1

Legacy of Slavery and Indentured Labour

Conference on:

Bonded Labour, Migration, Diaspora and Identity Formation

In Historical and Contemporary Context

Conference Organisers:

The Institute for Graduate Studies and Research (IGSR),

Social Science Research Institute (IMWO) of the Anton de Kom

University of Suriname,

in collaboration with the National Archives Suriname (NAS),

Venue and Date:

Stardust Hotel, Paramaribo, Suriname, 6-10 June 2013

Title of Paper:

The use of protective talismans by Indian indentureds and

their descendants,

with reference to enslaved Africans

Presenter:

Ms. Shalima Mohammed,

2

Department of Liberal Arts and Human Services

College of Science, Technology and Applied Arts of Trinidad

& Tobago (COSTAATT)

The use of protective talismans by Indian indentureds and

their

descendants, with reference to enslaved Africans

Abstract - Little or no psychological research has been done

on the spiritual world of Indian immigrants, enslaved Africans

and their respective descendants, with special reference to the

use of talismans. Talismans are used in all religious traditions,

both past and present. In Trinidad and Tobago, talismans in the

Hindu and Muslim spiritual world take the form of tabeej, and are

made by pandits and imams to heal, protect and empower their

bearers.

This preliminary paper is based on interviews with seven (7)

spiritualists of the Hindu and Muslim faiths who make tabeej, and

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seventeen (17) persons who use or have used them. The paper

examines the configuration of these talismans, the reasons for

their creation, their dedicated purpose, when and how they should

be used, and the extraordinary powers with which they are

believed to be vested. This paper also reveals the problems that

may have afflicted indentured Indians and enslaved Africans to

secure a talisman for protection from danger and harm, and to

repel evil and bad luck. The research suggests that the tradition

continues with their descendants today because spiritualists

integrate religious conviction with a form of cognitive therapy

to increase their clients’ power of belief in the self and their

ability to cope with the stressors of life.

Keywords – Indian Indentureship; African slavery; Hinduism;

Islam; spiritual tradition; talismans; psychology; Trinidad and

Tobago.

Correspondence – Ms. Shalima Mohammed, 16 Balisier Street, Couva, Trinidad & Tobago, West Indies,

Home tel: (868) 679-7768. Mobile tel: (868) 381-0386 E-mail:

sentra046@hotmail.com

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The use of protective talismans by Indian indentureds and

their

descendants, with reference to enslaved Africans

Within recent times, there has been a noticeable increase in

occultism. Astrology, psychic readings, numerology, palmistry

and talismans are increasingly being offered via numerous

websites such as http://www.horoscope.com/, all forms of the

local electronic and print media in the miscellaneous ads

section, as well as spiritualists. Talismans in particular, are

used in all religious traditions, both past and present.

Talismans according to the Rev. C.W. King1 was in olden times, by

its very nature a sigil 2 or symbolic figure, whether engraved in

stone or metal, or drawn upon parchment or paper, and was worn

both to procure love and to avert danger from its possessor.

There is evidence to suggest these objects were brought to

this region by both Muslims and Hindus during slavery and

Indentureship. Africans were forced to migrate to this hemisphere

under a system of enslavement which lasted some four hundred

(400) years. Of all the Africans who crossed the Atlantic,

1 Cited by Thomas and Pavitt, 19222 A sign or image that is supposed to have a magical power

5

between 4% and 14 % was Muslim3 , a large proportion of which

were brought from Ghana in West Africa. Halper (2004) observed

talismans being used in Ghana to avoid danger from physical

attack. She wrote:

A twentieth-century warrior’s shirt from Ghana is covered with such amulets, each sewn into a case and separately attached to the garment. The great collector Katherine White described the contents of the packets on a similar shirt: “passages from the Koran, magic leopards’ teeth, bells, a string heart, and a shrivelled sheep’s vitals . . . . They say, dressed in such, a Ghanaian can face a machine gun in total safety.4

From 1838, East Indians ‘freely migrated’ to this region as

indentured labourers and continued to do so for some seventy-two

(72) years. Of the 45,800 Indians in Trinidad in 1891, 60% were

Hindu and 13% were Muslim, the remainder being Christian,

Buddhist and other faiths.5 Numerous websites based in India

promote talismans for a wide range of purposes and supply them

commercially.

For enslaved Africans as well as indentured Indians, the

inhumane conditions which they had to endure aboard the ships and

3 Buck-Morss 2009:141 cited by Khan, A., 20124 Halper, V., 20045 East Indian immigration & Indentureship records (Trinidad)

6

on the fields did not suggest that the wearer was completely

protected from danger or helped by talismans. Even so, the

talisman remains a cultural feature among descendants and like

astrology and psychic readings; the phenomenon is a “contemporary

supernatural component of mainstream rather than marginalised

social groupings”.6

In Trinidad and Tobago, talismans in the Hindu and Muslim

spiritual world take the form of tabeej, and are made by pandits,

imams and other knowledgeable Hindus and Muslims who will be

referred to as spiritualists in this context. There is a need to

determine the purpose for which tabeej are still in use among the

present generation. Do users effectively solve their problems and

remedy their ills through the use of a tabeej? Do pandits, imams

and spiritualists actually empower these objects, or are there

psychological implications in the prolonged use of tabeej?

To address these research questions, interviews were

conducted with seventeen (17) persons who currently use or have

used tabeej and seven (7) persons of the Hindu and Muslim faiths

6 Canetti & Pedahzur, 2002

7

that make them. The study is intended to examine the

configuration of these tabeej, the reasons for their creation,

their dedicated purpose, when and how they should be used, and

the extraordinary powers with which they are believed to be

vested. The other aim of the study is to reveal the problems that

may have afflicted enslaved Africans and indentured Indians to

secure a tabeej and identify instances of similar problems which

may exist in contemporary society. But the main goal of the

research is to uncover why the tradition continues with their

descendants today.

Literature review

Little or no psychological research has been done on the

spiritual world of Indian immigrants, enslaved Africans and their

respective descendants, with special reference to the use of

tabeej. In her coverage of religious syncretism in Haiti, Aisha

Khan (2012) alludes to the possibility of the tabeej being used

to perpetuate the authority of spiritualists and more

importantly, its use as a vehicle to carry coded messages to

incite slave revolts. The political assumption is not so

farfetched based on the findings of Canetti and Pedahzur (2002).

8

Their study focused on how super naturalist beliefs could be

honed by spiritualists to influence public political sentiments

in Israel. Their main finding was that some people are more

psychologically inclined to persuasion through symbolism, than

others.

Belief in the power of the talisman is emphasised by

Schaverein (2011) and Stevenson (1994) who found it is not really

the object, but the meaning drawn from emotional attachment to it

which is perhaps attributable to its use value transcending time.

Another perspective on the significance of the talisman to the

user is considered by Zuhra Bahman (2010). She points to the

impracticality of believing in objects created by so called

spiritualists acting as conmen to enhance their positions of

wealth and influence. By contrast, Kim, Sherman and Ko, (2006)

found spiritualists may be a means of social support, which

originated from cultural tradition. The implications of the

cultural tradition in the local context are worth exploring.

This research is unique to Trinidad and perhaps, the Caribbean

region. It is both qualitative and quantitative and makes use of

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psychological concepts to explain how pandits, imams,

spiritualists and their clients use tabeej.

Method

Participants

For this preliminary research, a representative sample of

twenty-four (24) persons was interviewed from the population

concentrated in central and southern Trinidad. The sample

consisted of seven (7) makers and seventeen (17) clients of

varying ages. Respondents were randomly selected from a cross-

section of the Hindu and Muslim communities, who compose and who

wear tabeej. Ten (10) religious leaders were asked to

participate. Three (3) of them declined because they did not

offer tabeej as a means to assist with problems. Fifty (50)

people were asked to share their experiences but only seventeen

(17), all of East Indian descent, responded affirmatively. Of the

thirty-three (33) who did not respond, the following reasons were

given:

The information is too personal to share (10) Do not and have never used tabeej (10)

10

Talking would bring back memories they would rather suppress (8)

Could not remember details (5)

Among participants who make tabeej, the youngest was a forty-two

(42) year old pandit and the oldest was an eighty-two (82) year

old imam. Of the respondents who use or have used tabeej, the

youngest was a twenty (20) year old male Muslim technician and

the oldest was a sixty-three (63) year old female pursuing a

Bachelor’s degree in graphic arts. The majority of participants,

as is depicted in Figure 1, were between thirty (30) to forty-

nine (49) years of age.

Figure 1 Graphic illustration of the age ranges of participants

20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-69 70-79 80-89 0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

Clients AgeMakers Age

11

Respondents who wore or currently wear tabeej comprised both

males and females of the Hindu and Muslim faiths, some of whom no

longer use tabeej and others who acquired tabeej as recently as

early March of this year. From Figure 2, it is clear females are

prescribed more tabeej than males.

Figure 2 Summary of participants’ gender, belief system and

extent of use of tabeej

Categor

y

Gender Belief system Extent of use

Males Females Tota

l

Hinduism Islam Tota

l

Past Current Tota

l

Users of

tabeej

3

17.64%

14

82.36%

17 8

47.06%

9

52.94%

17 9

52.94%

8

47.06%

17

Produce

rs

of

tabeej

7

100%

0 7 5

71.43%

2

28.57%

7 3

30%

0 3

Total 10 14 24 13 11 24 12 8 20

Out of seventeen (17) participants categorised as users,

82.36% were female. By comparison 100% of those who make tabeej

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were males. An almost equal number of Hindus and Muslims in the

central and southern areas of Trinidad had used or are using a

tabeej. Likewise the numbers of former and current users of

tabeej are on par. However, the study showed a significant

disparity among producers of tabeej. Of those who responded from

central and southern Trinidad, 42.86% more Hindus produce tabeej

than Muslims and only 30% of them ever used a tabeej. None of the

men who make tabeej currently wear one.

Design

The research was undertaken using the semi-structured

personal interview method. This approach was preferred for the

following reasons: First, it is an effective means of capturing

the experiences and attitudes of participants with respect to the

use and manufacture of tabeej. Second, it is an interactive means

of data collection and, third, it is intended to be the source of

baseline data for extended research. To collect the data, semi-

structured interviews were administered both personally and over

the telephone in an uncontrolled setting. Specific open-ended

questions were posed to participants [Appendices 1 and 2]. These

questions allowed informants to speak freely about their

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experiences on specific issues. A content analysis on their

responses was done.

One limitation is probable inaccuracy of information

provided by former users because of faulty memory due to the

passage of time. There was also the limitation of nondisclosure

of experiences which may have been unpleasant or embarrassing.

The findings cannot be generalised to the population because the

study is based on a small sample concentrated only in central and

southern Trinidad. The respondents constituted those of East

Indian heritage only because descendants of enslaved Africans who

make or use tabeej in this part of the island, did not respond.

It must be noted however, that producers of tabeej have confirmed

there are people of African heritage within their client base.

This is true for pandits, imams and the Muslim spiritualist who

participated. However, no one of African heritage responded to my

invitation to participate, which was circulated using social

media.

The choice of social media was limited to Facebook via the

‘Muslims of T&T’ page and electronic mail. This narrow field may

have excluded tabeej users of African descent who subscribe to

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other forms of social media. In the extended research to be done

next year, other forms of invitation will be devised to reach

more members of African descent. Participants were also invited

to be part of the research via word of mouth. Of all those who

agreed to participate, 90% responded to word of mouth requests. A

total of twenty-four (24) persons were interviewed, comprising

seventeen (17) people who used tabeej and seven (7) people who

produce tabeej.

RESULTS

Configuration of tabeej

The general consensus among both Hindu and Muslim makers of

talismans is ‘tabeej’ refers to the final product. The tabeej

case is made of metal – commonly silver or stainless steel, gold

plated or brass and combinations of these metals. The shape is

irrelevant according to local pandits, imams and spiritualists.

While commerce may dictate the shape and form of modern talisman

vessels shown in Figure 3, the influence of the ancient cultures

from which both indentured Indians and enslaved Africans emerged,

15

is suggested in the very appearance of common talisman

containers.

Figure 3 Tabeej cases

The arrow head shape of some receptacles date back to the

Neolithic period and “was thought to protect the wearer from evil

eye and disease”.7 The design of the gold case with interlaced

triangles has implications for followers of both polytheistic and

monotheistic religions. The triangles perhaps refer to the Hindu

7 Thomas & Pavitt, 1922

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Trinity that is Brahma the Creator, Vishnu the Preserver and

Shiva, the Destroyer or Regenerator.8 In the Jewish tradition,

the seal of the Prophet Solomon is revered. The seal is an

interlaced triangle which was worn for protection against all

casualties, dangers, and mischief, and to preserve its wearer

from all evil.9 The use of tabeej by Muslims, according to an

imam who participated in this study, is ascribed to a tradition

which began with the Prophet Solomon.

In response to what goes into a tabeej Imam A. A.10 replied

succinctly, “the words of God”. This is the broad consensus;

however the words of God differ based on the religious persuasion

of the respective attending maker. Pandits write a Jhantar which

is either a Mantra11 in Sanskrit or a Jantra or Yantra shown in

Figure 4. The Yantra is the numerical equivalent of a mantra.

8 An assertion made by Thomas & Pavitt, 19229 ibid10 Names have been withheld to protect the identity of informants11 Mantra is a Sanskrit word which literally means mind-tool. It is thought toaffect the mind because they are words or vibrations which instil one-pointed concentration in the devotee when chanted. hinduwebsite.com. online

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Figure 4 Specimen of Yantra to be used in a tabeej

Imams write a Taweez which is either a Duah 12[supplication]

or Kalima 13[affirmation] in Arabic or a numerical Naqsh14 like the one

shown in Figure 5. 12 The closest English translation is supplication, but the latter is insufficient to clearly explain the meaning of the word. Duah can be best understood as calling out to the Creator in worship, appealing directly for empowerment; relief from troubles or giving gratitude for the Creator’s bounties. Stacey, “islamreligion.com”. 13 A Kalima is an affirmation of the fundamental beliefs of Islam. There are 6common Kalimas which affirm that Allah is the only God; none is worthy of worship except Allah; there is no Might or power except Allah; Allah who is alone gives life and causes death; Allah is the knower of that which is hiddenand he can forgive sins or conceal sins and lastly, Allah’s protection can be sought when one repents and seeks forgiveness. “Itsislam.net”. 14 The Naqsh is a numerical representation of an entire Quranic Surah. Imam A.A., 2013.

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Figure 5 Specimen of a tabeej prescribed for protection, containing a

Naqsh

According to Imam A.A. “The numbers represent the words of

Almighty God”. He explained, “The numbers 687, represent Bismillah-

hir-rahman-nir-Raheem which means I begin in the name of God, most

gracious, most merciful”.

In trying to clarify why numbers are used he said,

They (inspired persons) have arrived at that...thenumerical taweez is the word of God but in numericalorder, I can’t explain it more than that. This was

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inspired to people who were given the knowledge byGod. You have guidelines. The books (from which hecopies Naqsh) were written by these inspired personsstarting from the Prophet Suleiman (Solomon). Godgave him the knowledge because he asked Almighty Godfor such a gift that you (God) have not yet given toa Prophet before and you will give to no Prophetafter me. He used it to control the jinns.

The imam’s description of the relationship between the

Naqsh and the powers allegedly granted to the Prophet

Solomon, could account for why the tabeej is said to protect

wearers from evil jinns.

Whether it is a jhantar or taweez, the composer writes on

paper; either Bhojpatra sheets like that in Figure 6 or parchment

paper.

Figure 6 Bhojpatra sheet

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Bhojpatra is the actual bark of the Himalayan birch tree

which peels off in very thin, almost transparent white to

brownish strips. It is imported from India and is reportedly

scarcely available now. In clarifying the need for a special type

of paper Pandit S. M., who has been practicing for over thirty-

five (35) years said,

Bhojpatra is part of the material that will make a tabeej spiritually viable, giving it strength and purpose. You cannot just use any paper, for it to be longlasting; so it cannot be copied; for it to have the best quality; for its right purpose. You do not take just any type of paper and make a tabeej.

The need for a special type of paper is corroborated by both

a pandit and an imam each with over fifty (50) years experience.

Parchment paper is an alternative and is more widely available,

hence more commonly used. Among younger pandits though, the

practice is to use any clean paper.

The writing instrument and ink are also significant to elder

makers of tabeej. Imam A. A. currently writes taweez using ink

which he calls India black. When he cannot get it he uses a black

carbon pen, like most pandits. But he remarked, special ink is

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required, “that is free from impurities”. He advised that

historically, the ink used to write taweez, was made of a

combination of zaffron powder, mushq and rose water. The zaffron he

said is “a crystal looking powder and mushq is a fine, brown

powder”. Both were mixed to get the desired colour. He said,

unfortunately, “I don’t get it [zaffron] anymore” hence his use

of ‘India black’ ink or a carbon pen.

Pandit S. M. warned, “You are supposed to use a special

pen”. His is a feather, illustrated in Figure 7 or the stick of

an anar [pomegranate] tree, sharpened and dipped into India black

ink. He said, a ball point pen is not advisable, because “you do

not write two (2) tabeej with the same pen”. When asked why not,

the pandit said it was an instruction he got which he never

questioned. This is a practice which differs though because

other pandits did not mention the need for a special pen. A

Muslim spiritualist, who is not an imam, discounted the use of a

special pen, going so far as to use photocopies of duah and

kalima which he cut out and placed into the tabeej cases.

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Figure 7 Pandit’s notebook illustrating jantra, piece of Bhojpatra (brown), piece of parchment paper (white) and feather used to write jhantar.

There were notable differences among some pandits and

between pandits and imams regarding what accompanies the jhantar

and taweez into the tabeej case. Of the five (5) pandits

interviewed, three (3) of them variously include a combination of

sandalwood powder, mustard seeds, sindoor [vermillion powder],

hardee [turmeric], clove and ashes collected after havan15. The

other two pandits inserted only jhantars into the tabeej vessel,

while the imam and Muslim spiritualist inserted taweez only.

15 Pandit D.M. (2013) Havan is a sacrificial fire through which it is thought,one can connect with divinity.

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Reasons for creation of tabeej

Pandit D. M. summed up the sentiments of all seven (7)

producers interviewed, indicating tabeej is requested by some

people for “protection from external forces which are

inexplicable to them”. In clarifying whether tabeej is prescribed

only upon request, the responses differed. According to pandit D.

M., “tabeej is guided by astrology and astronomy. When someone

comes to check their patra16 they ask for it [a tabeej].” Pandit

R. M. agreed about the role of patra saying, tabeej “has to be

made on a particular day based on patra, using one’s date of

birth, time of birth and planetary alignment at the time”.

However, he advised “if you could chant it (mantra) and learn it

by heart; that is preferred”. He said, “People will come to you

who do not know Hindi, so you give them this” (the tabeej).

The two (2) Muslim holy men, who were interviewed, echoed

pandit R. M.’s reason for giving a tabeej. They said their 16 Pandit R. Balbadar, (2009) The Patra is a calendar which has the name of the Hindu year; the commencement of each fortnight; the position of the sun, moon and zodiac signs; the dates for religious observances; auspicious dates and time for commencing projects. It is also used to determine the birth sign and name of a child. Guyana Chronicle Online, 2009

24

clients are of various faiths, ages, gender and ethnicity; some

of whom had the ability and knowledge to recite Arabic. For those

with the knowledge, both imam and spiritualist would recommend

the appropriate surahs [chapters of the Holy Quran], duahs and

kalimas for them to recite. But for those who were not

knowledgeable, they would be given a tabeej.

Dedicated purpose for tabeej

According to Imam A. A., “every human being has a problem

and it is sometimes beyond their scope and beyond their

intelligence. Therefore they seek knowledge from others who have

the experience”. He continued, “Tabeej removes and protects,

spiritually”. In response to the query, “how does it do this?” he

said “the tabeej helps to build that will power, builds

confidence in you that yes, I have the word of Allah with me, I

could go far”.

In responding to what the tabeej is used for, Imam A. A.

said, “if you have a headache there is a tabeej for that. If you

have a belly ache, there is a tabeej for that”. Interestingly

N.M., who has been using a tabeej for four (4) years “for

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protection against jinns,”17 offers a probable account for the

relationship among the tabeej, belly ache and head ache. He said,

“The jinns enter the body through your stomach and then make

their way to your head to interfere with your mind”. This point

will be elaborated on further in the discussion. The other makers

of tabeej who were interviewed identified the following various

purposes for tabeej:

Court problems Marital problems Loss of job For success in endeavours For children for exams Protection (spiritual)

Pandit M. M. expressed his opinion into the purpose for tabeej in

this way, “The mantras and havan are what fixes the problem, but

you have to give them [clients] something to believe it [prayers]

will work. [But] You [the client] have to have the belief. If you

don’t have the belief, nothing will work for you”.

17 Pickthall, (1983) Jinns are named in the Holy Quran as creations. Surah Al-Hijr 15:26-27 states, “Verily We (Almighty God) created man of potter's clay of black mud altered, And the jinn did we create aforetime of essential fire”.

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All tabeej makers conveyed the same message, that is, that

the tabeej on its own does not solve the problem. According to

pandit S. M., “To my mind, honestly, people’s mind is played upon

with a tabeej, but faith and belief brings about results”. Mr. N.

M., who is a Muslim spiritualist, is of the same opinion. He

says, “Non-believers (non-Muslims) are given tabeej (by him) for

spiritual protection”. To Muslim clients who can read Arabic, he

recommends the relevant surahs from the Quran for them to read

and recommends duahs to offer in prayer.

Tabeej he said “is for unguarded moments”, when the wearer did

not pray. He continued, “Tabeej is a temporary mind relief, but

prayer is better. You have to pray”.

When and how tabeej should be used

The seven (7) makers of tabeej advise their clients to wear

the tabeej at all times with the following exceptions:

During bath time When having sexual relations When women are in their menses

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Following a bath, the client must put it on again. After

intercourse, the client is advised to bathe then reattach the

tabeej to his or her clothing. Once the bleeding stops, a woman

can continue to use her tabeej.

On how it is to be used, Imam A. A. says,

The tabeej is effective as long as you keep it within the range. That is why it is advisable to keep it on their (wearers) neck or women should pin it on their bra and men should pin on their merino or inside their shirt. Always wear it above the navel. Keep yourself pureand clean at all time. After being with the wife, a man can’t just come and put it on carelessly. Bathe before you put it on. Smoke it (with Lobhan [incense]) to refresh it. When it is that time for women, there is impurity there and ... somewhere down the line; you may touch it (the tabeej). [So don’t wear it during the menses because] You want to keep it (the tabeej) pure andclean.

Extraordinary powers believed to be vested.

All makers of tabeej, who participated in the study,

commented that it is not the talisman in itself which is so

powerful. The two youngest pandits both asserted, they did not

believe in the potency of tabeej. However, in trying to explain

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why the wearers have the impression that the tabeej are endowed

with powers, pandit D. M. explained, “The energetic force in the

person (client) meshes with the individual who makes and delivers

it, all through the grace of God”. He added, “Just like gem

therapy and touch therapy, the energy of the individual is

activated, causing a physiological and psychological change.

Eventually, the individual is motivated to get back into

activity...which is karma”. This explanation from pandit D. M.

is in agreement with the notion of psychosocial psychologist Carl

Jung, who makes a similar assertion about man and his symbols.

The point will be addressed further in the discussion.

Effectiveness of tabeej as a solution to problems

No participant in this study could ascertain with any degree

of certainty, how a tabeej helped to resolve a problem. This

uncertainty is partly due to the fact that none of the seventeen

(17) participants used the tabeej in isolation. It was part of a

process and was in general, the final element. Respondent Bav was

told she was going through “blight”. The pandit did graha 18 puja

18 Graha is roughly translated as planets. Hinduism recognises 9 grahas which are directly related to every area of individual and collective life. Maharishi Vedic astrology

29

and gave her the tabeej. Respondent SherA had to visit the pandit

every evening for one (1) week so he could jaray19 her. She would

then return to her home and recite a specific mantra every

evening for that week. At the end of the week, the pandit gave

her the tabeej.

Respondent Nad visited a Muslim spiritualist who advised

there was “a problem (spiritual) with the house”. She and her

family had to clean the entire house and mop it out with a

special blend of liquids. The same mixture was then used in the

final stage of ablution. When all family members were showered,

they visited the spiritualist to be jarayed. The process of

mopping and jaraying was done for six (6) days after which each

family member was given a tabeej for protection. Respondent E. J.

also visited the spiritualist who prescribed a similar procedure.

The only additional feature for E. J. involved ‘smoking out’ the

house with lobhan. ‘Smoking out’ was meant to rid the house of

any evil spirits within it. After five (5) days he was given the

19 To jaray is to heal by stroking with broomsticks (Hindu custom) or to blow on the person 3 times after reciting Quranic verses (Muslim custom).

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tabeej and advised to make duah daily to seek protection and

guidance.

In addition to being uncertain about the effectiveness of

tabeej due to its use being part of a process, participants did

not fully understand the concept of tabeej. The inability to

comprehend the alleged power of the object prevented participants

from knowing what kind of changes could prove the tabeej worked.

Respondents presented a variety of problems which are summarised

in Figure 8.

Figure 8 Problems reported

Problems reported for

which tabeej was

prescribed

# of Male

participa

nts

# of

Female

participa

nts

Medical complications 0 7

Financial, social, interpersonal and academic

1 5

Negativity and emotions 0 2

Jinns 2 0

Total 3 14

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Of the seven (7) females told that their medical

complications originated from spiritual interference, only one

attributed relief to sole use of the tabeej. Respondent Sar, is a

thirty-six (36) year old female teacher of east Indian descent.

She is a Hindu like her parents, but her husband is not. She is a

mother of two (2) and sought assistance during her last

pregnancy: “Last year while I was pregnant, I encountered some

problems and doctors were not able to explain why certain things

happened. Our pandit however had an explanation”. She elaborated

only enough to say that the cause was ‘spiritual interference’.

Sar said that she started wearing a tabeej on the advice of

her mother-in-law and initially, “just went with the flow”.

However, after wearing the tabeej for some time, she said she

felt, “safer and protected”. Sar explained, “It is [like] a

prayer to me that is always with me”. She said, “I try to wear

it at all times, but more so, when I leave my home.” Sar

explained she will not step into her front yard without wearing

her tabeej, and on occasions when she did, she started to panic.

When asked how the tabeej has helped her, she replied, “I am now

32

the proud mother of a healthy baby boy after a nerve wracking

pregnancy”. “I will encourage my children to always wear it”.

While Sar attributes her feelings of safety to the tabeej,

she compares it to a prayer. In doing so she gives the prayer

more significance, yet, instead of promoting reliance on prayers,

she expressed an intention to promote the use of the tabeej to

her children. There appears to be an absence of clear

understanding into how each one helped her; a trend among

participants who believed the tabeej helped them in some way.

Not everyone was as convinced the tabeej helped with a

medical complaint. Respondent Zor is a 63-year-old female graphic

arts student. She is of European heritage but has been resident

in Trinidad for thirty-nine (39) years. She moved to Trinidad

after marrying a Trinidadian-born Hindu of East Indian descent.

She is a mother of four (4). Zor was taken by her husband to a

Hindu female spiritualist some thirty (30) years ago after

numerous doctors failed to resolve her of a debilitating medical

condition. The spiritualist, she said, gave her “an object in a

little yellow sack” and told her to wear it pinned under her

33

clothing, removing it only to shower. She was advised that the

source of her problem was spiritual. Asked whether she felt any

difference after wearing the tabeej, she replied, “No, but at the

time, I was hoping anything would work”. In response to the query

into how the tabeej has helped her, she said simply, “It did not,

over thirty (30) years later; I’m still in a wheel chair”.

Yet another view was that the tabeej was effective in

changing the wearer’s mindset. Respondent T. R. is a thirty (30)

year old Hindu male who said that after wearing the tabeej for a

while, his “life has turned around”. He complained, “I was

working hard but getting no recognition; academically, I was not

performing; family life was not going well and personal

relationships were not working out”. The pandit told him evil was

trying to take him over. He said, “I was at a point where I was

looking for anything that could help”. When he was given the

tabeej, he was advised to “bathe seven (7) times, wear it, eat no

meat and it would help to boost confidence and keep away negative

aura”. About the effectiveness of the tabeej, he said,

Physically nothing changed. [But] when I gotit, I started believing spiritually in things and started

34

thinking that I could do more than just what I am doingnow. He asked me to pray more and I did. I believe mythoughts have changed. It [the tabeej] has worked, maybenot in the way it is supposed to be this big protectivething, but I believe it [the tabeej] helped me get mindover matter.

For respondent N. M. the experience which led to obtaining a

tabeej was quite unique. A tabeej was recommended to N. M. for

protection from jinns because of the spiritual work that he does.

“We communicate with jinns and try to help people [who are

afflicted with problems because of bad jinns].” “People send evil

jinns to harm you.” “They manifest themselves in your belly”, he

says. N. M. is a twenty (20) year old male technician and a

Muslim. He explained that he is protected by the tabeej through

the prayer that is used in it. “By the permission of Allah, that

tabeej will protect me because of the meaning of those Arabic

verses that is written down and placed inside there.” He said at

the age of nine (9), he saw a very beautiful light, and was told

he saw good jinn.

When you see these things, if you don’t protect yourself they can harm you. Jinns don’t attack you spiritually, they attack you physically and when they realise they have frightened you, they start to affect

35

your mind. You have to acknowledge their presence because they [the jinns] are all around us but it is your duty andresponsibility to ask God Almighty to protect you from them. When I was recommended the tabeej I welcomed it because it meant I had attained some sort of spirituality in the world of the unseen.

After he first put on the tabeej at age sixteen (16), he said,

“I did not have a physical feeling, but a spiritual one.” “When I

placed it on me, I automatically started thinking about the

different ways that Allah could protect someone and... I asked

him to make this tabeej that I am wearing be blessed with his

infinite mercies to protect me from any evil.” Since he has been

wearing it and doing spiritual work, he advised he has felt fear

on occasions, but he has never had a bad experience. However, he

never removes the tabeej, not even to shower. He believes the

tabeej does not work on its own. He said, “It works together with

appealing to Allah for protection”.

Discussion

The study was designed to determine the reasons why tabeej

are still in use among the present generation. The study is also

designed to assess whether users felt that their problems were

solved with use of a tabeej. Further, the study sought to

36

address the implications for psychological therapy when a client

places greater belief in an object than the self.

One reason why the present generation, continues to use

tabeej is that people still rely on the enlightenment of their

spiritual leader when they cannot find an explanation for their

problems. The practice of Hindus to go to the pandit first, when

they have inexplicable problems is also done by Muslims. Pandits,

imams and the spiritualist, all spoke of being in such great

demand they allocate a minimum of two (2) days per week to

address problems only. One reason for this practice is culture -

the composite of beliefs, values and customs which accumulated

over the generations.20 The custom of seeking out the holy men,

even in contemporary Trinidadian society, is based in part on the

collectivistic cultural heritage of India.

Social psychologists have found that people of collectivist

cultures are more concerned about their relationships with

others, value tradition more highly, and define themselves more

in terms of their social roles.21 Over the generations, for

20 Quoted Price and Crapo, Cross-cultural perspectives. Pg 221 Quoted Breckler, Olson and Wiggins, Social Psychology Alive, pg 316.

37

descendants of Indentured Indians, the needs of the group [family

and wider community] take precedence over the needs of the

individual. For this reason, fully functioning individuals

influenced by collectivistic thought, seek social support in

times of stress in a manner which does not disrupt group harmony

or risk straining relationships.22

The pandit, imam or spiritualist is viewed as an independent

third-party to be consulted when coping strategies are needed. By

sharing problems with a pious person, rather than loved ones, the

individual is seen as seeking support for distress while avoiding

being viewed by loved ones as weak and less dependable. The

affected individual would prefer to suppress the problem rather

than burden his or her family with it. Being plagued by problems

is considered unconstructive. This suppression results in people

of East Indian descent addressing problems long after the initial

stage, often when it becomes overwhelming. At that point, they

are psychologically inclined to believe in the power of the

tabeej as a healing mechanism (Canetti and Pedahzur, 2002).

22 Kim, Sherman & Ko, (2006)

38

Although the culture is changing, seeking out the pandit or

imam first is evidence of the influence of the collectivistic

nature of Indian heritage. In response, the pandit or imam

follows the tradition of providing tabeej to assist with

problems. Of the seven (7) who participated, none of them felt

the tabeej on its own helped to solve a problem, yet they all

continue to prescribe and make it. Pandit R. M. explained, “I

prefer to give someone a mantra to learn and have them do havan.

That will help them more than a tabeej would. But people believe

when they wear a tabeej, the problem will be solved. So I give it

to them.” In giving the tabeej he maintains his social role as a

spiritual leader. It also serves to continue the tradition of

issuing tabeej.

Each of the seven (7) holy men learned to make tabeej in

Trinidad from an elder pandit, imam or spiritual teacher; an

indication that the tabeej is a traditional method of treating

with problems. It is not practised to make money or con anyone in

the way that Zuhra Bahman (2010) observed in Afghanistan. She

writes,

39

Their solutions include extended praying: issuing taweez,pieces of paper with verses of Qur’an written on themwhich are wrapped in layers of fabric and leather andworn under clothing. In exchange, these men get money andlivestock from women. If women started trampling overthese taweez, the conmen would have to close up shop.

Perhaps it is a source of income in Afghanistan, but not so

in Trinidad according to Pandit M. M. He confirmed that his

grandfather who taught him spiritual work told him, “What we

[are] doing here is to help people, not to make a living, so go

out and find a work [job]”. All seven (7) holy men said there

was no fee for their services. Their clients are advised to get

the material needed so they would be at no expense, therefore

avoiding charging the clients. If clients gave monetary gifts or

tokens though, it was accepted. Only one (1) holy man interviewed

is a full-time pandit. Five (5) had full-time jobs and are

currently retirees. They offer spiritual services in their free

time while one (1) pandit remains a full time employee and offers

spiritual services in his free time. They continue to assist

people by issuing tabeej because they have the knowledge and in

keeping with collectivism, value the tradition while maintaining

their social roles as spiritual leaders and helpers.

40

The norm of accepting tabeej persists because of the

thought-process of the client. Thinking is defined by Baron,

(1994)23 as what we do when we are in doubt about how to act;

what to believe or what to desire. When the client is in doubt,

the tabeej is thought of as a problem-solving tool. It serves the

purpose of eliminating some doubt from the person’s mind when he

or she is overwhelmed. One reason for the doubt is that the

problem is generally ill-defined. That is, there is no starting

information; hence no clear steps toward a resolution of the

problem. Respondent SherA for instance, outlined her ill-defined

problem in this way,

For a while I was always tired and losing weight significantly. I used to go to bed and get up with bruises on my skin but only on my thighs. Sometimes I couldn’t get out of bed. I started to pay attention to myself and started writing notes. The bruises used to show up coming down to the end of the month. I was scaredduring the whole experience because I could not explain it. I went to the doctor and he gave me vitamins and tested my pressure. He did not make it seem like it was anything serious, but there was no change. This went on for about six (6) years.

The doubt continued in her mind because she had no

explanation for the origin of the problem. In order to define the23 Cited in Galotti, 2008 pg. 387

41

problem, she could have sought a second medical opinion but she

made a decision to seek alternative assistance from her pandit.

This decision was affected by belief and what is known in

cognitive psychology as cognitive biases24. The more complex the

problem, the more mentally overwhelming it becomes, and in trying

to cope, the individual increasingly relies on heuristics or

intuitive shortcuts. Cognitive biases are shortcuts which if used

regularly, affect belief formation and human behaviour in

general.

Like the seven (7) other females who sought help of the

spiritual leaders after unsuccessfully visiting doctors, SherA

may have used a cognitive bias referred to as the “availability

cascade”. It is a form of rationalization caused by statements

like “As Hindus, the first thing we do when we have a problem is

go to the pandit” which was stated by one respondent, Mrs. Sook.

The collective belief that pandits can explain and resolve

problems becomes increasingly plausible because of repetition

through the generations. The problem may not necessarily be

24 Tversky & Kahneman (1974)

42

resolved by going to the pandit, but in SherA’s mind, it is what

Hindus do.

Her decision like many of the other respondents, to seek out

the pandit may be attributed to the bias known as the “bandwagon

effect”. This is the tendency to believe things because many

other people believe it. SherA said, “After the doctor, I was not

feeling better” “I think the tabeej and prayers helped”. Why did

she assume it was the tabeej and prayers that helped her? She

replied,

There is something you [referring to her] can’t controlbecause I can’t explain it, and I can’t see it. So when the pandit explained that something I can’t see keeps sucking me causing the bruises, I said [to myself] it is probably true. He fought what I couldn’t see because he had an understanding of what was there. I did not have the knowledge. I did not understand.

SherA developed a preconceived notion that the pandit would give

her something which would solve the problem because of the

bandwagon effect. This notion is a confirmation bias. Having

done the prayers prescribed by the pandit, and after wearing the

tabeej for about six (6) months, she said, “I was not so tired

anymore, not as bad as it was before, and the marks never came

43

back”. She did not say the problem disappeared but she was

satisfied there was a change. The change was attributed to the

tabeej and prayers because she was convinced the tabeej given to

her by the pandit would help her.

What is it in the mind that convinces people an object

and/or prayers can solve physical problems? Pandit M. M.

remarked, “When I tell people to recite a certain mantra, X

number of times, they forget which mantra or forget to say it

altogether. But when I give them the tabeej, they remember”.

Having the object makes them focus on the meaning behind it and

it prompts them to recite the mantra. It may be that the precise

details about the tabeej are irrelevant. The user is comforted by

an abstract representation of the meaning of the object, that is,

connection to a higher power which is believed to be protector

from evil and the force which determine good or bad outcomes.

For the user who is experiencing difficulty coping with a

problem, the tabeej itself momentarily becomes endowed with

omnipotent powers. This was the situation for respondent Haf, who

is a thirty-eight (38) year old female engineering consultant.

44

While in university, she began experiencing debilitating physical

pains. Doctors could not explain it. There were also many

interpersonal issues and her in-laws suggested they all visit a

Muslim spiritualist. In addition to having to undergo jinn

expulsion, she was given a tabeej and was told it was for

protection. She reported experiencing some relief but she was so

afraid that the awful feelings would recur that she never wanted

to take off the tabeej. She said, “I removed it from my clothing

only to shower and I would keep it under my tongue until I could

pin it on again”.

By keeping the tabeej beneath her tongue to maintain

physical contact with it, Haf used the concept of “primitive

idealisation” to symbolically inflate the object with great

power. It is a defense mechanism25 employed by her ego26 to reduce

anxiety caused by her problems. Anxiety according to Sigmund

Freud, the proponent of psychoanalysis, is a feeling of fear and

dread without obvious cause.27 If the defense mechanism is

25 Defenses mechanisms are unconscious denials of reality.26 Freud defined the ego as the rational aspect of the personality which is responsible for directing and controlling the instincts which drive behaviour.Theories of Personality, Schultz & Schultz, 2005 pg. 52-5627 See Schultz & Schultz, Theories of Personality pgs. 57-61

45

effective, the threatening or disturbing material is kept out of

our conscious awareness. 28 The problems did not actually go away

because the tabeej really had no great power. Twelve (12) years

later, Haf continues to experience pain associated with

rheumatoid arthritis. But in using primitive idealisation, she

reduced anxiety and tension induced by it. She experienced

cognitive relief. This relief allowed her to focus on other

aspects of her health and life. As a result she was better able

to cope with her problems.

An analysis of the psychological implications of the

persistent use of tabeej through the generations, must take into

account the object itself. Analytical psychologist, Carl Jung

claims that by being charged with emotion, an object gains

psychic energy.29 It becomes dynamic and consequences of some

kind must flow from it.30 How is this possible? Jung theorised

that psychic energy is the basic life-force which fuels the

psychological activities of thinking, feeling and perceiving.

28 Ibid29 Ibid30 Man and His Symbols, Carl Jung, 1964 pg 87

46

According to the principle of equivalence31, psychic energy which

the individual expended in thinking about his or her problems

weakens through the use of tabeej. That psychic energy is

transferred from thoughts about the problem to perceiving the

tabeej as a powerful object. As psychic energy is increasingly

invested in the tabeej, less is invested in the problems

afflicting the person. As a result the person is better able to

cope with life stressors by having the tabeej.

Based on this research, it is to be concluded that there is

value in using a tabeej. According to the social, cognitive and

psychoanalytic approaches to psychology, the tabeej offers

temporary alleviation of problems. Producers of tabeej do provide

their clients with a medium through which to channel their

psychic energy. In this way the pandits, imams and spiritualists

help people to return to focused activity. The effects may be

compared to someone who has obtained psychological counselling.

The difference lies in the probable reasons offered by therapist

and tabeej producer for the symptoms exhibited.

31 Jung proposed that psychic energy functions according to 3 principles – opposites, equivalence and entropy. Schultz & Schultz, pg 100

47

It is likely that a therapist might attribute symptoms to

the unconscious, stress and errors in perception - all of which

are unseen. By contrast the producers of tabeej attribute

symptoms to jinns, external and negative spiritual forces - all

of which are unseen. So how does a client of either the therapist

or the tabeej producer determine who is more accurate? It is a

difficult decision to make. The client to whom faith is of great

importance is likely to follow the cultural tradition and see

their spiritual leader first. The client, who has either

dispensed with or do not follow the traditions inherited from

Indentureship and slavery, is likely to opt for counselling.

Either way, it is important to note that like counselling, the

tabeej does not offer a permanent solution to life’s problems.

Both methods are means used to deal with problems at a certain

point in time by changing how the person thinks about their

situation. These findings are helpful in understanding that the

mind is a powerful tool and we can choose how life’s challenges

affect us by adjusting how we think about the situation.

48

My conclusion has inductive strength only, because it is

based on the experiences of a specific group and not the general

population. As a consequence, there is no guarantee these results

are applicable to the whole society. Further investigations will

be required on a case by case basis to consider the physical and

mental health of the individual before and after tabeej use. Such

investigations would yield more accurate results from

longitudinal studies.

In closing, to clarify the importance of the tabeej to the

past, present and future generations, psychologist Carl Jung,

(1964)32 said,

The individual is the only reality. In these times of social upheaval and rapid change, it is desirable to knowmuch more than we do about the individual human being, for so much depends upon his mental and moral qualities. But if we are to see things in their right perspective, we need to understand the past of man as well as his present. That is why an understanding of myths and symbols is of essential importance....it is the role of religious symbols to give a meaning to the life of man.

32 Man and His Symbols, Carl Jung, 1964 pg 45

49

Appendix 1

Questions to ask producers of tabeej (pandits, imams, and

spiritualists)

Name (alias)

Faith

Ethnicity

Age

Address/Area

1. How did you learn to make talismans?

2. What is in the talisman?

3. Where did you get the ingredients?

4. How long have you been doing this type of work?

5. Why are talismans so important for our well being?

6. What are the most important problems clients bring to your

attention?

7. How would a client with a problem get in touch with you?

8. How many clients come to you daily/weekly/monthly?

50

9. What percentage of the population do you estimate use

talismans?

10. What is the religious background of your clients?

(most, least)

11. Which ethnic/racial group constitute the majority of

your clientele? (most, least)

12. Would you mind walking us through what your client

might experience?

13. What we are talking about is not a secret, agreed?

Explain

14. Do you think medical practitioners do not approve of

this practice? Why?

15. How many of your clients come back to tell you whether

it has worked?

16. How do you feel after a client leaves you and returns

to say it did/did not work?

17. Is there a charge/fee to make the tabeej?

18. Are you teaching anyone to make tabeej?

Appendix 2

Questions to ask users of tabeej

Name (alias)

Faith

51

Ethnicity

Age

Address/Area

1. Why do you wear/use a...?

2. When/How do you wear/use it?

3. How long have you been wearing/have worn it?

4. Why did you choose to obtain a talisman as opposed to

seeking medical help?

5. What urged you to find someone to make a talisman for you?

6. Who advised you to find someone to make it?

7. How many people do you know who use talismans?

8. How many members of your family use talismans?

9. Would you say it is a family tradition to wear a talisman?

10. Would you mind sharing with us how you felt after you

first started to wear it?

11. How has it helped you?

Acknowledgement

I am grateful to Dr. Kumar Mahabir of the University of

Trinidad & Tobago (UTT), Mufti Waseem Khan of the Darul Uloom

Institute of Islamic education, Alisha Mohammed, Cintra Sookraj

and Radha Maharaj for their valuable assistance with this pilot

study. I am also very thankful to all the participants, who

52

preferred to remain anonymous, for sharing their experiences with

me.

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