are often related to homosexuality, while in fact the job requires hard work as well,

perhaps even more than a non-confectionary cook –which is ambiguous.

This ambiguity can be found in Tim’s example too; he embodies these caring and father-y traits while

still working in the kitchen with fire, ovens at a fast pace etc. He lets his girlfriend help out in the

business thereby discarding the machista role of ‘sole bread winner’. Nevertheless, it remains

important to view the role of public and private place within the regulation of masculine identities.

Place

The blurring of boundaries between masculinity and femininity are the result and affect of the

changing conceptions of public and private place. Following Massey (1994) in that space is a

constitution of social relations, I believe their association should be explored with more depth. One

of her main arguments is that we should undo ourselves from the ‘conceptual dualisms’ that dictate

current spatial theories. Space is gendered, social and therefore dynamic. She follows (Butler, 1988)

in that social relations are inherently discontinuous and subject to spatial temporality. More

importantly, “gender relations vary over space” (p.178) and therefore we need to fight the

dichotomies and dualisms that dictate a large part of the gender and spatial theories.

In short, the private is often defined as the personal, the home; the individual space and associations.

The public on the other hand, is largely associated with what can be seen, outside our homes, shared

places and non-individual relations. I did not try to find an appropriate definition or theory for these

concepts as I will argue that such a thing does not exist. When following theories of assemblages and

articulations I came to find that the term ‘place’ and ‘space’ are fairly ambiguous. Therefore, I

worked with the definitions my interviewees gave me, and placed them within the gender, food and

place triangle in order to better understand their connectedness.

Coming back to the previous example, Tim’s multiple identities intersect in his open kitchen. While,

first of all, most kitchens are inaccessible to the consumers, this kitchen is. Customers can walk in,

have a chat and look around. While in other restaurants walking in the kitchen could be related to

deviated manners, this restaurant encourages such behaviour. Second, what is usually associated

with private spaces –family- is now part of this public. However, it must be noted that his girlfriend

and daughter are still separated by this metal wall, while still being in the same place. You can easily

see them and Tim walks over there once in a while, but nonetheless, his ‘private’ has become part of

his ‘public’. The other workers sometimes play with his daughter and chat with his girlfriend, which is

almost inevitable since they are always there. Tim’s private live has thus become intertwined with his

public life, his identity as a cook and owner. Not only because these jobs help him provide for his

family, but he interacts with them, they form part of his practices.

Through this section I have tried to argue that masculine identities and identifications are regulated

by their performances. I have overthrown the rigid and binary conceptualizations of masculinity and

provided examples where multiple masculinities intertwine. In order to properly understand such

regulations the next section will focus on its embodiments.

Embodiment

I follow Butler (1990) in that bodies matter. Our performances are deeply intertwined with our

embodiments and vice versa. Our performative acts, she argues, “are at the surface of the body; acts,

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gestures, and desires” (p.417). Our embodiment is how we present and carry our body and more

importantly: how we use it to perform. We need to acknowledge that just as our gender is subject to

norms and hegemony, so are our bodies. The way we embody ourselves is deeply connected to the

gendered identity and identification processes we engage in. One of the reasons this aspect is so

important in my thesis, is because this is subject to hegemonic identities characterized by

dichotomies.

Butler (1990) for instance, argues that the “acts and gestures [of gendered identities] create an

illusion of interior and organizing gender core, an illusion discursively maintained for the purposes of

regulation of sexuality within the obligatory frame of reproductive heterosexuality” (p.417). In short,

our performances and embodiments are in large guided by heterosexual (western) reproductions of

identity. Just like Lemon (1995), she argues that masculinity [and femininity] is a myth, something

created and actively re-produced through performances and embodiments. Butler uses social fictions

in order to explain how our bodies are configured into seemingly natural appearances of sexed

bodies that exist in binary relations to one another. However, what if we agree that gender is an

illusion? A phantasy? Butler (1990) argues that hegemonic gender is an illusion and we are wrong to

assume that “there exists only one primary gender, when in fact all meanings are imitative practices

which refer to other imitations” (identification) (p.418). She argues that we are constantly trying to

attach genders (in all of their dichotomized notions) to people, because “sex is an obligatory

injunction for the body to become a cultural sign to materialize itself in obedience to a historically

delimited possibility” (p.420). Therefore, reconceptualising masculinities is a natural result of the

dichotomization of genders. While society is geared by hegemonic genders, I wish to focus on the

‘others’ as this is where regulation takes place. This is where the meaning of embodiment and

performance is played out –where interaction occurs. The process of identification is part of

interaction. Barth (1966) argues that a “description of a process explains forms –these cannot be

obtained through enumerations or comparisons of the formal features of a body of data” (p.11).

What Barth thus suggests, is the fact that instead of looking at the general form –hegemony- we

should be looking at the processes that explain these forms. We cannot come to understand these

phenomena by comparison alone; instead he argues that we should adopt a model of process. This

particular model consists of “a set of factors which by specified operations generates form” (p.22). A

model of forms, in turn is “a pattern which describes major features of the empirical units under

study” (p.22), but which should not be studied alone. Thus, by focussing on processes one can come

to understand general form; through analysing identification processes, one can come to understand

identity. He continues that the purpose of comparison between, in this case, cooks and fishermen, is

to explain differences. By explanations he refers to the locating and determining factors that through

their variations (and multiplicities) can ramify into certain effects (of embodiment and performance)

that characterize forms.

The way in which these men thus present themselves is important to note when trying to understand

their ‘fisherman and cook identity’. How these men justify their behaviour is of paramount

importance in trying to capture the process of identification. Tim for example, justifies his role as

father and boyfriend to be mixed with his cookness because otherwise he would not see them. The

aspect of family man is thus important to him and he embraces this positive counterpart to his

largely masculine and machista behaviour. Dan also justifies his machista behaviour (according to

Karin) in that he believes she cannot lift or clean the heavy pans and pots in the kitchen. He justifies

this behaviour because he does not want Karin to get hurt, but in fact he is undermining her abilities.

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Fishermen too justify machista behaviour through a combination of their embodiments and

performances. First of all, fishing is an extremely masculine job. The fishermen dress sober and

comfortably and their food practices are characterized by masculine performances (hard physical

jobs, rough conditions etc.). Women are rarely allowed on the boat as the myth says that women

bring bad luck. Yet, a few fishermen argue that they do not believe this myth, and in fact state that

women are just as capable (if not more) in conducting the same labour practices. In large, I believe

these justifications and gender identifications are principally intertwined with what Butler has called

the reproduction of heterosexuality. There exists this idea that there are only two genders who have

several binary norms attached to them. These norms are (re-)produced through social relations and

interactions which actively comply with these heterosexual norms of gender.

To conclude, Nayak & Kehily (2011) argue that “in order to better understand how social processes

are made to appear as ‘real’, we need to comprehend how the discursive and the material are

embodied in everyday life” (p.467). By subverting current (mis-)conceptions of masculinities and

focussing on their regulations and re-workings, I hoped to capture how these discursive processes

have taken form. It remains important to understand that by focussing on the identification

processes we can obtain a better understanding of the regulated norms that have been identified as

hegemonic.

Rethinking food When rethinking the concept of masculinities, we need to rethink their relationship with food as

well. We need to keep in mind that the concept of food goes beyond gender, and includes aspects of

place (public/private) too. The following example based in the fish plant, will serve to highlight the

various components involved when rethinking food;

Andres and Elena are a married couple hired by Pesca en Linnea to help out in the

fish processing plant. They are seasonal workers, which means they are only hired

when there is a lot of work. They conduct the same food practices as the other

three women that work there permanently. These food practices differ depending

on the type of fish they are dealing with. Their practices can range from de-

scaling, be-heading and gutting and de-grating the fish to breaking the jabia’s

shell and pulling out snails from their shells. Their work requires them to put on

specific gear in order to not contaminate the fish; they put on two pairs of gloves,

hair nets, overalls, shoe and arm covers, boots and mouth guards. Before entering

the plant, they have to wash their hands with a special soap and step into a little

puddle of sanitized water with their boots. They work with sharp knives and hooks

and have to treat the fish delicately; it is subject to specific regulations. If the

product does not comply, it must be thrown away. Elena, however, told me that

their bosses do not always have equipment for them, and they sometimes have to

bring in their own knives etc.

Andres and Elena are a lot older than the other girls; they have two daughters (28

& 34) and find it hard to sustain themselves at this age. They both come from a

fishermen’s background; Andres was a fishermen, but did not earn enough to

sustain his family and therefore he and his wife started working here. Elena’s

family has a lot of fishermen; she used to help them out. Additionally, she makes

artisanary from shells. When their kids were younger, they used to help them out

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on the boat in order to support their family. This was the only way they could

afford the education for their kids, they told me. During their lunch break, all

workers take off their gear and move to a different area. Everybody brings in their

own food: bread, coffee, cookies, cheese, one lady even made her own pizza’s and

heated them up in the kitchen. Elena brings in two large containers with beef stew

for her and her husband. When I asked her who cooked, she tells me she always

cooks for her and her husband; “I don’t know why, it must be something

machista”. Elena says they both like fish, but do not often prepare it. The

supermarkets are expensive; therefore they sometimes buy from Pesca en Línea,

as they are not allowed to take home leftovers. Also, they buy from some locals in

Niebla or Los Molinos which often is cheaper. Elena is usually the one that cooks at

home and is in charge of the household. She does not prepare fish every day

because she prefers a diverse diet.

Subversion

As Julier & Lindenfeld (2006) already have noted, we need to better understand our gendered

relationship with food. They argue that people in general lack a proper understanding of how we are

connected to food. Therefore this section will be focussed on how we can come to rethink [our

relationship with] food, and in turn how we should come to think of food.

The first argument I will make is that food is social (Vartanian et al., 2007). By now, it is safe to say

that our relation with food goes beyond (non-)consumption practices alone. Food and eating, as they

argue, play an important role in our day to day (social) life. They believe that “aside from the social

atmosphere surrounding food intake, there exists a powerful dynamic between the social situation

and food intake, including the social norms that govern food intake” (p.266). What we eat, how we

prepare it, who we eat it with, where we eat etc. are all aspects of food that are socially constituted.

Vartanian et al. (2007) even go as far as stating that food and eating may well be expressions of

identity, communications and acts of social interaction. Food, as well as food practices, are extremely

diverse. The way we perform and embody our food (and relationship to it) plays a crucial role in how

we understand the meaning of it. For instance, if we link food to gendered aspects we can find

several interesting connections. This leads me to my second argument in that food is gendered

(Young et al., 2009). Vartanian et al. (2007) believe that “femininity and masculinity have consistently

been associated with the type of food that individuals eat” (p. 267). They argue that there is such a

thing as female and masculine foods and that certain studies indicate that “the type of food that

individuals eat influences how he or she is perceived by others” (p.268). Taking this into account,

they state that it is important to consider the extent of the awareness of the consumers as

consumption stereotypes influence social behaviour.

Consumption stereotypes are imperative to analyse when trying to understand the gender and food

relationship. These consumption stereotypes can be linked to hegemonic gendered behaviour in that

they are led by dichotomized norm of embodiment and behaviour as well. Buerkle (2009)for

instance, links meat consumption to masculinity. First of all, he argues that a considerable amount of

research is conducted linking female experiences to food, bodies and weight. However, “discussing

men’s relationship to food seems unusual in that we typically focus our attention on women’s

negotiation of eating and body image concern” (p.253). One of the reasons I wished to conduct this

thesis is in fact because data on this particular relationship is lacking, especially in association with

machismo and place. Buerkle (2009) continues in that “men’s eating goes largely unnoticed” (p.253).

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Throughout his article he explores ways in which meat consumption serves as a masculine

performance and therefore hopes to develop a broader understanding of the relationship between

food and men. He believes that “the division between men and women’s relation to food widens as

the performance of meat preparation further differentiates gendered expectation” (p.254). He adds

that men and women “engage in drastically different gendered performances of food” (p.254). Yet,

since the appearance of different types of men such as the metrosexual, the effect and affect of

gender and food have added a ‘new sensibility’ to men’s relationship to food. Multiple gendered

identities and multiple masculinities altered the gender and food relationship in a myriad of ways.

Vartanian et al. (2007) for example argue that “you are what you eat” (p.266). He believes that we

are what we eat through three different ways: by our gender role characteristics, social appeal

(morality) and through health and weight. In large I agree with this statement as it implies a certain

intertwinement of our bodies, gender and food. Since food is a social constitution and mostly is

gendered, it is only logical to assume that we choose foods that ‘define’ us. However, by asserting

certain foods as either feminine or masculine we are, according to Buerkle, perpetuating the

dichotomous gender images. For instance, by assigning meat as masculine and fish as feminine one is

assuming that –as a male- consuming fish means they are engaging in feminine behaviour and will

not add to their masculinity. Nonetheless, the relationship between food and gender goes beyond

the dichotomization of genders and food. Instead, I feel that “you are what you eat” is too restrictive

as it does not suggest any form of embodiment or performance from the food itself. It suggests that

only humans are capable of deriving meaning from food and that the affect of consumption is one-

sided. Yet, when considering food to be social and an active actor within the artisan fish network, we

can no longer conclude that this relationship is unilinear. Instead, we have to argue that “you eat

what you are” as well. This suggests that food gives meaning to us rather than just our projection of

meaning on food.

In chapter 5 I suggested that the way to properly capture and understand such a relationship is by

treating the actors as quasi-actants; the relation between subjects/objects that cannot fully be

described but rather serves as an explanation of their connection. It goes beyond material

descriptions and allows us to escape the dichotomous definitions of, for example, gender, food and

place. It stresses to go beyond matter, it allows “certain forms of social-symbolic ‘objectifiers’-like

moral concerns, identities, desires – to (re-)gain an explicit role in empirical inquiry, without

fundamentally breaking with ANT social ontology” (Krarup & Blok, 2011:56). Carolan's (2011)

argument can be linked to Krarup & Blok in that he too believes not everything is material. We have

to consider different connections and relations that stretch beyond the visible eye and pay attention

to ontology in general. He follows Gregory Bateson (in Carolan, 2011) in that “the mental world –the

mind- the world of information processing –is not limited by the skin”. He is concerned with what is

means to be human and non-human. He believes that humans possess more than a representational

understanding of non-humans, instead, they have a relational understanding, he argues. Carolan

continues that through embodied practices we transfer meaning, in fact, our performances and

practices are the meaning. This meaning can be diverse and contradictory as he suggests that we can

hold multiple attitudes towards the same subjects/objects.

We can thus have multiple attitudes towards the same foods depending on our performed identity

or the way in which the food is embodied. Either way it must be concluded that food is not a passive

partaker in our relationship with it –hence: relationship. It actively (re-)produces meaning. Bennett

(2010) for instance, addresses the assemblage between human and non-human bodies. She believes

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that not only do we affect food (through consumption and production), but food affects us as well.

She argues that “food can generate new human tissue” (p.40). By consuming a certain food, is to

enter in an assemblage, Bennet believes. This dual relationship between humans and foods (or other

non-humans) is “slowly brought to light as the assemblage stabilizes itself through the mutual

accommodation of its heterogeneous components” (p.42). Thus, she believes there is certain

reciprocity between the eater and the eaten. It is exactly this statement that I feel is of paramount

importance in grasping the diverse and dynamic relationship of food and gender.

Through the following section I will highlight the former arguments with the help to the fish plant

example and other ethnographic stories.

Regulation

In so far I have argued that food is a social constitution. It transpires through social life and is deeply

intertwined with gendered aspects. Because of this interrelation I have come to argue that you are

what you eat, and you eat what you are. These statements, however, are relatively new and remain

largely unexplored, especially in relation to masculinities in a Latin American context. The following

examples provide recent data on these matters.

Gender

Gendered food and gendered labour are closely intertwined. For example, Andres and Elena earn

their living by working with food. While the following section will expand more on the gendered food

aspects, I will now go into further detail on gendered labour in the food related sectors, in specific

Pesca en Líneas fish plant.

Andres and Elena were both hired to conduct the same work at the fish plant. While they are hired

on a partial, temporary basis, they nonetheless argue that it is vital to them. Current work in the

artisan fish industry is quite low due to the newly implemented fish law that restricts artisan

fishermen in their location to fish and imposes quotas. The majority of the fishermen (except the

sardine fishermen) feel they have been affected by this law in a way that makes it hard for them to

earn enough money to sustain themselves. Andres and Elena therefore venture into secondary jobs

in order to earn enough money to survive. What makes it hard for them to find a steady job in the

artisan fishing industry is the fact that the fish consumption is relatively low. Pesca en Línea only buys

the fish [from the fishermen] that is ordered online. They thus might have slow days or weeks but

this might change the next day. Andres and Elena are thus hired on the busy days to assist the other

girls that work at the plant. When they are all working together they treat each other as equals: they

divide the work equally and engage in the same food practices. None of the girls seem to be

concerned or bothered by the fact that Andres is the only male. Nonetheless, the fact remains that

mostly women work at the plant. Paolo, one of the managers at Pesca en Línea, told me that they

prefer to hire women because they are more delicate and pay more attention to detail. He says their

fish is appreciated so much because of the added value; the quality and presentation of the fish.

Nevertheless, this ‘female job’ can just as well be performed by men, considering they hired Andres.

In my opinion, Andres did not seem effeminate at all, in fact he looked like a typical fishermen. He

spoke little, barely communicated, wore comfortable dark clothes and let his wife cook for him. In a

sense, he represents the traditional machista man. However, when looking at the tools these men

and women at the plant use to work on the fish are comparable to the tools fishermen and cooks use

as well. They use sharp knives, hooks, tables, water etc. Also, they mostly engage in manual labour

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and barely use any machines to alter the fish. The fish plant workers need to handle the fish with

much care (like cooks) and make sure it is clean (fishermen clean a large part of the fish on the boat,

cooks sometimes clean the fish as well). The work at the plant is in a sense quite similar to that of

cooks (and fishermen in a minor way). Andres, for example, pre-cooks shellfish in a special pot in

order to preserve its quality. They handle the product with care and clean it extensively. They also

take hygienic matters quite seriously, just like cooks. Both cooks and plant workers make sure their

clothing is clean and their hands are washed. When I worked in the kitchen, they made me put on a

special hairnet and hat, as well as an apron. I was also told to put on good shoes as the floor might

get slippery, just like at the plant. What remains truly interesting, though, is the way in which these

similar tools are used to generate diverging outcomes concerning the fish.

Fishermen, for example, cut the fish open, take most of the guts out (as they are required to hand in

only the edible parts). While they have cut and gutted the fish, it is not quite edible yet, except for

shellfish that sometimes can be eaten right after it is caught. The plant workers also use knives and

water to rinse the fish and clean it. They process it in such a way that it is ready to be cooked. The

cooks, while using the same tools, handle the fish in such a way that is changes it consistency, taste

and appearance –it is now ready to be eaten. The transformation and consumption of the fish is

subject to various gender stereotypes and practices. For instance, it is typically men that catch the

fish. The processing of the fish, in this case, is mostly conducted by women. The preparation of fish is

done by the cooks (ordinarily: men) and consumption of fish vary amongst socio-economic classes. In

what sense is fish then gendered? If both consumption practices are embodied and performed by

men and women can we then really say fish is a feminine or masculine food? Also, it would be wrong

to assume that, like Julier & Lindenfeld (2006) suggest, just because the majority of women eat fish

that it therefore is a feminine food or because men predominantly process the fish, that it therefore

is masculine. However, the fact that it is identified as such (either feminine of masculine), or

associated with femininity (or masculinity) in general reveals interesting information on how to

understand fish consumption and production overall. The following paragraph will shed light on this

matter.

Food

I have argued that our food, just like our gender and definition of places are highly dichotomized and

subject to what I like to call hegemonic ideals. These hegemonies can be thought of as certain

parameters on which you place yourself against. According to Butler (1990) we will never be able to

match these ideals or identities and will remain in an ongoing process of identification. When it

comes to gendered food, we experience the same kind of situations. Since our identification

processes are so diverse and identities multiple, it is impossible to ‘rightfully’ classify or define

genders, foods or places.

For instance, Andres was a fisherman and still occasionally goes fishing when money is tight. His wife

Elena comes from a fishermen’s family and has always been involved in the (artisan) fish industry.

Even when working at the plant, both are still working with the same product, namely: fish. The way

in which they engage with the fish, however, is in some ways comparable yet not the same as if they

were working on a boat. Elena tells me that while they do love to eat fish, they prefer to mix it up

and she cooks quite diversely. She says they mostly consume meat as Andres loves it, however, he

does like how she prepares the fish. The associations the couple has with fish are thus quite diverse:

they mostly process it and rarely eat it. However, they keep telling me how good the fish is at Pesca

en Línea and how well fish tastes if it is freshly caught. Elena even tells me that when her family from

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Argentina comes to visit, they always ask if she can prepare some fish as they know the quality is

good in this region. The other women at the plant tell me that they rarely eat fish too. They say it is

expensive and they can barely afford it. Some of the girls even are from a fisherman’s family, yet say

that they rarely eat fish. When speaking to the cooks and restaurant owners they told me that the

majority of their fish consumers are women. They argue that women associate fish with eating

healthy, light food and helps them stay in shape. The men, on the contrary typically order meat and

eat large portions. Men will, however, share some fish starters if they are in a group or with their

partners. It must be noted, though, that these restaurants generally attract middle- and upper class

citizens. Consumption practices might thus differ from that of other socio-economic classes. For

example, fishermen aren’t usually associated with being part of the middle- or upper classes. Instead,

they are often referred to as being inferior to other citizens as they are less educated, lack

communicative skills, live and dress soberly and perform (outdoor) manual labour. Interestingly

enough, it is the fishermen (and their families) that often consume fish as well. Thus the upper class

women and ‘lower’ class (fisher-)men are avid fish consumers. How then exactly are they connected?

I found that fishermen and their beliefs/practices are often associated with machismo behaviour. The

way they handle the fish and the practices they perform in order to catch it are through hard physical

labour and simple preparations. It is noteworthy that most fishermen prepare their own fish to share

with fellow fishermen or for their families. Some mention that because they are constantly dealing

with the fish, they know best how to prepare it as well. When it comes to the upper- middle class

women, they often go to restaurants in order to consume fish –they rarely prepare fish at home, let

alone cook. Due to the fact that both men and women need to work, the time spent on cooking has

decreased and so has the money. Fish is relatively expensive to buy in supermarkets or at fairs,

therefore, when people go out to eat, they prefer to consume fish as there they pay for its

preparation and know it will taste well. Fishermen on the other hand, have easy access to fish and by

far do not pay the same amount the people in the restaurant do. One of the biggest differences

between both groups of fish consumers lies in its preparation. Fishermen tell me they like their fish

as simple as possible: fried or grilled with a little bit of lemon and salt (left photo). The fish in the

(more expensive) restaurants are often more condimented and accompanied by potatoes,

vegetables and/or salads (photo on the right). One could thus argue that the minimal preparation of

the fishermen and the healthy (more) elaborate presentation of fish in restaurants are a reflection of

hegemonic masculinities, machismo if you will, in the sense that they are guided by stereotypes

consumption practices.

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Andres’ double identity as a processer and occasional fishermen might have altered his consumption

practices in a way that, while he does not cook and barely catches fish and is surrounded by women

at work, he felt the need to compensate his masculinity by consuming a lot of meat. Additionally, he

refrains himself from cooking practices at home and at work, this might be a re-affirmation of is

masculinity (machismo) as well. Even his wife Elena calls the fact that she cooks, cleans and cares for

him something “machista”. An interesting trend I saw, however, was at the fish restaurants. Edgar’s

consumers actively make the choice to go there and eat fish as they know he does not serve anything

else. He receives both male and female consumers and is always praised at how good his food is.

Edgar’s restaurant is relatively expensive; he tells me his customers belong to the upper- and middle

class of Valdivia. Edgar cares a lot for his products and cooks with a lot of pleasure. He likes to

condiment his food and he loves to add different types of vegetables. Recently, however, he has

noticed that people are asking for typically home cooked recipes and more ‘rural’ dishes. For

instance, he noticed that his customers prefer the simpler, traditional dishes as opposed to the

elaborate, condimented foods that are often offered in the more expensive restaurants. Edgar

believes that due to the lack of time and [sometimes knowledge] of fish preparation, people now

want to eat out what they used to eat at home. In a sense, the dishes served at the more expensive

restaurant are assimilating to the preparation of fish by the fishermen in the rural areas like Niebla

and Los Molinos. These ‘home made’ recipes in restaurants are thus being popularized and are now

experiencing a shift from the ‘private’ to the ‘public’. How has this trend, for example, affected

notion of place? And how has changing place affected our ideas on food? Through the next

paragraph I wish to highlight this further.

Place

Gendered food and food practices are thus embedded in an interesting, yet complex relationship

regarding artisan fish. It is largely steered by processes of transformation that alter our conception of

gender and food in general. But how exactly does the aspect of place play a part in these processes?

The previous example points to the diverging ways in which it is consumed. These various manners

are most likely the result of different social relations that are part of the artisan fish network. A

reoccurring aspect of fish consumption in the region of Valdivia (and Chile for that matter) that was

frequently mentioned by my interviewees was education. Sociologist Pancho Lourdes, every cook63

and driver Wilberto mentioned that the Chilean consumers lack an understanding of how to

consume ‘best’. First of all they mention that people do no appreciate the food their nation has to

offer; they prefer to buy processed and imported goods. Second, the average consumer does not

know where their food comes from. Paolo at Pesca en Línea therefore opted to introduce a QR-code

that provides consumers with information on where the fish was caught, when and by whom. In

itself, the QR-code plays with notions of public and private as it suddenly provides generally private

information to all of its consumers. It contains information on the fishermen (photo) and fish

(location/footage). Additionally, most of its consumers are restaurant and hotel guests, they reach a

big public public. There is still one flaw in the system, Paolo notices. The information on that

particular fish is coded on the boxes. The average consumer does not get to see these boxes as these

stay in the kitchen or are thrown away. The only person(s) that thus have access to this extra

information are the cooks and restaurant owners (whom probably already know where they buy

their fish from). Nonetheless, the idea that the information on that particular fish is available and can

be shared amongst its consumers (once the code has been made more accessible) is ground-

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Including Chile’s top chefs in Enfoque magazine.

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breaking. Usually, people at restaurants do not have the possibility to directly know where their food

is from, even in supermarkets this is quite a challenge.

Pancho Lourdes tells me that currently there is a trend going on amongst the upper- and middle class

to produce locally eat local and consume fresh un-processed goods. Pancho laughs at this trend as he

says that this is how everyone –and some people still do- used to eat before Chile’s import and

export numbers increased. But this is a luxury not everyone can afford; it costs a lot of time and

requires a certain amount of money. Very few people might actually have the time to go out and

catch fish for the whole family. Andres and Elena for example, might not have the time to go out and

fish for their family, yet they do have access to good fish. Then why don’t they consume it as often as

fishermen do? Is it linked to taste preferences? Or is it still too costly? Or is it that they do not

possess the knowledge to properly evaluate all benefits they might gain from consuming fish? Could

it really be an educational aspect? Paolo mentioned that the implementation of the QR-code was in

fact not demanded by their consumers, yet an idea he and his co-workers had come up with to add

value to their product.

I have been told that fish is rarely consumed at home. People choose to prepare something quick and

spend as little time cooking as possible, most interviewees argued. It seems quite contradictory that

even chefs and fishermen spend little to no time cooking and prefer their foods as non-elaborate as

possible. Even cooks –who presumably possess the knowledge on what is nutritious food and what

not- barely cook at home. In fact, they prefer take out and fast food as they are tired from cooking.

Elena says she cooks at home and even cooks lunch in the morning for her and her husband.

Fishermen either eat during the job or come home and quickly prepare some fried or grilled fish.

Additionally (in most cases) the men who go out to eat order meat. So, even though men have access

and knowledge on how to prepare (and identify) good fish, its consumption remains minimum. The

role of meat plays a crucial role. Meat in Chile is often associated with masculinity. It is easy to

prepare, cheap and feeds a lot of people. Fish on the other hand is relatively expensive. According to

my interviewees, it is less rendable –meaning that one can feed less people for the same price of

meat. Additionally, it is hard to distinguish good from bad quality fish. All of these reasons have

accumulated to the ‘lack’ of fish consumption at home. Instead, people who want to eat fish (and can

afford it) usually go out to eat fish –where it is already prepared. It must be noted that, even though

fish consumption (of the upper- and middle class) usually is conducted in ‘public spheres’, the

consumption of meat still predominates all socio-economic classes. Whether it is consumed in

restaurants, food stands, fairs or at home; meat consumption is of paramount importance in the

Chilean culture. I then have to question; is there really a ‘lack’ of fish consumption? Or just a

preference for meat? Does this reasoning explain the division between ‘public’ and ‘private’

consumption of either meat and fish? Can we truly speak of a ‘compartmentalization of place’ and

therefore food? Could there be such a thing a ‘public and private tastes’?

Through the next section I will expose the importance of embodiment when it comes to performing

food practices. While in some ways the food practices between the men in the artisan fish industry

might overlap, there remain certain crucial differences regarding their consumption and engagement

with food in general where public and private place and gender plat an important role.

Embodiment

According to Williams-Forson & Counihan (2011) “the things we do with food –acquire, prepare,

create, consume- are performative by nature” (Lindenfeld & Langellier in Williams-Forsons &

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Counihan, 2011). They follow Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (in Williams-Forsons & Counihan, 2006)

in that there are three ways in which these food performances intersect; doing, behaviour and

showing. Yet, they rightfully question what these performances actually mean and reflect? I argue

that the active component of performance –embodiment- should not be neglected in this aspect,

especially when comparing certain food practices.

Julier & Lindenfeld (2006) critique Thomas Adler (in Julier & Lindenfeld, 2006) in that he considers

cooking to be the major outlet of food related experiences, thereby neglecting consumption and

production practices. For instance, they believe food related practices are, in some way, related to

gender ideologies as well. Paid jobs, which in this case I will assimilate with public activity, such as

being a fisherman, cook, manager or processor, are all subject to some kind of hegemonic ideas.

Fishing is often associated with machismo –extreme, hyper masculine embodiments, behaviours and

performances. Cooks, on the other hand, deal with some sort of double connotation as not all

aspects of their jobs are subject to the heteronormative western notion of masculinity. Nevertheless,

we must not forget most of the men in the artisan fish industry work with similar (if not the same)

tools and products. How can their masculine identities then be so different? What role does food

[and thus fish] play in the diversifying and multiple identities and identifications that surround one

singular object?

Andres and Elena, for example, work with different types of fish all day (when they work at the

plant). Yet, when they get home, they seem to diverge into different food practices that often do not

include any kind of fish. Cooks and managers seem to experience similar circumstances in that their

‘contact’ with fish is very limited if not absent from their ‘private’ live (in this case: unpaid labour).

Interestingly enough, the processors, managers and cooks all embody themselves differently when

reaching ‘home’ or leaving their jobs. At work they all have special uniforms for many purposes:

hygiene, protection, professionalism etc. As soon as their shift ends, they change and embody a

different part of themselves. Fishermen, on the other hand, always seem consumed by fish, in every

sense of the word. They do not dress differently once they get off the boat; they do not ‘switch off’

their fishermanness once they start thinking about dinner. In fact, sometimes they even bring ‘work

home’ in that they catch their own dinner, share it with fellow fishermen and families and cook the

fish as if they would during the job. Two fishermen told me that –when there is time- they would

often go ashore and make a small fire pit and grill freshly caught fish with a bit of lemon and salt. He

says at home, they eat fish the same way as this is what they like best and know how to prepare.

Wilberto, for example, mentions that at home he is the only one that prepares the fish because his

other family members either do not like it or do not know how to prepare it. What surprised me

most, is that one of the cooks, for example, told me that on his day off, he would not eat healthy at

all, even though he perfectly knows what is ‘good’ and ‘bad’. It was quite contrasting to see him at

work in his cook outfit, which was quite clean and neat and on the other hand meeting him on his

day off. He wore sweat pants, a big sweater and some old tennis shoes. He argues that on his day off

no one can tell him what to do. He says he is too exhausted and tired to care about what others think

and to care for himself, for that matter. When taking these examples into account, I notice quite

some differences between the interviewed men. The fact that a fisherman’s life seems continuous

and that of managers, cooks and processers differs greatly (consumption wise), influences food

practices as well. Julier & Lindenfeld (2006) for instance argue that, following gender ideologies, it is

presumed that the breadwinner “be exempt from a certain amount of the mundane and routine

activities of household labour” (p.5).

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It is true that certain men refrain for some activities in the household labour, yet, they are not so

much refraining as ‘switching’ practices. They consume different foods, embody and perform

different aspects of themselves and perhaps even perform different identities. Fishermen, on the

other hand, do not seem to follow this rule either, as their ‘fishermanness’ is carried out in the

private sphere as well. They are still concerned with fish (in most cases) and in some ways engage in

similar food practices as on the boat or during the job. Also, this rule does not hold as some men live

alone and thus have to perform household labour. Nonetheless, Julier & Lindenfeld (2006) believe

that “food and masculinities may contribute some insights to gender theory and more theoretically

informed focus on gender will further our understandings of food” (p.7). Embodiments being an

important aspect of masculinities therefore play a paramount role in this understanding. They stress

that something is not masculine because men are doing them, like asado making, fishing etc. Andres

who works at the processing plant is surrounded by women yet, in no way does he seem feminine.

Even though Paolo argued that he prefers women for this particular job, he decided to hire Andres

anyway. Julier & Lindenfeld continue to state that the previous statement is not enough to anchor a

concept, nor does it explain how certain activities (like meat-eating) become symbolically gender-

loaded. Instead they want us to “rethink both food through gender and gender through food” (p.9)

The way we embody ourselves; dress, present, act, how we look, nurture etc. are all crucial factors

that play an important role in our performances and food practices. The fish consumers in and

around Valdivia, for example, embody themselves quite differently. On the one hand you have the

fishermen and people from rural areas that generally dress comfortably and warm to fit their

outdoor and active food practices. On the other hand, the upper- and middle class consumers dress

in a completely different manner that fits their lifestyle. We must not forget the fish. The fish, for

instance, is embodied in quite different ways in both cases: from fried and grilled, little condimented

to more elaborate and differently cooked and accompanied fish in the restaurants. Nonetheless, I

have presented the way in which these opposing embodiments might slowly converge as people in

restaurants are demanding simpler, home-made, foods. The embodiment of food goes even further

in that it literally and directly affects our bodies too. Food, according to Bennett (2010) creates

human tissue; it affect our health. Dan, for example, was telling me that in Ecuador (where he is

from), people love to eat ceviche. This dish consists of raw fish in some sort of broth with a few

vegetables and is heavily condimented. Once when he was cooking for a large group at Tim’s

restaurant, he prepared this dish. He said he had made sure the he had bought fresh fish and cleaned

it accordingly. Later on he noticed that people were getting sick. At first he could not understand

why, as he had prepared this dish frequently. He later concluded that perhaps people in Chile (paired

with their relatively low fish consumption) might not have been used to eating raw fish. Their bodies,

rather than their minds, could not handle this type of food and ‘protested’. In a sense this complies

with what Carolan says about our diverging bodily practice. He refers to the practice of meat eating

“the eye and the heart are sad, but the teeth and the stomach are glad” (Evans-Pritchard in Carolan,

2011:110). In this case, the eyes and heart are glad, yet the stomach and teeth are sad. Just like our

multiple identities, we have multiple embodiments and performances, especially regarding different

types of foods. Sometimes these embodiments become quite literal and affect us in a myriad of

ways. Thus, embodiments are of paramount importance in understanding our relationship with food.

We must keep in mind that we might engage in ambiguous behaviour when it comes to our

consumption as well. Therefore I must stress again the importance of analysing our gendered

identification rather than just looking at our gendered identity (in respect to food and place).

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Rethinking place The third and last component of my research question has to do with place, more importantly, with

public and private place. It plays a prominent role within gender and food as it is subject to

dichotomies and ambiguities as well. Through chapter 5 I questioned the role of the public and the

private and analysed its effects on gender and food (and vice versa). With this example of the sardine

boat, I wish to illustrate my findings and pair them the theory I found in the previous chapters.

Herman Rafael, a worker on a sardine boat in Niebla, explained the main

characteristics of a sardine boat to me. The boat has to be large enough to fit

about 10-15 crew members. He says it takes this number of people to operate the

boat. There is only one captain, who is in charge of finding the fish, the workers

and steering the boat. The workers depend on the captain as it is his duty to locate

the fish in the sea and navigate towards it. The other ±10 members all work on the

deck; they rail the fish in, work the motor and make sure the fish tube is

connected. One member performs a dual role of worker and cook. He gets paid for

cooking as well as for working with the other guys. Another important actor

within the sardine industry is the boat owner. The crew members adhere to the

boat owner who has the financial power, and thus decisive power over the

members and the boat. While he is rarely on the actual boat, the members respect

him as he decides what happens with the money and has the ability to exploit the

workers.

The boat has a motor in the ‘basement’. On the deck there is a large net that can

mechanically be rolled in and out. Attached, there is a plastic pipe that ‘sucks in’

the sardines into a large compartment in the boat. All workers help to place the

net in the sea and make sure it is opened and closed at the right time. They need

mechanical assistance because the net is really heavy. Once enough fish has been

reeled in, the compartment is closed and the workers go to eat. The cook usually

prepares cazuela64 and some meat dish. They rarely eat fish on the boats, Herman

says that fish is “for the poor only”. He argues that people eat the best foods on

the boats. They do, however, sometimes eat fried congrio ( type of fish) and with

some Chilean salad65. Additionally, the crew sometimes brings in some bread and

soup. Herman points out that while they are allowed to cook whatever they want,

drinking alcohol on the boats is strictly forbidden due to safety issues. The only day

they are allowed to drink is on “Dia de San Pedro”, a national holiday.

Nonetheless, they do drink some wine and beer outside the boat.

Sardine fishermen, according to other types of fishermen, earn a lot of money.

They go out every few days and easily fill their boats. They leave at about 3 at

night and come back at 7 in the morning. Because most sardine fishermen are

docked in Niebla and Los Molinos, fishermen who do not live in these towns, need

to get there earlier. They leave at around ten or eleven at night, because this is

when the last busses leave. They try to catch a few extra hours of sleep on the

boat before work at three. The boat has several compartments; a living room, a

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May varies across countries, but can usually be defined as stock with vegetables and meat. 65

Chilean salad usually consists of some lettuce, tomato, cucumber and onions.

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sleeping area, a toilet and a kitchen. The beds are scattered around the whole

boat, thus not only in the sleeping area. These bunk-beds can be found in the

kitchen, the captains’ steering room and of course in the sleeping rooms. The

kitchen contains a large table where the workers eat from and a fully equipped

kitchen with a stove, oven, kitchen cabinets, a sink and an area to prepare the

food.

Subversion

Throughout the previous chapters and discussion I have tried to make clear that the dichotomization

of gender and food are deeply intertwined with the dichotomization of place. Place, as well as

gender and food, is inherently social and therefore subject to change. What I have come to find, is

the fact that our current notion of space and place no longer suffice. In fact the dichotomized

connotation that characterize place stand in the way of fully understanding its capabilities in a

gender and food setting. Throughout this chapter I will argue how the blurring of the boundaries

between public and private space influence its relationship with gender and food.

First, I would like to once more stress that place is social (Massey, 1994). According to Massey, social

relations cannot be seen separately or as independent from the ‘formation’ of space. In fact, the

spatial is a ‘stretching out’ of social relations, she argues. Consequently, the conceptualization of

space is inherently intertwined with gender dichotomies [and hegemonies] that are polarizing into

mutual oppositions. We must keep in mind, however, that gender relations are constituted through

interrelations rather than oppositions (Massey, 1994). This leads me to the second argument in that

space is gendered (Rosewarne, 2005).

According to her, “along with including and excluding gender, space can also function as a

contributing factor in their [gender] construction” (p.70). Gender and space [and food] are thus in

fact co-constituted and are connected through their social relations. “The spatial is constituted by

the interlocking of stretched out social relations that constitute the social phenomena” (Massey,

1994:22). Nonetheless, we must not forget that the social relations are subject to dichotomies and

hegemonic ideals. These are perpetuating the fact that place is multiple and in turn subjects place

into a conceptual dualism that “currently reflects and effects contemporary dominant Western

society” (Massey, 1994:19). Instead, I would like to argue that the multiplicity of space should be

embraced just like the multiplicity of gender and food. Yet, this does not mean these binaries do not

dictate our gendered and spatial identities. Binaries, for example, ensue certain social exclusions

when we cannot fully identify ourselves with them, which according to Butler (1990) will never be

possible. Rosewarne (2005) believes that this “social exclusion explains the disadvantages and the

factors (often compounded) that impede a person’s ability to participate fully in society” (p.69). I do

not believe that the lack of identification will impede someone from fully participating in society,

however, I do believe that this un-identification alters behaviour and might change understandings of

gender and place. But how exactly does this ‘gendered space’ alter our understandings of it?

Rosewarne (2005) for instance, argues that commonly the public sphere is linked to masculinity while

private space is mostly connected to femininity. She believes that public (political, athletic etc.)

institutions reflect our definitions of masculinity and that the private spheres reflect femininity.

Subsequently, the way in which we use space will ensure that ‘our’ space eventually will be designed

to cater for our needs, Rosewarne argues. According to her “spaces both reflect and are reproduced

by these cultural perceptions, and the acting out of these gendered and sexed performances” (p.71).

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In a sense, I do agree with Rosewarne in that the binaries of gendered space reflect and ‘construct’

genders, however, it leaves little room for the interpretation of its multiplicity and that of gender.

Where do the spatial and gendered identification take place? How can they be understood? In a

sense she is demanding us to focus on these dichotomies rather than, like Barth (1966) suggests, to

look at the processes and multiplicities that constitute the dichotomies. Therefore, I would like to

follow Massey (1994) in that the “social relations define the uniqueness of space: identities of place

are always unfixed, contested and multiple” (p.5). Consequently, this leads me to my third and fourth

point; space is multiple and therefore we need to rethink the public and private boundaries of place.

According to Drummond (2000) the division of public and private space is socially constructed and

subject to gender division. Most commonly, the space of the public is assigned to men and the

private to women. The boundaries of those places, however, change over time according to Kumar &

Makarova (2014). The boundaries of public and private change and are subject to interpretation; not

everyone may read the boundaries in the same way. Indeed, Kumar & Makarova (2014) believe that

public and private spaces vanish; its boundaries have been dissolved. The media and institutions

have entered both spheres and created a whole new conception of space in general. Private life is no

longer just associated with the home and family. According to them, the private life is now carried

out into the public; extending the private into a broader sphere. Indeed, “due to privatization, the

public spaces are no longer available to the general public” (p.327). The privatization of the public,

which entails that public spaces are being designed by private sectors and institutions and where

admittance is controlled, is closely linked to the concept of domestication. The domestication of the

public is “the carrying of the behaviour, attitudes and emotions generally associated with the private

realm –specifically to the home- into the public sphere” (p.326). The “displacement” of public and

private as Kumar & Makarova call it, has a severe impact on the gender identities. But how is the

domestication and privatization of public space linked to food?

Salazar (2012) for example, discusses the ambiguity of the public kitchens; the seemingly private act

of cooking and feeding is suddenly taken outside of the context of the “private” kitchen. Both Salazar

and Abarca (2007) study public kitchens that both were run by women. However, they do note that

most professional chefs are men, and the more informal stalls and shops are led by women. The

question then arises: are these “public kitchens” actually public? Kitchens are often associated with

the private sphere, even in restaurants you are rarely allowed to enter them as they are often cut off

from the public. Restaurants, hotels and public kitchens nevertheless remain extremely important to

consider. Williams-Forson & Counihan (2011) for example argue that “public food consumption

always communicates meanings, values and identities” (p.4). Yet, we must not forget that gender,

food and space are subject to stereotypes and our identifications are steered by them. For instance,

Williams-Forson & Counihan (2011) refer to the ambiguous practices firemen engage in during work;

they use “sexual humour to assess their masculinity while they negotiate their stereotypically

feminine tasks of cooking, shopping and meal planning on the public/private space of the firehouse”

(p.3). In short, while these firemen typically are associated with masculinity, they do engage in

stereotypical feminine behaviour as well. Additionally, while being aware of this fact (and even

though no-one can see them), they try to compensate their behaviour by making sexist jokes. To the

public, they still remain masculine. In ‘private’, however, they engage in diverging practices. What

remains important to note, is the fact that this ‘private’ realm that in large is situated within the

firehouse, can be considered ‘public’ as well, since it is part of their jobs and has nothing/little to do

with their domestic or private life. The public and private are thus being negotiated. Kumar &

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Makarova (2014) for example, believes that the particular boundaries between public and private

change over time and are subject to interpretation. Thus instead of arguing that these firemen are

only acting in ‘public’ places, we have to rethink public and private as intertwined. The boundaries

between public and private are blurring, and in a sense are vanishing as well (Kumar & Makarova,

2014:326). As suggested in chapter 5, we are thus experiencing acts of de-territorialisation (Massey,

1991, 1994). Space is fluid and subject to change as it is largely steered by our social interactions.

Since we have come to think of gender, food, space and even identity as multiple, it is only logical to

assume that our embodiments and performances of such elements are multiple and varied. Some

might even encounter certain overlap or may be played out simultaneously. Because interaction

takes place across various spheres and take form through numerous actions, we have to accept that

we no longer are ‘attached’ to place like we used to. Place, and our connection to it, have morphed

into a de-territorialised component of our being and are no longer geographically bound to one

single place or space.

Thus, I would like to argue that the dichotomization of place consequently problematizes our

conception of gender and food as well. We no longer can argue that certain aspects of our life belong

to either public of private space. We have become de-territorialised due to our changing

embodiments and performances and vice versa. Through the following section I wish to highlight

how we can shift from the strict binaries that principally define space, towards a more encompassing

definition of it.

Regulation

The subversion of public and private space into a more regulatory, dynamic definition is important to

include in the rethinking of place in general. I will do so by examining the sardine boat example as

presented above and I will occasionally include several other ethnographic examples.

Gender

According to Massey (1994) “the hegemonic spaces and places which we face today are not only

products of forms of economic organization but reflect back at us also –and in the process reinforce-

other characteristics of social relations, among them those of gender” (p.183). Consequently,

“gender relations take place alongside other divisions which significance needs to be viewed in

‘context’, meaning that they are not generalized (p.182). Therefore we cannot view gender (or place)

through dichotomies as they are subject to specific characteristics (identifications). Subsequently,

Massey (1994) argues that “gender relations vary over space” (p.178).

The sardine boat, for example, may closely be compared to an ‘actual’ house. It contains sleeping,

dining, cooking and washing areas. These men have worked closely together for multiple years and in

fact: eat, sleep, spend time and work together. They have several routines which have been

determined at the moment they started working on the boat and there exists a certain hierarchy on

the boat as well. One member conducts a quite apparent double-identity in that he is a worker and a

cook on the boat. He engages in what typically might be argued as a masculine (even machista)

behaviour and feminine behaviour as he is cooking in ‘private’. By ‘private cooking I mean that even

though these men are on the job, no one else can benefit from their cooking as no one other that the

crew is allowed on the boat.

I have been told by other types of fishermen, (e.g. sierra) that a boat crew can be compared to a

family. These men have been working together for years and spend an incredible amount of time

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together. The guy rowing the scuba boat even told me he “practically raised” the scuba diver as he

had known him as a young boy and had worked with him for over 17 years. It might seem as an odd

place to ‘raise’ a kid, especially if it is not his own. Some of these men sometimes spend more time

with their crew than with their own family. Wilberto, who used to go out on the sardine boat

frequently, told me that he only saw his kid when he was asleep. He would leave before his kids

would wake up and would come back after he had gone to sleep again. In that sense he fulfilled the

typical role of ‘breadwinner’ that is so characteristic of traditional machismo. However, he was

fulfilling other, more positive counterparts (or chivalrous) of this traditional machismo on the boat.

He used to be a cleaner on the boat. Cleaning is often associated with domestic chores, which

according to various authors, is part of the private and thus feminine sphere. These stereotypes have

fostered the notion that cleaning, especially in a machista environment, is (still) viewed at as not-

masculine. Wilberto told me that they called him the ‘Cinderella’ of the boat. Contrastingly, the men

on the sardine boat, according to Hector, do not seem to tease each other in that way as they all

perform the same work. In fact, they highly respect each other, also the cook (even though non-

professional cooking is dichotomized as feminine). Instead, Herman says that “on the boat is where

you eat best”. They all clean the boat together too.

Another example can be drawn from Edgar, owner and cook of a fish restaurant in Niebla. He owns a

piece of land where he rents out a few cabins. On this land, he and his girlfriend live in one of those

cabins and have converted another into the restaurant. In and around this plot, he grows a few

vegetables and herbs that he uses to cook with in his restaurant. His cabin is only a few meters away

from the restaurant and is relatively small compared to it. Edgar told me that the kitchen at his cabin

is for ‘emergencies only’; for some tea or toast. All his ‘other’ cooking is done at the restaurant. He

says all his tools, gear and ingredients are here and the space is much more inviting to cook at that at

his cabin. He too, like Tim, has an open kitchen and loves the ‘openness’ of it as he can overlook the

sea.

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He is currently looking into amplifying the restaurant in including a second floor where he and his

girlfriend (and co-worker) Sandy can live at. During the job, Sandy rarely cooks the actual fish; she

helps with the customers, sets the tables, takes order and cuts up the vegetables. Edgar is the one

that is actually behind the stove. Nonetheless, they are both equally part of the business, Edgar said

as he could not do this without her. On two occasions our appointment was cancelled because he

had forgotten or was too busy grocery shopping. Sandy at that time, was otherwise engages and

could not help out. Edgar’s double role as owner and cooks thus forces him to play with public and

private boundaries of performances and behaviour as he needs to shop, administer, cook, and

manage time. He and Sandy, he told me, actually re-built the restaurant themselves. There was a lot

of attention paid to detail and you could see a combination of hard physical work and delicate

painting and decoration. Additionally, Edgar did not strike me as a ‘typical macho guy’. He was really

polite, chivalrous (as he offered me drinks and food during our interviews) and apologized when he

could not make it and had to reschedule our meeting. As he was cooking, I noticed how delicate he

was with the ingredients and –even though using a sharp knife- cut the fish, herbs and vegetables

with great precision. Interestingly enough, at his own house, he barely cooks. He might venture into

preparing an egg, coffee or sandwich, but never engage in the same practices (or delicacy) as at the

restaurant. Even though both cabins are only a few meters away, his practices differ dramatically.

Yet, I have to question; what is public and private then? Are the borders so rigid as to define his

“sleeping area” as his private home and his working area as “public”? The fishermen for example,

conduct these practices both at home and on the boat; how then can we define their ‘public’ and

their ‘private’? Also, Edgar’s plot is lived in by other people, one could argue that his cabin is on

public ground, yet, no one would ‘just walks in’. What about his restaurant? Technically it is a public

place; his kitchen is open. However, he prepares his personal meals there too and consumes them

there and perhaps even in his cabin; is it then still ‘public cooking’? Accordingly, the sardine boat is

only worked on by its members. Yet, is their cooking private or public? Technically, the boat is not

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theirs, it belongs to an armador. Yet, this armador does not benefit from their cooking, nor does he

sleep or work there. Is it then still private ground? Or, because other people (in this case the

workers) may step on the boat, does it become public?

Gendered labour plays a crucial role in determining public and private space or more specifically –

their blurring. The fact that these men engage in ‘dual’ behaviours, embodying and performing both

(stereotypical) masculine and feminine characteristics, has caused our notion on both gender and

place to shift. The food regulation will go in more depth on how rethinking food in place is involved

in these phenomena and how it regulates our understanding of public and private places in general.

Food

What kind of food is produced and consumed during the job has been highlighted during the

previous chapters. Nonetheless, the role of the public and private has been largely left out in these

matters. Therefore, through examples from the sardine boat, I will shed more light on this particular

subject.

First of all, Williams-Forson & Counihan (2011) agree that “women are still primary food providers all

over the world” (p.1). They also argue that women use food to express their identity. But if this

statement is true, then we can also agree that men equally use food to express themselves, right?

We must, however, take into account, that men use space differently and therefore might express

their identity through food (and vice versa) otherwise. The blurring of public and private space has

contributed to another dimension of this phenomenon. Subsequently, Williams-Forson & Counihan

(2011) argue, that gender identity is performed through food practices. Therefore, instead of trying

to make a distinction between public and private space, I opt to better understand “their” space in

general and through this conceptualization get better insight in how men constitute their identity.

Herman was telling me that the crew really appreciates the food that is cooked on the boat. He says

they eat quite varied on the boats. When I asked them if they also ate fish, he surprisingly told me

they didn’t. Hectors says that eating fish is for the ‘poor’. Instead, they eat they eat a lot of cazuelas,

meat, rice and salads. Quite contrastingly, fish in restaurants is often seen as a luxury food –fish

restaurants are relatively expensive. Also in regular restaurants, fish is often viewed at as something

special, usually only consumed by wealthy Valdivians and tourists. The fish sold at the Feria Fluvial,

however, shares an ambiguous connotation. Local families and tourists commonly buy fish on the

weekends as this is when they have more time to prepare it. During week days, people from the

office occasionally buy their lunch here, as the Feria sells pre-cooked fish in take-away packages.

Nonetheless, their consumption seems rather sporadic, and is usually marked by the lower socio-

economic part of society. The reason for this is that, according to the cooks, the people fear buying

fish as they do not possess the knowledge to distinguish good from bad quality fish. Most cooks say

they would rather avoid buying their fish here as they know very little about the origin of the fish.

Most fish is caught in a town 7 hours from Valdivia and therefore they do not know what the

conditions of the product have been in between. They lack trust in the fish. Perhaps this is one of the

reasons the sardine fishermen see fish as a lower class food. The Feria is –even though it is a grand

tourist attraction- associated with the lower classes as it is relatively cheap, but provides uncertain,

uncertified products. This is also one of the main reasons all (interviewed) cooks buy their fish from

Pesca en Línea.

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A second aspect to point out is the fact

that the Feria is outside –it is surrounded

by birds and sea lions that occasionally get

to enjoy fish parts that are usually thrown

away. The kitchen on the sardine boat is

roofed, underground and actually

resembles an ordinary kitchen. They have

all the utensils, materials and products in

order for the cook to make a good meal.

Sierra fishermen or scuba divers do not

have this luxury. Their boats are

significantly smaller and often do not have

a roof –they are completely dependent on

the weather conditions. A sierra fisherman

told me that the only food they can take

on the boats (scuba divers as well) is ready

made, fast food. They do not have the

time, space, materials and ability to cook

on the boats. Therefore, they bring

sandwiches, snacks and some coffee that

they (or their wives?) prepare at home for

them to eat in between fishing. If they

[sierra fishermen] are lucky, they have

time to make a fire pit on the shore and fry

some fish with lime and salt. They will sit

on the beach and enjoy the view, and after they will continue fishing. The scuba diver told me that

they rarely eat on the boat, as the rower constantly has to be alert and the scuba diver is under

water, they cannot rest and eat. They do, however, sometimes eat some shellfish that they catch

along the way. These do not need cooking or any preparation, and therefore serve as a nice ‘snack’.

As mentioned before, the domestic, private space is often associated with womanhood. The public

space on the other hand is mostly attributed to men. The same goes for food practices: women

usually are the ones that cook at home and chefs are usually male. Yet, as Christie (2006) argues “the

embodied knowing involved in food preparation enhanced women’s sense of their capacities as

transforming agents, opening up spaces in which to reshape women’s familial and societal position

(Mathee, 2004:438) (p.655). She also mentions that the kitchen space is a key area where traditional

forms of organization transmit knowledge to further generations to come. However, even though it

might seem natural for women to perform the role of carer and nurturer, “human territoriality is in

no sense biologically rooted, but rather a strategy entirely within the context of human motivations

and goals” (p.658). Can the diverging ‘cooking practices’ of sardine, sierra and scuba divers then be

considered similar act of identification because they are ‘cooking’ outside the house, and they are

male? Or should we consider their multiplicity and actually focus on their diverging food practices? I

believe that the hierarchy that exists between fishermen deeply influences their production and

consumption practices. The fact that sardine fishermen have an actual kitchen and the others don’t is

already a noteworthy difference. Also, the way in which food is prepared is crucial in understanding

their identification. Additionally, the fact that there is 1 cook on the sardine boat, and that in the

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others everyone is equally involved in their consumption is a second point of focus. Lastly, the actual

food that is consumed and how it is prepares highlights another difference between them. The

kitchen on the sardine boat, (and the fact that they have an actual kitchen) has a spice-rack,

something fairly absent from domestic kitchens. In fact, this kitchen might in some ways be

compared to an ‘open kitchen’ in a restaurant as one person is in charge of the food and the other

can observe, interact and most of all consume in the same space. Also, middle- and upper class

restaurants tend to condiment their foods more, and add a variety of spices. Nonetheless, I observed

trends in which restaurants are ‘going back to basics’ and change their dishes to resemble the typical

rural and home-made food that people used to eat years ago66.

It must be noted that most sardine fishermen consume similar foods on at home as on the boats. In

fact, most of these men do not cook at home either. With other types of fishermen this might vary a

bit. While their consumption on the job is quite different from what they would consume at home,

they perform limited cooking practices while off the job as well. Wilberto told me that fishermen

often only prepare fish (and meat) as they are the only ones who know how to prepare it. They know

what a good fish looks and tastes like and can therefore carefully distinguish what to buy at the Feria

or fish themselves. According to several cooks, this is exactly the reason why a lot of people do not

cook the fish at home; they lack the knowledge on how to choose, prepare and consume it. People

that have eaten supermarket fish will often argue that fish tastes awful. Similarly, if people have a

bad experience with the fish bought at the Feria they will often refrain from buying it again. They will

mostly leave it up to the restaurants –if they choose to consume fish at all. The place of consumption

and production (and preparation!) is thus of paramount importance when analysing food in relation

66

Attention: the people that live in rural areas or do not belong to the upper- and middle class mostly still consume these particular dishes in that way.

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to place. The next section will provide more of such examples, focussed on the influence

public/private place.

Place

One of the most interesting places where gender, food and place come together is the kitchen. Public

and private spaces, being more specific, generate an interesting analysis of how to rethink place in

general. For instance, how is one to properly define the sardine boat (or its kitchen)? How are

‘closed’ and open kitchen to be defined? How much do they really differ from domestic kitchen?

What if domestic kitchens are the same as

public kitchens? This last section will focus in

trying to answer the former questions.

The reason why I opt to rethink space is

because, not only is space multiple, it is being

used in various ways as well. In fact, the same

(or similar) places are part of numerous food

practices and vice versa. As mentioned

previously, kitchens are such places. One

striking example of different usages of kitchen

comes from the plant workers. The kitchen and

lunch area where Andres and Elena eat is quite

large and contains all the necessary

equipment; stove, ovens, fridges, tables, and a

big sink. There even is a separate eating area.

However, this area is filthy as they are drying

seaweed here.

There isn’t a table; it is an improvised wooden

board on some small pillars, there are plastic

filthy chairs and the sink is dirty as well. They

tell me this used to be the old factory until

recently; they switched to the building

opposite it. The kitchen for that matter is quite

dirty as well because there is a leakage and the sink is clogged. Additionally, there are no kitchen

utensils. I am not sure if this is the reason everyone brings in their own food, or if this is part of their

routine. The ‘kitchen’ where they work at in the factory is quite different. While it might not be

officially called a kitchen, it contains similar materials; it has several fridges and freezers, it has a

cooker67, tables, knives, sinks, pantries and storage areas.

67

A large machine where shellfish are put into to be cooked. It is automated.

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In contrary to the other kitchen, this one is really clean. Before and after each handling they clean all

surfaces, materials and even the floor. They themselves need to put on special gear (like cooks) so

that the plant remains clean. The processors told me they have often complained to the managers

that the area where they have to eat is not clean or pleasant to eat in at all. Ironically, in the other

area no consumption takes place. They continue to say that the managers barely listen, but have

cleaned up a bit. The workers tell me that the managers do not have lunch with them in the old

factory, instead, they either eat lunch in their offices or go somewhere else to eat. Thus both ‘public

kitchens’ that are only a few meters away from each other generate very different behaviour and

food practices. The processors embody and perform in both places, yet, act in a completely different

way. In one they handle the food of others, are required to put on a special uniform and work under

harsh conditions, while in the other they wear their ‘normal’ clothes and consume their foods as

prepared at home. The environment really does not invite to consume anything because of the

seaweed smell –it is awful. However, they told me that if they did not eat, it would be even worse as

they have to work until six each day.

The ‘cooker’ The working tables

Tim’s open kitchen is another one that reveals interesting information on public and private places.

He claims he has an open kitchen, but in reality the kitchen is still in a different room from the dining

area. Unlike Edgar’s actual open kitchen, his kitchen has a door. You can, however, look through the

glass window in the hall (that separates the dining area from the kitchen) and the door is see-through

and unlocked. Yet, it does not invite to come in as much as Edgar’s kitchen does, because his is

actually in the dining area. You could thus argue that Tim’s kitchen is semi-private. However, this

perspective changes when he gives his cooking classes in the kitchen. He only teaches groups that

have booked beforehand, thus not everyone can join. He gives his classes on Monday, when the

restaurant is officially closed. The classes take place around the big table in the kitchen area and of

course in the kitchen itself. The semi-private area of the kitchen then becomes public as people

actively perform in this area, yet, becomes private again as not everyone can join this select group.

The restaurant is closed, thus not open to the public, and people that do not belong to the group are

not allowed to join.

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The same goes for the sardine fishermen. The kitchen is technically on public ground, yet, the boat

belongs to someone else. Everyone who wants to become a sardine fisherman can join the crew, yet,

has to be selected. Once selected, they have access to the kitchen and therefore it is unlikely that

outsiders will set foot on the boat. Yet, I must remark that I did set foot in the kitchen and took a look

around the boat. Nevertheless, I did not consume or prepare anything in this kitchen, as that is the

area for the cook. However, I am not sure if they let in other types of passengers and invite them to

eat with them.

The consumption and production practices thus vary greatly among the different type of men in the

artisan fish network and are quite challenging to understand. Their practices gain even more

complexity if we look at their situation at home. Not only do their food practices vary, but their

gendered practices gain another dimension. For instance, it is not that their identity changes as much

as it morphs into something either closely related or completely different. Fisherman’s duties, for

example extend beyond the borders of their boats. The scuba diver, for example, actually barely

spends time on the boat. He swims in the deep waters and has to be aware of the sea lions and has

to pay attention that his scuba gear is fully functioning. When he is out of the water he might not be

concerned about his scuba gear, but rather how he can best sell the fish. He has to pay attention to

the weather as it determines if he can go fishing or not. Sardine fishermen have to contact shore

when they are approaching for the other men to unload the boat. Fishermen have to make sure all of

their gear is working and if not buy new ones. They have to negotiate with the ‘chanchos’ on the

beach in order for them to sell the fish, some have to help out at the caleta in order to sell fish on the

boardwalk. They have to take the fish out of the boat pick up their checks. Also, when fisherman’s

protests are going on, they generally take place on land, on the boardwalk or on the bridge. What

then first was seen as a relative private place of fishermen, becomes intertwined with other artisan

fishery ‘places’ and even with places that have no specific relation to the artisan fishery at all; it

becomes intertwined with other ‘lifeworlds’ of people engaged in completely different businesses.

Therefore, in the next section I will focus on the particular embodiment and practices these men

engage in when they operate between different types of ‘public’ and ‘private’ place.

Embodiment

The last element to consider when rethinking place is to analyse how we embody ourselves within it.

How can we come to think of bodies in relation to space in general? Can we use our bodies as a site

of contestation or even regulation? Can we consider our bodies to be a site or place at all?

As I argued in chapter 5, we must come to think of our bodies as active agents and as vital in

understanding our embodiments and performances. Our body is far more than just organic matter;

we have to consider our senses as well. When engaging in consumption practices, for example, our

senses become vital in determining our performances. For instance, I have extensively been told that

most Valdivians (and Chileans for that matter) do not like fish because of the following reasons:

price, preparation, smell and taste. Additionally, I observed that the consumption of fish is often

characterized as feminine. When looking closely, one can see that all reasons, with the exception of

price, have to do with our senses and embodiment. For instance, we might like how a fish dish is

presented to us, we might perhaps even like its smell. Nonetheless, once we actually consume it, we

might be overwhelmed with different emotions; we might not like its taste nor its texture and we

might perhaps feel the need to compensate this ‘feminine consumption practice’ by eating meat or

engaging in stereotypical masculine behaviour so that it does not affect our masculinity.

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The consumption of sushi, for instance, is an interesting one to analyse as well. Men will engage in

sushi eating practices but only in company of women (public or private). Two interviewees even told

me (even though they like the taste of sushi) that they consider the consumption of it being feminine

and they felt uneasy when consuming it without actual females around. Our senses might thus send

us ambiguous messages and even alter our behaviour accordingly. Taking this argument further, how

must we then properly define our senses? Since they are clearly connected to both spheres in which

we engage in, are they then public or private? Consequently, as they are ‘attached’ to our bodies,

how must we then consider our embodiment in general?

Since I have argued that the boundaries between public and private are blurring, and perhaps even

vanishing (Rosewarne, 2005), we must ‘move on’ from either defining and bounding the definition of

our bodies as such. Instead, we should consider revising how to interpret them in general. Thus, our

bodies are neither public nor private. They are, however, an active component of space just as space

is an active component of our body and senses as well. An aspect that until now has largely been left

untouched is the sexualisation of society. Throughout my research I noted that this phenomenon is

an important component of hegemonic masculinity and an active constituent of machismo as well.

For instance, when walking around town, I noted that a lot of clothing and department stores quite

clearly marked the difference between male and female clothing (and products). Female clothing was

frequently characterized by bright and colourful tones such as pink, red, and yellow. Contrastingly,

male clothing can be categorized with dark, sober colours such as blue, black, brown and grey. This

was the case in most clothing- and department stores in Valdivia. Accordingly, the type of clothes

that were offered for men, eased quite comfortable and simple. Women’s clothing, on the other

hand seemed to contain more diversity but nonetheless were marked by femininity; dresses, skirts,

flower patterns, etc. These stigmatizations were even more clearly marked in children’s clothing and

toys. For instance, I entered a regular shop where there was a small section of children’s toys; just

with one glance I knew which side was for girls and which side was for the guys. On the left side was

an array of dolls, Barbies and right next to is, is a kitchen set. A large box displaying a girl playing with

the kitchen and on both sides additional toys can be bought for the kitchen; fruits and vegetables

and a shopping kart. Right next to this ‘girl’s’ toy section, is the boys’ section. The colours of the toys

follow the same patterns as male and female clothing. Boy’s toys are mostly black, red and green

while girls’ toys are generally bright and pink. Interestingly enough, there are some dolls in the other

section as well, yet, these are famous action heroes that represent violence and protection. Iron

man, ninja turtles and spider man or re-occurring figures. Furthermore, this particular pile contains a

lot of racing cars, action figure costumes etc. while girls’ toys are usually marked by princesses or by

Disney’s female characters.

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Interestingly enough, these dichotomized notions of clothing and toys continue to dictate certain

associations and behaviour throughout the town as well. In the two largest department stores I saw

that the separation of male and female clothing was paired with certain other practices as well; the

female clothing was often on the same floor (or their accessories) as children’s clothing. Also, the

sweets and candy department could most always be found on this particular floor as well. Men’s

clothing, on the other hand was commonly situated next to the electronic and sports department.

These (not so subtle?) placements either consciously or not, affect our embodiments and behaviours.

For instance, I did find clothing stores that sold colourful clothes for men and ‘less’ feminine clothes

for women, but actually buying those clothes and putting them on sends a different message. Like a

cab driver once told me “a men in a pink shirt is considered gay and un-masculine”. People can thus

choose what they want to wear; because there is (a certain) availability of these clothes, yet, this

particular embodiment sends out a completely different message than if a man wore a black or a

blue shirt. These prejudices and stereotypes can be felt in all aspects of society, not only in clothing

and department stores. Certain posters and magazines around town also project certain images.

While walking past a large mechanic and outdoor/garden store, I saw a relatively big poster of a guy

wearing an apron, chefs’ hat and holding a

spatula in one hand and a paint brush in the

other. The guy had a moustache, black curls

and was a bit over weight. In the back you can

see a barbeque grill and half a painted garden

wall. The caption reads: “from paint master to

grill master”. What this image is saying, is the

fact that this man has the ability to be good at

working the grill, and conducting physical

labour in the garden; something outside of

the ‘domestic home’. Just like the asados, the

man is in charge of the grill. He is ‘cooking’ in

the open for everyone to see, but he is not ashamed because he is working with meat, fire and a grill;

which is manly. Painting the garden is also considered to be a masculine job as it is outside, hard

physical work is required. When looking at the colours of the shirt and apron this guy is wearing,

again, these are red and blue; dark colours that are so common for male clothing. Looking more

closely, one can see that he is actually performing a dual identity; he is a ‘cook’ (hence the cooks’

hat) and a carpenter at the same time. This store provides men with the opportunity to conduct and

engage themselves in both (rather masculine) performances.

The image projected on women, however, is quite different. When scanning through the different

magazines available at the kiosks, I found that most of them were directed towards women. They

were soap opera magazines that contained the latest gossip on their stars, fashion magazines,

knitting and cooking bundles, staying fit and losing weight magazines and more magazines on fashion

and gossip. Male magazines, however, were mostly geared towards staying fit, building up muscles,

cars etc. with only two or three magazines that focussed on fashion. Not surprisingly, this too is the

way men and women are projected in the town. Wilberto, for instance, told me about certain café’s

called “café con pierna”, meaning: café with legs. According to Wilberto, these bars are highly visited

by men, and most fishermen. The men pay for drinks for themselves and the girls and then enjoy the

company and dances of the scarcely dresses ladies. Wilie tells me that the alcoholic drinks the men

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order contain a lot more alcohol than the beverages the girls consume. This way, the men will get

drunk faster and spend more money. He says men like to observe the girls, flirt a bit and hope for

something more afterwards. Wilberto continues to say that there are quite a lot of these cafés in

Valdivia, the city centre has a handful of such

cafés, I have noticed. While this café only let’s

men interact and look at women, Wilberto says

there is also a lot of prostitution in Valdivia.

Apparently, the newspapers contain a rather large

section of women offering their services. These

services are not provided in any cafés or public

spaces, rather at home or in apartments that have

been dubbed as brothels. Wilberto can tell me

this as he has visited prostitutes himself. He says a

lot of men actually visit them because their sexual

needs are not fulfilled at home.

In general, the nightlife in Valdivia is marked by sexual images and behaviours. A lot of students tell

me that Chilean men are quite direct, they immediately go after their goal. They only chat a bit with

women before they move the conversation over to a motel or more ‘private’ space. Interestingly

enough, women pay less entrance fees at clubs than men. This way, the clubs are ensured enough

girls are inside. In the clubs music videos are played, the images commonly portray scarcely dressed

women and men surrounded by wealth, cars jewellery and of course, women. The lyrics in the songs

are often quite sexist as well, both towards men and women; they portray dichotomized views of

what men and women should dress and behave like. These binaries take a turn when looking at the

youths under twenty. Here I noticed a more diverse range of masculinities and femininities. For

example, not all girls dress ‘girlie’, there are a lot of goths in the town, or hippies that wear baggy and

dark clothes. The boys also have this new type of men they call ‘princesos’; a female version of the

word princess, yet not using the word prince. These guys are commonly compared to Barbies’ male

counterpart; Ken. He cares about his looks, wears brighter clothes and most of all is concerned by the

way he presents himself. He might be considered a bit more feminine, but none the less remains (in

most cases) a heterosexual male. Yet, the fact that these guys are called ‘princesos’ and not

something else, still hints to the fact that caring about looks and engaging in more feminine

behaviour is considered something feminine.

It is exactly these images that make up hegemonic masculinity and in a sense still steer machismo in

this town. While a lot of people claim machismo is ‘over’ because women now have decisive power

and work, does not mean other aspects of it have vanished. On the contrary, when reconsidering

masculinities, and therefore machismo, I found that including the positive counterpart of it revealed

a lot of information on how men and women are perceived in general. Machismo does not only

include the negative performances, chivalry and the ‘new’ family man are just as well part of

machismo. The way in which these public images are presented to men and women, influences how

they behave in all the ‘spaces’ they embody and perform. The embodiment of fisherman for

example, stays largely the same, I noticed. They wear warm and comfortable clothes to work

because it might get cold on the boat and they need to perform hard physical work. These men

usually live close to the water, in rural areas where the same weather conditions arise. The clothes

the people in rural areas wear is largely comparable to what these fishermen wear as they usually

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perform their jobs outside as well. The processors and managers in a sense dress the same as well

(under their gear) because the temperature in the factory is low (due to the freezers). The managers

often run in and out the fabric and also wear overalls and rubber boots. Wilberto dresses

comfortably as well, yet, he does not wear any gear as he barely enters the factory yet, most of the

time he drives the car. The cooks on the other hand, have diverging ways to embody themselves. The

majority of them wear a special ‘cooks outfit’ which is either white or black and head chefs wear a

big white hat. They sometimes wear their regular clothes under their uniform, but not always. In

their spare time they wear whatever they like. Most owners and cooks put on the stereotyped

masculine clothes, yet, I noticed the quality of the clothes was better than that of fisherman and in

most cases they looked a lot neater as well. Yet, it must be noted that most of these owners and

cooks spend most time in their uniform rather than in their ‘regular’ clothes. These uniforms then

become part of their everyday being rather than their other, perhaps more personal clothing. Yet,

when you work all the time, it becomes part of you, and so does your uniform. This typical ‘public’

clothing then might better ‘define’ them than their free-time clothing.

What I have tried to argue in this chapter is that the binary oppositions between public and private

cannot fully explain their relation to food and gender. This is mainly the case because gender and

food are subject to binaries as well. Instead, I opted to rethink space and acknowledge its social

character, its multiplicity, how it is gendered and most of all, how this has cause a shift in the

boundaries between public and private. These boundaries are in fact blurring, and we need not focus

on the separation, rather on the processes itself that make us question place in general. However, I

must add that it does not mean public and private space do not ‘exist’. People still derive meaning

from the boundaries they have created and through their embodiments and performances

constantly (re-)construct new meanings. It is therefore that one cannot properly define space, as it is

social and dynamic. Instead, as mentioned previously, by focussing on their (identification) processes

we might be able to better understand how aspects of place work.

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7.1 Limitations Just as any research, my thesis has some limitations as well, the most obvious one being gender

related. As a female exploring masculine identity constitutions, regarding gendered labour and

machista/masculine environments, already gives ground for contestation. Conversing, learning and

interacting with my interviewees (of the opposite sex) might alter several answers. In the paragraph

on ethics68 I described in more detail how I tried to overcome certain gendered limitations.

Second, as I found that fishermen are largely guided by the ‘myth’ that women bring bad luck on

boats, I therefore only spent a limited amount of time on the actual boats. While I did have several

informal chats with fishermen, given their non-communicative character, I could not engage in a

more formal interview or conversation with them. I did, however, receive a lot of help from ‘dual-

fishermen’, meaning that some men are partial fishermen and thus engage in multiple jobs, fishing

being one of them. In general they were more communicative and explained the industry that

surrounds the artisan fishery.

Third, I noticed that the artisan fishing industry is quite complex and broad. Even though my research

only focussed on a handful of people, their internal differences where nevertheless apparent. The

differences between the fishermen alone, for instance, could provide enough data for new research.

Hierarchal issues are at the basis of this analysis and, given the focus of my thesis, were not explored

with more depth. Nonetheless, I feel that they would provide useful insight into matters of gender,

food and space.

Lastly, though I conducted various interviews and took note of various observations, I wished I had

been able to engage in more participatory analyses as well, especially regarding the fishermen. While

I did participate in the kitchen and at the fish plant, I had hoped to help out a few more times and to

eventually be invited into their ‘personal homes’. I believe a conversation outside of the work sphere

would have added a lot of value to my findings, especially being able to compare food practices.

Current information on those practices were obtained from in-depth interviews, however, I could

have triangulated this information further by confirming it with third parties and by actually

observing my interviewees’ homes. Nonetheless, I admit it would have added another complexity to

my thesis.

7.2 Future research While I am content with the amount of detailed data I obtained from my research in Valdivia, I still

believe there is room to expand and complement my research. First of all, by providing recent data

on gender, food and masculinities and triangulated with the concept of identity, I feel various

researches could spin off and use this particular data to, perhaps, focus with more depth on the

reconceptualization of one of its elements.

Second, I still used several articles obtained from feminist literature. It would be useful and

interesting to explore more articles that focus on the masculine and machismo relation to food

outside of the predominant Western notions of gender.

Lastly, the components of the artisan fishing industry are complex. While I focussed on the artisan

fishing industry in general in Valdivia, we might be able to detect even more information on the

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subject/object relation regarding only one particular fish, or ‘node’ in this network. As mentioned in

the limitations, there is enough data to be found regarding similar concepts and explorations. It

would be interesting and useful to include or expand on issues of hierarchy and perhaps venture

more into the economic or environmental side by including in depth analysis on the new fish law that

artisan fishermen have to adhere to.

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8. Conclusion Through my discussion I have combined, analysed and compared my ethnographic data together

with the theories and concepts as proposed in my conceptual framework. I chose several methods

that I thought could best provide me with the tools and data to answer my research question;

How are masculine identities engaged within the artisan fish industry in Valdivia, Chile and how does

their relationship affect the existing division between public and private?

My thesis was guided by three sub-questions;

What is the material domain?

What is the socio-cultural domain?

What is the corporeal domain?

These three questions are part of the food domains as portrayed by Allen & Sachs (2007). I chose to

guide my thesis by these domains because from their essence, they contain all three elements I

wished to explore better throughout the artisan fishing industry: gender, food and place. However,

after conducting my research and analysing my data, I found that these food domains are far too

restrictive to include current and more encompassing terms of gender, food and place. In fact, I

found that the basis of this problem could be found in the mis-conceptualization of gender, food and

place in general. These terms are highly dichotomized and therefore subject to misinterpretation. We

should instead embrace their ambiguity and ‘rethink’ them in such a way that they morph into more

encompassing terms. Given the fact that Butler's (1988, 1990) terms of performance and

embodiment have served very useful in understanding and explaining gender, I found it even more

useful to use Nayak & Kehily's (2011) re-workings of Butler’s concepts into subversion, regulation

and embodiment. By questioning the status quo, looking at how these terms have been re-used and

regulated and finally how these terms are embodied in general, I believe this to be a more fitting way

as to use and define the three food domains. By focussing on their connection through social

processes and explanation rather than description, I found that assemblages and quasi-actants

provide us with the right tools to explore these matters. My findings are the following:

Masculinity

We should understand masculinity as a social constitution and thus subject to change. We should

understand masculinity as multiple. We should acknowledge that the boundaries between

masculinity and femininity are blurring. We should acknowledge machismo as deeply intertwined

with masculinity.

Food

We should understand food as a social constitution and thus subject to change. We should

acknowledge that food is gendered. We should understand that we affect food and that food affects

us. We should understand that we are connected to food through our physical and mental bodies.

Place

We should understand place as a social constitution and thus subject to change. We should

acknowledge that place is gendered. We should acknowledge that place is multiple. We should

understand that the boundaries between public and private space are blurring and perhaps even

vanishing. We should understand that this has resulted in our de-territorialisation from place.

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Through my ethnography I already tried to include several other aspects that I felt were part of the

food domains, yet, were not considered as part of the original domains as proposed by Allen & Sachs

(2007).

The material domain

According to Allen & Sachs (2007), the material domain contains information on the production and

consumption of food, of its labour force and about the commodity chain. Yet, the actual material

people use and the way they use them for their food practices are not considered. I argue that

following linear chains of construction and all-encompassing frames of reference are too rigid to

cover all aspects that belong to any of the domains. We need to consider the effects and affects of

actual material on us and our practices (and vice versa) in order to better comprehend how our lives

are intertwined with them.

The socio-cultural domain

The definition Allen & Sachs (2007) have given to the socio-cultural domain includes aspects of

gender, race, class and ethnicity, gendered labour and the meaning behind the practices of everyday

life that are principally guided by the former. I largely agree with this definition in the sense that the

meaning that is given and drives our behaviour is crucial in understanding why it is we do certain

things. However, Allen & Sachs operate from a feminist perspective, and therefore their research and

focus is limited to the female aspects that concern the socio-cultural domain. It is therefore that their

scope has mainly been limited to spaces that concern females. They are focussed on household

chores and the restrictiveness of space rather than to go beyond the delimiting aspect of it and

including broader features as well. Lastly, this domain does not include notions of masculinity nor

machismo and is principally driven by Western ideas on (dichotomized) gender, in specific

femininities.

The corporeal domain

Lastly, the original definition of the corporeal domain includes the nutritional aspects of food

(through a feminist lens; driven by a problematic relation of women towards food) and its affects on

their bodies. I do follow this concept in the sense that it acknowledges a reciprocal and processual

relationship between our bodies and food. However, how this relationship is established, what these

connections actually are and how they take form is neglected by the authors. By including concepts

such as performance, actions and embodiments I found that this processual relationship could be

captured best. Additionally, by exploring the several effects our senses can have on our

performances and embodiments, the corporeal domain would expand to a more encompassing

sphere as to observe our (corporeal) relation to food and place.

The re-working of these domains has led me towards creating borderless spheres of interaction. I

was pushed into this direction as I found that the domains did not allow me to go into further detail

on the interaction between them, which is exactly what Barth (1966) argues. In fact, the word –

domain- is far too restrictive in itself. It suggests a pre-determined space of interaction, subject to

context (as Schatzki (2002) argues) and in a sense, supports the dichotomisation of gender, food and

place. Nonetheless, I must argue that the essence of these food domains have helped me

tremendously in capturing the different facets that are crucial in understanding how masculinities

have been involved in the artisan fish network. In fact, they are at the basis of answering my research

159

question. By re-working and re-constructing these initial domains into more encompassing spheres

of interaction, I was able to answer the following question;

How are masculine identities engaged within the artisan fish industry in Valdivia, Chile and how does

their relationship affect the existing division between public and private?

Gender, food and place are socially assembled; therefore they are part of gendered identities, which

in turn are (socially) co-constituted through gender identifications; these can better be understood

through an assemblage of quasi-actants whom try to go beyond dichotomous definitions and linear

representations of gender, food and place and in turn develop a sense of de-territorialisation. By

focussing on explanation rather than description we are able to move beyond the restrictive borders

of binary oppositions and are able to consider ambiguous processual relations between them. By

analysing the artisan fish industry of Valdivia through these borderless spheres of interaction, I was

able to understand how the masculine identity is constituted through its gendered identification,

which takes place through a dynamic, fluid and social relationship between gender, food and place.

160

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Websites:

Chile’s import and export graph: https://atlas.media.mit.edu/en/ retrieved: 16-04-2015

Chile’s import and export numbers and facts:

http://www.economywatch.com/world_economy/chile/export-import.html retrieved: 16-04-2015

Mom and Pop stores definition: http://www.investopedia.com/terms/m/momandpop.asp retrieved:

19-06-2015

Munivaldivia; information on Isla Teja:

http://www.munivaldivia.cl/www/municipal_valdivia/index.php?option=com_content&view=article

&id=424&Itemid=608&lang=es retrieved: 22-03-2015

Reportes Comunales; information on Valdivia’s demographics:

http://reportescomunales.bcn.cl/2012/index.php/Valdivia#Poblaci.C3.B3n_total_2002_y_proyectada

_2012_INE retrieved: 22-03-2015

Sub-Pesca; information on Chile’s fish law: http://www.subpesca.cl/prensa/601/w3-propertyvalue-

2832.html retrieved: 10-05-2014

The Fish Site: information on Chile’s fish consumption:

http://www.thefishsite.com/fishnews/19178/fish-consumption-in-chile-is-less-than-eight-per-cent-

of-all-meat/ retrieved: 16-04-2015

Valdivia’s location map:

https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%81rea_costera_protegida_Punta_Curi%C3%B1anco retrieved: 20-

06-2014

All photo’s included in this thesis were taken by Daniela Schoorl.

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Appendix

INTERVIEW 1

How did you start this business?

Can you explain the general routine?

What are your obligations/tasks?

Tell me about your employees.

Tell me about the dishes/product.

Tell me about the fish sold in this restaurant/caught.

What about fish in general in Chili?

What was your connection to fish growing up?

How do you see your home: extension of work or separate?

What are your tasks/obligations at home?

Where is it located?

165

INTERVIEW 2

What do you like about your job? – what is the most fun/fulfilling part of the job?

What don’t you like about your job? –how do you deal with that?

What are the differences between home/work?

What are the differences between your colleagues/friends/family – in your interaction?

Compare yourself to other male workers/family/friends – where do you differ/cross paths?

Name the different food practices you perform at home and at work.

How is the hierarchy divided at home and at work?

Compare yourself to other people in the business – what do you like/not like, what are the

similarities/differences?

What do you think about the connection of sociality and food?

What meaning does place have for you? Vital or is the sociality that is more important?

Where do you feel most comfortable? Where do you feel you can express yourself the best?

Gendered space? – examples

How does taste play a role in your life/job?

How does health play a role in your life/job?

What makes you most happy?

Ask to e-mail me their favourite (Fish) recipe explaining why.