LANGUAGE - HKU Press

LANGUAGE in HONG KON G at CENTURY'S END

Edited by Martha C. Pennington

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CONTENTS

List of Contributors i x

Overview x i

1. Introduction : Perspectives on Language in Hong Kong at Century's End 3 Martha C. Pennington

PARTI: LANGUAG E USE PROFILES 4 1

The Hong Kong Speech Community: Present, Past, and Future

2. Chartin g Multilingualism: Language Censuses and Language 4 3 Surveys in Hong Kong John Bacon-Shone and Kingsley Bolton

3. Societa l Accommodation to English and Putonghua i n 9 1 Cantonese-Speaking Hong Kong Herbert D. Pierson

4. Th e Onset of Bilingualism in Hong Kong: Language Choice in 11 3 the Home Domai n Evangelos A. Afendras

Code-Mixing

5. Wh y Two Languages Might Be Better Than One: 14 5 Motivations of Language Mixing in Hong Kong Kang-Kwong Luke

VI Contents

6. Th e Plight of the Purist 16 1 David C. S. Li

7. Ho w Does Cantonese-English Code-Mixing Work? 19 1 Brian Chan Hok-shing

Language Use in Specific Group s

8. Languag e Choice and Identity: The World of the Hong 21 9 Kong Indian Adolescent Jasbir Pannu

9. Ou r Future English Teachers: Language Use Among 24 3 Graduate and Undergraduate TESL Students in Hong Kong Martha C. Pennington and John Balla

Discussion Papers

10. Languag e and Education in Hong Kong 26 5 Robert Keith Johnson

11. Hon g Kong Language in Context: The Discourse of Ch'u 27 7 Ron Scollon

PART II: VIEW S AND ORIENTATIONS 28 3 UNDERLYING LANGUAGE USE

Attitudes and Motivations in Language Learning

12. B y Carrot and by Rod: Extrinsic Motivation and English 28 5 Language Attainment of Hong Kong Tertiary Students Angel Lin and Champa Detaramani

13. Learnin g English in Hong Kong: Making Connections 30 3 Between Motivation, Language Use, and Strategy Choice Stephen Richards

14. Curren t Language Attitudes of Hong Kong Chinese 32 9 Adolescents and Young Adults Maria Axler, Anson Yang, and Trudy Stevens

Contents vi i

15. Acculturatio n to English by an Ethnic Minority: The 33 9 Language Attitudes of Indian Adolescents in a Hong Kong International Schoo l Mrudula Patri and Martha C. Pennington

Perspectives on Medium of Instructio n

16. Mediu m of Instruction: Policy and Reality at One 36 5 Hong Kong Tertiary Institution Steve Walters and John Balla

17. Thre e Languages: One Future 39 1 Stephen Evans, Rodney Jones, Ruru S. Rusmin, and Cheung Oi Ling

Discussion Paper s

18. Languag e Policy and Practice: A Problem of Motivation or 41 9 Priority? John Biggs

19. Languag e Attitudes and Language Cognitions: Future 42 5 Prospects for Hong Kong Howard Giles

Index 437

CONTRIBUTORS

Evangelos A. Afendras Maria Axler John Bacon-Shone John Balla John Biggs Kingsley Bolton Brian Chan Hok-shin g Cheung Oi Ling

Champa Detaraman i Stephen Evans Howard Gile s Robert Keith Johnson Rodney Jones David C. S. Li Angel Lin Kang-Kwong Luk e Jasbir Pannu Mrudula Patr i Martha C. Pennington Herbert D. Pierson Stephen Richards

Universiti Sains Malaysia City University of Hong Kong The University of Hong Kong University of Sydney University of New South Wales The University of Hong Kong University College London Kwai Chung Methodist Colleg e (Hong Kong) City University of Hong Kong Hong Kong Polytechnic Universit y University of California at Santa Barbara The University of Hong Kong City University of Hong Kong City University of Hong Kong City University of Hong Kong The University of Hong Kong City University of Hong Kong City University of Hong Kong University of Luton (UK) St. John's University (USA) City University of Hong Kong

x Contributor s

Ruru S . Rusmin Ne w York City Ron Scollon Cit y University of Hong Kong Trudy Stevens Ventur e English Language Course , Ltd.

(Hong Kong) Steve Walters Hon g Kong Polytechnic Universit y Anson Yang Hee p Yunn Secondary School

(Hong Kong)

1

Perspectives on Language in Hong Kong at Century's End1

Martha C . Pennington

ABSTRACT

This introductor y chapte r offer s a rang e o f differen t way s o f characterizing an d explainin g bilingualis m (broadl y define d t o include the existence of any number of languages in one community) in the Hong Kong case. From these multiple perspectives it is possible to gain rich and complex insights into the nature of bilingualism that offer ne w understandings o f the phenomenon.

INTRODUCTION

Such a comple x an d changin g aspec t o f lif e a s languag e i n Hon g Kong , representing a mix of not only English and the majority dialec t of Cantones e but othe r Chines e dialects , or varieties, a s well, can best be understood an d described by examining i t from multipl e perspectives. In this introductor y chapter, a numbe r o f differen t framework s tha t hav e previousl y bee n applied t o th e stud y o f bilingualism , multilingualism , o r languag e mor e generally ar e reviewe d i n term s o f thei r applicabilit y t o th e Hon g Kon g case, w i t h referenc e t o th e chapte r s o f thi s book . Thes e ar e the n supplemented by several new forms o f description in an attempt to account in an enlightenin g o r interesting way fo r th e evolution an d curren t profil e of language i n Hong Kong . The discussion i s to a large extent cumulative , grafting and weaving the various conceptual strands together to create wha t it i s hope d wil l b e hard y ne w hybri d breed s o f explanatio n tha t ma y stimulate futur e researc h an d theorizin g o n Hong Kon g language .

4 Marth a C. Pennington

CURRENT PERSPECTIVES

Functional Complementarity of Languages

According t o a well-known mode l o f bilingualism/multilingualism, tha t of diglossia (Ferguson, 1959 ; Fishman, 1967,1980) , two or more language s will survive in a community only when their functions and domains of use are different an d complementar y Th e basic, or classic, diglossic situatio n is one in which one of two community languages is used in 'outer7 ('high' ) domains or functions suc h as education and government and the other in 'inner' (Tow' ) domain s o r function s suc h a s famil y an d neighbourhoo d affairs.

In general , th e 'high' /Tow ' languag e spli t i s a manifestatio n o f distinctions i n powe r an d socio-economi c statu s betwee n a governing , educated clas s and a governed, lesser educated class . In consequence, the diglossic style of explanation for language use patterns has over the years come to be associated with the politics of colonialism and conquest, with a history of the attempted or actual domination of one group, and its language and culture , over another , and with the themes of ethnicity and minorit y rights.

The relationshi p betwee n Englis h an d Cantones e i n Hon g Kon g ha s been described in diglossic terms, with English characterized as an 'auxiliary language' (Luk e and Richards , 1982) having limited 'high ' functions an d status fo r speaker s o f Cantones e (an d fo r nativ e speaker s o f othe r non -English varietie s i n th e community) . Th e usag e profil e o f Englis h the n appears a s on e whic h i s complementary t o th e muc h mor e widesprea d alternative of Cantonese.

At on e tim e i n th e histor y o f Hon g Kong , i t migh t hav e seeme d appropriate to speak of it in diglossic terms, when English was indisputably the main language of power and prestige. However, at least since the 1960s, English has been losing ground to Chinese, including Cantonese, in many domains that would traditionally be labelled 'high'. English is still dominant in written business communication (Poon , 1992) and perhaps in the lega l domain as well, as enshrined in the Basic Law, though courts hear cases in Chinese. However, it no longer appears to be the dominant medium in the political domain , where Cantones e i s a more convenien t an d 'politicall y correct' medium for the majority of local politicians, who are native speakers of Cantonese, nor in the educational domain, where Cantonese and a variety of mixe d cod e i n whic h Englis h subjec t matte r lexi s i s inserte d int o a Cantonese utterance frame tak e the lion's share of class time (as reviewed by Johnson, Chapter 10) . The chapters by Pierson and by Pennington an d

Perspectives on Language in Hong Kong at Century's End 5

Balla i n thi s volum e contribut e t o explainin g th e changin g profil e an d vitality of Cantonese vis-a-vis the other languages of the community .

The diglossic form of description of the relationship between Cantonese and Englis h — and indeed , between an y tw o language s — is in fac t a n idealization. Fo r a complete separatio n o f peopl e an d thei r language s i s virtually impossible when two groups live in the same geographical are a and mutuall y influenc e eac h others ' lives , as has been th e cas e in Hon g Kong for Cantonese-speaking ethni c Chinese native to the community i n relation to English-speaking foreign migrants. Moreover, as a consequence of th e increasin g prosperit y o f Hon g Kong , th e majorit y o f Cantonese -speaking Chines e fal l les s into 'high ' an d Tow ' group s an d increasingl y into a vast 'middle' class. Along with middle-class status come middle-of-the-road linguistic habits. In a bilingual or multilingual community, this is likely to mean making use of the available languages in some mixed form s or functions .

A challenge to the diglossic model as applied to Hong Kong bilingualism is the emergence of a range of mixed varieties — so-called mixed code. Mixed code ca n b e sai d t o b e a 'middle ' languag e representin g a blen d or ^ compromise between 'high ' and Tow ' language forms and norms. Such a 'middle way' , bein g a socia l an d linguisti c compromis e tha t avoid s th e extremes of (pure ) English on the one hand an d (pure ) Cantonese o n the other, does not fi t into a (pure) diglossic model. A diglossic model is also inaccurate a s applie d t o th e Hon g Kon g cas e t o th e exten t tha t th e tw o dominant community languages exhibit an incipient triglossic sociolinguistic hierarchy with Putonghua, the Mainland standard language (So, 1992), as discussed by Pierson (Chapter 3) and by Evans, Jones, Rusmin, and Cheung (Chapter 17). Nor is a diglossic model entirely applicable given the complex multilingual profil e o f th e communit y documente d i n th e chapter s b y Afendras, Bacon-Shon e an d Bolton , Pannu, and Patr i and Penningto n i n the present volume. In addition, the diglossic model offers no explanation for transitional cases or changing situations of linguistic allegiance or social composition. Nor does it offer a good model for describin g a community which i s generally and characteristically flexible o r unstable linguistically , socially, or culturally .

As a highly entrepreneurial culture, Hong Kong could be described as a prototypicall y flexible , ever-changing , an d situationall y responsiv e community I t is in this sense a 'metastable' community, that is, one whose continued existence and long-term stability reside in its ability to continually change and adapt to circumstances. To put it a different way, Hong Kong is a community which is perpetually transitional , emergent, and realignin g — politically, socially, culturally, and linguistically. For such a community,


the diglossi c model , which require s stabl e and non-interactin g linguisti c and socia l spheres, does not apply well.

A final poin t i s that in terms of the attributes tha t have accrued t o the diglossic model, Hong Kong does not seem to make a very good case . In this community , ther e i s hardl y an y questio n o f minorit y rights , sinc e Cantonese speaker s wh o ar e etlinic Chinese mak e u p th e clea r an d vas t majority. The issue of minority rights has been an issue in relation to right of abode for Indians in Hong Kong but hardly for language or other kinds of social or minority rights within that group. Indeed, the research of Pannu (Chapter 8) shows that, like Latin Americans in the United States (Hakuta and D'Andrea, 1992; Lambert and Taylor, 1996), Indians who settle in Hong Kong are already highly acculturated to Hong Kong culture and language, that is , to Cantonese , b y th e secon d generation . O f course , th e issu e o f minority right s coul d quickl y becom e paramoun t amon g Hon g Kon g Chinese if and when Cantonese speakers become seen as, or are treated as, disfavoured minorit y speaker s withi n th e larger motherlan d o f China , a point hinted at by Pierson (Chapter 3).

Language Use in Different Genres

An alternativ e t o th e diglossi c mode l whic h avoid s th e patch-styl e o f explanation required to sustain that model in the face of complex linguistic relationships an d mixe d varietie s i s genre analysis (Swales, 1990) . Genre analysis, which seeks to describe language use in specific contexts by specific groups, allows for th e identification o f smalle r domain s o f language us e and fo r potentiall y any mix of languages in each of the smaller domains . The genr e analysi s approac h seem s especiall y ap t fo r describin g th e proportion an d typ e o f usag e o f English an d Cantones e associate d wit h various communicative domains and professions in which bilingualism is a defining feature .

For example , a bilingual radio genre has evolve d o n on e Hon g Kon g channel that consists of a complex pattern of alternation of languages fo r different segment s o f th e programmes , suc h a s news reports , traffic an d weather reports, song introductions and commentary, and interaction with callers in phone-in dedications and contests (Pennington, Chan, and Lau , 1996). Within this genre , as outlined i n Table 1.1, there is a continuum of language use from 'high' (English or 'high' Cantonese), to 'balanced' (code-switching of Cantonese and English), to 'low' ('low' Cantonese, with code-mixing), depending o n whethe r an d whic h typ e o f 'institutiona l speec h act' (various forms of identifications and reports) is involved, who is talking, and what the topic is. The 'high' profile is associated with the most forma l


and pre-structured types of speech acts, while the 'low' profile is associated with the least formal and pre-structured speech acts. Within the 'balanced ' profile, switching between English and Cantonese is employed for purposes of segmentatio n o f discours e an d informationa l highlighting . Code -switching also allows the bilingual disk jockeys to (metaphorically) switc h voices, for example, for purposes of quotation or 'narrative colour'. Code-switching functions a s well to provide a distancing and 'objectification ' o f the speaker, for example, for purposes of meta-commentary and reflectio n on the speaker's own on-air performance .

Most Institutional Forms of Talk (Pi

Identifications

Station

Presenter

Song

Reports

Public service News Financial news Advertisement Weather repor t Traffic repor t

e-scripted, Privileged, Transmissional)

Participants

Reporter

DJ

Guest

Caller

Topics

Official Information

Cultural

Local

Personal

Reflective

Language

High

Balanced

Low

Most Vernacular Forms of Talk (Unscripted, Egalitarian, Social)

Figure 1.1 Continuu m of Forms of Talk in Hong Kong Bilingual Radio (Pennington, Chan, and Lau, 1996)

In Hong Kong secondary schools, a pattern of language use by teachers that ca n be termed a bilingual instructional genre has been identified (Lin , 1990; Pennington, 1995a, 1995b). According to this pattern, which appear s to be a common on e i n bilingual communities , th e conten t o f lesson s i s introduced i n English and then explicated through examples, definitions , and furthe r elaboratio n i n th e students 7 mothe r tongue , followe d b y a restatement, conclusion, or transition to a new topic given in English. The following is an example from a Form 4 (Grade 10) English class in a typical Hong Kong school:


[The teacher i s explicating a reading passag e abou t th e founding o f th e McDonald's restaurant chain. ] We can see the first McDonald's restaurant was a hamburger drive-in stand. Sinl tau4 hai6 yatl dong3 haul ne3, hai6 ho2 nang4 dil eel teuil go3 lei4 ting4 hail gaail ga3 za3. ('At first i t was just a stand. Maybe it was pushed by a cart here and there on the street.' ) A stand, the car is pushed and it stops in the street.

(adapted from Pennington , Lee, and Lau, 1995, p. 99)

Since Englis h i s th e mai n languag e o f writte n communicatio n an d textbooks, thi s for m o f classroo m instruction , i n whic h a n ide a relate d t o written materia l i s introduce d i n English , elaborate d i n Cantonese , the n res ta ted i n whol e o r i n par t i n English , i s common . Thi s bi l ingua l instructional genre translates the content of the curriculum into the students ' familiar idio m whil e maintainin g a functio n fo r Englis h a s 'priming ' o r framing — introducin g an d concludin g — topics . I n addition , Englis h i s generally employe d i n secondar y educatio n a s th e languag e i n whic h technical term s ar e expressed , i n a for m o f bilingua l discours e whic h Johnson an d Le e (1987 ) have terme d 'insertion-switching' .

Though th e underlyin g rational e fo r us e o f tw o language s ma y b e similar, dual language use in tertiary contexts follows a somewhat differen t pattern. A main reason for thi s difference i s that instruction i s divided int o lectures, tutorials, and laborator y period s — a division which encourage s different mode s of communication in each type of class period, as discusse d by Penningto n an d Ball a (Chapte r 9 ) and Walter s an d Ball a (Chapte r 16) . Although, a s a t secondar y level , code-switchin g an d code-mixin g occu r within one lesson period, a particular characteristic of language use in Hon g Kong tertiary contexts is the predominance o f one language o r the other i n these differen t type s o f clas s periods . Thus , whereas a t secondar y leve l a certain pat ter n o f languag e alternatio n i s specifi c t o th e instructiona l domain, at tertiary level language use becomes specialized to different types of instructiona l domain s (lecture , tutorial , laboratory) . I n both secondar y and tertiar y educationa l contexts , Englis h i s maintaine d t o a fa r greate r degree i n written genre s tha n i n spoke n ones .

In addition , a t tertiar y level , th e proportio n an d typ e o f us e o f eac h language i n spoken genre s varies greatly acros s fields , while a t secondar y level, much les s variation acros s fields i s in evidence (Johnson , 1991) . The different profile s of English and Cantonese usage found i n tertiary educatio n have evolve d base d o n th e characteristic s o f th e student s an d teacher s i n each field o f study , such a s their : • relativ e proficiency i n the two languages ,


• knowledg e o f terms an d experienc e teachin g / learning th e languages , • sens e o f identificatio n wit h o r need fo r th e languages .

These differentia l profile s hav e als o evolve d i n respons e t o institutiona l and communi t y pressure s relate d t o languag e use , a s wel l a s t o th e prevailing community-specifi c norm s o f each field (Ball a and Pennington , 1996; Pennington an d Balla , 1996) .

Focusing and Diffusion of Identity Through Language

Another alternativ e t o the diglossic model solves the problem o f a definit e distinction betwee n language s an d thei r attribute s b y allowin g fo r les s distinct linguistic norms within a community. According to this orientation , norms fo r languag e us e ar e focused (tha t is , clea r an d unitar y norms ) o r diffuse (les s strict and more varied guidelines for usage), depending on suc h factors a s th e numbe r o f language s availabl e t o speaker s an d thei r social , cultural, and politica l signification .

In the focusing and diffusion mode l (Le Page and Tabouret-Keller, 1985), two language s o r varieties represent , from th e poin t o f view o f individua l speakers, two different loc i or foci of attraction. In this mode of description , every person ' s languag e i n a bilingua l communit y — o r indee d an y community — is a compromise , rathe r tha n a pure versio n o f a particula r language (o n thi s point , se e als o Bakhtin , 1935/1981) . Differen t speaker s have overlappin g individua l varietie s — idiolects, or simpl y lects — rathe r than speakin g eithe r th e sam e o r mutually exclusiv e varieties .

Language i s i n thi s mode l tie d u p wit h identity , i n tha t individua l speakers expres s thei r choic e o f identit y b y thei r choic e o f languag e (a s noted by Scollon in Chapter 11 ) and by the degree to which they focus thei r speech o n on e variet y o r another . Throug h suc h 'act s o f identification ' — or wha t L e Pag e an d Tabouret-Kelle r (1985 ) ter m 'act s o f identity ' — speakers signa l thei r degre e o f affiliatio n wit h on e sociocultura l grou p o r another, o r the y creat e ne w identitie s an d affiliation s whic h blen d th e attributes o f existin g groups , a s i n th e cas e o f th e Hon g Kon g India n adolescents whos e trilingualis m i s explored b y Pannu (Chapte r 8) .

Bolton an d Kwo k (1990 ) hav e note d tha t thi s mode l ca n readil y b e applied t o the Hong Kon g case :

At twi n end s o f th e continuu m i n Hong Kong , we hav e tw o relativel y focused varietie s o f languag e 'Standar d English' , on th e on e hand , an d 'Standard Written Chinese' on the other. Between these two points of focus, we the n have a range o f varietie s o f language currentl y i n use i n Hon g Kong: Cantonese (including both 'high' and Tow' varieties), other Chinese


dialects (suc h a s Hakka , Chi u Chow , an d rura l dialect s o f Cantonese) , Cantonese-English mix , and wha t we have called 'Hon g Kong English' . In th e mid-rang e o f thi s spread o f varieties , the pul l toward s diffusion , variation and variability in language becomes increasingly strong, (p. 162)

Bacon-Shone an d Bolton' s chapte r buttresse s thi s profil e o f Hon g Kon g language wit h concret e dat a o n language demograph y u p t o the presen t time.

Bolton and Kwok (1990) further note : Cantonese is not a fully codified variety and, as many commentators have indicated, subject to a great deal of variation at a number of different levels . The processe s o f lexica l borrowing , code-mixin g an d code-switchin g represent a continuum of linguistic activity as speakers switch (and sway) from on e variety to another, (p . 162)

As is implied in this passage, code-switching represents a more 'advanced ' level of bilingualism, requiring a higher degree of proficiency in the second language, than code-mixing, in which the mother tongue is dominant. These processes involvin g bilingua l behaviou r (a s explored i n th e chapter s b y Luke, Li, and Chan) can be contrasted with lexical borrowing, a 'minimal ' adaptation t o a second languag e i n which word s an d phrase s los e thei r association with the Tending' language and become known to monolingual speakers.

Syntactic Integration of Languages

In contrast t o each of the perspectives o n Hong Kong bilingualism s o fa r presented, which are socially oriented, a more strictly linguistic perspective on the patterns found in code-mixing and code-switching can be offered i n terms of the syntax of bilingual utterances . A syntactically based for m o f explanation i s applie d mainl y i n th e traditio n o f discussion s o f code -switching but sometimes is applied also to the phenomenon of code-mixing, as i n th e contributio n b y Cha n (Chapte r 7) . I n code-switching , bot h languages, or codes, are co-equal, with one being more activated at a given moment than the other. In code-mixing, one code — the matrix language — provides th e grammatica l fram e o f the utterance a s well a s many lexica l items, while the other language — the embedded language — provides some of it s lexical items (Myers-Scotton , 1993) . In code-mixing, most 'functio n words' o r grammatical morpheme s com e from th e matrix language , an d most 'content words' , especially nouns and noun phrases, come from th e embedded language . For this reason, the resulting variety or varieties can be described a s integrating a subset of the lexicon of the second languag e in areas such as those reviewed by Li (Chapter 6) within the grammar, both

Perspectives on Language in Hong Kong at Century's End 1 1

syntax and lexicon, of the mother tongue. The syntactic approach seeks to 'explain' dual language use by describing the structural constraints on the mixing or embedding of 'foreign' words and phrases into a matrix language utterance frame .

A problem wit h thi s for m o f explanatio n i s it s failur e t o distinguis h switching an d mixin g o f languages , a s both ten d t o be conflate d i n th e literature under a rubric of 'code-switching'. Yet in the Hong Kong case — and I would argue , in other cases as well — the mixing and switchin g of languages are distinct phenomena, in several different senses , though there are 'borderline ' cases (Pennington, Chan, and Lau , 1996). In addition, th e focus o f thi s for m o f explanation , followin g th e linguisti c traditio n o f 'autonomous syntax' (for example, Chomsky, 1965) does not take sufficien t account o f socia l factor s whic h constrai n th e switchin g an d mixin g o f languages. It also fails to place the phenomenon of dual language use in a historical context that reveals the long-term effects of using two languages together.

These long-term effects include syntactic changes which bring the matrix and embedde d language s close r togethe r i n term s o f thei r grammatica l form, particularly , a s embedded languag e expression s impac t th e synta x of the matrix language, by: • incorporation, that is , the coining of new expressions tha t combine th e

morphology o f both languages ; • analogy, that is, imitation of the grammar of the 'foreign' expressions in

the grammar o f the matrix language; • simplification, that is, simplification of matrix language syntactic frame s

to accommodate embedded languag e material; and • exclusion, that is, avoidance of syntactic structures in the matrix language

which are not conducive to mixing.

In a typical long-term bilingual contact scenario , through code-switchin g and mixing with English as well as with other varieties of Chinese, Hong Kong Cantonese appears to be undergoing syntactic change in the way of grammatical simplifications an d convergence towards English syntax .

Semantic Extension Through Bilingualism

Another linguisti c perspectiv e attempt s t o characteriz e languag e us e i n Hong Kong from a semantic point of view. This perspective focuses on the non-equivalence o f languages an d cultures as pressuring towards a two-language (or multi-language) discourse within the speech of one group. At a lexical level, Li (Chapter 6) pinpoints the lack of equivalent expression s


in Chines e a s a mai n reaso n fo r code-mixin g i n th e Hon g Kon g press . Semantic differences betwee n English and Cantonese are also one form of explanation explore d b y Gibbon s (1987 ) i n hi s extensiv e wor k o n code -mixing by students at the University of Hong Kong.

What Luke (Chapter 5 ) terms the 'expedient ' us e of English words o r expressions within an otherwise Cantonese discourse can in some cases be attributed t o a 'semantic deficiency' — that is, a failure to develop certai n semantic fields, and so large areas of lexis, in whole or in part — within the mother tongue . Suc h a limitation o r restrictio n o f th e mothe r tongu e — which ultimately derives from maintenance of cultural difference, distance, and/or isolation (for example, as an effect of geographical isolation, political or religious conservatism, or linguistic/cultural suppression) — results in a lack of translation equivalents in the mother tongue for concept s whic h are encapsulated in the words and idioms of other languages. In such cases, it may see m easier , o r more expedient , t o make use of lexical items fro m another languag e wher e th e desire d semanti c field s ar e well-developed , rather than relying on native language lexis to convey certain concepts or impressions.

It may also happen that individual speakers develop areas of semantic or lexica l deficienc y i n thei r mothe r tongue , fo r example , a s a resul t o f limited literacy. Such an outcome may occur as an effect of school knowledge being taught in a second language. At the same time, it is likely that in such circumstances, th e lexico n o f th e secon d languag e i s also incomplete , i n that speakers may have little or no exposure to everyday vocabulary in the second language nor be aware of ways to express local knowledge in tha t language. In fact, the mental lexicons of such speakers' two languages may be partially overlapping and partially complementary in terms of the areas of semantic space which they cover.

A semantic explanation may also be applied to some cases of classroom code-switching i n Hon g Kong , viz. , whe n a bilingua l teache r employ s Cantonese t o explicate the meaning o f a n English text , as in the passag e quoted above about the founding of the McDonald's restaurant chain. There the mother tongue is used to, in effect, translat e the content of the English text into a local frame of reference, referring to push cart food stands on the street, which are common in Hong Kong — though this is not the intended (stationary) interpretatio n o f th e phrase , hamburger stand. I n thi s representative example , the semantics of the text, and it s foreign cultura l basis, is shifted t o a more familiar , vernacula r cultura l basis through th e translation/explication process. In such a case, use of the mother tongue is one form o f compensatory bilingual behaviour (Pennington , 1995a , 1995b) in that i t compensates semanticall y fo r no t only lexical, but als o cultural , gaps with the second language .


The semanti c typ e o f explanatio n i n term s o f lac k o f translatio n equivalents provides reasons for the fact that English is used a t all, in any form, i n Hon g Kong . Yet this i s only a partia l explanatio n sinc e ther e i s always an element o f orientation an d fre e choic e in the employment o f a foreign idio m (beyon d thos e context s where i t is absolutely required) . A semantic explanatio n fo r bilingua l behaviou r therefor e mus t b e complemented b y additiona l explanator y factor s suc h a s th e symboli c associations and socia l value of using a second language .

Language Symbolism

In a bilingua l context , language symbolism has t o d o wit h th e differen t connotations of the available languages and the resulting attitudes towards those language s b y member s o f th e community . Researc h o n languag e attitudes in Hong Kong has shown that English is associated with 'outer ' values having to do with success, stylishness, and academic achievement , while Cantones e i s associate d wit h 'inner ' value s havin g t o d o wit h tradition, home, and solidarit y (see , for example , Gibbons, 1987; Pierson, 1987). The forme r se t o f value s associate d wit h Englis h ca n b e labelle d 'achievement values' or 'competition values', while the latter set of values associated with Cantonese can be termed 'famil y values ' or 'co-operatio n values'. I n addition , th e Englis h languag e ha s association s o f newness , youth, an d modernity , a s Kamwangamalu (1989 , 1992) has pointe d out . Accordingly, us e o f English , whethe r alon e o r a s individua l word s an d phrases embedded int o Cantonese, symbolizes these values on the part of the individual speakers and groups of speakers who use it. The contribution of Axler , Yang, and Steven s (Chapte r 14 ) explores th e contras t i n value s associated with English and mother tongue by Chinese secondary students, while tha t o f Pann u an d Penningto n (Chapte r 15 ) explore s th e value s contrast o f Englis h an d mothe r tongu e fo r India n secondar y student s i n Hong Kong.

This form of explanation is equivalent, I believe, to Luke's (Chapter 5) discussion o f an 'orientationa T motivatio n t o code-mixing, that is , use of English as a way of aligning oneself wit h English-based socia l or cultura l values. It also includes some 'strategic' motivations to code-switching, such as a secondary teacher' s desire to project different level s of formality an d closeness o r distanc e fro m student s by using Cantonese o r English (Lin , 1990; Pennington, 1995a, 1995b). A symbolically based form of explanation for bilingua l behaviou r i n fac t incorporate s social , cultural , an d psychological motivation s fo r usin g a secon d language . I t ca n als o b e combined with forms o f semantic explanation, to give a detailed analysi s


of meaning differences — including differences in connotation and currency — between English and Cantonese terms. This mode of description implies that al l linguisti c explanation s ar e a t th e sam e tim e socia l ones , thereb y combining expedient and orientational motives for code-switching or code-mixing int o one grand rhetorical motive which blends semanti c an d socia l factors.

Psychology of Duality

From a psychologica l perspectiv e o n individua l speakers ' bilingualism , language us e i s related t o personal factor s suc h as motivation, attitudes , and personality . I n thes e aspects , bilingua l speaker s demonstrat e a psychology of duality.

Both anecdotal evidence and the research literature support a view of most Hon g Kon g Chinese a s having a strong but relativel y abstrac t an d externally motivated desire to learn English (Axler, Yang, and Stevens, this volume; Ball a an d Pennington , 1996 ; Lin an d Detaramani , thi s volume ; Pennington, 1994 ; Pennington an d Yue, 1994; Pierson, Fu, and Lee , 1980; Richards, 1993, this volume; Walters and Balla , this volume). This profil e suggests a n intriguin g combinatio n o f idealism , i n which youn g peopl e uniformly expres s thei r wis h t o spea k fluen t an d correc t English , an d pragmatism, in which they pursue English only to the extent necessary to achieve essential educational or career ends. A similar gap between 'ideality' and actualit y ca n be see n i n th e behaviour o f Hon g Kon g teacher s wh o wish t o teach i n English but wh o easil y abando n thi s goa l in the face o f various contextual factors which they see as making it difficult or impossible to achieve their ideal image of the classroom (Pennington, 1995a, 1995b; in press; Pennington and Cheung, 1995; Pennington, Lee, and Lau, 1996).

This unrealistic, 'separated' or 'gapped' psychology of English language learning and teachin g can be compared t o the typical Hong Kong profil e for languag e attitudes . This profile show s a similar lack of integration o r consistency, as English and Cantones e attrac t both negative an d positiv e values i n attitude s survey s (see , fo r example , Fu , 1987 ; Gibbons, 1987 ; Pierson, 1987). Thus, alongside positive competition or achievement values such as stylishness and ambition, English has been associated in 'matched guise'2 attitudes research with negative attributes of these values suc h a s immodesty and showing off. In like manner, alongside positive cooperation or family values such as humility and kindness, Chinese has been associated in attitudes research with negative attributes of these values such as timidity and lack of ambition .

As in the case of language production , suc h attitudinal conflict s ma y


be mitigate d fo r Hon g Kon g bilingual s i n th e compromis e positio n o f a mixed variety . Thus , Gibbons ' (1987 ) researc h wit h student s a t th e University o f Hon g Kon g uncovere d a n attitudina l se t fo r a mixe d Cantonese-English guis e that shared negative attributes in common wit h Cantonese an d positiv e attribute s i n commo n wit h English , whil e als o showing values intermediate between those for th e Chinese an d Englis h guises on the scale s fo r 'modern' , 'fashionable' , an d 'Westernized' . Mos t importantly, the ratings on these scales were higher when mixed code rather than English or Cantonese was used as the language of instructions for the rating task. It thus appears that although it overtly attracted some negative values o n th e ratin g scales , when implicitl y sanctione d b y th e researc h procedure, mixed code became a covert, 'value-added' factor in the students' judgements o f th e attribute s o f th e language s use d i n th e investigation . This finding suggest s tha t muc h o f th e positive value o f mixed form s o f discourse i s below th e level of conscious awareness , as confirmed b y th e attempts of 'purists ' to rid the mother tongue of 'foreign' influences , eve n while code-mixing in their own speech (Li, Chapter 6).

On a conscious level and in terms of their ideal for performance, then , most Hongkonger s believ e i n th e value o f English ove r a mixed variet y and in keeping English and Cantonese separate and 'pure', while realizing the value of maintaining both languages in their communicative repertoire. On a n unconsciou s leve l an d i n term s o f thei r actua l performance , the y demonstrate th e value of code-mixing and combine the two languages in various ways for compensatory and strategic, expedient and orientational , reasons. It could therefore be said that the accepted (over t and conscious ) linguistic norm for Hong Kong native speakers of Cantonese is essentially a split-language , 'di-linguaT , profil e representin g th e forme r diglossi c alignment — o r attempte d alignmen t — o f th e tw o mai n communit y languages, and the unofficial or 'grassroots' (covert and unconscious) norm is a merged-language, 'bi-linguaT , profile. In this way o f looking things , not onl y bilingualis m an d biculturalis m mus t b e recognized , bu t als o dilingualism and diculturalism.

Having a 'di ' psyche means compartmentalizing th e attributes o f th e language an d culture s tha t mak e up one' s repertoire , while having a 'bi ' psyche signifie s someon e whos e linguisti c an d cultura l makeu p i s a combination o r hybridization o f th e language an d cultur e o f th e secon d language and o f the mother tongue — a linguistic encounter 'o f the third kind'. In the Hong Kong case, this distinction may help to differentiate th e previous an d th e present generation s o f educate d Chines e a s dilingual / dicultural vs. bilingual/bicultural, respectively. These descriptions maybe further applie d not only to the case of Hong Kong Chinese, but also to the

16 Marth a C Penningto n

case of Hong Kong Indians Thus , the adolescent Indian group describe d by Pannu (Chapter 8), who attend a locally oriented school, would seem to have a more integrate d o r blended — bilmgual/bicultural o r trilingual / tricultural — profile a s contrasted wit h the group describe d by Patri an d Pennington (Chapter 15), who attend an international school and who could perhaps be more readily described a s dicultural/dilingua l

Cognitive Advantage

Bilingualism i s i n a sens e 'cogmtivel y demanding' , i n tha t operatin g i n two language s durin g communicatio n take s mor e menta l effor t tha n operating in just one A t the same time, although i t was once common t o denigrate bilinguals as cogmtively disadvantaged (se e historical sketch in Romaine, 1995), it is now generally accepted that knowledge of more than one language represent s a cognitive advantage A s one type o f cognitiv e advantage,

the availability of two or more languages or codes offers new possibilities for encodin g meaning , i n th e sens e o f providin g tw o differen t representational systems , each with its own lexicon and unique cultura l content, fo r conceptualizin g idea s an d fo r creatin g highe r synthese s o f ideas tha t build o n the tw o representationa l system s o r tha t creat e ne w merged systems of representation I n parallel fashion, a knowledge of two or more representational systems provides the language user with enriched lexical and conceptua l background a s well as multiple schematic model s and processin g routine s fo r decodin g an d comprehendin g spoke n an d written language (Pennington , 1996a, pp 254-255 )

By merging two languages under one commumcational system, the Hong Kong bilingual can claim 'the best of both worlds' represented in the English and Cantonese language s

It is cogmtively less demanding to co-ordinate languages, to make them work as a team effort, i n a joint construction, rather than drawing on them separately durin g productio n o f utterance s Thus , ther e ar e cognitiv e benefits i n joining them either in sentence-level planning, as m the case of code-mixing wit h on e language furnishin g th e matrix frame , a commo n pattern m Hong Kong , or m th e overal l discourse plan , a s in the cas e of code-switching with m a se t discours e structur e suc h a s occur s i n th e bilingual genre s describe d abov e Th e integration o f language s m eithe r code-mixing under a dominant language or generic switching patterns can then be seen to represent not only a cognitive gam in terms of enriching the resources fo r developin g idea s and expressin g them in words, but als o a saving of cognitive effor t


The behaviour of Hong Kong bilinguals may therefore be explained in terms o f a n interpla y o f th e motive s — entirely unconsciou s an d non -deliberate — of cognitive enrichment and cognitive economy in language. I t can be propose d tha t th e interpla y o f cognitiv e economy , whic h Anttil a (1972, p. 171) , among others , has note d pressure s t o a unified linguisti c system, and cognitive enrichment results ultimately in a movement towards 'enriched monolingualism' , tha t is , a one-languag e gramma r tha t ha s incorporated element s — particularly, lexical borrowings — from anothe r language (or languages). The general principle at work here is that change of a simple, additive kind i s less costly, in cognitive as well as in cultura l and socia l terms, than mor e complex an d radica l kinds o f chang e whic h disrupt o r transform th e status quo.3 In sum, cognitive advantage helps to explain th e tw o linguisti c equilibri a o f diglossi a an d large-scal e lexica l importation tha t aris e i n situation s o f bilingualis m suc h a s Hon g Kon g exemplifies, as well as the tension between these two poles that results in linguistic mediatio n betwee n them , throug h code-switchin g an d code -mixing.

NEW PERSPECTIVES

Linguistic Innovation

Another wa y o f explainin g th e languag e situatio n i n Hon g Kon g i s according to an innovation-diffusion model such as that of Rogers (1983) — a framewor k fo r describin g th e proces s b y whic h innovation s ar e disseminated, o r diffused . Diffusio n i s "th e proces s b y whic h (1 ) a n innovation (2 ) is communicated through certain channels (3) over time (4) among the members of a social system" (Rogers, 1983, p. 10). The nature of each of these four elements — innovation, communications channels, time, and social system — determines the manner and the degree of adoption of the innovation .

In Rogers' (1983) definition: "An innovation is an idea, practice, or object that is perceived as new by an individual or other unit of adoption" (p. 11). Innovations ar e differentiall y adopte d i n par t becaus e o f th e wa y tha t individuals perceive their characteristics. According to Rogers (1983): "In general, innovation s tha t ar e perceive d b y receiver s a s havin g greate r relative advantage , compatibility , trialability , observability , an d les s complexity will be adopted more rapidly than other innovations" (p. 16). In the process of adoption, users may modify o r reinvent an innovation to a greater or lesser degree to meet their specific needs .

18 Marth a C Penningto n

In the case of Hong Kong, we can see the languages of the community, English an d Cantonese , a s wel l a s othe r varietie s o f Chinese , bein g 'reinvented' in their alternation and mixing with each other. Code-mixing is see n a s hig h i n relativ e advantage , compatibility , trialability , an d observability, whil e bein g les s comple x tha n learnin g Englis h t o a hig h standard. Code-mixin g i s als o a wa y t o balanc e th e norm s pressurin g towards th e value s o f modernit y — for example , consumerism , highe r education, and technolog y — while still upholding the community-wid e social restriction against use of English among Chinese people (see Fu, 1987; Gibbons, 1987 ; Pennington , 1994 , fo r discussion) . Mixe d cod e i s a n innovative amalga m o f th e linguisti c resource s availabl e t o Hon g Kon g speakers, " a creative and inherentl y flexibl e resourc e — and no t onl y a n equivalent to either English or Cantonese . .. [but ] a new communicationa l mode t o match th e emerging new generation , thei r middle clas s culture , and their pull towards modernization of their language" (Pennington, 1994, p. 102).

One ca n se e in Hong Kong the development o f specia l 'information -exchange relationships' that involve expressing ideas in a complex of codes used in complex ways, with each group establishing its own communicative conventions (Gumperz , 1982 , p. 68) and passing those conventions o n t o new members by example and through interaction. The early perpetrators of this developing change have been authority figures, especially educators, whereas th e more recen t adopter s ar e the adolescent s an d youn g adult s who ar e developin g mixe d cod e toward s a ne w variet y o r varietie s o f Cantonese (Pennington , 1994,1995c) .

It.would appea r tha t teachers , throug h thei r modellin g o f cod e us e patterns combining Cantonese and English in relation to academic discourse and the dominant styles of speaking — or, in the term used by Gee (1989), Discourses — of the society, have had a very important role in leading the social an d linguisti c change s occurrin g i n Hon g Kong . I n addition , th e graduates o f tertiar y institution s expres s thei r education , middle-clas s status, an d community-solidarit y b y code-mixing , a s documente d b y Gibbons (1987 ) fo r th e Universit y o f Hon g Kong , by Pennington , Balla , Detaramani, Poon, and Tarn (1992) for the City University of Hong Kong, and by Tse (1985) for the Chinese University of Hong Kong, in a pattern no doubt begun as high school students under the influence of those secondary teachers. As these better-educated and hence more socially and politicall y aware individuals move into the community after they graduate to become leaders i n suc h field s a s busines s an d newspape r publishing , the y disseminate the innovation of code-mixing, for example, in advertising the products of their businesses and in creating suitably modern and innovative


language fo r thei r publi c an d privat e discourse . The y als o disseminate , though t o a lesser extent , the innovation o f code-switching fo r rhetorica l posturing, to mark role relationships and other special discourse effects .

While relatively slow to develop at first, the mixing mode seems to be accelerating as an innovation in the present generation, in an s-curve pattern.4

Thus, Bacon-Shone and Bolton (Chapter 2) report that high percentages of Cantonese-speaking peopl e surveye d i n 1993 admit t o using mixed cod e in academic, work, home, and friendshi p domains . In addition, there ar e many anecdota l account s o f young childre n i n Hong Kon g using mixe d code, suggesting that it is being developed a s the native variety of at least some in the new generation. This would not be surprising, if, as Afendras (Chapter 4) maintains, the social factors existing in Hong Kong at the present time, especially , a s relate d t o migration , ar e significantl y expandin g th e local grou p — most notably , Chines e schoolchildre n — who ca n clai m fluency in English.

Also starting t o be visible ar e a range o f differen t direc t an d indirec t consequences, some desirable (for example, use of mixed code for bridging between English and Chinese language and culture, for creative purposes in media, for building solidarity among young people, and for consolidating the middl e class ) an d som e — a t leas t fro m th e poin t o f vie w o f th e authorities an d purist s — undesirabl e (fo r example , emergenc e o f 'bastardized' form s o f languag e suc h a s 'pidgi n English ' o r 'Chinglish' , and 'dilution' of Chinese by English lexis and syntactic patterns). A backlash is being felt in parts of the social system against the innovation that is mixed code (So , 1992 ) whic h pressure s toward s retur n t o 'pure ' Englis h an d especially t o 'pure ' Chinese . O n th e othe r hand , som e mor e innovativ e thinkers such as many of those approached by Evans, Jones, Rusmin, and Cheung (Chapter 17) for their survey realize the value — even the necessity — of making us e o f al l the community language s t o further th e goal s of education and business.

Chaotic Language Behaviour

A more radical orientation in the same direction as the innovation model is one in terms of chaotic behaviour — in language and perhaps in other aspects of behaviour as well. Key points about such behaviour can be derived fro m chaos theory, such as the notion of input conditions uniquely determinin g output; of 'fuzzy ' an d irregula r patterns a t the local level (as in so-calle d fractals), regular only on a very gross scale and only from the point of view of a very large number of factors; and of 'catastrophic' reversals and othe r sorts of unpredictable changes . The various forms of mixed code, and th e


code-mixing proces s itself , woul d see m t o b e chaoti c i n thi s sense , wit h tremendous variatio n fro m on e socia l contex t t o th e next . I n addition , a chaos mode l ca n be applie d mor e generall y t o the behaviour o f languag e users — and perhap s policymaker s a s well — in Hong Kong, as implied i n the discussion s o f Johnson (Chapte r 10 ) and Bigg s (Chapte r 18) .

The theor y o f chao s describe s th e dynamic s o f system s whic h ar e deterministic but a t the same time have a property o f natural instability o r inherent randomness (Crutchfield , Farmer , Packard, and Shaw, 1986; Gleick, 1987). I n suc h systems , whil e mor e o r les s accurat e short-rang e forecast s are possible , long-rang e predictio n i s impossibl e i n principle , du e t o th e possibility o f ver y substantia l change s bein g initiate d b y ver y smal l 'perturbations' i n th e syste m whic h ca n lea d t o mor e substantia l change s in it s characteristics .

Chaotic system s ar e adaptive an d highl y responsive t o context. Unlik e simple systems , chaoti c system s ar e subjec t t o massiv e mutatio n a s th e accumula t ed inf luenc e o f smal l changes . Onl y t h roug h stat is t ica l aggregation d o individua l effect s begi n t o converg e o n a recognizabl e pattern. A convergence o f patterns i s said t o be th e resul t o f th e influenc e of force s calle d 'attractors' , which , lik e gravit y an d th e invisibl e force s creating blac k hole s i n th e universe , ar e know n onl y b y thei r effect s o f pulling th e syste m i n on e directio n rathe r tha n another .

Anttila (1972) has observed tha t change, sometimes chaotic, is a natura l part o f th e developmen t o f al l languages an d al l communities :

It is essential to orderly persistence, and not only to revolutions (extremely abrupt discontinuou s change) . Change s ma y pil e u p an d lea d t o elaboration and specialization, or innovations may simplify th e structure . . . Culture ma y als o be reinterpreted . Change s ma y b e brought abou t through interna l factor s (innovations) , o r externa l (e.g. , conquest) ; environment, borrowing, and spontaneou s mutation ar e basic. It is very rare to have a single cause, and the identification o f causes is difficult. . . The factors are often intricately interwoven, (p . 380)

Such qualities of change as extreme abruptness, discontinuity, spontaneou s m u t a t i o n s , th e p i l i n g - u p o f change s l ead in g t o e l abo ra t i o n a n d specialization, th e reinterpretatio n o f culture , th e variet y o f factors , an d the intricate interweaving of factors suggest the relevance of a chaotic mode l to the explanation o f socia l and linguisti c change .

The artificiality an d near-contradiction of a society made up of migrant s — both those entering and those exiting the area — can be seen as the basi s of a n 'inheren t chaos ' i n Hon g Kong . I n addition , "Hon g Kong' s export -oriented industrializatio n ineluctabl y expose s i t to international economi c risks an d fluctuations " (La u an d Kuan , 1988 , p . 1) . Nevertheless , Hon g


Kong ha s survive d an d prospere d b y becomin g a flexibl e an d dynami c society, an adaptiv e an d highl y context-responsiv e communit y

Hong Kon g i s an achievement-oriented , high-stres s societ y (Ma k an d Lau, 1992), where work and the related value of material acquisition occup y a central position. According to Wong (1992) , Hong Kong's prosperity an d stability is :

due . . . t o th e bifurcatio n o f persona l strai n o r experienc e an d socia l ideology, and to the latter's positive effect o n the sense of well-being. The relentless effort s t o make good , th e driv e t o educat e onesel f an d one' s offspring, and the strong belief in the eventual pay-off o f one's own effort s — all these are the positive, economically dynamic effects of Hong Kong's social ideology . This socia l ideology, however, i s not just a scripture fo r some mindless , happy-go-lucky Horati o Alger ; i t also contain s enoug h elements o f 'radicalism ' o r 'ambivalence ' (especiall y wit h regar d t o th e economic domain of life) to make a Fabian critic happy. In spite of this, the general effec t o f th e socia l ideolog y an d o f th e chas m betwee n i t an d personal strai n i s tha t th e societ y coul d b e drive n t o highe r level s o f economic dynamis m an d prosperit y while stil l being spared th e dange r of persona l strai n an d disconten t spillin g ove r an d underminin g th e ideology itself , o r mor e specifically , developin g an d reinforcin g mor e divisive an d conflictua l imagerie s o f th e socia l order . S o lon g a s th e openness an d fairnes s dimension s o f th e socia l ideology remai n intact , any mass mobilization based on 'class consciousness' and /or inequalit y (economic) appeals is unlikely to succeed, (pp . 232-233)

In this analysis , the dynami c o f Hong Kon g i s one o f th e push an d pul l o f individual strai n o r stres s an d culturall y drive n values . Th e dynami c i s that o f the Hon g Kon g realit y vs . the Hong Kon g drea m o r socia l ideal .

While 'th e Hon g Kon g dream ' i s a positive forc e directin g behaviour , the everyday experienc e of reality leads to pessimistic attitudes . However , given th e psychologica l strengt h o f th e positiv e socia l ideology , th e psychological strengt h o f th e negativ e socia l realit y i s diminished . Thi s contrast of positive and negative psychological orientations, and the schis m between them , can be seen as a 'chaotic ' attitudinal se t in which goal s an d ideals d o no t matc h actualities , and i n which goal s become divorce d fro m rational action s directe d a t meetin g thos e goals . Nevertheless , give n th e gap between actua l and ideal performance, individual s in Hong Kong ma y be led t o work eve r harder t o try to reach beyond th e reality o f the presen t moment t o what the y se e as their potential .

One possible result of this increased effort i s increased success , however measured; but another possible result is increasing levels of personal strai n and pessimism in a vicious cycle related to little or no gain in achievement . When thi s happens , i t can be speculate d tha t individual s wil l either 'bur n


out' , a s seem s t o b e happenin g a t presen t wit h Hon g Kon g secondar y teachers (Pennington , 1995a ; Pennington, Lee , and Lau , 1996) , or will see k to expres s thei r identit y i n differen t ways , suc h a s politica l actio n o r th e development o f a ne w socia l order . Thi s ma y i n fac t b e occurrin g i n th e development o f the new form s o f Discourse an d th e 'bi ' and 'di ' identitie s of the Hong Kon g Westernized Chines e represente d i n dual-cod e use .

The focusing and diffusion mode l of Le Page and Tabouret-Keller (1985 ) as applie d t o th e Hon g Kon g cas e by Bolto n an d Kwo k (1990 ) suggest s a chaotic syste m i n the contextua l responsivenes s an d hig h cod e variabilit y of Hong Kon g bilingualism. Th e notion o f language 'poles' , or 'attractors' , as norm s aroun d whic h speakers ' behaviou r ma y focu s o r diffus e i s als o consistent with a chaotic account . Th e chaotic nature o f language i n Hon g Kong can be demonstrated a s well in the partial reversal of attitudes show n in m y replicatio n (Penningto n an d Yue , 1994) , an d th e subsequen t confirmation o f it s finding s b y Axler , Yang , an d Steven s (Chapte r 14) , of the direc t attitude s surve y o f Pierson , Fu , an d Le e (1980) . The difference s in respons e patter n ma y wel l b e th e resul t o f difference s i n th e ' inpu t conditions' o f the two studies . If so, these differences betwee n th e origina l research an d it s replication s serv e a s a n illustratio n o f ho w 'chaotic ' an d multidimensional th e measuremen t o f huma n attitude s is , as implie d b y Giles' (Chapte r 19 ) discussion a t the en d o f thi s volume. I f the difference s in the findings ar e a reflection o f a change in attitudes within th e sample d population, the y ca n b e take n t o illustrat e th e chaoti c natur e o f languag e attitudes i n Hon g Kon g i n anothe r sense , an d tha t i s th e possibilit y o f reversals o r 'flip-flop ' ove r time :

If the differences i n the results . .. are not merely methodological artifacts , . . . then the response pattern suggest s tha t attitudes to language canno t be viewed as stable characteristics of populations but are rather strongl y responsive to contextual conditions. In particular, they indicate how much community attitudes might change in a comparatively short time durin g a period of societal upheaval and a major political transition... (Pennington and Yue, 1994, p. 18)

The flexibility o f the code-switching, code-mixing, and 'code-swaying ' (Gibbons, 1987) options available to Hong Kong bilinguals and the numbe r of factors which can affec t cod e choice are indicators o f a chaotic languag e system. Her e a n observatio n b y Gumper z (1982 ) abou t th e associatio n o f code-switching wit h certai n type s o f discourse , groups, and demographi c variables is relevant (thoug h the Hong Kong Chinese are numerically not a minority):

Code switching is perhaps most frequently foun d i n the informal speec h of thos e member s o f cohesiv e minorit y group s i n moder n urbanizin g


regions who spea k th e native tongue a t home, while using th e majorit y language a t work and when dealing with members of groups other tha n their own. The individuals concerned live in situations of rapid transitio n where traditiona l intergrou p barrier s ar e breaking dow n an d norm s o f interaction ar e changing . Eventuall y suc h situation s lea d t o th e displacement of one language variety by the other. Yet... with increasing displacement o f formerl y stabl e population s an d th e growin g ethni c diversification o f metropolitan centers , the communicative use s o f cod e switching ar e mor e likel y t o increas e tha n t o decrease . (Gumperz , 1982, p. 64)

In relation t o Hong Kong , one could sa y tha t th e changing compositio n o f the communit y a s documente d b y Bacon-Shon e an d Bolto n (Chapte r 2 ) and Afendra s (Chapte r 4) , ensure s a continuin g linguisticall y chaoti c situation fo r som e tim e t o come .

Linguistic Entrepreneurship

Another perspective on Hong Kong language related to the idea of newnes s and innovatio n i s that o f linguistic entrepreneurship, whic h ca n be oppose d in a possibl y enlightenin g wa y t o linguistic bureaucracy. I n a bureaucrati c model o f a communit y an d it s languages , ever y aspec t o f life , includin g each language , ha s it s prope r plac e o r 'compartment ' , an d operatio n overshadows outcom e o r substanc e a s the primary focu s o f attentio n an d goals. A bureaucratic societ y seek s stabilit y an d operate s o n a principle o f minimal change . An entrepreneuria l culture , in contrast , i s opportunistic , flexible, an d seek s it s bes t advantag e throug h experimentat io n an d innovation. The latter form o f description can be applied o n a general leve l to Hong Kong and als o more specifically t o the case of language, includin g the alternatio n an d mixin g o f Englis h wit h Cantonese , a s wel l a s th e innovative behaviou r o f Hon g Kon g Chines e vis-a-vis spoke n Cantones e and writte n Chines e (Li , Chapter 6) .

In Hong Kong, the culture of youth and modernity, the heavy weightin g of the population to those under 40 years of age, and the expanding middl e class (La u an d Kuan , 1988 ) mean a strong ne w generatio n creatin g a ne w culture. Thos e i n th e vanguar d o f th e developin g Hon g Kon g languag e scene ar e th e adolescen t an d youn g adul t entrepreneurs , th e 'linguisti c promoters ' , whil e thos e laggin g behin d i n th e olde r generatio n ar e th e 'linguistic trustees' of the society. On the analogy of business: "The promote r type i s constantl y attune d t o environmenta l change s tha t ma y sugges t a favorable chance , while th e truste e typ e want s t o preserve resource s an d reacts defensivel y t o possibl e threat s t o deplet e them " (Stevenso n an d Gumpert , 1985 , p. 87).


Environmental pressure s includ e change s in : 1. Technology , which open s ne w door s an d close s others . 2. Consume r economics , which alter s both th e abilit y an d willingnes s t o

pay fo r ne w product s an d services . 3. Socia l values, which defin e ne w style s and standard s o f living . 4. Politica l actio n an d regulator y standards , whic h affec t competition .

(Stevenson an d Gumpert , 1985 , p. 87)

In Hon g Kong , technolog y an d consumeris m hav e brough t wit h the m a need an d a n opportunit y fo r ne w product s i n th e socia l spher e an d ne w lexis in the linguistic sphere . New socia l values attendan t o n the changin g identity o f Hon g Kon g peopl e a s a uniqu e blen d o f Eas t an d West , o f international an d regiona l characteristic s an d aspirations , ha s likewis e created a deman d fo r ne w an d flexibl e mode s o f expression , a s ha s th e shifting politica l climate. Dejure regulation s mandating language mediu m (for example, in education and the courts), as well as their defacto relaxatio n over the years, have greatly impacted language behaviour in the communit y (Biggs, Chapter 18 ; Johnson, Chapte r 10) .

Because of the need to develop a new mode of communication to express a wealt h o f ne w thing s an d idea s rapidly , ther e i s n o tim e fo r 'normal ' linguistic evolutio n t o tak e place . Rather, a new cod e i s cobbled together , or 'coined' , fro m th e existin g resources , eac h servin g purpose s i t i s bes t suited for . Thus, Chinese is best suited for its underlying basis, its tradition , and Englis h i s best suite d fo r it s new imports , the stuf f o f it s innovations .

Not onl y i s mixe d cod e coine d a s a ne w variety , i t i s i n a creative , creolizing form buil t on 'diffuse' norms , rather than a standardized o r well-focused form . A s a communicativ e resourc e representin g th e variou s meaning potentials extant in the community, it is in a sense 'made to order ' to expres s variou s socia l idealitie s an d actualities , includin g individual , multiple, an d composit e identities . I t i s als o a n accommodatin g variety , 'swaying' on e wa y o r anothe r dependin g o n suc h feature s o f th e speec h setting as participants and topic . Thus, Le Page and Tabouret-Keller's (1985 ) characterization o f a Londo n Jamaica n variet y woul d equall y wel l fi t th e case of mixed cod e i n Hong Kong :

Clearly, the evolution and use of this argot is the outcome of many 'acts of identity' b y youn g peopl e growin g u p i n a multidimensional linguisti c and cultural environment to which their parents, their teachers, their peer group and 'the establishment' all contribute. The precise linguistic outcome . . . is not that of any single external model but the result of focusing around a repertoir e o f form s i n relatio n t o meaning-potential s . . . s o tha t a polysystemic syste m o f multifunctiona l unit s develop s it s own interna l coherences an d contrastiv e potential , both i n phonology an d grammar . (p. 178)


In short , i n Hon g Kon g a t the presen t tim e w e ca n se e the elaboratio n of a ne w 'wa y o f speaking ' (Hymes , 1974) , coined ou t o f linguisti c an d social necessity . Thi s ne w mixe d language , whic h i s base d o n n e w embeddings describin g ne w thing s an d expressin g ne w meaning s i n th e society, helps to express a range of newly minted identitie s and Discourse s required t o mee t th e ne w an d rapidl y changin g need s o f th e societ y an d the culture .

Metaphorical Incorporation of Experience

Le Page an d Tabouret-Kelle r (1985 ) have note d tha t languag e i s a vehicl e for encodin g an d t ransmit t in g ou r metaphorica l unde r s t and ing s o f ourselves, o f others , an d o f th e wide r univers e o f ideas . As compare d t o other dimension s o f socia l behaviour i n which the processes o f projection , focusing, an d diffusio n operate :

Language . .. has the extra dimension in that we can symbolize in a coded way al l th e othe r concept s whic h w e us e t o defin e ourselve s an d ou r society... Languag e is not only itself the focal centre of our acts of identity; it als o consist s o f metaphors , an d ou r focussin g o f i t i s aroun d suc h metaphors or symbols. (Le Page and Tabouret-Keller, 1985, p. 248)

It ca n b e maintaine d tha t th e us e o f Englis h b y Hon g Kon g Chines e i s a metaphorical incorporation oi 'Western' , 'modern', 'academic' , 'scientific', an d 'technical' experienc e int o Hon g Kon g languag e an d thu s int o th e Hon g Kong speaker ' s expressio n o f identit y an d reality . Thi s perspectiv e o n bilingual behaviour combine s semantic , syntactic, and symboli c element s of explanation , an d ca n be expande d t o incorporat e discussio n o f genres , ways o f speaking , o r Discourses a s well .

The insights of Halliday (1993) , Halliday and Martin (1993) , and Lemk e (1995) about th e 'technicalization ' o f modern discours e and th e packagin g of ideas into complex nouns embedde d i n simple syntacti c frames inspir e a new form o f explanation for dual language use, particularly code-mixing , in Hong Kong . It can first o f al l be noted tha t when a diglossic relationshi p breaks down , th e 'high ' languag e generall y endure s throug h a specifi c pattern o f 'hidde n survival' :

The end o f a prestige language seems to terminate the stage of diglossia . Yet the prestig e languag e disappear s onl y a s an autonomou s linguisti c system. The social class which has been its carrier perpetuates itsel f a s a class under ne w conditions , and doe s so linguistically b y adaptin g t o a pseudo-monolingualism: i t embraces the new standard, but incorporate s into it features of the former prestige language. In short, in many Western societies, the languages of the educated . . . are vernaculars refined by the survival of former prestige languages. (Kahane and Kahane, 1979, p. 193)


In thi s 'hidde n survival' :

the lexicon always plays the dominant role , with a large-scale transfer o f terminology characteristi c of the culture behind H [th e 'high' language]. The domain s covere d b y th e variou s H language s are , grosso modo, the same: upper-class civilization, abstractions, and professional technologies . (Kahane and Kahane , 1979, p. 194)

Kahane an d Kahan e (1979 ) spea k o f a process o f "lexemi c trickle-down" , in whic h "[b]orrowing s tha t ente r o n th e leve l o f th e uppe r classe s ar e adopted late r b y th e lowe r strata : H turn s int o L [th e To w language'] " (p. 195). Summarizing their discussion, Kahane and Kahane (1979) conclude:

A frequent pattern of sequences, then seems to unfold: a diglossic system, H vs. L, reflecting a class society, is strangled by L, which expands unde r popular pressures. Elitist H declines, but it does not disappear completely; rather, i t compromise s wit h L through a largel y lexica l fusion , thereb y creating a more flexible instrument for a more open society The standard which is born is the language of the educated middle strata (with its early medieval analog, the speech of clergy, bureaucracy, and professionalism) . (p. 196)

In similar fashion , th e increasingly ope n and middle-clas s society of Hon g Kong has create d a flexible instrumen t o f communication b y the fusion o f English wit h Cantonese , particularly i n code-mixing .

In Hon g Kong , w e ca n se e th e 'Europeanization' , 'Anglicization' , o r 'Westernization' o f the lexicon by massive importation from Englis h of ne w concepts o f moder n lif e an d b y importatio n o r creativ e developmen t o f productive ne w semanticizatio n patterns , tha t is , pattern s fo r creatin g meaning. Thes e hav e bee n documente d b y L i (Chapte r 6 ) in the domain s of discourse of computers, business, fashion, food, 'showbiz' , and 'lifestyle' . Most notably, the Anglicization o r Westernization o f Hong Kong languag e has occurre d b y th e importatio n o f tightly bundled concept s vi a th e nou n group, particularl y noun s an d t o a lesse r exten t thei r modifiers , tha t is , adjectives (se e examples i n Chan, Chapte r 7) .

A new for m o f Discourse in Hong Kong expresses itsel f through a base of Cantonese wit h a n increasing incorporatio n o f English , especially i n it s nominal element , a s a way o f importin g whol e ne w topica l area s an d th e orientations suggeste d b y these . Thi s proces s i s entirel y paralle l t o th e 'metaphorical nominalization', the recoding of experience into nominalize d form as a grammatical metaphor 'objectifying ' reality , which Halliday (1993) and Hallida y and Martin (1993 ) have documented a s a process common i n science. Th e tw o primar y linguisti c feature s o f scientifi c discours e — technical vocabular y an d nominalize d gramma r — ar e interdependen t (Halliday and Martin , 1993, p. 8). Together they realize a feature o f thematic


condensation (Lemke, 1995, p. 58) common in much of present-day discourse, by means of which information ca n be succinctly packaged i n the form of 'lexical packets ' inserte d int o relativel y simpl e syntacti c frames . A s demonstrated by the worldwide phenomenon o f 'lexical insertion' (code -mixing and borrowing) of English into other languages (Pennington, 1996b), this process readily accommodates lexical packets originating in a language other than the primary language of the community .

The proces s o f metaphorica l incorporation , throug h language , o f th e experience o f on e linguisti c communit y — the English-speakin g on e — into another — the Cantonese-speaking on e — is the grammaticalizatio n of th e merge r betwee n th e languages , th e societies , an d th e culture s o f English an d Cantonese , whic h ar e melde d int o a new synthesis , a ne w hybrid form. Given that "[g]rammars provide the most economical coding mechanisms (th e highes t 'codability' , th e leas t marke d forms ) fo r thos e speech function s whic h speaker s mos t ofte n nee d t o perform " (DuBois , 1985, pp. 362-363), it follows that to the degree that the mixing norms are becoming regularized in grammatical patterns, the expression of new mixed social role s an d identities , mixe d Eas t an d Wes t Discourse , an d mixe d modernity and tradition, must be functions whic h are necessary for Hon g Kong bilinguals to perform. Indeed, as explored further in the next section, this poin t almos t reduce s t o a truis m o r redundancy , give n tha t bein g bilingual implies being a person formed o f two languages and cultures — two worlds.

Iconicity of Dual Language Use

Code-mixing an d code-switchin g ar e par t o f a complex o f meanin g tha t reflects the metaphorical associations of mixing and switching as alternating between, or being in the middle of, two positions or stances. Code-switching is in severa l sense s a n actua l switc h o r two-leve l positio n o r stance , an d code-mixing i s in several senses an actual mix or middle position. In this sense, the meanin g o f dua l cod e use i s a quit e litera l typ e tha t Bolinge r (1985, p. 98) calls presentative or iconic. Dual language use can therefore b e described a s a manifestation o f th e natura l principle s o f oppositio n an d binarism at play in communication. Binarism reduces indeterminacy (Wales, 1989, pp. 49-50) an d ambiguity , an d make s th e illocutionar y forc e o f a n utterance mor e obvious , rendering sign s mor e iconi c an d les s symbolic . There is also in binarism more audience orientation and more redundan t communication. Hence , dualit y o f languag e us e enhance s th e clarit y o f communication values.

Use of two languages most transparently represents a simplest grammar of duality, as:


• dua l planes of meaning, or 'dual-channel discourse ' • community-interna l an d community-externa l meanin g • expressio n of tradition and modernit y • dua l audiences: channelling the message to different audience s • dua l face : presentin g tw o side s o f one' s 'face ' — one' s perspective ,

identity, or personalit y • dua l role (Pennington , 1994)

The use of two languages in one communicative act is a simplest gramma r of a mixed message, a mixed identity , or a 'two-faced' stance .

The iconicit y o f code-switchin g make s possibl e th e expressio n o f differences i n meaning whic h ar e marked onl y by code choice , based o n the interactants ' understanding o f the connotations o f the two codes. For example, whe n a speake r use s th e strateg y o f 'doubling ' (Appe l an d Muysken, 1987 , p. 135), stating 'the same thing' first i n one language an d then i n th e other , th e purpos e ma y no t onl y be, as Appel an d Muyske n (1987, p. 135) point out, to 'neutralize' the difference between the two codes, but also to present a difference i n meaning (Gumperz , 1982).

At the lexica l level , a language switc h i s a switch o f word meanings , particularly, connotativ e o r indexica l meaning . The speaker use s a wor d from another language because it is more appropriate in a particular context. At the cLausal level, the meta-significance of dual-code use is of two voices or perspectives. As in the extension of one's cognitive resources by writing (Pennington, 1996a), a second channel for communication makes it possible to extrac t a message, par t o f a message, or on e aspec t o f a message an d examine it , develo p it , an d represen t i t a s separat e fro m othe r line s o f thought o r message content . 'Dual-channelling ' therefor e allow s for spli t thinking and spli t attention in communication, as well as for extra planes of development of meanings and messages. Thus, a topic may be presented in one language and a comment in the other, or one point o f view in one language and a different poin t of view in the other — as if there were two interactants speaking, or as when one person alternates roles in a play, e.g., by puttin g o n on e o r th e othe r o f tw o costume s o r masks . Likewise , background information may be presented in one language and foregroun d in th e other . Discours e constructio n thu s proceed s b y oppositio n an d contrast of perspectives.

A simple iconicity of meaning is of course not the only possibility. Dual language use , lik e othe r expressiv e modalitie s suc h a s intonation , ca n express man y othe r kind s o f meaning which migh t broadly com e unde r the heading of representative (or 'symbolic'). For example, use of English in code-switched or code-mixed discourse may be symbolic of wealth, power,


social position, and education . It is also symbolic of such values as fashion , modernity, an d consumerism . Us e o f Englis h i s thus metaphorica l fo r th e speaker's relationshi p t o al l these values , i.e., for claimin g membership i n groups whic h espous e thes e values . Dua l languag e us e ma y furthermor e be emblemati c fo r certai n socia l meaning s o r socia l roles , a s mixe d cod e seems to be i n its use on campus an d i n the larger community by student s at the University o f Hong Kong, or as the switching to Cantonese by Hon g Kong secondar y teacher s seem s t o b e whe n expressin g solidarit y wit h students.

Use o f tw o codes , eithe r i n switchin g o r mixin g functions , b y Hon g Kong speakers provides a means fo r increasing what DuBoi s (1985 , p. 358) has terme d 'indexica l clarity' , tha t is , the clarit y o f thei r socia l role s an d status. However, as code-mixing in Hong Kong is becoming less iconic, the mixed code becomes more regularized, or syntacticized. For as Givon (1979) notes: "Via syntacticization the language loses message transparency whil e it gain s processin g speed " (p . 220). Hence, what i s gained i n econom y b y mixing i s los t i n clarity , bot h referentia l an d indexical . Her e w e se e th e opposition of the motive of ease of production and economy of expression , on the one hand, which pressures towards monolingualism, as against tha t of salience , or economy o f marking, which pressures fo r pola r opposition s and binarism , suc h a s is manifested i n bilingualism .

The whol e notio n o f diglossia , conceive d i n term s o f 'high ' an d l o w ' codes, i s a n iconi c characterizatio n o f th e relationshi p o r distributio n between tw o varietie s o r languages . Suc h diglossic , iconi c model s ar e reasonable idealization s i n th e synchroni c dimensio n o f languag e an d provide a n outlin e o f th e motivation s o f languag e change . Base d o n a characterization of diglossic bilingualism as a 'forced marriage of opposites' , I have elsewher e said :

Code-switching is iconic for the opposition, code-mixing is iconic for the marriage. Two languages show oppositions and contrasts. They will merge to one when there is no longer a clearcut opposition or contrast between them. Like all marriages, code-mixing is a compromise, gaining processing speed an d som e aspect s o f messag e transparenc y a t th e micro-level , through loss of some aspects of message transparency at the macro-level. (Pennington, 1994, p. 154)

On a synchroni c a s wel l a s a diachroni c scale , code-switchin g represent s the battle for territory between the mother tongue and the imported 'statu s language', whil e code-mixin g represent s th e metaphorica l a s wel l a s th e actual absorptio n o f on e languag e b y another . Code-switchin g i s i n thi s sense th e prototypica l realizatio n o f bilingualism , wi t h code-mixin g transitional t o monolingualism .


In th e Hon g Kon g case , us e o f Englis h i n a n otherwis e Cantones e discourse ma y inde x certai n specifi c meaning s o r grammatica l function s at the same time that i t is iconic for the nature of the whole discourse an d the externa l an d historica l relationship s between th e two language s an d the speaker s o f thes e languages . A s Englis h become s les s an d les s meaningful a s an icon, and a s Cantonese is used more and more to index English lexical items, the two blend more and more together in the mixed code.

A Natural Direction for Bilingualism

The profile o f bilingualism i n Hong Kong can be explained i n terms o f a natural directio n fo r bilingua l developmen t i n communitie s wher e a primary language spoken by the majority is maintained as the first language across severa l generations i n the face o f a prestige language comin g int o the communit y fro m outside . Accordin g t o thi s scenario , fro m a pre -bilingual stag e o f non-intersectin g monolingua l communitie s — here , English-speaking and Cantonese-speaking — the first stage of bilingualism evolves as a minimal intersection in which the two languages are mainly known in different groups , with some interaction by bilingual mediators , who are at this stage essentially translators or speakers of a 'pidgin' jargon. From here , bilingualis m evolve s a profil e o f diglossia , wit h functiona l separation of the two languages and increasing numbers of bilinguals who develop code-switching, first as situational switching, and increasingly, as metaphorical o r rhetorica l switchin g within on e context (fo r example , t o change 'face' , 'voice' , or 'mask') .

This directiona l mode l suggest s a natura l orde r o f developmen t o f bilingualism tha t begins , i n a motiv e o f necessity , wit h translatio n o r pidginization, and proceeds to become more of a symbolic act, as the two languages are increasingly juxtaposed, no longer in different speaker s and contexts, but withi n th e sam e speaker s an d contexts . According t o thi s model, the direction of development in language use in Hong Kong is from more o f a n expedien t typ e o f motiv e fo r us e o f Englis h t o mor e o f a n orientational one , from mor e o f a linguistic on e t o more o f a social one , from mor e of a requirement t o more of a choice, from a n imposition o r a superposed variet y t o a n 'ac t o f identity' . At th e sam e time , a s th e tw o languages are increasingly used together, they become increasingly blended in terms of their attributes, both linguistic and imagistic, leading inevitably (all other things being equal),5 towards monolingualism .

Hence, at the opposite end o f this natural course of development lie s again monolingualism . Headin g toward s thi s monolingua l baseline , th e

Perspectives on Language in Hong Kong at Century's En d 3 1

very las t stag e o f bilingualism i s grammatical enrichmen t o f th e mothe r tongue b y mean s o f massiv e borrowin g fro m th e secon d languag e an d syntactic, morphological, and phonological interaction with it over several generations. Thi s fina l stag e i s precede d b y a code-mixin g stag e tha t produces grammatical change in the mother tongue and the lexemic trickle-down describe d by Kahane and Kahan e (1979) . It can be maintained tha t this trickle-down process proceeds from lexical switching in set institutional domains suc h a s education , t o increasing conversationa l code-mixin g i n vernacular contexts .

To summarize , th e progressio n o f bilingualis m i n Hon g Kong , representing a natura l orde r o f bilingua l developmen t i n a situatio n o f linguistic hierarch y bu t wher e th e Tow ' languag e i s primar y i n th e community, can be described as one that moves: (a) fro m translation, the expression of equivalent meanings, or pidginization,

the simplification o f meanings, at the outset ; (b) t o symbolization, the expression of different meanings , at an intermediate

stage; (c) t o enrichment, the expansion of grammatical resources, at a final stage .

As outlined in Table 1.2, the proposed course of development of bilingualism in a case like that of Hong Kong proceeds at a societal level from diglossia , with participation by a limited number o f bilingual mediators; to (partial ) individual bilingualism, with a higher degree of participation and exposure to two languages on the part of the population, generally through education and media; to 'enriched monolingualism,

/ where what was formerly a 'high' language becomes incorporated into the Tow' language.

Monolingualism

Diglossia

Individual Bilingualis m

Monolingualism

Translation Pidginization

Situational Switching

Metaphorical Switching

Rhetorical Switching Lexical Switching Code-Mixing Grammatical Enrichmen t

Separation of Lanauaaes

Restricted Participation

High Participation

Intearation of Lanauaaes

Figure 1.2 Stage s of Societal Bilingualism


In this way, the Hong Kong community whic h could perhaps once be described in diglossic terms, is evolving new enriched varieties of Cantonese that will no doubt be further enriche d by increasing incorporation of lexis and othe r feature s o f the Mainland Chines e standard language . In a very real sense, the long-term presence of English in the Hong Kong context has prepared th e way for this next stage of development o f Cantonese.

Language Dynamics in Bilingualism

Both the diglossic and iconi c forms o f description are relatively static and non-diachronic. Th e directiona l mode l jus t presente d i s causativ e an d temporal bu t onl y one-directional . Thus , ther e i s a nee d fo r a for m o f explanation whic h ca n accoun t fo r th e stabilit y o f diglossi a whic h arise s from time to time in different communities , as well as the initiation of change and th e dynamic s o f chang e whe n diglossi a shift s t o th e type s o f case s described by Kahane an d Kahan e (1979) . There is then a need fo r a more dynamic for m o f explanatio n t o accoun t fo r th e long-ter m conditio n o f bilingualism.

As a final perspective on bilingualism, I would like to attempt a macro-level synthesis, on the analogy of physics, as a language dynamics model of the forces creating and maintaining dual code and multi-code societies of which Hong Kong is a representative. These forces ar e characterized a s a set of opposing tendencies, or binary forces, pressuring towards and away from the 'perfect equilibria' of monolingualism and diglossia, in a dialectic between continuit y an d change , community-interna l an d community -external powers , an d linguisti c econom y an d diversity , o r transparenc y The dialecti c betwee n thes e opposin g force s create s a dynami c tensio n which agitates the linguistic system of the community and opens it to new influences whil e a t th e sam e tim e continuall y pushin g toward s a convergence o r compromis e wher e th e force s wil l b e i n balanc e an d equilibrium ca n b e established . I n th e cas e o f Hon g Kong , ou t o f thi s dynamic tension of forces, a membrane or interface has been created linking the tw o world s represente d b y Englis h an d Chines e — particularly , Cantonese — in th e community . A powerful influenc e i n th e formatio n and developmen t o f thi s merger-zon e ha s bee n th e English-mediu m educational institutions of the community, which are in reality virtually all (with th e possibl e exceptio n o f th e ES F [Englis h School s Foundation ] schools) dual-mode English and Chinese .

One force I call the 'Top-Down' Force. This is the pressure to English-medium for high-level conduct of business and government, which results in the mandate to teach English at tertiary level. Attempts to maintain this


standard at secondary level results in mixed-mode teaching. A second kind of force I call the 'Bottom-Up' Force: this is the influence not of government authorities bu t o f community member s suc h as secondary student s wh o develop a mixed code . Teachers als o code-mix a s part o f th e Bottom-U p current, as themselves former students. While the Top-Down force pressures to use of a community-external languag e a s the vehicle for th e dominan t Discourse o f th e community , th e Bottom-U p forc e pressure s t o a mor e workable synthesis of the existing linguistic resources, to bring the linguistic situation mor e int o lin e wit h socia l reality . I n thi s way , th e society' s innovators, i n negotiatio n wit h it s trustees , forg e ne w communicativ e vehicles which, in the metaphor of Anttila (1972, p. 380), bring the 'surfac e structure' of Hong Kong communication into line with its 'deep structure' .

The 'Outside-In' Force comprises al l those community-external force s impinging o n th e community . I t therefor e include s th e influenc e o f th e media, of Westernization, and of internationalization. This type of force is that of international business and academia pressuring towards conformit y to an English standard. It also includes the influence o f China pressurin g to Standard Writte n Chinese and Putonghua . Finally , there is the 'Inside -Out' Force pressuring outward from inside the community As the strength of the inner pressures and influences grow and gather momentum, a strong new forc e emerge s from th e community centr e and spread s it s influenc e far and wide. In this way, a Cantonese-plus-English Discourse originatin g in Hong Kong is disseminated to other locales, becoming a strong regional influence, as well as an influence within and also radiating out from man y urban centres detached from the parent community — in Canada, the US, Britain, and Australia .

These forces blend i n confluent stream s that resul t in creation of ne w literacies and new language that have an impact on perception, cognition, and linguisti c creativit y (Pennington , 1996a) . Thus, i n th e merge r zone , community knowledg e ha s bee n augmente d an d recreate d i n new dua l and mixed forms of language and communication representing qualitative changes in how people talk and write, and what they talk and write about. These new forms of language and Discourse have been dispersed into the larger community, as the academic environment has functioned as a 'feeder ' for other zones of development in Hong Kong life, starting with those closest in characteristics and functions to the academic domain — perhaps business on the 'high ' side and friendship o n the low' side . From these zones, the new form s o f languag e ca n now ente r eve n int o the hom e domain , i n a diffusion proces s aided by the 'intermediate ' or 'intermediary' domai n of the news media, which help to close the conceptual and symbolic distance between the 'higher' and the 'lower' domains .


The younge r generation s i n Hon g Kon g ar e grammaticalizin g th e distinctions represented in the interplay of English and Chinese into a new type of language. Even such a 'perfect compromise' consolidation, however, may not be long-lived in this ever-changing community, or may not become the exclusive communicative vehicle in future generations. Rather, it is likely to continue its interplay and alternation with other communicative varieties, including th e increasingl y stron g on e o f Putonghu a a s wel l a s th e reimported varieties of English now flooding the community .

The forces creatin g the dual-language communicatio n pattern s o f th e Hong Kong bilingual community strik e a balance between economy an d multiplicity o f expression , betwee n explicitnes s an d subtlety , betwee n incorporation an d separatio n o f linguisti c devices , an d betwee n compartmentalization an d interchangeabilit y o f thos e device s — that is , between bilingualism and monolingualism. The constant interplay between social an d linguisti c markin g an d unmarking , betwee n diffusio n an d focusing o f values , captures i n symbolic form th e competition a s well a s the points of overlap between indigenous and colonial forces, localism and internationalism, Eas t an d West , the olde r an d younge r generations , th e lower an d uppe r classes , insiders an d outsider s t o th e community , an d private and public discourse arenas .

The various communicative form s which arise in the process provid e community resources for showing political allegiance, cultural orientation, social status and background, psychological distance/affiliation, cognitiv e ease/dissonance, and physical and geographical melding/separateness of individuals and groups. They offer resources for instruction and interaction, for persuasion an d domination , for competition and cooperation , and fo r compromise. I n particular , the y mak e i t possibl e fo r ever y Hon g Kon g bilingual individual and group to have a separate identity within a field of influences, as well as an identity which is interlocked o r partially merge d with the field in a 'communal social identity' (Giles and Johnson, 1987). In this way, Hong Kong bilinguals as individuals and group members express by thei r languag e behaviou r "bot h value d difference s an d value d relationships" (Gile s an d Johnson , 1987 , p. 95 ) amon g themselve s an d between Chinese and non-Chinese in the community and the world at large.

The metastable union of community resources and values embodied in institutionalized patterns of code-switching, in creative mixing of English into a Cantonese base, and in the creation of new literacies and Discourse s has in the new generation of Hong Kong bilinguals resulted in a harmonic but als o productive balanc e o f opposition s betwee n tw o languages , tw o cultures, two worlds. Indeed, the Hong Kong bilingual is in the vanguard of thos e aroun d th e world wh o ar e now blending differen t realitie s int o new forms of shared life experience.


In th e dynami c force s underlyin g linguisti c development , languag e spread an d languag e shift , w e ca n see the operation o f the systemic force s pressuring t o equilibriu m an d destabilizatio n tha t operat e i n language s and societies . Thes e force s maintai n population s b y helpin g societie s t o carve ou t ne w niche s an d develo p ne w resource s t o carr y int o th e nex t generation, whil e ensurin g enoug h commo n heritag e fo r transmissio n o f culture fro m on e generatio n t o th e next . Fo r onl y throug h diversit y an d maintenance o f a commo n bas e i s th e preservatio n o f th e societ y an d it s language assured .

CONCLUSION

These multiple perspective s offe r man y ne w angle s o n th e ways i n whic h two o r mor e language s whic h exis t in on e geographica l locatio n may , lik e two intertwined vines, help to support each other, may grow closer together , a n d / o r ma y compet e fo r th e availabl e resources . They als o illustrat e ho w the long-ter m cohabitatio n o r marriag e o f tw o language s ca n produc e offshoots an d hybrid s tha t ma y fin d o r creat e vibran t ne w niche s i n th e environment whic h eventuall y overwhel m th e ol d habitats . The y furthe r suggest th e nee d fo r environment s an d thei r inhabitant s t o adap t t o changing circumstances and to the introduction, by chance or by design, of strong new element s seekin g t o take roo t within th e sam e finit e context .

NOTES

1. Thi s chapter is a revised version of a paper entitled 'Explaining bilingualism in Hon g Kong ' whic h wa s give n o n 3 November 199 4 a s th e inaugura l lecture i n th e 1994-9 5 Departmen t o f Englis h Lectur e Serie s a t th e Cit y University o f Hon g Kong . Thank s t o Prof . Joh n Joseph , Universit y o f Edinburgh, for editoria l input .

2. Th e 'matched guise ' technique asks listeners to rate bilingual speakers o n a numbe r o f trait s base d o n scale s mad e u p o f pair s o f contrastin g descriptors suc h a s 'educated-ignorant' , 'attractive-unattractive' , an d s o on. Th e ratin g i s based o n eac h listener' s assessmen t o f th e speaker s a s they alternatel y us e on e o r th e othe r o f th e languages i n thei r repertoire . As the listeners are not told that the same speakers are performing i n both languages — i.e., that the guises in the two languages are 'matched' — the procedure i s assumed t o factor ou t any other difference s amon g speaker s that listeners could be reacting to in making their judgements. It is therefore thought that the matched guis e procedure elicit s listeners' attitudes to the languages being spoken .


3. O f course, 'lexical enrichment' on a large scale such as is occurring in Hong Kong an d aroun d th e worl d i n th e incorporatio n o f Englis h int o othe r languages (Pennington , 1996b ) inevitabl y bring s wit h i t othe r sort s o f changes — phonological, syntactic , semantic, and cultural .

4. Thi s patter n o f a spreadin g change , whic h i s als o typica l o f epidemics , involves a slo w star t followe d b y a rapid ris e an d the n a levelling-off o f effe'cts.

5. O f course , they seldo m are , and man y mor e comple x scenario s involvin g reversals and multiple outcomes can be imagined for the language of Hong Kong in future , includin g increase s i n use o f English and code-switchin g (for example , b y returnees) , a s wel l a s increase s i n code-mixin g an d borrowing i n the community a s a whole tha t could increas e the potentia l for creolizatio n (se e Pennington, 1994 , for som e discussion) .

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INDEX

A

Aberdeen 120 , 13 0 accommodation, societa l 91 , 340, 353 Abrams,D. 42 8 acculturation 180 , 339, 344, 353, 360 acculturation styl e

acculturative 88,34 1 assimilative 34 1 dissociative 34 1 marginal 34 1

acronyms an d abbreviation s 17 0 Afendras, E.A. 5,19,23,84,113,137,278 ,

360 affective orientatio n to mother tongue 35 8 affective respons e 42 9 alienation 237 , 343 Alleyne, M.C 18 0 alternation

of codes 16 6 of languages 6

amah 131,129,130,13 4 American 46,4 7 American English 151 , 279 Ames,C. 30 6 amotivating experience s 31 5 Amoy 4 9 analogy 1 1 Anglo-Chinese secondar y school s 392 ,

405 antipathy 10 6 Anttila, R. 17,20,3 3 anxiety 304 , 308, 309, 318, 319, 320, 324,

429

Appel, R. 2 8 attitudes Chapters 12,13,14,15

communication 43 0 ethnolinguistic 317,40 7 institutionalized 35 8 language 425,426,430 , 431, 433 towards Chinese/Englis h bilingual s 317 towards Chines e peopl e speakin g English 31 8

Australia 33 , 84,115, 212 Australian 27 9 auxiliary language 4 Axler, M. 13 , 14, 104, 133, 287, 329, 340,

358, 388,420,426,42 9 Azuma, M. 42 1

B

Bacon-Shone, J. 5,10,19,23,44,62,63,73 , 79, 136 , 137 , 146, 245, 257, 269, 270, 271, 278,280, 344

Bakhtin, M. 9 Balla, J. 4 , 8, 9, 14, 18, 87, 104, 107 , 113,

146,157, 220, 243, 245, 266, 278, 279, 300, 354, 355, 368, 369, 370, 380, 419, 420, 422,423, 426

Banks, S.R 34 0 Barnes, P. 36 7 Barnett, K.M.A. 45 , 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 59,

87,88 Basic Law 27 2 Basler, B. 10 4 Bauer, R.S. 113,163,164,169 , 244, 397

438 Inde x

Beck,C 40 5 Bell, A. 16 8 Bentahila,A. 19 8 Berk-Seligson, S. 19 8 Berns, M. 16 6 Berry, J. W. 43 0 Bhatia, T.K. 166,16 9 BickleyG. 35 9 Bickley,V. 36 8 bicultural 149,150 , 220, 274 biculturalism 18 0 bifurcation, language-base d 39 1 Biggs, J.B. 20 , 24, 307, 369, 423 bilingual 229,24 4

communities 21 9 education 366,400,40 5 genre 1 6 mediator 3 1 societies 38 4 study texts 38 4

bilingualism 3 , 4, 5, 6, 10 , 14, 17, 29, 30, 31, 32 , 34, 35 , 43, 44, 64 , 69 , 71 , 72, 76, 79,133,136,146,166,237,270,36 6 individual 24 4 societal 24 4

binarism 27,2 9 Blake, C.F. 11 4 blind population 5 1 Blomfield, B . 10 4 boat

people 46,4 9 population 4 7

Bochner, S. 34 1 Bokamba, E.G. 166,198 , 207, 208, 214 Bolinger,D. 2 7 Bolton, K. 5,9,10,19,22,23,43,44,62,63 ,

65, 68 , 69, 72 , 79 , 88 , 114 , 120 , 136 , 137, 146, 235, 245, 257, 269, 270, 271, 278, 280, 337, 344

Bond,M.H. 329,33 1 Bond,M.K. 104,31 8 Bongaerts,T. 20 8 borrowing 27 , 31,133,166, 272 Boski,R 43 0 Bourhis, R. 339,34 3 Bradac, J.J. 42 5 bridging programme 26 8 Britain 33 , 212, 213, 343, 346

British 46 , 47, 96, 97, 101 , 102, 107, 151, 260, 359, 365 colony 18 0 colonial legacy 35 9 colonial rule 91 , 9 5 English 27 9 government 39 1

British Council 62 , 63, 64, 99 Bruce, N. 114,120,136,40 7 Bunton, D. 42 2 business 4,19,23,32,84,95,104,138,146 ,

149, 173, 243, 244, 272, 345, 348, 395, 396, 403, 408

C

Cairns, A. 13 4 caique 17 4 Canada 33 , 84,115, 212, 330 Canadian English 33 2 Canton 92 , 96 Cantonese

ethnicity 9 4 'high' 6,147,154,155,157,16 5 low ' 6,147,154,155, , 157,16 5 vitality 91 , 92, 96

Carbaugh,D. 27 8 Carey, J.C. 342,34 3 Cargile,A. 42 7 census Chapter 2, Chapter 3 Chan, B.H.- s 6 , 10 , 11, 26, 146 , 149, 166,

173, 192, 199, 207, 208, 213, 219, 245, 258, 272, 278, 279

Chan,KC. 10 2 Chan,M. 28 6 change in word clas s 17 7 chaos theory 1 9 chaotic

language behaviour 1 9 system 2 0

Chen, P. 46,157,17 4 Cheng, H.N.L. 26 7 Cheung, H.N.S. 14 6 Cheung, M. 286 Cheung, O.L. 5,14,19 , 255, 381,419,420,

426 Cheung, Sin Ying 38 8 Cheung, YS. 64 , 85,163,164,169,17 6

Index 43 9

children 84 , 114 , 116, 129, 131, 136, 138, 348,359, 393

China 33 , 46, 80, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 107 , 149 , 156 , 228, 273, 394, 397, 399

Chinese cultural values 10 5 ethnic identity 10 5 glosses 38 4 identity 105 , 318, 319,420

Chinese Pidgin English 14 6 Chineseness 10 5 Chinglish 1 9 Chiu Chau/Cho w 10 , 45, 49, 54-56, 66-

69, 74 , 75 , 93, 96, 118 , 120-122 , 125, 127-129

Chomsky, N. 11,20 2 Chow,M. 13 8 Chow,R. 36 9 Clement, R . 288 , 305,427,429 cloze test 287 , 289, 294, 300 Clyne, M. 164-168,170-173,175-177,179 ,

198 code choice 28,150,157 , 221 code-mixed utterance s

morpho-syntactic characteristic s o f 200 phrase structur e o f 200 , 201

code-mixers 19 2 code-mixing Chapters 5, 6, 7

expedient 145,147,148,15 3 orientation 147,148,150-153,155,15 6 structural aspect s of 19 8

code-swaying 2 2 code-switching 7,10,11,16,17,19,22,27 -

30, 34, 36, 66,147, 149,150,165-167 , 173, 178, 214-216, 259, 266, 268, 368, 379

cognition 3 3 cognitions 43 1 cognitive 30 7

advantage 16,1 7 economy 1 7 enrichment 1 7 resources 2 8

Cohen, M. 114,15 8 colonial

heritage 31 0

legacy 35 9 rule 96,10 7 status 31 5

colonialism 4 colony 44,4 6 comic books 8 5 communal socia l identity 340 , 341, 359 compensatory bilingual behaviour 1 2 compromise

code 24 4 forms 17 7

concurrent multilingua l 39 1 concurrent, multilingua l approac h 393 ,

403,408 confidence i n language use 38 3 consumerism 24 , 29 content

analysis 10 5 morphemes 20 6

continuum o f language 27 9 convergence 11 , 105,15 2

linguistic 17 8 syntactic 17 8

creolization 36,18 0 Converse, J.M. 28 9 Cook-Gumperz, J. 27 8 Cooper, RC 59,8 8 Coupland, N. 305 , 427, 429, 431, 432 Crutchfield, J. P 2 0 cultural 13,16 4

basis 1 2 distance 28 6 rules 32 0 value 35 9

culture 35,104,146,156,237,244,270,293 , 303,314,318,348, 355,35 9

culture clash 34 3

D

D'Andrea, D. 6 DarbelnetJ. 166,17 4 Das, R.N. 345 , 346 Davis, E. 19 8 De Francis, J. 9 5 Deaux, K. 43 0 Deci, E.L. 298 , 304, 354, 421 decolonization 11 4

440 Inde x

demographic factor 8 2 variables 79,8 2

Detaramani, C . 14, 18, 87, 113 , 220, 245, 285, 299, 310, 329, 358, 368, 386, 419, 421,427, 431

dialect 3 , 10, 44-47, 54, 68, 74, 75, 85, 91, 93,94,108,114,136,137,164,270,275, 399

diculturalism 1 5 diglossia 17 , 29-32,157, 244, 397 diglossic 1 5

bilingualism 25 9 communities 24 3 model 5 , 6, 9 pattern 25 5 system 2 6

digraphia 16 3 dilingualism 1 5 Disciullo, A.M. 21 3 Discourse 25,26,33,3 4

academic 1 8 marker 153,17 2 newspaper 27 9 non-academic 27 9 plan 1 6 scientific 2 6 sociolinguistic 8 7 specialized 25 7 variegated 27 7

disyllabicity 15 1 Dolan,T. 13 8 domain 4 , 6, 31, 33, 43, 84, 148,173, 222,

238, 243, 256, 258, 259, 275 domestic helper 54,113,115,129,134,13 6 doubling 2 8 Dual Structure Principle 20 8 DuBoisJ.W. 27,2 9 dummy high status 24 0 duolingual strateg y for readin g 38 8 Dzau,YF. 9 6

E

Eastman, C 156 , 339 Economist, The 10 7 education 4,19,29,31,80,82-84,95,103 ,

106, 113, 135, 148, 162, 221, 222, 227, 243, 260, 265, 266, 268-270, 275, 303, 344, 353, 354, 357, 359, 368, 385, 391 , 395, 399,400, 403, 423

Education Commission 86,100,104,267 , 270, 368, 391, 392, 393, 394, 396, 403, 404

Education Commissio n Repor t No . 4 (ECR4) 106 , 392-394, 419, 421, 422

Education Departmen t 97-99 , 161 , 407, 408

Edwards, J.R. 427,43 1 embedded language 10,11,191,192,207 -

210, 213 emotional buffer 16 3 endangered language s 42 5 English

achievement 35 4 attainment 287 , 288 , 290 , 296 , 297 , 298, 419 language computer softwar e 32 2 standards 394,399,40 6 tuition centres 10 4

English Schools Foundation 32,115,116 , 127,134,137

Entwistle,N. 30 7 Equivalence Constraint 198 , 207 Espinosa, A.M. 156,15 8 ethnic

affirmation 34 1 boundaries 34 1 denial 34 1 distinctiveness 30 5 group 341,34 3 minorities 222,33 9 orientation 23 5 pride 10 5

ethnicity 105,137 , 344, 360 ethnolinguistic vitality 36 0 euphemism 16 3 Evans, S. 5,19 , 85,255,381,391,419,420 ,

426 exclusion 1 1 expatriate community 123 , 359 expectancy-value theory 42 1 extended famil y 34 6

Index 44 1

F

factors i n learning Englis h external 31 6 internal 31 5

family dyad s 11 4 Farmer, J.D. 2 0 Feather, N. 42 1 Ferguson, CA. 4 , 86, 243, 255 Filipina 114 , 130 , 134 , 13 7 Filipina maids 12 9 Filipino 54,55,116,117,118,124 , 126,134 ,

228, 278 Filipino English 13 4 Fishman, J.A . 4 , 105 , 219, 220, 222, 243,

244, 255 Fitz-Gibbon, C.T. 28 9 focusing an d diffusio n 9 , 25 Fong,B. 27 8 four-character idiom s 17 9 Free Morpheme Constrain t 198 , 207 French, C 114,12 9 Fu, G.S. 18,22,96,104,161,286,317,318 ,

320, 329, 330, 331, 333, 335, 336, 339, 340, 349,420, 429

Fukien/Hokkien 45,49,54-56,66-69,74 , 75,93,118-120,122,124,125,127-129

G

Gardner, R.C. 288,294,298,304,308,354 , 427, 43 1

Garrett, P. 42 7 GeeJ.P. 1 8 Genesee, F. 42 9 genre analysis 6 Gibbons, J. 12-15,18 , 22, 64, 89,113,146,

158,164, 166,173,176 , 180,184,192 , 211-214, 220-225, 238, 239, 244, 257, 317, 368, 379, 387, 392, 429

Giles, H . 22 , 34, 305, 339, 341, 343, 345, 346, 348, 360,425-428, 431,432

Givon,T. 2 9 GleickJ. 2 0 Godfrey, P . 10 4 government 32 , 33, 44 government an d law 39 6 Gow,L. 369,38 8

Grace, GW. 18 3 grammar-oriented teaching methods 31 5 grammatical enrichmen t 3 1 graphemic varian t 16 4 Guangdong 86,92,9 4 Guangzhou 92 , 94, 96, 272 Gudykunst, W.B. 339,343 , 355 Guiora,A.Z. 30 5 Gumpert,D.E. 23,2 4 Gumperz , J.J . 18 , 22 , 23 , 28 , 165 ,

166, 168 , 16 9 Guoyii/guoyu 46 , 95

H

Hakka 10 , 45 , 48 , 54-56 , 66-69 , 74 , 75, 93 , 96 , 118-120,122,125,127-12 9

Hakuta,K. 6 Hall, B.J. 343,35 5 Hall,R.A.Jr. 14 6 Halliday, M.A.K. 25 , 2 6 Halmari, H. 21 2 Hancock, G. 9 9 Harilela, Hari 34 6 Harwood, J . 42 8 Hau,K.T 31 5 Haugen, E. 17 7 Henderson, M.E. 28 9 Hermann, J. 23 7 Hess,R.D. 42 1 Hewstone, M. 42 6 high-falling ton e 14 8 Hindi 222 , 223, 224, 238, 240, 278 Hirvela, A. 245,26 6 Ho, A. 104,31 7 Ho,F.W.A. 4 5 Hogg, M.A. 42 8 Hoklo 45,48,49,53 , 67 Holobow,N. 42 9 home

culture 23 7 dialects 54-57 , 66, 67, 73, 85 language 44,46 , 60,129 setting 23 1

Hong Kon g Certification o f Educatio n

Examination (HKCEE ) 28 9 community 43 2

442 Inde x

dream, the 2 1 government 45,47 , 52, 59-61, 65, 91, 92, 99,106,137, 394,40 8 Institute o f Education 9 7 speech community 8 4

Huang, J.C.T. 20 2 H u i , C H . 42 5 Hunan 6 8 Hutcheon, R. 27 9 Hutnik, N. 340-343,43 0 hybridization 1 5 Hymes,D. 2 5

iconicity 27,2 8 idealism 1 4 identity 9 , 34, 66, 84, 237-239, 275, 420,

427 acts of 9 , 24 British 42 2 card 8 4 Chinese 105 , 318, 319, 420 communal 340 , 359 conflict o f 42 2 cultural 164,34 3 dual 23 9 ethnic 318,339,340,341,347,358,35 9 ethnic minority 34 1 group 164,34 3 Hong Kong 57, 239, 270 Indian 347,35 5 language 219,27 7 mixed 28,34 8 social 146,277,34 3

identities, hyphenated 34 1 ideology 8 7 immigrant 92,22 2

first-generation 34 3 second-generation 34 3

in-group community 34 3 identification 35 5 identity 42 7 marker 34 5 social and cultura l values 34 3 ties 347 , 355

incorporation 1 1

India 88 , 279, 344 Indian Chapters 8,15 Indian community 346 , 360 Indian ethnicit y 35 9 information-exchange relationship s 1 8 innovation 17,18,19 , 20, 24 innovation-diffusion mode l 1 7 innovative variants 14 8 insertion switches 25 7 insertion-switching 8 Institute of Language in Education 9 8 Institute of Linguists 10 4 institutional talk 7 intergroup contac t 34 5 intergenerational interaction s 25 6 intermarriage 125,134,135,13 6 international language , English as 42 8 internationalism 27 0 intra-ethnic communication 16 6 Iu,RT 9 6

J

Japan 13 7 Japanese 54,55,116,117,118,119,121,122 ,

124,126,166,198,204,208,213,215,348, 392, 421

Johnson, R.K . 4 , 8, 20, 24, 34, 85, 89, 92, 114, 245, 257, 259, 265, 266, 269, 272, 276, 337, 344, 367, 368, 379, 381, 384, 388,392,393,405

Johnson, P. 339 , 341, 343, 360 Joint Declaration 337 , 39 7 Jones, R. 5,19 , 85,255,381,391,419,420 ,

426 Joshi,A.K. 200,209,21 3

K

Kachru, B.B. 166 , 213, 344 Kahane, H . an d Kahane , R . 25 ,

26, 31 , 32 , 24 4 Kamwangamalu, N.M . 13,156,158,192 ,

198,199, 201,202,206-209, 212,21 5 Kass,G.V. 80 , 8 9 Kember, D. 36 9 Kim,U. 43 0 Kirst,M. 9 9

Index 44 3

Kitayama, S 30 4 Kiung Chow 4 9 knowledge o f Chines e

active 6 8 passive 6 8

Korean 116-119,121-124,126-129 , 348 Kowloon 45,47,51,66,115,117,120,330 ,

331, 348 Kristiansen, T 42 8 Kuan, H -c 20 , 23 Kuo ,ECY 13 7 Kuo Yu (Guoyu/guoyu) 48 , 50 Kwan-Terry,A 21 3 Kwantung 4 9 Kwo ,OWY 72,85,88,89,39 7 Kwok, H 9,10 , 22, 235, 278,286, 337 Kwong,TWL 114,13 9

Labov, W 23 5 Lai,C 286,308,320,35 4 Lal,P 8 8 Lambert, W E 6 , 294, 298, 354,427 language

affiliation 23 8 and caree r 38 1 and understanding 38 2 aptitude 30 6 choice 114,120,123,128,136,219,222 , 287 cognitions 425,42 6 conflict 8 5 contact 185,21 2 diary 221 , 223-225, 239 dynamics 3 2 m education 97 , 394 loss 34 3 maintenance 34 3 mixing 150,156 , 219, 256 needs 39 4 of commerce 9 2 of success 10 4 ordinance 9 5 pockets 32 0 policies 86,275,43 2 policy 267 , 268, 337, 392, 404, 419 , 422,423,426, 428

reform 9 6 repertoire 68 , 69, 73-75, 83, 86,147,

150, 238 shift 35, 57 spread 3 5 standards 84,161,39 4 symbolism 1 3 teaching methodology 9 8 use 59,63,223,279,303,307-309,319 , 321, 324,378

language, secon d 94 , 114 , 208, 211, 245, 305,309,369

Latin Americans 6 Lau, DC 27 7 Lau,E 95,104,245,27 7 Lau, S -k 6-8,11,14,20-2 3 Law,E 24 5 L a w , E H F 266,392,39 3 law 84 , 243,408 LePage,RB 9,22,24,2 5 learning strategies 303 , 304 Lee, C L 192 , 201, 202, 207-209 Lee, P L M 8 , 14, 22, 257, 259, 367-379,

381,384,388,393 Lee, S Y 104,286,318,329-331,333,335 -

337, 339, 340, 349,420 L e m k e J L 25 , 2 7 Lewis, EG 40 7 lexemic trickle-down 26 , 31 lexical

borrowing 10,1 7 enrichment 3 6 gap 12,163,165,17 3 projections 20 5 switching 3 1

L i ,CN 178,202,204,21 3 Li, D C S 10,11,15,26,157,164,173,191 ,

212, 219, 245, 257, 258, 270, 272, 273, 278,279, 381, 393

Li,R 9 6 Li,Y429 Li,YC eta l 97 , 100,27 1 Lieberson, S 13 3 Lm, A 13,114,161,257,259,299,310,329 ,

358, 386,419,421,427,43 1 linguistic

bureaucracy 2 3 constramts 16 5

444 Inde x

creativity 17 9 ecology 43 2 entrepreneurship 2 3 fusion 18 0 middlemen 150,24 4 minorities 48 , 50 perspective 21 9 relativity 18 3

Linguistic Society of Hong Kong, The 392 , 405

literacy 12 , 46-48, 51-53,162, 278 in braille 5 1

Llewellyn, J. 99 , 39 3 Llewellyn Repor t 39 3 loan translation 17 4 loanblends 17 7 localization 26 8 London Jamaican 2 4 Lord, R . 43 , 161, 162, 286, 365, 366, 396,

397 Luke, K.K. 4,10,12,13 , 43, 44, 62, 63, 65,

68,69,72,114,120,135,145,150,162-166, 172, 175, 180, 191, 192, 211, 219, 244, 245,272, 273, 276,278-300, 319

Lyczak, R. 104 , 31 7

M

Macau 9 3 Maclntyre, P.D. 298 , 304, 308 Mackie, D.M. 42 9 MacNamara, T.F. 341 , 343, 344 magazines 103,14 6 Mahandm, V.K. 22 2 majority languag e 55 , 57 Mak, Anthony 8 7 Malaysia 115,11 6 Malaysian 116,117,119,121,122 , 124, 126 , 138 , 34 8 Mandarin 46,50 , 56, 66-69, 74, 75, 82, 83,

85,95,99,101,119,124,126,137,147, 178, 215, 240, 270, 279

Manessy, G. 15 6 marginality 34 2 Markus, H.R. 30 4 Martin, J.R. 25,2 6 Martinet, A. 16 7 mass education 26 5

matched guis e 14 , 3 5 Matrix Code Principle 19 9 matrix language 10,11,191,192,200-210 ,

213, 244, 276 as a processing notion 20 0

Matrix Languag e Fram e mode l (MLF ) 191,199, 205, 207, 211

McCoy, J. 11 4 mealtime language 116,13 3 media 19 , 96,135,163,273,304, 357, 359,

386,432 medium of instruction (MOI) 91,96,103 ,

104, 107, 162, 265, 271, 272, 274, 335, 353, 365-367, 371, 387, 392, 393, 400, 401,403

Mencius 27 7 mental lexicon 1 2 metalinguistic knowledge 16 5 metaphorical incorporation of experience

25 metaphorical nominalization 2 6 metaphorical switchin g 30 , 31 migrants 115,138,17 1 migration 19,113,13 6 Miller, C. 155,159,25 7 Min 4 9 minority 22,45, 57, 85,135,265,347,349,

359,429,432 communities 34 0 dialects 56 , 84, 96 language 8 7 rights 6

MIX 37 9 mixed

code 5,18,19,24,33 , 72, 76,164,221, 244,246,260,272-275

medium 15 0 mode o f instruction 146 , 381

mixed guise 1 5 mixed-language approac h 26 6 mixed-mode teachin g 379 , 392, 393, 405,

408 mixing

expedient 145,147,148,15 3 orientational 145 , 147,148, 150-153, 155,156,273

modernization 105,156 , 344 Mok, Cynthia 8 7

Index 44 5

monolingual 10 , 30, 43, 85,117,121,123, 136,185, 243

monolingualism 17 , 29, 30-32, 34 monosyllabic

verbs 17 6 words 15 1

Morpheme Order Principle 199,205,209 , 210

morpho-syntactic structur e o f th e code -mixed utterance 200 , 202, 205

Morris, L.L. 28 9 Morris, M.W. 43 2 Morrow, PR. 16 6 Moser, L. 9 4 mother

country 10 5 tongue 66 , 73, 97,105,114, 117,120 , 127,175, 222, 235, 237, 245, 317, 344, 355,358,367, 376,380, 387

motivating experience s 31 4 motivation Chapters 12,13

academic 32 4 achievement 30 7 assimilative 31 4 career-related 32 4 cultural 1 3 expedient 12,14,27 3 extrinsic 285 , 294, 295, 298, 300, 419, 421 idealistic 10 6 instrumental 294 , 305-307, 324 integrative 340,357,42 7 intrinsic 285 , 293-295, 297, 298, 300, 306, 307, 340, 357, 421, 422, 427 orientational 13,14,145,273,310,31 2 psychological 1 3 social 13 , 313 strategic 1 3

motivation orientatio n intrinsic 310,312,42 1 practical/communicative 306 , 310 , 311, 421, 422 qualifications 306,310,313,318,421 , 422

motivation strength 29 1 motivation strengt h measures 29 0 motivational profil e 287 , 295, 314 motives for learnin g English 309 , 31 9

multilingual 116,133 , 229, 353, 359, 360, 432 society 8 5

multilingualism 3,4,62,82,83,85,87,13 3 multiple group membership 341 , 353 multiple identities 43 0 Muysken, P . 28,21 3 Myers-Scotton, C . 10 , 191, 192, 198-201 ,

207, 208, 212, 213, 244

N

Nadel,A. 13 8 Nakagawa, M. 11 4 NamTau 4 9 Nancarrow, O.T. 164,27 9 Nartey, J.S. 198 , 207, 208 network 43 2 New Mexico 15 6 New Territorie s 46 , 47, 51, 66, 115 , 130,

331 New Zealand 137,27 9 news 116,148,15 7 newspaper 103 , 164, 168 , 170 , 172 , 179,

278, 279 publishing 1 8

Nishimura, M. 166,198,199,204,207,208 , 212, 213

Noel,K.A. 30 5 nonce-borrowing 166 , 207 norms 9,168,18 5

external 15 1 North America 8 4 null subject language 20 2 Nyikos, M. 30 7

O

official languag e 18 0 Official Language s Act 270 , 272 Oiler, J.W. 28 9 open-door polic y 92 , 96, 99 Opper, S. 114,134,137,13 8 out-group

community 42 9 language 236,35 5 second language 34 7

overseas Indian community 22 2 Oxford, R.L . 30 7

446 Inde x

P

Packard, N.H. 2 0 Pannu, J. 5 , 6,9,13,16,270,278, 279,359 ,

429 Patri, M. 5,16,239,310,420,426,429,43 1 Pease, R. 9 2 Peng,K. 43 2 Pennington, M.C . 5-9 , 11-14 , 16 , 18, 22,

27,28,30,33,36,87,104,107,113,146, 150, 157, 167, 220-225, 235, 239, 244, 245, 255-260, 266, 278, 279, 286, 287, 300, 308, 318, 330, 331, 333-335, 339, 340, 349, 354-357, 367-369, 379-381 , 387, 388, 420, 426, 429, 431

perceived self-choic e i n languag e stud y 297

perception 3 3 personality 1 4 Pfaff, CW . 165,20 1 Philippines 27 9 Phillips, C. 27 8 phonetic loan s 16 4 phrase structur e

of code-mixed utterance s 20 1 rules of English 19 7

pidgin Englis h 1 9 pidginization 30 , 31 Pierson, H.D . 4-6 , 13 , 14, 22, 57, 85 , 89,

91,95-97,104,162,184,269,271, 278, 286, 287, 297, 318, 329-331,333, 335-337, 339, 340, 349, 381, 407, 420, 427, 431

pinyin 9 6 pluralism 34 1 policy of 'English-only 7 33 6 Polome,E.C. 59,8 9 Poon, A. 18, 87,113, 220, 245, 368 Poon, W. 4,15 0 pop song s 8 5 Poplack, S . 155 , 167, 198 , 207, 215 , 216,

257 Portuguese 46-4 8 positive identification wit h English 34 7 Postiglione, G.A. 89 , 95,114 Poulisse,N. 20 8 pragmatic

constraints 23 7 factors 168,23 7

pragmatism 1 4 presentative meaning 2 7 press 170 , 171 , 174 , 17 6

Hong Kong 12,18 5 quality 17 0

preverbal marker s 17 8 principle o f economy 175,17 6 pro-drop languag e 20 2 proficiency 8,10,59,60,63 , 64, 66, 72, 79,

82,86,136,162,236,238,269,287,294, 317, 335, 431

proficiency tes t 10 0 projections

of heads 20 5 lexical 20 5

psycholinguistic processes 19 2 psychological

distinctiveness 34 2 state 23 8

psychology o f duality 1 4 public

examinations 70 , 76, 97,105, 382 opinion 40 7

Punetha, D. 345 , 346 , 34 8 Punjabi 201 , 219, 220, 222, 224, 225, 228-

231, 236, 238-240, 242, 278, 349 Punti 45 , 48,49, 87 purist 184 , 185,21 2 Putonghua 5,34,44,46,54-57 , 62 , 66, 69,

74,82,83,85,89,91-101,103-108,117-129, 131, 132, 136, 137, 147, 249, 250, 253, 255, 270-273, 275-279, 394-401 , 403, 406-408, 411-415, 420, 421, 423, 427,429, 432 certification 9 8 instruction 10 0 proficiency 10 1

Putonghua-speaking 10 2

Q

questionnaire, language o f 33 6 Quine,W.V.O. 18 3 Quirk, R. 43,9 0

Index 44 7

R

radio 6,102,103,156,193 , 212 Rahim, S.A. 34 4 Ramage, K. 35 4 Received Pronunciatio n 16 7 redundant construction s 15 2 Reeve, J. 35 4 regional

linguistic loyalties 9 6 varieties 9 6

representative meanin g 2 8 returnees 11 7 rhetorical switching 30 , 31 Richards, J.C 4,43,135,150,166,180,244 ,

286, 319 Richards, S. 14,104,236,286,297-299,303,

309, 329, 358,419,420-422, 427-429 Roeloffs,K. 9 9 Rogers, E.M. 1 7 Rogers, P. 42 9 role

confusion 34 2 relationships 1 9

Romaine, S . 16 , 167 , 201, 207, 212, 222, 366

Rosario, L. 10 1 Rosselli,F. 42 9 Rusmin, R.S. 5,19 , 85, 255, 381, 391, 419,

420, 426 Ryan, E.B. 425, 426 Ryan,R.M. 299,304,35 4

S

Salili, F. 31 5 Sankoff, D . 155,159,198 , 207, 216, 257 Saunders, G. 13 3 Schatz, H.E 16 6 Schiffrin, D . 17 2 Schmidt, K.L. 33 9 school 7,16,96,97,99,100,105,107,108 ,

114, 130, 135, 137, 180, 221, 223, 238, 271, 275, 286, 335, 359, 367, 382, 384, 394,401, 408,422

Schroff-Cunningham, J . 13 7 Schumann, H. 28 9 Schumann, J.K. 30 5

Scollon, R. 9,17 0 Scotton, CM. 146,159 , 207, 215, 219, 240 second dialec t 9 4 Second World War 96 , 345, 392 semantic

divergence 18 1 extension 1 1 fields 1 2 specialization 15 3

semi-bilingual 149,15 0 Shanghai 4 8 Shanghainese 54 , 55, 67-69 , 74 , 75 , 93,

118-120,122,125-129 Shantong 67 , 68 Shatin 117,120,13 0 Shaw, R.S. 2 0 Shek, C.K.W. 266 , 392, 393 Shenzhen Special Economic Zone 92,10 2 simplification 1 1 Singapore 92,101,116,137,192 , 240, 421 Singh, R. 21 3 Sinicized words 14 7 situational switchin g 3 1 Skehan,P. 30 6 Skeldon, R. 84 , 9 0 Smythe, PC. and Smythe , CL. 28 8 Snell-Hornby, M. 18 3 Snow,D.B. 16 4 So, D.W.C. 5 , 19, 103, 274, 300, 391, 392,

394, 397,403, 405, 407, 408 social

identification 33 9 ideology 8 7 stigma 22 1 values 345,35 4

Society of Hong Kong Scholars, The 18 4 sociopolitical culture 9 2 sociocultural values 10 5 sociolinguistic survey 62 , 65, 72,113,120 Sodowsky, G.R. 342,34 3 South China 96,10 2 Sparks, D.W. 11 4 Special Administrative Regio n 162 , 271,

287 speech

act 6 repertoire 14 9

speech community 168,220,222,277,28 0

448 Inde x

Chinese 14 9 Hong Kong 8 4 Indian 23 9

Sridhar, S N an d Sridhar , K K 199 , 200, 208, 209

Stafford, K 36 9 Standard Cantones e 66-6 8 Standard Englis h 9 Standard Written Chinese 9,95,157,277 ,

279, 395, 398, 407 standardization 96 , 395 Stanlaw, J 16 6 Stanley, P 28 9 Stevens, T 13,14,104,133 , 287, 329, 340,

358, 388, 420, 426, 429 Stevenson, H H 23 , 2 4 Stokes, M 369,38 8 strategy choice 303 , 307, 308, 324 strategies

cognitive 32 3 compensation 307 , 323 direct 30 7 indirect 30 7 guessing 32 3 memory 307 , 323

streaming 392,40 4 stressed syllabl e 15 1 Strong, M 29 7 stylistic gap 16 5 Surry, M 10 4 SVO language 17 8 Swales, J M 6 Sweeting, A 107 , 39 2 switchability 20 6 symbolic meaning 22 0 syntactic mtegration 1 0 syntax Chapter 7 system morpheme 206 , 209, 213 System Morphem e Principle , Th e 200 ,

205-209, 211, 213 systems theory 42 2 Sze Yap 48 , 49, 53-56, 67-69, 74, 75, 93

T

taboo words 16 3 Tabouret-Keller, A 9 , 22, 24, 25 Taiwan 49 , 92, 95,101,102,107,137, 399

Taiwanese 93,130,13 2 Tajfel, H 34 0 Tam, F 18 , 87,113, 220, 245, 368 Tang,TC 206 , 21 3 Tanka 4 9 Taylor, DM 6,339,34 3 teacher-centred teachin g methods 31 5 teacher talk 266,27 4 teachers of English as a second languag e

Chapter 9 technology 24,146,173,174 , 345 television (TV) 85,101,102,193 , 212, 322

cable 10 2 satellite 85,10 2

terms of address 16 5 thematic condensation 2 6 Thompson, RW 14 6 Thompson, S 178 , 202, 204, 212, 213 Tientsin 6 8 Timm,LA 15 7 tonal integration 18 2 Topic-Comment structur e 20 3 Topley, KWJ 45,50,52,9 0 Trade Dyula 15 6 Tran,S 11 6 transfer 16 8 transference 166,168,17 7

lexical 17 3 lexico-syntactic 168,17 8 pragmatic 17 2

translation 12 , 30, 31, 163, 174, 176, 181, 184 equivalence 18 3 equivalent 13,165,17 4 indeterminacy o f 18 3

transitivity 176,17 9 transliteration 163,174,17 6 transposition 17 4 tricultural 1 6 triglossia 39 7 tnglossic

hierarchy 5 situation 43 2

trilingual 16 , 85, 220, 225, 238, 397, 402, 403

Trudgill, P 23 5 Tse, A 163,164,179,182,183,192 , 21 1 Tsim,TL 9 6

Index 44 9

T'sou, B. 43,161,162 , 365, 366 Tung, P. 30 0 Tung Kwun 4 9 tutorials 255 , 258, 259,371, 372, 379

U

U-gay-wa (universit y students 7 talk) 14 6 United Kingdo m (UK ) 84,137 , 381 United States (US) 6,33,84,115,212,213 ,

346, 381 usual language 4 8

V

Vaid,K.N. 114,21 5 value of Englis h

cultural 35 9 instrumental 335,35 3 social 33 5

Vanniarajan, S . 198,20 7 variant form s 15 6 Veloo,B. 102 , 11 0 vernacular

talk 1 2 writing syste m 27 0

VinayJ.R 17 4 von Humboldt , W. 18 1

W

Wai,S.-w. 10 6 Wakeman, F. 9 4 Wales, K. 2 7 Walters, S . 8 , 14 , 104, 419, 420, 422, 423,

426 Wang,S.-h. 11 4 Weinreich, U. 165,166,16 7 Wescott, K. 11 3 Western

culture 146 , 292, 293, 314, 343, 347, 359

values 35 9 Westernism 15 6 Westernization 26,105,156,16 5 Westwood, A. 19 8 Wheeler, S. 19 8 White, B. 345,34 6

White, M.J. 42 9 Whorf,B.L. 18 3 Whorfian hypothesi s 18 3 Wierzbicka, A. 18 3 Williams, A. 42 9 Wilson, D. 9 4 Witt, H. 103 , 27 9 Wodehouse, P.P.J. 4 4 Wong,C 40 5 Wong, C.T. 9 9 Wong,E. 299,32 9 Wong,T.W.P 2 1 Woo,C-w. 366,36 8 Working Part y o f th e Educat io n

Department 39 4 written Cantonese 163 , 273, 275, 399 written languag e 64,185 , 280 Wu,K.Y. 42 2

Y

Yam,S.M. 42 5 Yang, A. 13 , 14, 104 , 133 , 287, 329, 340,

358,388,426,429 Yang,K. 33 1 Yau, M.S. 106,146,157,163,164,169,173 ,

176, 399, 407 Yee,A. 10 6 Yeung, Hang Fai 38 8 Yeung, I. 299,32 9 Young, L. 345 , 346, 348, 427 Yue (Yii) 9 1 Yue,F. 14,22 , 244,287,318,330,331,333 -

335, 339, 340, 349, 354- 357, 420

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