Introduction

It is a common saying that death is something that concerns

everybody, partly because sooner or later everyone personally

faces it and partly because it brings sense of loss and sorrow to

every family and community. It is no wonder, therefore, that

rituals connected with death are usually elaborate.

This is not too different from the Kalabari view of death.

In Kalabari, the type of death a person encounters and the social

level of the person greatly determine the type of burial to be

accorded the person as all deaths do not carry the same weight;

this is so even though death, under any circumstance, entails a

final cessation of life and loss to the affected families. This

paper among other issue examines the different categories of

death from the one-day-old child to the oldest and their

accompanying funeral rites recognized and prescribed by the

Kalabari people of Rivers State. The writer in trying to do this

also explains the concept of death, burial and funeral rites

Definition of terms and concepts

1

Some five terms are defined in this section. They are

“death”, “burial”, “funeral” Kalabari and funeral rites among the

Kalabaris. This is done with the purpose of indicating the manner

of use of these words in this study and to engender a clear

application of their employ.

- Death

The total cessation of life processes that eventually occurs

in all living organism. In man the definition of death may differ

according to culture and legal system1. Death is God’s decree or

judgment upon mankind due to man’s disobedience to His will. As a

result of this judgment, death has become the experience of every

person. The writer of Hebrews states it thus; “Just as man is

destined to die once,” … (Heb. 9:27). Ecclesiastes 7:2 refers to

death as “the destiny of every man.” The inevitable nature of

death makes the Psalmist to say, “What man can live and not see

death, or save himself from the power of the grave?” (Psalm

89:48). According to Oladejo (2012:19), there are diverse

perspectives from which death is looked at and conceived. It is

1 The New Encyclopedia Britannica (volume III). Chicago: EncyclopediaBritannica, Inc. Pp 415

2

treated as fact of life, a biological fact or a physiological

state of cessation of life. It is an inevitable and universal

experience which is concurrently uniform and arbitrary. It is

uniform in the sense that all human beings go through it. It is

arbitrary in the sense that it does not happen to every person

the same way, at the same age or in the same place. It is

considered a paradoxical experience, for it is both

individualized and a social experience2. More importantly, a dead

man is helpless; it is the living that buries the dead.

Genesis chapter 3 accounts for how death came into the world

through the sin of Adam. In His judgment upon Adam, the Lord God

said; “Because you listened to your wife and ate from the tree

about which I commanded you, you must not eat of it… By the sweat

of your brow you will eat your food until you return to the

ground, since from it you were taken; for dust you are and to

dust you will return” (Gen. 3:17, 19). Death was decreed upon man

due to his disobedience to God. This decree is unchangeable for

2 Oladejo O. B. “Life and Death in the Old Testament and Yoruba Worldview” -ReadingEcclesiastes in an African Context. (Germany: Lap Lambert Academic Publishing,2012), 19

3

man throughout his earthly existence. According to scholars death

can be understood through various expressions:

- Death is a termination of human existence

- Death is a transition

- Death is a home call/call to glory/glorious call

- Death is sleep

- Death is an enemy3

If this is the true biblical picture of death, then we need

to be careful of what we do whenever we bury the dead.

- Burial

According to Hambly, burial is defined as “the custom of

placing the corpse in some kind of container, usually a casket or

coffin, and putting the containers under the surface of the

ground or inside a tomb4. In other words, burial is the interment

of the corpse in a grave. It is not a service of song, a funeral

service, a festival or celebration and even a thanksgiving3 Gideon O. Oyibo “Death and Burial of the Death” – Issues in Christian Burial

Ceremony. (Lagos: Functional Publishing Company, 2011:14-18)4 Wilfred D. Hambly, “Funeral Customs”. World Book Encyclopedia (Chicago: World

Book Child craft international, Inc. 1970), p. 482.

4

service (outing service). Burial is simply the burying of the

corpse (deceased) for a final disposal in a grave that has been

dug for that purpose and covering it up with sand. The purpose is

to create a healthy environment by avoiding the problem of

pollution5.

- Funeral

The Webster’s New World Dictionary, equally defines funeral

as “the ceremonies connected with burial or cremation of the dead

…. The idea here, by implication, it that funeral has to do with

all ceremonies that are performed in respect of the dead.

Therefore, in a modern sense, funeral embraces all ceremonies or

rites that take place during service of songs, funeral service,

festival of lying-in-state/reception, thanksgiving service-outing

service, memorial service, interment etc.

The foregoing understanding of burial and funeral shows that

there is a little difference between the two words. While funeral

refers to all ceremonies or rites that are connected with the

5 Gideon Ogheneruemu Oyibo, “Understanding of Some terms” Death and Burial of theDead-Issues in Christian Burial Ceremony (Lagos: Functional Publishing Company). Pp. 19-24.

5

burial or cremation of the dead, burial is the actual disposal of

the corpse in the grave. In the Bible, the emphasis is on burial

and not funeral. However, the two terms can be used

interchangeably. This is because, according to African

Traditional Religion (ATR), there cannot be true burial without

ceremonies. A burial is a burial traditionally because of its

ceremonies. No ceremonies, no true burial6. Hence, burial and

funeral can be aid to be a synonym from an African Traditional

Religious perspective.

- Kalabari People

The Kalabari Kingdom, also called Elem Kalabari (New

Shipping Port), or New Calabar by the Europeans, was an

independent trading state of the Kalabari people, an Ijaw ethnic

group, in the Niger River Delta. In relations to history

according to Douglas (2010:35), ‘Kalabari’ is the corrupted form

of Kelekeibari meaning “let the rich lend a little to me”. Buguma

City is the traditional headquarters of the Kalabari people. The

Kalabari people dwells in about 31 towns and villages coving

three local government of Rivers State (Asari-Toru, Akuku-Toru6 Ibid, p. 16

6

and Degema Local Government Area). The Kalabari people, before

the coming of the European missionaries see their world as

controlled by a complex array of personal forces. They reckon

first of all with the fixed spirits teme. Every person, animal,

plant or thing has its guiding spirit which controls its

behaviour as a steersman controls his canoe.7

Funeral Rites among the Kalabaris

Among the Kalabari people, age very much determines the type

of funeral rite for a person. For instance, when an infant and

those still with an undetached navel die, no coffins are made and

graves are not dug for their burial. This type of death is

regarded as a very bad omen, and the child is taken to be a

wicked child who had come to kill the mother but failed. Instead

of the death of the mother, therefore, people say, ‘it is good

the water spills, (the child dies) and the pot remains’ (the

mother lives); such children are for that reason taken to the

special burial ground and placed on top of the mangrove wood

(angala sin). Even children of two of four years are buried in this

7 Tamuno-Obelem Ngoji Douglas, An appraisal of the influence of culture on BaptistMission Work in Kalabariland, a thesis in the department of missions and evangelism.Ogbomoso: The Nigerian Baptist Theological Seminary (2010), 35-37.

7

way. But nowadays due to western civilization, they dig graves

and bury the corpse.

People of five to fifty years are still regarded as dying

young so their deaths are very sad. The occurrence is felt

deeply, especially by the families who might be looking up to the

deceased as the bread winner or head of such families. They are

also buried very close to the spot earmarked for young children

by the mouth of the riverbank away from the town. Heavy mourning

follows their burial. Usually no elaborate funeral rites are

given, such as wake-keeping (and if any, light) and final dance

after the completion of the traditional six or eight days as

applicable. Here again, these days, even a forty to fifty year-

old person’s burial is very elaborate with full funeral rites

organized by the children who think that they are grown up and

have arrived financially. Mourning resumes normally after the

financial funeral dance. In some cases, they do not mourn,

perhaps as directed by the deceased while alive.

Next is the adult-age group of sixty and above. Note that if

a male adult dies, the first son or, in his absence, elder

8

brother pads him traditionally and if a woman, the first daughter

or elder sister does it in concealment before permitting public

visit. Such deaths are in most cases happily celebrated, as it is

a big glory to reach a ripe age before dying. The burials of such

people involve extensive ceremonies; they are accorded a pre-

burial wake-keeping and post-burial final burial dances. In

short, theirs is regarded as a blessed death, though naturally

people must cry for the loss and loneliness caused and mourning

will go on normally. Coffins are made and the corpse is well

dressed, then burial at the cemetery before many sympathizers.

When a woman loses her husband, she is immediately removed

from sight by her family until the day he would be buried. She is

then accompanied to her husband’s house again surrounded by her

family. She sits at the head corner of the bed (ede) where the

corpse is lying in state, cries intermittently, and engages in

recounting all his good deeds towards her. Her songs in praise of

him are led by her family members. After some hours of sitting,

she is again covered and led away by members of her family to a

room where she stays to mourn him.

9

Even a wife who has been divorced but has not been

officially married to another man would, at the man’s death, be

brought by his family to come and pay him the last funeral honour

because of the children born of them. After the first six to

eight days traditionally fixed for closing the burial activities,

the man’s wife or wives enter full mourning in black cloth for a

year (ono gbin). Then the second mourning period ensues with some

lighter black colour of cloth for another one year, before the

final one of fully bright dressing.

All along, the husband’s family takes care of the wife’s

mourning dresses and other domestic items she needs to buy.

During her first one year of mourning, she is not to put on any

shoes and, most importantly, she is not to have any sexual

relationship with any man. In most cases, she gets confined, as a

precaution, to a room for the duration. Other various

prescriptions were also generally made to reflect her state of

mind such as her lying on a hard board and sitting in certain

uncomfortable postures. Similarly, as soon as the husband dies,

the wife is padded by members of her family to avoid the deceased

having sexual connection with her psychologically. In the case of10

the death of a wife, the man is also restrained from seeing the

corpse until the day of burial. He could be led by some male

relations to see her as she lies in state. The way he mourns her

depends on his state of relationship with her.

The death of a pregnant woman is an abominable one. The

people refrain from saying to any young lady that the deceased is

dead; they say that she is ‘in transition’. Not much weeping is

allowed and the burial is not done at the main cemetery. If death

occurs in the native land, the body is wrapped with mat

(akparakpa ibila) and taken to a burial spot (erekuroa) and placed on

top of the mangrove tree to decay. Properties of such a woman are

all burnt, except in rare cases where a very few of her items

could be reserved for her children. Where death occurs outside

the native land, say in townships or other cities, a coffin used

in carrying the corpse still contains mat placed at the bottom

before putting the body for burial. But where the corpse is

conveyed home, as soon as the people arrive, the body is taken

out of the coffin and wrapped with the mat then buried at the

appropriate place without entering into the town. This kind of

11

funeral applies even to a newly delivered who dies before the

completion of the six to eight customary days.

The next category of death with its own funeral rites

concerns those who die with some abominable diseases on them such

as leprosy (so fina obi), small pox (piri mu obi) or any other dreaded

disease. Each of this group of diseases has a separate burial

spot, particularly in the small Kalabari villages. But due to

lack of land space in the big towns, they are buried together at

the isolated burial spots. Even those who commit suicide or die

due to over-feeding (buru ba bo) are buried in the same place and

manner.

People who get drowned in the river or the sea suffer

forbidden deaths, and so their corpses are not carried into the

town or village. As soon as the searching crew discovers the

body, it is lifted up from the deep sea with a mat and kept in

the canoe. People can only get down to the waterside to see the

corpse in the canoe at mid stream. The fore of the canoe too is

not allowed to touch the shore. One thing notable here is that

the body of such a victim is usually heavily swollen and devoured

12

by fish and other water creatures. Where nothing of such happens

to the body, the person is regarded as a bad person whose life is

then suspected of habouring some foul nature.

From all of the foregoing, it is evident that abnormal

situations of death attract unusual funeral rites. The Kalabari

appear to hold the tenure of life into mature adulthood which

terminates with a common ailment as the norm. It is an

expectation which the environment, with its not-so-harzadous

occupations and very nourishing diets, as well as a leisure life-

style, has come to establish.

The uses of funeral rites have been to reinforce this

standard and make individuals strive to ‘die right’, since the

consequences of dying abnormally are definitely very distasteful.

This would be one way of understanding why such harsh and almost

cruel practices surround burials of such a person as those who

commit suicide, drown, die from communicable diseases resulting

from insanitation, from childbirth which generally occurs with

natural ease, and even in childhood for which the natural

condition should be survival. The social practice of funeral

13

rites was, therefore, generally applied to place sanctions on the

occurrence of death by other than normal, natural circumstances.

Witches and wizards, for instance, are anti-social beings

and are highly detested by the community. In the early days, when

people died, especially suspected characters, they would not be

dressed for burial until the chiefs or elders of the area came to

confirm the nature of death. It is believed that for a witch or

wizard, the body lies prostrate or faces down even if tied with

rope, as evidence of its involvement in sorcery. Once so

detected, the body is tied with a very strong rope (alrapu) and

dragged along the road, most times very rugged roads, while being

taken to be buried at ari apu sibiko (burial for witches and

wizards). Even if to cover up shame, the family buries such a

corpse at the good spot with others, it is believed that there

would not be any peace in the family until the corpse is exhumed

and reburied at the appropriate bad spot. The ikpataka dogi ritual

too was usually carried out in some of the Kalabari villages at

the death of a person, to detect the nature of the person and the

type of death.

14

Owu ‘kuro ereme, who are priestesses, form another burial

category. There are two categories of priestesses: anji pele-aa apu

(those who cannot yet make revelations but work along with the

first group as servants). When a full-fledged priestess of the

first order dies, all priestesses come together and keep vigil.

She could even lie in state, but before final removal for burial,

she would be laid flat on the ground outside the house on top of

a mat. She is dressed in her normal full regalia, and the

priestesses come one after the other performing their rites on

her in the name of their individual deity (owu). Cocks and hens

are some of the sacrificial animals with which they purify

themselves.

Oru-alabo (high priest) is served by yet another type of

rite. This is a very significant burial, carrying a lot of

complicated funeral rites. In Kalabari, this is called mine duein.

It is compulsory that the corpse be first embalmed (duein doku) at

the home and will lie in state on a matted floor in order to

permit the various rituals to be performed. It is realized that

in the earlier years, Kalabari recognized three very great title

holders (chiefs), namely: Amanyanabo, Akaso-Alabo (the drum chief)15

and their burials were very similarly performed. In this light

the Akaso-Alabo, as the highest of the priests (high priest of

Owamekaso falls within the mine duein (embalmable corpse). His

corpse is laid on the floor on a mat, after being fully dressed

in his regalia – red cap, toru, kaolin, buruma (indigo) and tied with

a fathom of injiri (plain George) topped by ikaki cloth, and then a

white piece of cloth, with an eagle feather on his head (igo piko)

along with ila (native coral bead) on his body. After the

completion of all necessary funeral rites, the corpse is buried

in an upright position in the grave. These days the high priest

is buried flat in the grave.

For the other oru alapu (priest of deities), their corpses

could be laid in state on both the inner and outer room beds

(biokiri and kala bio ede). Traditional funeral rites are then

performed and they are buried normally.

Akwa-Alabo (drum chief) receives almost the same funeral

rites and burial pattern as the Akaso-Alabo.

In earlier days in Kalabari, the death of an Alabo chief

remained a secret affair until after the first one or two days,

16

before it is revealed to the public. And even then, questions on

his death would just be replied to ask: ‘he is sleeping’, which

meant he was dead. As is common among Africans, the Kalabari

chiefs are surrounded by wives. As soon as a chief dies the wives

whether with him or separated would all be summoned together to

perform the last funeral rites as required of them. The highest

of these rites is the ekema so. This is a type of ceremony which

the wives undergo to declare their faithfulness and loyalty to

their husband throughout his life-time. In it, each of the wives

was expected to perform a special rite called ekema bile. Here, a

row of boats, about seven in number, would be lined up on the

river and each of the wives would dive into the river, underneath

the canoes, without coming out till she crossed the row. This

they would do in turns for about seven times for each wife, with

anxious family members and other sympathizers watching. It was

expected that the wife’s head must not, during the diving and

swimming exercise, hit against any of the boats lined up. Such

noise anywhere would easily be detected by some elders listening

by the canoes. Each woman who completed hers successfully is held

high up as a ‘faithful wife’ to the husband who had kept herself

17

undefiled during their marriage. However, any wife who hit her

head against a boat or boats during the process was declared

‘unfaithful’ and would bring immediate shame and disgrace to her

family and her children. Thus, there are two categories of ekema

wives: the faithful ones called bugbola-a ekema erebo (those who do

not hit their bodies) and the unfaithful, ones called bugbolote

ekema erebo (those who hit their bodies). This practice was,

therefore, largely a mechanism used to discourage indiscriminate

paternity of children through the women, in a society where the

husband who was a chief was almost always away from his family in

service to the town or in private mercantile business that lasted

for weeks at a time.

As is the tradition, these wives undergo a long period of

mourning which confines them within the husband’s house

throughout the first one year. During this period, the mourning

outfit is completely black and the hair is completely shaven,

too. They do not talk aloud to people and could only be whispered

to. To go to toilet would be only at night and in company of

their attendants – relations mostly. One thing of significance

here is that whenever an unfaithful wife, bugbolotebo, is going to18

toilet down at the waterside, she holds two pieces of iron rod

(Igbe biri) which she strikes together to alert other women of her

approach and warns them to keep clear in order not to be defiled,

since her condition now makes her unworthy. She is, in short,

regarded as an outcast by other women. At the performance of the

ekema rite itself, the wives tie native okuru (raffia –

traditional cloth of the Kalabari) cloth or akpuru bite (baft)

half-way from their waists to the knee.

Information on the death of the chief, as earlier indicated,

can only be released after about two days. People only suspect

possible death through the moving in and out of close relations

and children from his residence and by the insinuation, okiriabuo

menji te (a great man must have passed away). To make it official,

the death of a chief is announced by a cannon shot at night from

se eriya Kurusu (particular type of cannon), his death is further

revealed to the various compounds through being invited to

perform igira (a boisterous sing demonstration) by presenting

bottles of gin to the various compound heads. At the igira sara,

young women turn up in careless unmindful attire and dance with

seductive gestures in portrayal of total liberty – as though all19

order has fallen apart. The young men also act very threateningly

and swear in songs to kill, all because the chief, as a symbol of

authority, is no more. This show, which goes all around the town,

does not, however, last beyond the morning.

The corpse lies in state in the inner room (kalabio ede) and

is later moved to the outer room (buokiri bio be ede). In earlier

times, no matter the religious affiliations and the status of the

person, there were only two ede (beds for lying in state). These

and the entire walls and ceiling of the rooms they occupy are

decorated with rich traditional clothes acquired by the Kalabari

over centuries. There was the injiri (real india), ede (with the

room and bed dressed with that material) and then accra cloth,

blangidi, loko as well as india used for the other ede. The Christian

ede with the bed and room dressed in white lace is just a recent

development by people who started off to include religious

sentiment of purity; but today many use it to show off their

financial strength by making three ede (lying-in-state-bed).

The wives in morning usually sit by the head and foot of the

ede crying intermittently and singing praises to their late

20

husband. Throughout much of this period, they use half a mortar

for eating with, while they sleep on only two pieces of plank.

These graphically depict their new status of bereavement and

perhaps go to reinforce the need for them to keep out of forging

any new social liaisons during their period of confinement.

During the ‘second mourning’ which comes up after the first

one year of such confinement, there is another episode of shaving

of their hair, with changing of the pitch black cloth for lighter

material that will be worn for another year. Over this entire

period, the women are forbidden to have any sexual relation. This

would be treated as a big shame should it occur.

Another of a chief’s burial is the okuro fari. This is a set

of dug-out musical instrument (kind of drum) which is beaten to

mark the passing of a man of such high status. Flags are also

hoisted in such funerals, among which feature the age-old flag of

the war-canoe house from where the chief hails. These two

practices continue till today.

During the wake-keeping, which is an elaborate affair that

almost the whole town attends, the chief’s corpse is moved from

21

the kalabio be ede (an inner room) to the biokiri be ede (the outer

room) with a canon shot around midnight. Then the final canon

shot of the se eriya kurusu (a rare canon) is released to signal the

removal of the corpse for burial sometime in the morning. This

contrasts with the practice of today where the canon is shot

indiscriminately and is as jarring as turning the twenty-one gun

salute into twenty-three or any other arbitrary number.

Before the removal of the body for interment, the children

of the chief come and pay their last respect to him. They dress

in traditional outfits and escorted by a singing crowd of their

mother’s family.

By this time, the chief’s daughters have had a chance (at

some point in the night) to sing the special songs they have

composed to honour him. This is an eagerly awaited moment to

which many people also pay attention as a high-point of the

expression of love and concern. The opportunity is, sometimes,

also used to send insinuating caustic messages through songs to

rival members of the family. Whatever the case, this chance to

offer a farewell song is cherished among women and applies in the

22

case of all celebrated adult burials – both for ordinary men and

women as well as chiefs.

After the burial, and through the next six days, night vigil

is observed over the beds while decorations on the ede re-

arranged daily. This period of six days is characterized by

continuous canon shots in the early morning and evening hours,

and the beating of drums (okoro-fari) played specifically for the

dead. At the end of the six days, first of all, some common

personal things belonging to the dead person are burnt as a means

of making them available to him to use in the other world, if

they were not buried with them at interment. Food is also

prepared throughout the period for visitors from far and wide,

especially all the distant relations of the chief who wait for

the funeral closing ceremony which is a dance-outing.

Immediately after the period of six days, members of the

chief’s family all dress gorgeously in very rich attire,

typically represented by doni and ajibulu for the men as well as

‘india’ and kilali for the women, which are vintage heirloons

assembled over the years and stored away in family cloth-boxes

23

that are only occasionally opened. They parade round the town in

the morning as an announcement for the important show they will

stage in the evening as to round off the ceremonies. These

feature the iria display and various dance steps with their

peculiar drum beats, at which grace and fun delightfully merge.

It is the traditional celebration for a successful burial these

days, that, Christians supplement this by attending a church

thanksgiving service the following Sunday. It can be seen from

the foregoing that the ceremonies attending the burial of a chief

are largely secular and involve a lot of expenses as well as an

orchestrated showing off of material wealth.

The Amanyanabo is the most prominent of the chiefs. Besides

having much that has just been described apply in the case of his

burial, various additional ritual ceremonies are prescribed. For

example, the death of an Amanyanabo is kept even more secret than

that of a chief. It is usually not revealed until a whole lot of

attendant rites have been performed.

Unlike some of the chiefs, the Amanyanabo is exclusively a

mine duein (requiring extra traditional rites) and only a

24

traditional burial could be accorded him. He is exclusively

offered the rite of kirikiri mine which means that the kala Ekpesiaba

masquerade displays at the point of his burial. Like the Akwa-

alabo and Akaso-alabo, the masquerade, called kala-ekpesiya, must be

displayed at his burial. At the final stage of his funeral, his

corpse is brought to Amachree Hall at the market square and laid

on the floor, on top of a mat covered with specific traditional

cloths. Animals are also slaughtered as sacrifice and the blood

sprinkled to stipulation. Originally, human beings were

slaughtered to be buried along with him; perhaps this was one of

the reasons for keeping his death so secret in order to avoid

scaring his victims before time. While the purification rites are

going on, the akuma (Kalabari’s most important drum) is beaten

simultaneously with the assemblage of all heads of the towns and

villages of Kalabari, that are holding ofo for him.

The Amanyanabo is the owner of the land, the overlord and

overseer and as such he is the patron of the Ekine society, the

highest Kalabari male cult.

25

As an Amanyanabo, who might have fought several battles, he

is considered a peri duein and at death, inkologo is played for him

(inkologo pakaba).

First indication of his death is that he is seated in an

arm-chair (easy chair) and faces the wall to give up the ghost.

Once dead, people keep sealed lips until all essential

preparations are made before informing the public. The funeral

entails complex rites including slaughtering of animals.

At the first and second ritual stages, the Amanyanabo’s

corpse is dressed in a piece of white cloth round the forehead to

which is attached, eagle feather (igo piko). In the kala bio (inner

room), his body is covered with plain injiri and once transferred

to the bio kiri (outer room) people are driven out and he is fully

clothed in the complicated funeral outfit. In addition to the

afore-mentioned eagle feather and a piece of white cloth, he is

also tied an abi igbiki – awirawu (mannilla) on the left arm. He holds

ikoli ogiye (sword) on the right hand and kem sibi (human skull) on the

left hand and both hands are then crossed. He is also adorned in

siri oju (leopard skin) which gives a dreadful look to the

26

spectating sight. The body is then laid on an ibede (native straw

mat) on the floor of the King’s palace (now Amachree Hall).

Next, all the children and the relatives of his linage

perform the purification rite (gwa). Each in turn brings fowl to

the butcher which is cut and the blood (fengu) sprinkled round

the corpse and the fowl thrown away. They pay their last honour

to him as a king and chief of his original compound. The

Amanyanabo, by virtue of his position, is known to have

associated with tough things, wars and turbulent times. So at

death, his hands begin to shake by which he could suddenly rise

from death with the continuous shaking of the hands, till he

faces the wall and dies finally. The animal thus slaughtered and

blood sprinkled round him is to calm these hard physical

undertakings and engagements. Originally, human beings were

slaughtered.

The corpse of the Amanyanabo is buried at last in a seated

position in the grave indicating a possible return to the world

in a greater form. Embedded in this is the Kalabari, albeit

Africa’s, strong belief, in reincarnation. From all so far said,

27

it is evident that the Amanyanabo’s burial entails greater and

extra-ordinary funeral rites.

An Amadabo (village or town paramount chief), undergoes some

of the traditional funeral rites as the Amanyanabo but religious

affiliations are considered in the final burial rite as

concerning the individual chief.

Canoe Regatta

Another major aspect of the burial of chiefs is the poku doku

(canoe regatta). This had been a life-long aspect of Kalabari

culture. Poku doku entails a lot of heavy financial outlay by the

organizers. For a real poku doku, there must be the outing of

canoes undertaken by all the compounds in a town or village, or

from all the towns and villages according to the nature of the

particular event involved. Poku doku is not a little matter that

could be arranged in a day. Before any poku doku takes place, a

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long time of preparation, ranging from two to six months, is

required.

Poku doku, as the Kalabari have it, is performed as the very

final rite of an important chief’s burial. This takes between two

and six months after his burial to be performed by his family and

is considered the last highest honour. Uniforms to be worn by the

canoe racers, canoes paddles, and masquerades, foodstuff ranging

from yams, fish, garri, rice, biscuits, corned beef and drinks of

assorted types are bought gradually and reserved for the

occasion. A whole day is set aside for the poku doku itself.

When the children and other family members of the deceased

chief are fully ready for the ceremony, they send a message with

some bottles of hot drink to the various compounds or town and

village heads inviting them to their performance of poku doku.

Each representative compound or village/town, then displays, in a

regatta, its artistically decorated canoes (alali aru) otherwise

known as state gigs. There are also smaller boats (omu aru) with

canons, one at the rear and one at the fore of the canoe. These

are the war-canoes (omu aru). Food, drinks and a carpenter to

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take care of any eventuality are also taken aboard in another

smaller boat (fiye-aru). The aru-doku apu (paddlers) are dressed in

uniformed singlets and caps and use uniformly-coloured paddles.

The canoes are decorated with flags of different colours. The

paddlers are seated in rows. For instance, the canoe race could

take off from Buguma in the early hours of the day for Abonnema

or go in the direction of Bakana, Tombia or any of the Kalabari

villages and return late in the evening.

In these canoes are also contained the traditional drums,

e.g. okuro, and other Ekine drums which are beaten to jubilating

crowds. The women, during this time, line up at the shore (owu

sira) singing and dancing, with some performing igira until the men

are back. The various big canoes stop intermittently to refill

their canoes with food and drinks from those carrying these

items. A variety of masquerades also display in their respective

canoes. The chief’s family also puts out an alali aru which is a

highly decorated and ceremonial canoe.

The funeral of an Amanyanabo and Amadabo actually entail a

more complex form of poku doku. Beside these occasions, poku doku

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is performed only at the visits of important personages such as a

governor or head of state.

Conclusion

From the account given above, it can be seen that, like any

other race in the world, the Kalabari regard death as not only a

detested occurrence but also a sacred event in life. Culture also

agrees that if it must remain meaningful, it must yield to

changes that rhyme well with contemporary requirements of

society. This, in so many respects, is what the Kalabari

tradition and especially its funeral rites have undergone.

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KALABARI FUNERAL RITES AND THE SIGNIFICANCE OF CANOE REGATTA – A TERM PAPER

SUBMITTED TOREV’D. DR. ROPO AWONIYI

FACULTY OF THEOLOGICAL STUDIESTHE NIGERIAN BAPTIST THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, OGBOMOSO

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE COURSEAFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGION (ATR)

RCT 543

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BYJACKREECE, Nimi NgoyeMATRIC NO. 13/0167M. DIV. THEOLOGY II

APRIL, 2015

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