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Transcript of “It’s a Long Way from Tipperary: Early Irish Settlers and Leaders in Hancock
“It’s a Long Way from Tipperary: Early Irish Settlers and Leaders in
Hancock.”
William H. Mulligan, Jr.Department of HistoryMurray State University
Murray, Kentucky
Paper prepared for the City of Hancock Sesquicentennial
May 21, 2013Hancock, MI
“It’s a Long Way from Tipperary: Early Irish Settlers and Leaders in Hancock.”
It is a real pleasure to be here and an honor to be
part of the Hancock sesquicentennial celebration. I
want to thank the committee for including my essay in
the commemorative book and inviting me to give this
lecture. I'd also like to commend them for the high
1
quality of both the content and presentation of the
book.1
In 1890 citizens of copper country held an Old
Settlers’ Ball to honor their pioneers, those who had
settled the area the 1840s and early 1850s when the
area was still largely wilderness and out of touch with
the outside world for much of the year.2 Irish people
and Irish names figured prominently in the celebration.
Most were, of course, by definition elderly. It is
impossible to know what they thought or felt.
1 Laura Mahon and John S. Haeussler, eds., Hidden Gems and Towering Tales: A Hancock, Michigan Anthology Hancock: City of Hancock, 2013. 2 Portage Lake Mining Gazette, April 17, 1890. There had been a similar event in 1874at the Phoenix Hotel in Eagle River.
2
Certainly, a sense of pride because the copper country
was a modern, generally prosperous region as opposed to
the wilderness they first they first encountered. In
Hancock, especially, they had played a significant role
in the city and its growth as officeholders,
businessmen, attorneys, bankers, mine superintendents,
laborers, nearly every walk of life. They had
established their own church with the a parish school
and Saint Patrick’s Hall had been the site of many
important community events and entertainments. They
rightfully could be proud. Michael Finn, for example,
had served as clerk for Hancock Township, the village
3
and finally the city over many years. Less positive
was the movement of their children and grandchildren
out of the Copper Country in search of greater
opportunity. This exodus had been going on since the
1870s. It was part of the same process that had
brought them to the Copper Country--search for
opportunity, but it also represented a reduction in
opportunity. The Quincy Mining Company was not hiring
Irishmen as it once had nor was it promoting those
already had. Few young Irish were finding the
opportunities the earlier generation had
4
This was a remarkable change from the attitudes
they had faced thirty and forty years earlier.
Shortly after Edward Ryan, then a twenty-two year
old, Irish-born dry goods store clerk, was elected
sheriff of Houghton County in 1862, the Portage Lake Mining
Gazette pointedly expressed relief that its concerns he
would favor his fellow countrymen, rather than do his
job fairly and objectively, had not been realized.
While complimenting Sheriff Ryan in a back handed way
there is a clear undertone of anti-Irish sentiment.
Sheriff Ryan, we are happy to say has thus far
disappointed the many predictions we have heard
5
made that when he came into office, the Irish would
be allowed to do as they pleased, -- rule the town
perhaps, -- but the prophets have all proved false
for the Sheriff and all his prominent friends are
laboring hard and earnestly to make their
countrymen keep the peace, -- and they have done
well, considering the provocation they have had to
act otherwise.3
Ryan’s election to the important position of county
sheriff highlights how relatively large the Irish
3 Portage Lake Mining Gazette, January 17, 1863.
6
community was in Houghton County barely twenty years
after white European settlement in the Copper Country
had begun.
Large numbers of Irish men and women had found
their way to the far reaches of Lake Superior, a
difficult place to reach at the time. Unlike many other
communities of Irish immigrants at this time the Copper
Country Irish were not overwhelmingly unskilled
laborers, but many, if not most, were miners – highly
skilled workers in the copper mines. A significant
portion of these Irish miners came from the Beara
Peninsula in southwestern County Cork, having worked in
7
what were collectively called the Berehaven Mines in
Allihies. Others were from the Knockmahon mines near
Bonmahon in County Waterford, and still others, like
Ryan and his two brothers, from a number of small
mining communities in County Tipperary.
For example, in the old Clifton Catholic cemetery,
now long abandoned and overgrown, near the site of the
pioneer Cliff Mine, there are several tombstones that
help establish this migration from the Beara Peninsula
to the Copper Country. Cornelius Harrington, and his
son, Daniel, are commemorated on a stone that now lies
on the ground, but which records his birthplace as
8
Baerhaven [sic], Ireland. Cornelius died on June 30,
1872 at the age of 63. Some distance away lies the
toppled stone of Patrick Hanley who died December 187X
at the age of 53 and whose birthplace is given as
Barehaven [sic], Ireland. A third stone, on which the
name has long since eroded, also lists Barehaven [sic]
as the birthplace of the person whose final resting
place it once marked. Additional tombstones indicating
birth in the Beara Peninsula are found in the Irish
Hollow Cemetery near Rockland, the site of the Minesota
[sic] Mine, and the Hecla Cemetery in Laurium.
Tombstones in the Pine Grove Cemetery at Eagle Harbor,
9
Irish Hollow, and Clifton refer to Kill Parish, the
site of the Knockmahon mines, or County Waterford
generally.4 In addition the genealogical research of
Riobard O’Dwyer has a number of references to emigrants
from the Beara going to Michigan.5 Comparisons of the
surviving employment records from the mines at
4 William H. Mulligan, Jr., “Irish Immigrants in the Early Keweenaw Mines: A Research Note.” The Superior Signal 15, no. 2 (May 2000). Mentions of specific places of origin in Ireland are rare in the newspapers, an exception was a brief notice regarding Patrick Dooling, who had come to the Quincy Mine from County Waterford around 1867. (Portage Lake Mining Gazette July 26, 1888). Unfortunately, the two oldest Catholic cemeteries in Hancock are no longer extant. The earliest cemetery was abandoned around 1863, the second in the 1960s when the Church of the Resurrection was erected over it. An interestingMA thesis has been completed on the earliest cemetery, Michael B. LaRonge, “Company Family, Company Coffin: The Role of Quincy Mining Company’s Paternalistic Practices at the Ingot Street Cemetery,” Michigan Technological University, 2000. The transcription of the latter is very hard to use because Irish place names are almost indecipherable as transcribed. The June and Richard Ross Collection (MS-008), Michigan Technological University Archives and Copper Country Historical Collections. 5 Riobard O’Dwyer, Who Were My Ancestors? Genealogy (Family Trees) of the Allihies (Copper Mines) Parish, County Cork, Ireland (privately printed, 1988), O’Dwyer, Who Were My Ancestors? Genealogy (Family Trees) of the Eyeries Parish, County Cork, Ireland (privately printed, 1976), O’Dwyer, Who Were My Ancestors? Genealogy (Family Trees) of the Castletownbere Parish, County Cork, Ireland (privately printed, 1989), and Who Were My Ancestors? Genealogy (Family Trees) of the Bere Island Parish, County Cork, Ireland (privately printed, 1989).
10
Allihies, the Parish Applotment lists, and Griffith’s
valuation with U.S. census schedules from the 1850 and
1860 censuses and early Quincy Mining Company
employment records reveal a strong similarity in family
names. Timothy M. O’Neil has also demonstrated these
connections in an article in Eire-Ireland.6
Ireland’s mining history is not well known; in fact
for many years the standard school text books used in
Ireland asserted categorically that there were no
6 Some records of the Allihies mines survive in possession of the Puxley family at their estate in Wales. A microfilm is available at the Geological Survey of Ireland. Tithe Applotment Books, Barony of Bere; General Valuation of Rateable Property in Ireland, County of Cork, Barony of Bear [Griffith’s Valuation} (1852). U. S. Census of Population, Manuscript Schedules for Houghton County, 1850 and 1860.Contract Employee Records, 1854-1928, Quincy Mining Company Collection, (MS-001), Michigan Technological University Archives and Copper Country HistoricalCollections. Timothy M. O’Neil, “Miners in Migration: The Case of Nineteenth-Century Irish and Irish-American Copper Miners,’ in Kevin Kenny, ed., New Directions in Irish-American History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2003), pp.61-77.
11
mineral resources of economic value in Ireland, except
peat. Yet, for much of the nineteenth century
investors, mostly British, pursued numerous mining,
mostly of copper, ventures in Ireland. Although most
failed quickly and dramatically, the tremendous success
of the mines at Allihies was constantly pointed to as
reason to try yet again.7 The other large-scale copper
mining areas in Ireland were the Knockmahon mines,
centered on Bonmahon in County Waterford and the Avoca
7
? The London-based Mining Journal, which began publication in 1837offers a running account of these efforts and the discussion among those in the industry about the prospects for copper mines in Ireland.
12
area in County Wicklow. Cormac O Grada sums up this
activity, succinctly and correctly,
Yet, all in all, Irish mines were at best
marginal propositions, worked only when the
market for the relevant metal was very buoyant,
as with copper in mid-century and iron ore a
few decades later. A great deal of money was
invested -- and lost – in mining activity. …
despite considerable expenditure of capital,
not much mineral wealth was found or
generated.8
8 Cormac O Grada, Ireland: A New Economic History, 1780-1939 Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), pp. 320-1.
13
The person most responsible for initiating this
nineteenth-century boom in Irish mining was Col. Robert
Hall, an English military officer. While stationed in
Ireland, Hall commanded a regiment with a large
contingent of Cornishmen many of whom had worked as
miners in Cornwall. Through them he became aware of
surface signs of significant copper deposits at a
number of places, including Allihies. After he left the
British army Hall returned to Ireland in 1805 and began
developing mining properties and encouraging others to
invest in copper mining. Nearly every nineteenth-
14
century metal mining venture in Ireland has some
connection to Hall’s efforts.9
Among those Hall interested in mining was John
Lavallin Puxley, whose family had received grants of
land in the Beara Peninsula from the crown for its
military services in the very early eighteenth century.
The Puxleys great house, Dunboy, was erected near the
ruins of the abandoned castle of the O’Sullivan Bere
Sept, who had come to the Beara in 1192.10
9 See, Mr. And Mrs. S. C. Hall, Ireland: Its Scenery, Character, &, 3 vols., (London, 1845) and S. C. Hall, Retrospect of a Long Life from 1815 to 1883, 2 vols. (London, 1883). S.C. Hall was the son of Col. Hall. For a more recent account of Hall’s involvement in Irish mining see R. A. Williams, The Berehaven Copper Mines,(Northern Mine Research Society, 1991.)
10 Williams. Colman O Mahony, “Copper Mining at Allihies, Co. Cork,” Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society 92 (1987), pp. 71-84.
15
With additional land leased from the Earl of
Bantry, the Puxleys developed a series of mines at
Allihies beginning around 1812. Initially, they brought
a small group of miners from Cornwall. They built a
small village of slate-roofed, stone cottages for their
Cornish workers as well as a Methodist Chapel. Local
men and women also worked in the mines and in
processing the ore for shipment to Swansea, the great
copper smelting center. The Irish workers in the
Puxleys’ mines were paid much less than the Cornish,
even when Irish workers had attained the same jobs as
miners, and were not provided housing or food, as the
16
Cornish were.11 Irish miners from Allihies were
recruited by the Mining Company of Ireland when they
opened the Knockmahon mines.
In the 1840s the various Irish copper mines with
all British Isles copper mines faced several
challenges, the most significant of which was the
appearance of Chilean copper at the Swansea ticketings
in large quantities.12 While the impact was most severe
on the deeper mines in Cornwall, all Cornish and Irish
mines found it hard to compete with Chilean ore which
11 Williams. O Mahony. Des Cowman, “Life and Labour in Three Irish Mining Communities circa 1840,” Saothar 9 (1983), pp. 10-19.
12 Mining Journal, passim. Ronald Rees, King Copper: South Wales and the Copper Trade, 1584-1895 (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2000).
17
was much richer. There was also ore from Australia and
the United States market shrank rapidly as the Lake
Superior copper mines began meeting domestic demand for
copper and a tariff was instituted. The resulting
depression of prices exerted strong downward pressure
on the already low wages of the Irish miners and many
of the smaller, less productive Irish mines closed. In
addition, beginning in 1845 the potato crop, the main
source of food for the miners had the first of the
series of disastrous years that resulted in the Great
Hunger. Employment in all Irish mines declined steeply
after 1850. While the larger mines such as Allihies and
18
Knockmahon remained profitable for a time, conditions
that had been poor and hard became even worse. The
Allihies mines were private and filed few, if any,
public reports or notices. The MCI reports mentioned
in The Mining Journal refer to providing food for the
miners as an added cost and a drag on profits. Smaller
mines, especially in County Cork, failed. Emigration
from the mining areas in Ireland began in response to
these changing conditions.
The Michigan copper mines began to develop in the
middle 1840s with the opening of several mass mines;
19
most notably the Cliff Mine and the Minesota [sic]
Mine.13 The earliest mines were opened by adventurers,
but as the resource proved out investment capital for
the larger mining corporations, the Quincy Mining
Company and Calumet and Hecla Mining Company, came
overwhelmingly from Boston where the companies were
based.14
13 The best and most recent study of the U.S. copper industry is Charles K. Hyde, Copper for America: The United States Copper Industry from Colonial Times to the 1990s (Tucson; University of Arizona Press, 1998.) A good general history of the Copper Country is Arthur Thurner, Strangers and Sojourners: A History of Michigan’s Keweenaw Peninsula (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1994). On the development of mining and community life in the region see, David J. Krause, The Making of a Mining District: Keweenaw Native Copper, 1500-1870 (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992), Larry D. Lankton, Cradle to Grave: Life, Work, and Death at the Lake Superior Copper Mines (N. Y.: Oxford University Press, 1991) and Lankton, Beyond Boundaries: Life and Landscape at the Lake Superior Copper Mines, 1840-1875 (N. Y.: Oxford University Press, 1997.)
14 William B. Gates, Jr., Michigan Copper and Boston Dollars: An Economic History of the Michigan Copper mining Industry (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1951).
20
The Michigan Copper Country was a very remote place
especially in the 1840s and 1850s. The railroad did
not provide a connection to the outside world until
1882. The lure of the mines and the wealth they offered
had brought people well beyond the line of settlement –
there was a lot of wilderness between the Copper
Country and the developed parts of Michigan and
Wisconsin. Wilderness without railroads or other roads
and which received hundreds of inches of snow during
long, cold winters. While the Great Lakes provided
access to civilization and markets, lake navigation in
the pre-1870 period closed generally in late October
21
and did not reopen until late April or even early May
some years. For long periods each year the Copper
Country was cut off from regular contact with the
outside world – the arrival of mail in the winter, an
infrequent event, was always mentioned in the press, as
was the opening and closing of navigation. Both events
were marked with community celebrations. Not only was
the Copper Country remote, there was a strong awareness
of its remoteness.
During this early period, from the mid-1840s, the
Irish did well. They brought needed skills to an
isolated region and appear to have been welcome.
22
Clifton and Rockland, the two earliest mining
communities, had a significant Irish presence.15 Michael
Finnegan and John C. and William Ryan were among the
earliest mine captains and superintendents. They opened
mines and oversaw their operation. The earliest
contract books of the Quincy Mining Company, located
near Hancock, reflect the significant involvement of
Irish miners in opening one of the world’s great copper
mines.16
15 This was especially clear during a controversy surrounding the burial of Rev. Aloysius Kopleiter who had served the Irish community in Rockland. See my“Irish Immigrants in Michigan’s Copper Country: Assimilation on a Northern Frontier,” New Hibernia Review 5, no. 4 (2001). 16 Quincy Mining Company Records. Michigan Technological University Archives and Copper Country Historical Collections, MS-001.,
23
As the pioneer period passed, and the early 1860s
seem to be the time frame for the arrival of large-
scale, well-financed operations, friction developed
between the Irish miners and the now Boston-based
mining firms. In 1862 the mining companies raised
money to send recruiters to Sweden to recruit miners.
A fair number were recruited, but they were met–at the
time the large lake ships could not go directly to
Houghton or Hancock–by Union Army recruiters who had
been alerted to their arrival by the Irish. A large
number of the Swedes took the $400 bounty being offered
by the Army recruiter. The Quincy Mining Company’s
24
annual report simply noted that the effort to recruit
Swedish miners had not worked out and would not be
repeated.
In the 1860s anti-Irish sentiment regularly appears
in the local press not only in opposition to the
election of Edward Ryan as sheriff, but in articles
reporting on criminal activity and violence. Irish are
named and identified as Irish lest here be any doubt.
“Dialect” is regularly used to mock the speech of the
Irish. Successful or “good” Irishmen are the
recipients of excessive and effusive praise as such and
many backhanded compliments. In 1865 when Father James
25
Sweeney, one of the few Irish priests in the region,
cleared St. Patrick’s Hall in Hancock with a horsewhip
to end a St. Patrick’s Day dance held during Lent, the
Mining Gazette used the occasion to bring a wide array of
anti-Irish and anti-Catholic ideas forward.17
The Irish community in the Copper Country developed
a wide range of institutions rapidly. The St. Patrick
Benevolent Society, owners of St. Patrick’s Hall, were
established by 1860. In 1863 the AOH established its
first division in Michigan in Hancock. There were
societies for men and women attached to the parish 17 Mulligan, “Irish Immigrants in Michigan’s Copper Country: Assimilation on aNorthern Frontier.”
26
church. The Portage Lake Mining Gazette and other area
newspapers are full of stories about Irish
organizations, their balls, lectures and fund raisers
for various Irish causes throughout the 1860s, 1870s,
and 1880s. There was even a hurling match at a picnic
excursion in the 1890s, suggesting the community was in
touch with what was happening in Ireland since the GAA
had begun reviving the sport only a few years earlier.
These activities became more varied and more frequent
over time. The anti-Irish tone of the Mining Gazette
softened somewhat in the 1870s with a new editor. By
the 1880s there is a marked change in attitude toward
27
the Irish in the paper, reflective of their role as
leaders in the community. The activities of Edward
Ryan, the former sheriff by then a successful merchant
and banker–known as the Merchant Prince of the Copper
Country, and a small group of other Irish
professionals–lawyers, physicians, insurance agents,
and government officials were frequently reported. The
Copper Country Irish were, it would appear, a vibrant
and active community, but only on the surface.18
Interestingly few of the Irish elite in the 1880s were
mine captains or superintendents and those who were
18 “‘The Merchant Prince’ of the Copper Country: One Immigrant’s American Success Story,” Tipperary Historical Journal, forthcoming.
28
were survivors from the earliest period. William Ryan,
for example, had moved to Iowa; John C. ran a mine
owned by his brother Edward, the Merchant Prince.
By the 1880s, however, the Irish community had
already begun to decline in numbers. Few Irish were
becoming mine captains or superintendents, as
mentioned. Those positions went to Cornishmen. The
sons and brothers of the Irish elite increasingly
sought their fortunes elsewhere. John C. Ryan’s son,
William, went to Denver where he was joined by his
brother John D. when their father died in 1890.
Physician James Scallon’s brother, William, took his
29
law practice to Butte, Montana after a few years in the
Copper Country.
James Scallon had a more interesting pre-Copper
Country life than most. I was going to talk about it
but since it is well covered in the anniversary book
I’ll leave it for you to read.
None of the Merchant Prince’s Notre Dame-educated
sons pursued their careers in the Copper Country. His
brother-in-law, John Cuddihy (another of the pioneer
generation) ran is business interests after his death
although the dry good stores that were the foundation
of his success were closed.
30
More than a dozen families joined General O’Neill’s
farming community in Holt County, Nebraska in 1873.
They were mostly Sheehans from Hancock. Another
significant group went to Lancaster County, Nebraska
and established a farming community, Sullvan’s Corners,
on land purchased from the Burlington & Missouri River
Railroad Company. Others went to other mining
communities in the Upper Peninsula, especially on the
Gogebic Range where Edward Ryan and other Copper
Country Irish businessmen had mining properties. Many
headed further west to Leadville, Colorado and, for the
31
largest number, Butte, Montana.19 The “social columns”
of the Copper Country newspapers regularly reported on
people moving west or returning from Butte, Leadville,
or another western mining town to bury a parent and
take the survivor back to live with them. Others
returned from the west to be buried with their parents.
Wages were higher in Butte and the mining company
there, the Anaconda, was headed by Marcus Daly, an
Irishman, who won the battle of the Copper Kings. In
1900 Daly was succeed by John D. Ryan, a native of the
19 Information on Nebraska supplied by Holt County Historical Society and Teresa Sullivan. Gogebic information supplied by several members of Beara-L and from Portage Lake Mining Gazette. David M. Emmons, The Butte Irish: Class and Ethnicity in an American Mining Town, 1875-1925 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989.)
32
Copper Country, whose father had been a captain at the
Quincy mine early on and whose uncle was Edward Ryan,
the Merchant Prince. The local papers regularly
referred to the higher wages in Butte in many articles,
or short notices, on residents moving west or
returning.20 John D. Ryan also returned to visit the
Copper Country frequently and, as the saying goes,
never forgot where he came from.
A more important cause for the movement of Irish
out of the Copper Country is confirmed by a letter from
Thomas F. Mason, president of the Quincy Mining
20 For example see Portage Lake Mining Gazette, May 3, 1888.
33
Company, the largest employer in Hancock, to Mine
Superintendent Capt. S. B. Harris.
I have been a little fearful that the organizing of
Knights of Labour up there might bode trouble, but
hope we may escape any trouble from that source for
the near future – The Irish being the worst
disturbing element I suggest that in any changes
that are being made it may be well to keep in mind
that it is not best to increase in that
nationality.21
21 Thomas F. Mason to Capt. S. B. Morris, April 20, 1887. Michigan Technological University Archives and Copper Country Historical Collections, MS-001, Box 336, folder 015.
34
The Copper Country Irish had achieved a great deal
in their new home in the face of a great deal of
prejudice. As in other areas their success saw the
level of open hostility they faced decline. Successive
editors of the Portage Lake Mining Gazette devoted more space
to Irish accomplishment than to drunkenness and
violence after the mid-1870s, for example, and use much
more positive language in describing Irish people and
Irish activities. In the late 1880s, however, one of
the economic pillars of that success—access to good
jobs and advancement at the Quincy Mine -- was weakened
because of a new wave and source of anti-Irish
35
sentiment. Butte offered new opportunity, an
opportunity many took advantage of. The economy of the
Copper Country was not much diversified, its location
made such diversification difficult. By the time of the
First World War, the Irish were all but gone from the
UP and a generation later they survived largely as the
names of streets, business blocks, and schools.
36