Khotanese v- < Old Iranian * dw

Khotanese v- lt Old Iranian dw-

Prods Oktor Skjaeligrvoslash

Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies University of London Vol 48 No 1(1985) pp 60-73

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KHOTANESE V- lt OLD IRANIAN DW-I

By PRODSORTORSKJZRVQ

In his Dictionary of Khotan Saka (p 377) Bailey has the follo~ving entry cara- door with the following comment possibly cara- (door from car- to close shut or a dialectal c- lt dc- IT-ould permit connexion with dear- Av dzuram dear2 gate ( ) Sote Tumshuq Saka citana a second time with c i - lt dci- Baileys suggestion that this vara- means door is certainly correct The passage in question (KT 111 124) is quoted belon-

As a matter of fact it would be somewhat surprising if the extremely common Iranian 11-ord for door were not preserved in Khotanese and it is natural to consider whether cara- may not be the regular Khotanese descendant of O h dwar-2 As quoted above Bailey thought that vara- door might contain a dialectal development of OIr dw- gt Khot c- thereby implying that OIr dw- resulted in something else in Khotanese However the only Khotanese IT-ord generally accepted as the descendant of an Old Iranian IT-ord in dw- is Khot iuta- second lt OIr dwita- and this word presents a singular (see Emmerick iTlonutnentutn Geory Moryenstierne I (Acta Iranica 21) Leiden 1981 199) and unexpected phonetical development for which there is no parallel elsen-here in Khotanese and for which Tumshuq Saka in the Karmaviicana has citana a second time with V- lt dw-

Under these circumstances one may ask whether the regular Khotanese representative of OIr dw- is not actually v- as suggested by Khot vara- door and Tumshuq citana a second time The only way to answer this question is of course to look for other Khotanese IT-ords with c- with possible Old Iranian etymons in dw- preferably with other Iranian cognates evidencing Old Iranian or proto-Khotanese dw- A glance at Bartholomaes Altiranise~es Worterbuch makes it clear that there were fen- Old Iranian words in dw- (Avestan duu- db- tb-) and the Khotanese examples can accordingly be expected to be limited in number Severtheless I have found the following likely candidates which are discussed in detail belon- vara- door gate ltdwar- cZj- to seize grasp lt proto-Khot dwlf(a)ya- ltOIr 8wZf(a)ya- c6r2- to throw ~vinnor5- and uysvZr2- to toss up scatter lt OIr dwZnaya- cans- temple lt proto-Khot dwlna- lt OIr dtnZna-

vara- door gate The identification of this vara- in the texts is rendered difficult by the

frequent occurrence of its homonym cara there lt OIr awaOra and in LKh of a homonym of its loc sg vira namely viru cira upon lt OIr upari (On OKh cira see belon-) Of the examples below those from Z 290 Z 22135 KT 111 42 66 68 and IrBT 47 were quoted by Bailey Diet sv vara

court courtyard Incidentally the examples of vara- attest to the meanings door gate and possibly (royal) court but not courtyard as Bailey has it The meaning (royal) court is derived from (palace) gate(s) Bailey has discussed Khot cara- in JRAS 1954 26-34 and in KT VI 320

I would like to thank Professor R E Emmerick Hamburg and Dr N Sims-Williams London for kindly reading drafts of this article and for many valuable comments and suggestions as regards both form and content

Old Iranian dwar- was an athematic noun Such nouns were regularly thematized in Khotanese see SGS 250 sect 4 That thematization took place late is suggested by the fact that OIr zrd- heart (a neuter noun cf Avestan zarad-) had time to lose its final -d before receiving the thematic vowel and produce Khotanese ysara- A proto-Khot form zyda- or zrdaya-would have resulted in Khot ysiila-

The forms of vara- identified so far are an OKh nom-acc pl cara a LKh acc sg or pl vara (ciri) a LKh gen-dat sg cara and an OKhLKh loc sg cira

The forms vara (ciri) are found in the following five passages Z 22135 kinthe cara ysarrn6 vuda the gates of the city will be golden

covered (Emmerick the courts of the city ) Sote The Chinese parallel text to Z 22135 translated by Katanabe for Leumann quoted KT TI 320 has die Turen und Hofe sind mit verschied- enen Juwelen geschmiickt According to Bailey the Tibetan parallels to Z 2 have khor-gyi kham circular court (thus Bailey) corresponding to Khot cara-

KT 11 16 no 44bl tta parsti si khu ~ L Qka)lthi cara pah6jda u ni ma hisida kirar6 and he ordered Jj7hen they shut the city gates here ( n q nza lt mara) and workers do not colile here ( ) (not as Bailey Saka documents text volume 35 if they open here the city v SGS 79 pa- to stop obstruct )

KT 11 91 no 54101 drai lzZiti ri kav~thi ciri iprri~iycTida and for three months they did not open the city gates (ciri = cara)

KT 11 104 no 5791 ttu visza-cakrrirnza sakh6ra kitha karnC cara nfiadi pastai uiricye he ordered this Visnuv1krFim5rFima sarnghirima to be erected like the walls and the gate of a city (v Bailey Asia Major SS 11 1965 105 and 114 f)

KT 111 124 no 5278 vara badaya vara bafia Cdagataya cara prrahja (Skt) dc6ranz bandhaya (= Khot) cara baEa close the door (Skt) udgl~ataya(= Khot) vara prrahpja open the door (v Bailey BSOS IX

3 1938 535)

The remaining examples all contain vira which in OKh probably is the loc sg of cara- in all its occurrences but in LKh may be this or the postposition on In OKh I have found cira only in Z (it is absent from Sgh Sue sgs) where it occurs with vara there (vara cira vira cara) kinthe of the city and k4da of the palace This cira was derived by Konon- ((STS TII 193454) from uparya as a by-form of vira from upari (Konow thought upari gave Khot cari which became cira through influence from vl-ra) Leumann (E 501) accepted this view and listed vzra pre- and postposition in the glossary of E and Emmerick in Z does not diverge from this analysis of vl-ra However Sims- JVilliams rightly points out that at least in Z 598 (see below) we unambiguously have cara there and vira to the gate in combination and he suggests that all four examples of the preposition vira in Z should be interpreted as in 598 Since this interpretation seems to be born out by the contexts in question one is further led to examine the remaining ciras in Z to see whether they too cannot be interpreted in the same way as loc sg of cara- door gate As a matter of fact I believe they can as I shall try to show in the following

cira preposition Z 598 ciya vara eta cira kinthe balysa when the Buddha came there to the

city gate Emmerick came there to the city Z 22254 ku cira kinthe balysa hiita when the Buddha comes to the city

gate Emmerick comes to the city

Bailey Dict 54 has karina- enclosure ward quarter of a town In this passage however kar-nu could also be the gen-dat pl of kara- (Dict 53b) which Ernmerick has shown to mean boundary line (in an article to be published in Studies rr) and which here could mean the boundary or wall of a city

62 PRODS OKTOR SKJBRYO

Z 2351 cira kiisdu vistztii he stood there at the palace gate Emmerick he entered the palace In this passage ViQvakarman descends to earth goes to the palace at dawn stands at the palace gate and from there sends a message to the king who then orders him to be brought to him ViQvakarman (in the shape of a carver) is not particularly likely to have been allowed to enter without the kings permission

Z 24232 idem Emmerick he approached the palace As in the preceding example somebody (here Asita) stands at the palace gate whereupon the king orders him to be brought to him

cTra postposition Z 290 balysz LC trEwzate t s a ~ t u hho j u sarau ttara acutastu bi ici bodhzsatca

bilsavzgi Badr cara clra cistEta The Buddha enters calmly as unafraid as a lion (also) the Bodhisattvas (and) the Bhiksusangha Bhadra stood there at the gate Emmerick ( ) All the Bodhisattvas of the Bhiksusangha entered the court of Bhadra Bhadra remains outside the palace which he has magically transformed from a cemetery because he IT-ill shortly transform it back again

Z 2126 samu kho havijsasde se ttrawze gyastu balysu ksavzcaitta cari c8 ksZrtnar2z iste dusdarrau cira cistata S o sooner is he about to I will enter (1e the magically created palace) to ask forgiveness of the Lord Buddha than he returns in shamee stood despondent at the gate Emmerick ( ) He fell into despondency The interpretation of cira here as a t the gate is supported by the use of the verb ttravz- to enter ttrame I will enter (Emmerick I IT-ill go off ) also in 2131 trawzu ha balysu kpanzeca enter and ask the Buddha for forgiveness (Emmerick Go off ) and in 2132 Badr ha ttramate Bhadra enters (Emmerick Bhadra goes off )

[Z 3115 sarcaci balysi karcira Ere bi ici all sit surrounding (every) all- knowing Buddha Emmerick kar cira in the circle This liarcira is certainly non1-acc pl of an adjective karcira- surrounding also attested in Sue 29r5 (KT v 107) karcira ~za b i i a hZlE Znata ya~zda you take care of them all around everywhere Skt (Nobel 68-9) paripi lana~n karisyat~aand 29r6 ha)ztsa karciru paljsa~tgye jsa with a surrounding retinue Skt sa(-ba1a)-parivarair 5]

Z 528 thatau ha Era ha~braus ta quickly he went to the (palace) gate Emmerick (connecting it with the preceding) (just as a mans fever will come out) having entered quickly Here the king having heard the news that his son is coming back feverish and his mind wandering immediately sets out on foot towards the palace gate to go and meet the son He falls in a faint and the chamberlains tell him to get a grip on himself and then ride out as befitting a king

Z 597 gyasta biiio tantho Eysa~zcru padti ptaniye vira Let them adorn the gods in the IT-hole city first of all (those) at the gate (ie where the Buddha 1~111enter ) Emmerick Let the gods adorn the whole city First there should be ( ) For the adorning of the gods cf eg Z 24240 (belon- p 69) pida

kscirnzarii in shame is an adverb formed like abustaili in ignorance and pvastafia in fear see Leumann E 476 sv bud- (at the end) Emmerick translated kacirmafii iste as he withdraws from the shame but there are no instr-abl forms in -aCi (see SGS 257-60) The ending -aGi is probably from OIr - m i loc sg of n-stem nouns (Avestan eg taGnaini) in Khotanese specialized in the function of adverbs

5 Cf Bailey Diet 63a The nominalization of the prepositional phrase kara vira (2 279 cf kara vati Z 533 in the circle ) gt karvira- adjective is reminiscent of the nominal form hamdarvato (loc sg) in the in-between from hamdr vate between prepositional phrase (see Skjrerva BSOAS XLIV 3 1981 461 top)

63 KHOTANESC V - lt OLD IRANIAK DIT-

s(6nye gyasta the painted gods For 6n(i)ye adverb see Leumann E 508 The accusative of extent (biiio kantlzo throughout the IT-hole city ) is also common with eg iiandaa- earth ttuto i a n d o (Z) hamo i a n d o (Z) kEwzo i a n d o (Sue) see Emmerick BSOAS xxrIII 1 1965 26

To sum up we see that the interpretation of cira as loc sg of cara- gate makes good sense in all its occurrences in Z Such an interpretation further removes both the problem of the form of a preposition cira which ought not to show the enclitic treatment of upa- (in analogy with the pair pata-cata one would expect Era-ciru) and also the problem of the form cara in cara cira Bailey in K T TI 321 cornrnented upon the fact that ccrra seems to lack inflection in cara cira

Follo~vingare some LKh examples of cara cira and cira cara

K T 111 42 no 151 sa khuja hisida cira cgra as soon as they come to the door ( 2 )

K T 111 66 R5ma 34 papa past6 kusda eini$a cara rira kdi vista h e forthwith set out for the palace there a t the palace gate he stood

KT 111 68 Riima 75-7 kiu iau ttrainza hayztse ki~zna cira ca paraii ciitiya khu rnni iaje cira kp6r)na ga)zjsa na hama hiigcpna ie ra js6qz khu sa riitiya cara cTra tta tta ya hqtha bisacna khu a usthiye iuje~zq ks6rmci padi)zde when one (of the two suitors) entered (ttraitna 3 sg opt of ttr6tn-) for the sake of company (hnvztse from LKh haytsati- Sue from OKh hamtsatfiti- Z) he would place his axe (from Skt paraiu) there a t the door however much shame (they have) toward one another no sin arises a t all The other then when he placed (the weapon) there a t the door just so was the truth when he pulled away the curtain (thus Emmerick) he produced shame for one another

K B T 47 Nanda 57 ttai he6 s i eiri rara hiii tta hiifla she said to him (when) you come there to a door say ( ) Emmerick BSOAS XXXIII 1 1970 76 translated you will come to a courtyard

As for the possibility of confusion of the two ciras in LKh cf the numerous occurrences of rira (ri cir6sta) in LKh where one might be tempted to take cira to be to the gate (of the palace) However corresponding to this LKh phrase we have in Z l i ~ s d uciri (5105 110) where ciri can only be a postposition governing the accusative

It should finally be pointed out that though the use of door gate to signify (royal) court is well known from other Middle-Iranian and modern Iranian languages the Khot passages all contain cara- in the original concrete meaning of the word also when used of the palace gate But of course there may still be found examples in Khot of a vara- royal court without reference to the gates eg members of the court or ~ i m ~

zaj- to seize grasp take hold o f Bailey (KT VI 208 f) connected this verb with a West Iranian wafa-

found in OP avajam I pulled out (sc one eye) and further in several modern dialects I t should be noted however that all these dialects have forms from

For palace gate gt royal court cf lRIiddle Persian BBd ( = d n r ) Parthian TROd ( = b a r ) eg in the Palkull inscription OL BBd Z Y L S E = O L Y S TROA to Our court Kote also from Aira~naic (A Cowley d r n m a l c pnpyrz of the j f t h centlcril B C 212 f) Ahiqar 23 v hqymt bbb hyX1 and I set hlm a t the gate of the palace (not in the courtyard) and 44 t y h q y n ~ t btr hyX1 whom you set a t the gate of the palace S o t e also Old Perslan DB 276 d u c a r n y i m a l y basta a d i r z y n he mas held bound a t lRIy ( the hings) gate and Sogdian Vessantara J i t a k a SO Itw i y X n 63ru ys n t they shall come to the palace gate

64 PRODS OKTOR S K J B R V 0

waja not from waj(a)ya-and the meaning appears to be consistently to take out pull out not to seize grasp take hold of which I hope to show is the meaning of the Khotanese verb Also note that the Babylonian version of DB 11has zi-nap-pi1 I blinded as the equivalent of OP aeajam (E N von Voigtlander The Bisitun inscription of Darius the Great Babylonian version Corpus Inscriptionunz Iranicarunz Part I Inscriptions of Ancient Iran Vol 11 The Babylonian versions of the Achaemenian inscriptions Texts I London 1978)

I would like to propose another etymology for Khot v i j - namely from proto-Khot dwijya- lt OIr 8wajya- and thereby connect it with Sogd Bvei- to obtain 7

The verb is assigned the meaning to hold in SGS 122 and is so translated in all its occurrences in Z except Z 620 where Emmerick translates it as grasped Bailey in K T VI 325 and Dict 382 translated it partly hold partly grasp The meaning to hold may be based upon the occurrence of vcj- in the phrase drraiiu eijare in the Sgh passage quoted below ~vliich corres-ponds to Skt iruta-dharii bhavisyanti and upon the Sgs passages also quoted below where it corresponds to Tib kun chub-par byed (etc) to memorize and once to hjin to hold However the nieaning of this phrase is more probably to take firm hold of as I shall try to show

Sgh 13r4-5 K T v 329 (= 8rl K T v 69) pydvire (pyuvare) balysanu heanaz~ bidci drraiiu ( d r a i i u ) vajare they hear the teaching of the Buddhas and grasp it firmly Skt lob7 (edition v Hiniiber) irutadhara bhatipyanti

Sgh 62134 K T v 349 -1ruza ttu hvavzdu v i j i r e [ the courtiers] will seize that man Skt pirsadyis ta)jz purupal g~hniyzlr

~ g s 34r3 [aylsu Lh[o g]yast[ii] ba[lysd] dattt hvEiiiitii u draiivz2 vEje as the Lord Buddha preaches the Lam- and I grasp it $-ell bco7)~-ldayz-hdas-kyischos ji-ltar gsui7s-pa biin-du hjin-gyi

The meaning of Tib hjin-pa in this particular kind of context is to grasp take hold o f as in the Sue passage quoted in the next example and in the abundant remaining examples in Suv of Tib din-pa = Skt g ~ h -(v Nobel TYorterbuck 181)

Sgs 34r5 cv2 th[u] draiiu vclja when you grasp it $-ell Tib khyod n i ( ) kun chub-par byed-do

For the Tib phrase kun chub-par byed cf Sue Tib 668-9 lljin-pa daiz hchan-pa da) hchad-pa daiz klog-pa dail k u n chub-par byed-pa daiz corresponding to Suv Skt 895-6 udgrahisyanti dharayisyanti tvicayisyanti deiayisyanti paryavipsyanti (note that Skt dhiraya- is Tib hchah-ba here) BSkt paryavip-woti is obviously to grasp get hold of though Edgerton Dict 334b translates it as masters understands

Sgs 35r5-vl ne thatau harbi[iu] ttu d i tu draisu t3atu yanindu they cannot quickly grasp that Lam- well Tib thams-cad Lun chub-par sla-ba ( easily ) ma yin-no

Sgs 35~2-3huvaraka a cu draidu vate avamata a cu ne draiiu vate dta little is that which he has grasped well immeasurable that which he has not grasped well Tib Eun-zad cig k u n chub-par byas-su zad-kyi gah-dng k u n chub-par ma byas-pa-dag ni dpag-tu med-do

Z 2120 b i a ahana Ladta hambte vatu biddu the wind on attachment by a noose can all be seized (= Dict Emmerick held )

Sims-TSTilliams points out t h a t the 3 sg present (injunctive) form viMn (see below) implies verb class Td (-ifyn-) not T e (-ifayn-) see S G S 177 and 184 f

KHOTAKESE v- lt OLD IRAKIAN DW- 65

Z 530 gyasta aysmii viju Lord get hold of your mind (Emmerick control your mind ) Cf Vajr 7al (gal) (KT 111 21) aysmd baysa~tjEEa (nEsiEa) Skt citta~ pragrahitacyam (v Mvy 964 Edgerton Dict 357)

Z 620 ( ) ksata EriyEmate vita ( ) the six samraEjaniya-dlzarmas have been grasped (Emmerick)

Z 915 nai ye dutu yinda ne vatu one can neither see it (ie a b h i ~ a the non- existent ) nor grasp i t (Emmerick hold it ) Cf K T v 101 below = Maiij 391-2 (KBT 133) nai yai dyai Tda nai n i with nE lt nEs- to take

Z 1842 ku nu-ro patinda hanza hve n i eisda bissa until they fall (ie the arrom-s) the same man can grasp them all (Emmerick holds cisda not in SGS 122 is 3 sg injunctive (middle) of vij-)

Z 24216 banhyu dastuna vita she grasped the tree with the hand (= Dict Emmerick held )

K T 111 74 Ranla 74 s i pfitte la za eE only he did not seize a born-1 and staff (ie to go begging) Cf Rdma 86 lapta pittara dlsta biysye he took a born-1 and staff in the hand

K T v 101 no 199 b3 (= Xeb 148) n[e] dye hamate ne vita it can neither be seen nor grasped Cf Z 915 above

K T v 125 no 223 b4 [GsalhEri biita kt35 ttu vEjire nuhayjindu t h e [strength]-robbing bhiitas if they seize him (and) hold him back

Suv K T v 134 + 173 nos 243 r2 + 331 b3 [Suv 181741 car tto dsando [y]s[T]ni eE rrundu [ I Skt (Nobel 2245) asmin pradese sa)znyastEni kumira- iaririzi and deposited the princes relics in this place (Emmerick SGL 92) Skt sa~zyasta means deposited entrusted consigned and sa)vnyasta-deha one who has given up his body (Monier-Williams) In Khot to entrust etc is ysin(yu) nis- (Dict 351a) and here ysinS vfi clearly is for ysTn cita- with vEj- beside nEs- In this particular context we may have an adjective ysizi-vi for ysTzi-vEtu going with rrundu so that the sentence means Just there in that place (they laid) the king m-ho had given up his body

2a dya in KBT 69 and 71 = KD [27] (Dict sv vclj-) was read and translated by Emmerick Varia 1976 (Acta Iranica 12) 111as vidya musical instrument but he did not exclude the possibility of reading 2a dya with the particle zq i and dya appearance However in the light of ~ g s 3 5 ~ ~ 1 Z 915 and K T v 101 quoted above it is possible to understand KD [27] as follo~r-s (cf Dict) KD [27] cu ttu a i si tts t~amaiti ttgyza (tcana) ~a dya dE h v i ~ d e if he grasped that then does he experience whereby (or thereby or by him) the Law is said to be grasped and seen Here dya is then to be under- stood as being for dye (as in K T v 101) from data (cf the common LKh vye lt cute lt vdta see Skjzrv0 BSOAS X L I ~ 3 1981 459 final -a instead of -e is quite common in the manuscripts of the KD eg vamasta 11sB for eanzaiti 11sA in KD [27] and MS d butte = 1lS B bautta in KD [lo]

From the above examples i t becomes reasonably certain that the meaning of vij-is to seize grasp Looking for a possible cognate of this vij- (from OIr (d)wEdfaya-)I came across BSo Gpyz- to get acquire XSo tbyk- tfyi- to gain obtain

SCE 461 cw 6prm ywyzt A P Z Y Gpyztt AXRZY i y przym wnkw LA pwt whatever he seeks and gets it is not a t all as his heart desires (MacKenzie) For the two Sogd verbs the Chinese version (Gauthiot-Pelliot pl 51) has only

(qiil) to seek ask for

Sim~-t~~i l l iams (This hlS was tells me that the MS C 2 has the spelling 8fyZ- several times edited in parts by 0 Hansen as Berliner sogdische Texte 11 Wiesbaden 1954 A complete edition by K Sims-TSTilliams is now in press)

66 PRODS OKTOR SIiJBRV0

S T I T11 B1715 [fc]rzpd tbygt gains the [whole] m-orld (Matthew 1626) Syriac neqne may gain

ST 11 631 qyknt witmx they gain Paradise Allowing for the differences in context the meanings of the Khot and So

verbs are close enough for one to try to connect them etyn~ologically (Note that in GMS 46 $ 296 the So verb is erroneously said to signify to collect )

Henning (Soqdica London 1940 32) suggested that the Sogd forms should be derived from OwZjaya- This however contains Ow and not dw which me are looking for Nevertheless we may ask whether OIr Ow- may not also have resulted in Khot z- eg via proto-Khot dzu- Ye know that the OIr unvoiced spirants f 0 x became voiced initially before r (see Emmerick Mozumentzrm Georg Morqenstierne I (Acta Iranica 21) Leiden 1981 188 cf Av friia OrEiio xraos- = Khot bria- drai grQs-) so OIr 0 may have become voiced before w as well This did not happen in the case of initial x of course since OIr xw- gave hz- in Khotanese (Note however that Indian h was a voiced sound and that Khot h was sometimes used to transliterate a foreign y v Emmerick ibid 204 f)1deg

eEC- to throm- toss winnow uys~ar2- to scatter Khot vEfi- is currently connected with an Iranian base wan- to throw

Possibly related to this verb is Sogd Ovnx6 attested by the past participle BSo 6Byit in Tessantara JAtaka 241 243 which seems to mean acquired he should not give away (flysy) tha t which he has not acquired ( Z K w LA Gpyit) and in the RISo bilingual word-list edited by Henning Sogdica 16 a(5) ndwcgl~yynd Spxityy put (hIP ndwcyhyjjnd they are accumulated stored ) With this Ovaxi- Henning further connected Xew Persian alfnydnn (nlfnxtnn) also = anduxtnn which attests to a Sogdian nnyd (see Henning B S O d S x 1 1939 105) and derived S5yt-etc from an OIr O~pjaya- 63yLF- etc from O~iax6 and nlfayd etc from Oitnxtn Of course Sogd O~dtl-can also be derived from Ou1cifyn- Recently G Lazard showed tha t Sogd ( )6p nk in the Mug tlocunlents is connected with this word fanlily and means food reserve provision (Studicz Iranica X I 1982 229-32 = MBlnnges oferts ri Rnoul Curiel)

Khwarezmian has the imperfect n~Ofnc- (mOfnJ-) to gain acquire translating Arabic kasnba iktnsabn jarnhn ijtnrahn (Persian knsb kardnn) Xote especially l ing 3015-6 j a~aha I - xaym wa s-sarm he acquiredgained the gool and the bad I lhnar na8fnjdn j xjr zid sr (Persian knsb kard n i k i o badirci) and larahnti 1-jnwcirihu 6-caydn the birds of prey caught the prey IChrrar xfr h y f j w j m y y ffwnyf-3r (Persian be-gercftnnd moryrin-e sek8ri sekcirrri) Here we have Arabic jaraha = (1)Ich~varmOfnjd- Persian kasb knrd acquired gained ( 2 )IChwar xf r - Persian be-gereftand seized caught Tfitis Arabic jaraha combines the meanings of Khot vcij-and Sogd Ovdi-

loAs for intervocalic -fr- etc note tha t -fr- became IChot -ztr- (eg baurti- snow Avestan vnfra-) -Or- became -r- (eg t a rn there Avestan auuaOm) -xr- became -r- (cg tcirau duck Pahlavi tnxr(n)wrg) -fu-however became -h- if Ilhot nhva- is from afyri- fear (Gld Persian afuvci- note tha t Baileys meaning belly for ahva- as seat of fear is rejected by IC Koffmann Aufsutze tttr Indoirnnistik I Wiesbaden 1975 p 210 n 2 vho interprets IChot nl~va-riysa-as Angst-Zittern ) As for the development of -Ow- in Khotanese note that Ilhot tcahnura 4 does not speak against the assumption of initial Ou-gt dw- in proto-IChotanese not only becanse it contains intervocalic OIr -Ow- but also because this form obviously derir-es from a form with metathesis taQwEra-gt taOcizcra- gt tcahnurn-

OIr intervocalic O regularly hecomes h in IChotanese cf Av raOa- chariot Ichot raha- OIr - x - appears t o have become Khot h in m u l ~ u us cf O P amcixam our OIr - f - may have become Khot v in Khot khata- foam lt xafo- Av kafa- but Pamir dialect forms lt xrifn- unless Ichot khnva- represents a third OIr form xccpa- For the forms see K T TI 59 S o t e tha t Ossetic xa f xiifa can also be from xapa- cf Oss fid father lt OIr p i t i More probably khavn-is just another example of the spirantization of an initial p t k before a folloming spirant in Ichotanese cf iekhou lt kaQnm thu lt tayu (Sogd t yw) thatau lt taxtaknm (rather than Ontakam lt Oan- to stretch Dict 148b) [On these matters see now also SSims-Williams BSOAS SLVI 1 1983 48 f]

Two possible examples of -Ow- gt -tr- in Khotanese are the following Z 22239 vtilstrindi sta vou have ( ) cast aside ( the burden of birth) (Emmerick) The

Buddhist Sanskrit and Pali parallels (KT VI 332) have to thro~vlet fallunloadput down the burden but if the Khotanese instead said to cut c1onn the burden ten vlilsta- coulcl be from awaOwrsta- from Av Oparas- t o cut

Z 312 2132 24387 (KT VI 203 f) pzilstn- covered (with kleias a garment and I ~ k e the tathigatagarbha) Thls word could be compared w ~ t h Av pait~Oflarsta- inlald (n l th gold)

67 HHOTAXESE V-lt OLD IRAKIAX D R-

found in several f est Iranian dialects (vSGS 16 sv uusvafi- I i T VI 325 and Dict 382) This ety~nology was first proposed by ~knvenis te (BSL XLVII 1951 )

Earlier Konom (in Saka Studies Oslo 1932 192) had proposed to connect uysvde- with Ormuri ban- to throw This again RIorgenstierne ( I I P L I 389) had already compared with Av duuan- causative dz~uqnaiia- and its cognates in north-eastern dialects also citing Testern Iranian van- toan- to throw This provides the earliest and till now only attempt to derive Khot v- from OIr dw- (Konom- or Norgenstierne do not mention whether they thought Khot cd6- was directly descended from OIr dwdnaya- or whether they considered Khot ysc- to be a si~nplification of the cluiter ysdc-) The evidence presented below strongly suggests that one ought to return to Keno-s and JIorgenstiernes etymology

Z 24520 kho ye brinthu ciri h ~ a t u cti~yite phi[ ] as when in a gale (thus Emmerick) one tosses up the barley well (v SGS 123)

The meaning to toss up (grain) = to ~vinno~v suits this passage particularly well To ~vinnom or to scatter toss up is also the meaning of the Khwarezmian and modern East Iranian descendants of OIr dwdnaya- see below

Some~vhatuncertain is the identification of the LKh form caufi- with cdfi- Sue P 66v4 (KT I 245) [Sue 3471 karma kleiije rrilrze vaufidT~de nzay

biia baysa all the Buddhas shall throw off me the impurities of the klegas Skt kleia-karw~a-nzala~ nzahyap vdhayantu tathdgatti~ (cdhayantu is attested by the Skt IISS ACES pracdhantu by BDE grhayantu by G the Tib has iol from biol-ba to defer delay detain the Chin 8 (xiio chfi Taish6 Issaiky6 vol 16 337B23)

The meaning to throw is not particularly close to the Skt to take away reinove on the other hand to throw (off) or to scatter does not ill suit the context either Baileys alternative etynlology (Dict 392) from c4E- lt am-nay- to lead down does not offer a serious alternative fornlally or semanti- cally to the connexion with ccifi-

uyscd6-Xeb 5023 ku Sunziru garu ndste nanerra tcabaljtctti pcird6bta uyscdfiufti if he

takes l lount Suineru in his palm breaks i t up scatters it and t h r o ~ ~ s it up (into the air) cf the RSkt parallels quoted by Bailey (Dict 40a top) sama-raja kareya makes it like dust and Saddharmapundarikasfitra haste~za adhyalavz- bitcu nzuctiza kgipeta takes it with the hand and throws it with his fist

The cognates of OIr dzcdnaya- in the other Iranian languages are the follo~ing

Avestan kt 561 pduruuo yat dinz usca uzduuqnaiia~ 8ra8aonC marayahe kahrpa kahrkdsahe Paruua ( ) when 8raFtaona threw him up (into the air) in the shape of a vulture (or made him fly up )

Rlorgenstierne ( I I F L 11 222) connected Av bata- winnowed abata- unwinnowed with this root

Avestan TT 735 aztauua_t batanqn~ attauua_t abatanqnz (sc yauuanqm) this much winnowed (barley) this much unwinnowed

If Alorgenstiernes connexion is correct as the meaning strongly indicates we rnust assume a late or dialectal simplification of the initial cluster db-_tb- in this word

Khwarezmian has GPny- to minnow toss up (dust) (cf Henning 2I Toqana Arrnafaccn Istanbul 1956 432) in the illuqaddi~rza

68 PRODS OKTOR S K J a R V B

Muq 1477 nz8Pnydn y yndyrn he winnowed the wheat Persian be-bad did gandornrd Arabic darra I-burr

Mug 1502 nzSPnydn y zud y pncy the wind scattered the dust Persian bi-afdand bad zikra Arabic safat ar-rzh at-turdb

Muq 2326 m6Pnydn y wd the wind scattered (the dust) Persian afddndbi-angzxt bdd xzkrd Arabic _darrat ar-rzh

Muq 4166 m6Pnydn he winnowed i t Persian be-bdd ddd gandornrd Arabic darra (-ta6rz

Here Persian be bad dadan is to winnow afidndan to scatter angixtan to rouse Arabic darra is to strew scatter throw (dust) safG to raise and scatter (said of the wind)

I n Sogdian me have BSo 8Pn and XSo dbny in BSo Fragm Rosenberg pryznt dd 8Pn krty they began to scatter

(spread) XSo S T I T11 B1218 q_t iil dbny bw_tq that ye shall be scattered

Syriac tetbadrtin ye shall be scattered (John 16 35)11 In modern eastern Iranian dialects forms from dwEnaya- meaning to

minnow are very common see JIorgenstierne EIP 41 sv lwastal I I F L I 389 sv ban-amp I I F L 11 22hs7 labiinam and An etyrzological cocnbulnry of the Shughni group Wiesbaden 1974 29 sv divzn-t

The commonsense derivation of these words from dwanaya- to make fly gt to toss up gt to winnow which from a semantic point of view is irre- proachable (cf German tcorfeln to winnow and Norwegian ci kaste kornet literally to throw the corn = to winnow ) was dismissed by a sleight of hand by Benveniste (BSL XLVII 1951 26) ( ) une skrie de forines qui supposent justement can- ( ) probablement pa8t ltcanem je rkpands dispense (de ni-van-) At the same time Bailey apud Gershevitch Asia Major NS 2 1951 p 136 n 6 also proposed this connexion The root van- which Benvenite proposed to connect Pashto ltcnnam with he had discovered in Old Persian and in several West Iranian (modern) dialects (Luri Baxtiyari Semnani Tazdi) and in Khot uyscaG- If this connexion mere correct the root can- would be well established as a common Iranian verb to throw How-ever the Old Persian evidence is not as unanlbiguous as Benvenistes statement (loc cit) leads one to believe le sens de can- se dkfinit avec pr6cision jeter entasser The Old Persian passage in question is from DSf 3-30 The text of this inscription with its Akkadian version has been recently brought up to date by Steve (Studia Iranica 111 1974 135-161) and its Elamite version by Vallat (Studia Iranica I 1972 3-13) The The Old Persian text now reads as follows

OP DSf 2 -30 f [racata] BU akaniya ydtci a[Oangam BUya a]virsam [yaOE] katanz abaca pasaca Oi[k]Z a[can]iya XX aradnii bardna upariy avam Oikdm hadii frdsah[ya] utd taya BU akaniya utG taya Oikd avaniya utd taya iStiS ajaniya kGra haya Ba[b]iruciya hauv akunaui

l1 These passages Mere discussed by Sundermann In Altor~ental~schcForschungen III 1975 56-70 (reference klndly supplied by S~ms-Wllllams) The interpretation of the forms 6Bn and dbny 1s complicated by the occurrence of a past partlclple 6yBtyy Jyityy Syptyy scattered and dispersed (Hennlng JRAS 1914 p 114 n 3) Sundermann suggests that 6pn dbny may be a nomen act ion~s belongmg to a re rb 6p( )y to extend scatter ( c f GAITS $5 293 and 1026) That rould seem to exclude a connexion x l t h dampcinaya although Sundermann still compares Khwarezmlan nzEBnydn presumably regarding lt as a denomlnatlre from dampina Slms I$rllllams on the other hand suggests tha t GyBtyy could be a secondary past partlclple x l t h metathesis for 6Bytyy from a passive stem EBy-lt dwaya- (wlth a lt a ) At any rate a Sogdian representatlr e of Old Iranlan dwcinaya- has not yet been found

KHOTASESE V - lt OLD IRAXIAX DW- 69

The akkadian equivalent of OP avaniya is to be filled filling 1 19 nza-li i-bn-6-ii fut en suffisance 1 20 i d mu-ul-lu-0 du remplissage The Elamite version uses the same ~vord for OP acaniya and frlsah[ya] There is thus no evidence in any of the versions that avaniya means was thrown (in) The Old Persian passage can be translated as follo~vs The earth mas dug downwards until I came down to the rock of the earth When it had been dug [3 sg pluperfect passive ~v i th impersonal (grammatical) subject corresponding to the imperfect passive nkaniyn] then the gravel was filled (in) to the height of 20 ells On top of that gravel the palace was raised And as for the fact that the earth was dug and the gravel Tvas filled in and the brick was beaten the Akkadians did that IVe see that the meaning to throw a t any rate does not suit the passage particularly well One would a t least expect a compound ni-van- to throw into to throw down

Thus there is in my opinion no longer any reason for abandoning the obvious analysis of the East Iranian forms which are closely connected both in form dzclnaa- (not lcana-) and in meaning to make fly to throw into the air to scatter to winnow The correspondence between Khot vtiE- Khwar GPny- and the modern East Iranian forms from dzclnaya- all signifying to winnow by itself ought to dispel any lingering doubts TTe can therefore safely return to 3Iorgenstiernes old etymology and disregard his later attempts a t saving Benvenistes proposal by endeavouring to explain the early Middle Iranian ( ) forms as Gpnnaya- lt d~anayn-lt nlrCnnya-lt ~lilcZ~rayn-an elsewhere unparalleled phonetical developnlent (4n ety)~zological vocabulary of the Shughni group 29 sv dicFn-t)12

cana- temple For this word Bailey has suggested various etymologies paylna- (Asia

Major NS2 1951 29) ulna- (base van- cover Dict) cabana- ( OPers clhana- to base cnh- Dict) or connexion with OP iivnhnnn- (KT VI 325) Konow (SaXa Studies 192) quoted Armenian vahnn possibly by a lapsus for Armenian arnn ~vhich is derived from OP nvahann by Hiibschmann Anneniscle Gram~rzntik Leipzig 1897 p 112 no 78

However the examples quoted below show that the meaning dwelling-place given by Bailey in Dzct on the basis of these etymologies is too general and that the meaning given in K T TI 325 temple (from Konotv) nlust be retained

Sgh 771-5 K T v 339 clCa tslnda they go into the temple Skt 72IIa3 devakulav2 gatva

Z 24240 ttiyi ca cafia ttuvlstanda tta pyzgtu po yi nanzasattinda pidn planye gyasta then they brought him into a temple thus it has been heard the gods painted worshipped him a t his feet (Cf Z 597 above p 62)

KT 11 4 no 161 ysni ma)2 tt byq nyisthya daiin vCnv bring me to safety thither to a blessed place in the temples

K T 11 75 no 4545 (Stael-Holstein roll) dirye kaztha bust-l u ayigthva v~vn in the whole13 city in the houses and in the blessed prriyaugd haigte temples they gave performances (BSkt prayoga performance Edgerton Dict 3841)

l 2 MacKenzie in his review of this book (Kratylos xrs 1974 [1979] 62) rightly points out the improbability of this development taking place in this word only in so many different Iranian languages

l 3 dirye from dara- ~vhole entire also found with Ja~nbvi Jambuclvipa bisamga bhik~usangha and ysamadaltndai world see Dictl53a darn- continuous

70 PRODS OKTOR SKJ~ERVO

Thinking about an etymon dzcclna- for Rhot vclna- temple house of the gods there naturally comes to mind So SPn- lt OIr dnznna- in BSo Spnzp()nwli PIISo SPnzpb()n XSo (d)bnzn (v Sundermann BT XI 183)14 Both in dvestan and in Sogdian d~rzCna- is the house of both men and gods cf eg

dvestan V 221 azam yo Ahur6 Mazdci yasa tad nmina~rz clkarana~rz sriram raoxinanz fradarasranz I A PII who made that house beautiful light and resplendent

JISo Kaw V 3 (Henning BSOAS XI 1 1943 74) ] t[y] wwpyyity Snzn tg[ and the House of the Godi (Henning)

If this etymology of vnna- is correct it means that as OIr zcis(cl)- became the usual word for house in Khot the old word for house dnzcna- was restricted to the special meaning house of gods This kind of semantic spe- cialization is of course very common cf English quee) from Old English cwene woman (Gothic qino Scandinavian kcinna woman )

Conclusion The combined evidence of these few words strongly suggests that Khot v-

can come from older dzr-15 This fact makes one wonder what the developnlent of the similar initial groups bzr- and gw- can have been in Rhotanese Since these initial groups must have been very rare in Old Iranian one cannot expect to find any examples a t all As for bzr- the forms of the verb to be in Khotanese with initial v- prove nothing since these forms show the enclitic treatment of initial b- = 1- However I should like to make a suggestion for yw-

Baileys etymology of Khot vclro vclrci deficient is from a base 1C- C- (Dict 383-4) I would like to propose an alternative derivation from the ~vell- attested East Iranian base yaw- to be deficient to sin Khot vclra- should be derived from an OIr derivative gwara- ~vi th which we can compare the Sogdian forms BSo yzcncy (Dhy 274) yzrncyk (VJ 127 159) lacking necessary (PIIacRenzieBST 61) and Parthiangzcnyg (Sundermann BT IV) (These forms are of course derived from the present stem gazr- attested in Khwarezmian) This etymology ~vould separate Rhot vnro deficient from Sogd wrk empty (Bailey K T VI 327 Dict 384) Sogd zrrk translates Skt SCnya and as far as I can see always means either empty in the literal sense of the word or meaningless In T T J it means empty-handed I have not seen it meaning defective deficient

If the proposed etymologies are correct that will further reduce the number of words supporting the equation OIr w- = Khot v- assumed for a number of words beside the regular correspondence OIr w- = Khot b- See Bailey Asia Major NS 2 1951 3 and 31 JRAS 1954 28 Emmerick Monu~nentum Georg Morgenstierne I (Acta Iranica 21) Leiden 1981 206 This is not the place

T h e parallel phonetical development of Khot urina- and Sogd 66n0 is however not histori- cally one and the same as Sims-JTilliams points out I n Sogdian 613- lt d m - is due t o the clissimi- lation of m - nz gt 19 - - nh in 6rnrirn-ban- (cf G 3 f S sect 466) whereas proto-Khot dwcina- is due t o the simplification of the uncommon initial cluster d m - I n dvestan Old-lvestan damdna- became 170nnp-Ii~estan nnhrina

l a Sims ITilliams ctraxs my attention to EmmericL s etymology of Khot baysgc~ thick in 3lon7rmentr~m Gooyg Alforqenstlernc I 204 He compares it ~ r i t h A ~ c s t a nbnta- but this is appa- rently related to Sogd 68 nz thick which indicates OIr dwanza bims JIillinms suggests a return to JInrl~ofers etvmolom fi-o1r1 b~zurln-OInd bal~uh (Kurrq~ faJ te s etymolog~sches JVorterb~lcl~ Ir 224) Biileys attempt to combile these ~rorcts by assuming a des ~ l t t n d i s c l ~ e n preTerb d is not be l le~able (Dlct 270)

KHOTANESE V- lt OLD IRAXIAS DW- 71

to discuss all Khotanese words in 1- however a few of the entries in Baileys Dict can be considered here namely vnska for cau good welfare and cautta successful

vaskn for for the sake of This ~vord is currently etymologically connected with dv vasnG OP vainZ

JIJIP wsn lIPa wsnd Sogd zusn but it is not particularly close to these for- mally or sen~antically and a return to Leumanns and Konows etymology l6

ought seriously to be considered viz caska lt paski t Av pask6L As a matter of fact the Jlanichaean Jliddle Persian llanichaean Parthian and Sogdian words all appear to mean on account of (somebody or something) vaska ho~vever expresses the dativus commodiincommodi with expressions like to do prepare (Z 252 34 22209 2337 24276) good angry be meant for look up at for sb for the sake of sb (Z 377 1285 1391 1510l 193738 63 2020 22308 24174518) to come gather for the sake of sb (Z 2646599 136478) to strive for (Z 1278 221 11 and with bnlysQite) to fight (Z 24499)

There remain a number of instances where an (original) meaning behind after makes no bad sense namely ~v i th the verbs to come send for (after)

Z 227 1nittaamp3 vaskapa i i~nza let us send a eetiln after him (Leurnann ihrn hinterher )

Z 299 1aiurnai vaska Vaiarapina patana Eta Vajrapiini came for him ~vi th his cajra

Z 1364 cvi vnska Mari atamp ~vhen after him came lliira Z 1378 Dannpalo hastu Iia balysa caska paii l te (if anyone) sends the elephant

Dhanapdaka after the Buddha Z 1810 cbyi buyaitti ha hvanda nsku rnamttci when death opens up for a man Z 2415 cakru paii i te mkpaysunu vaska he sent a wheel after the Riik~asas Z 24263 patcinni 1nska Llari kiclaru thiye JIiira drew forth his s~vord against

him Z 24403 rrundci 1nska barare they ride against the king

With this vaska in feindlichem Sinne cf the following dvestan passages

Pt 1458 spi6am yo mb pnskat 1azaite the army which pursues me Pt 1947 aa_t hdpnski i~ fraduuara a6ii then the dragon ran forth forafter him Pt 1949 cat hB paski_t hqmrizaiiata atari then the fire stretched itself up

after him

Although the meaning of pask6L in these examples appears to be a local after behind it should be kept in mind how the Germanic languages use after ~vi thsuch verbs meaning in order to reach or similar Kor~vegian d sende etter gci etter strece etter English to send after go after strive after Also note that since vaska is always a postposition the treatment of the initial pa- is quite parallel to that in pati gt catamp

vau good welfare cautta successful Bailey derives cau from OIr cahu- and cautta from aca-ifta- However

a glance a t the examples given by Bailey will convince one that cau tta in K T 11

l q e u m a n n Zur nordarischen Sprache und Lzteratur Strapburg 1912 134 Iionow Saka Studies Oslo 1932 193

72 PRODS OKTOR SKJBRVO

11526 is exactly the same as cautta in K T 111 12721 As a matter of fact cau instead of being an interesting Khotanese descendant of an Old Iranian word is merely to be read as -c-au = -c-a~tor -c-zip ie the conlmon Late Khotanese postvocalic hiatus filler -v- plus the enclitic 3 pl personal pronoun (or perhaps the 1 sg in some places) The two sentences should therefore be read and translated as follows

K T 11 115 no 6126 and I i T 111 127 no 5521-22 ys6ra sall-c-au tta sa iaikyaira hamacai

pharaka baas pharaka salL-c-au tta sa iaikyaira Ilarzampvai for a long time for many years (for a thousand years) may it thus only become better for them

Cf K T 11 124 no 696 harbiicg bgdcg sa ttq iaikyerii harzZceand K T 11 80 no 4921-22 tti-c-at6js6 ~ a i k akgiala akqmaistq st6cc 1 1 karbiv6 b6ltlvG-v-au iairka harzEce then for them (ie my parents) nlay there be this unchanged boon (kuiala) may it for all times go them well (Note -au for -6)1 in this text 1 5 grau = grama- warm pgrau dvarau of sons daughters )

The first passage quoted by Bailey under cau (KT 11 115 no 6128) according to him contains no fewer than four hapaxes (or nearly hapaxes) sau advantage profit (only this text twice) mzrai kindness cau (since the second vau is non-existent) c6sa desires (but sv bema read as ~asc~) All four words are provided with Iranian etymologies by Bailey However a glance a t the passage in question in the nlanuscript (Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum Saka docunlents TI pl cliii) ought to indicate clearly enough that it is not the place to look for otherwise unattested Khotanese words17

Aclde)zda et corrigenda to BSOAS XLIV3 1981 P 460 n 11 Read Kanjur for Ganjur P 461 f The passage from Vajr 33r2 should be translated as follows if O Subhuti there were any such dharma which through the Lord Buddha would have realized bodhi (Pointed out to me by Prof N Simonsson Uppsala) P 462 4th line from the top read vyakarisyad not vyaO P 463 With OKh ya cf also MSo y_t (GlVS $ 768)

l7 Note also that otira- excellent in K T 11 (Dict 384a) is read as (u)vcira (ie Iihot uatira- from SBt udcira-)in Dict 315b sv branu (end)

acc accusative Altir IVb Ch Bartholomae Altiranisches Itorterbucl~ Strapburg 1904 Repr Berlin 1961 Arm Gram H Hiibschmann Armenische Grammatik Erster Teil Armenische Etymologie

Leipzig 1897 Repr Hildesheim-Xew York 1972 Av Avestan BSkt Buddhist hybrid Sanskrit B S L Bulletin de la Societe Linguistique [Paris] BSo Buddhist Sogdian B S T D X RlacKenzie The Buddhist Sogdian texts of the British Library (hcta Iranica 10)

Tehhran-Likge 1976 B T I V IV Sundermann LTfittelpersische und parthische kosmogonische und Parabeltexte der

Vanichaer (Schriften zur Geschichte und Iiultur des alten Orients Berliner Turfan-texte IY) ~ e r l i n 1973

B T XI ti Sundermann Ilitteliranische nzanichuische Texte kirchengeschichtlichenInhalts (Berliner Turfantexte XI)

dat dat ~ve Dhy The DhyZna-text in BST Dict (1) H ITT Bailey Dictionary of Khotan Saka Cambridge etc 1979

(2) F Edgerton Buddhist hybrid Sanskrit grammar and dictionary 1701 r r Dictionary Kemharen 1953

KHOTANESE V - lt OLD IRANIAN DW- 73

E E Leumann Das nordarische (sakische) Lehrgedzcht des Ruddh~smus Text und L bersetzung won Ernst Leumann Aus dem Sachlass herausgegeben van Jfanu Leumann (Abhandlungen fur dle Kunde des RIorgenlandes 20) Lelpzig 1933-6 Hepr Llechtenstem 1966

E TP G Jlorgenstierne A n et~moloq~cal - - vocabular~ of Pashlo Oslo 1927 gen genitive Ga71S I Gershevitch A oramnzar o f Jfantchean Soodian Oxford 1961 I I B L I 11 G J ~ o r ~ e n i t l e r n e froktzer languages Vol r~ndo-zran~an Parachz and Ormurz

(Instltuttet for sammenlignende k~ilturforsknmg) Vol rr Iranzan Pam~r languages Oslo 1929 1958

JKAh ~ourka l of he liogal Aszatle Soezetg [London] K B T H V Bailey Khotanese Uuddhzst texts London 1951 Re iseded Cambridge etc 1981 -Khot Khotanese K T H V Bailey Khotanese texts 1-111 Cambridge 1969 Kl~otanese texts v Cambridge 1963

Khotanese texts vr Prolex~s to the Book of Zambasta Cambridge 1967 LIih Late Iihotanese loc locative Jlafij The JIafijuiri-text in K B T 113-135 J I J lP hlanichaean Middle Persian JIPa JIanichaedn Parthian Nbo JIanichaean Sogdlan Jluq J Benzing Das chuares~rz~sche Iluqaddzmat al-adab Sprachmaterzal ezner Handschrlft der

Lon ZamachTari r Text JTiesbaden 1968 Ilvy R bakaki (ed ) llahdvgutpattz Kjdtd 1916 Repr Tdkjd 1962 Seb E Leumann Buddh~slzscl~eLzteratur Sordar~sch und Dez~tsch 1 Ted SebenstucXe

(Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Jlorgenlandes 152) Lelpzig 1920 Repr Liechten- stem 1966

nom nommative ATS Vorsk tzdsskrlft for sprakvztenskap Oslo OIr Old Iranian OKh Old Kliotanese OY Old Persian pl plural ACE D N JIacKenzle The Satra of the Causes and Effects of Act~ons znSogdzan London 1970 sg singular Sgh 0 v Hinuber Das Samghitaszitra Ausgabe und konznzentzerte Ubersetzung eLnes nord-

buddh~stzschen Lehrtextes zn Sanskrzt und Sakzsch Jlainz 1973 (Unpublished Habilita- tionsschrift University of Jlalnz)

S G L R E Emmerick The Szitra of Golden Lzght bezng a translat~on of the Suvarnabhdsottama- szitra (Sacred Books of the Buddhists 27) London 1970

SGS R E Emmerick Saka grammatzcal stud~es Oxford 1968 figs R E Emmerick The Khotanese S~rangamasamddhzsatra Oxford 1970 Skt Sanskrit Sogd bogdian S T I F TI7Ii Jluller Soghd~sche Texte r Berlin 1913 S T 11 F TV I i JIuller Soghdzsche Texte rr Aus dem Sachlass herausgegebencon Dr 1V Lentz

Berlin 1934 Studzes r R E Emmerick-Y 0 Skjs rve Studzes zn the vocabulary of Khotanese (Veroffent-

lichungen der iranischen Iiommission herausgegeben von Manfred Rlayrhofer Bd 12) - T17ien -1982

Sua J Nobel (ed) Suwarnabhisottmaszitra Das Goldglanz-satra ein Sanskrittext des lfahiyBna- buddhismus Leipig 1937 Die Tibetischen ibersetzungen nzit einem 1V6rterbuch 1 Die Tibetischen Ubersetzungen Leiden-Stuttgart 1944 2 1Viirterbuch Tibetisch- Deutsch-Sanskrit Leiden 1950

Tib Tibetan Vajr The VajracchedikB-sl-itrain K T 111 20-29 TJ E Benveniste (ed) Vessantara JBfaka Paris 1946 XSo Christian Sogdian Z R E Emmerick The Book of Zambasta a Khotanese poem on Buddhism Osford 1968

KHOTANESE V- lt OLD IRANIAN DW-I

By PRODSORTORSKJZRVQ

In his Dictionary of Khotan Saka (p 377) Bailey has the follo~ving entry cara- door with the following comment possibly cara- (door from car- to close shut or a dialectal c- lt dc- IT-ould permit connexion with dear- Av dzuram dear2 gate ( ) Sote Tumshuq Saka citana a second time with c i - lt dci- Baileys suggestion that this vara- means door is certainly correct The passage in question (KT 111 124) is quoted belon-

As a matter of fact it would be somewhat surprising if the extremely common Iranian 11-ord for door were not preserved in Khotanese and it is natural to consider whether cara- may not be the regular Khotanese descendant of O h dwar-2 As quoted above Bailey thought that vara- door might contain a dialectal development of OIr dw- gt Khot c- thereby implying that OIr dw- resulted in something else in Khotanese However the only Khotanese IT-ord generally accepted as the descendant of an Old Iranian IT-ord in dw- is Khot iuta- second lt OIr dwita- and this word presents a singular (see Emmerick iTlonutnentutn Geory Moryenstierne I (Acta Iranica 21) Leiden 1981 199) and unexpected phonetical development for which there is no parallel elsen-here in Khotanese and for which Tumshuq Saka in the Karmaviicana has citana a second time with V- lt dw-

Under these circumstances one may ask whether the regular Khotanese representative of OIr dw- is not actually v- as suggested by Khot vara- door and Tumshuq citana a second time The only way to answer this question is of course to look for other Khotanese IT-ords with c- with possible Old Iranian etymons in dw- preferably with other Iranian cognates evidencing Old Iranian or proto-Khotanese dw- A glance at Bartholomaes Altiranise~es Worterbuch makes it clear that there were fen- Old Iranian words in dw- (Avestan duu- db- tb-) and the Khotanese examples can accordingly be expected to be limited in number Severtheless I have found the following likely candidates which are discussed in detail belon- vara- door gate ltdwar- cZj- to seize grasp lt proto-Khot dwlf(a)ya- ltOIr 8wZf(a)ya- c6r2- to throw ~vinnor5- and uysvZr2- to toss up scatter lt OIr dwZnaya- cans- temple lt proto-Khot dwlna- lt OIr dtnZna-

vara- door gate The identification of this vara- in the texts is rendered difficult by the

frequent occurrence of its homonym cara there lt OIr awaOra and in LKh of a homonym of its loc sg vira namely viru cira upon lt OIr upari (On OKh cira see belon-) Of the examples below those from Z 290 Z 22135 KT 111 42 66 68 and IrBT 47 were quoted by Bailey Diet sv vara

court courtyard Incidentally the examples of vara- attest to the meanings door gate and possibly (royal) court but not courtyard as Bailey has it The meaning (royal) court is derived from (palace) gate(s) Bailey has discussed Khot cara- in JRAS 1954 26-34 and in KT VI 320

I would like to thank Professor R E Emmerick Hamburg and Dr N Sims-Williams London for kindly reading drafts of this article and for many valuable comments and suggestions as regards both form and content

Old Iranian dwar- was an athematic noun Such nouns were regularly thematized in Khotanese see SGS 250 sect 4 That thematization took place late is suggested by the fact that OIr zrd- heart (a neuter noun cf Avestan zarad-) had time to lose its final -d before receiving the thematic vowel and produce Khotanese ysara- A proto-Khot form zyda- or zrdaya-would have resulted in Khot ysiila-








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Khotanese v- < Old Iranian * dw

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