IS THERE SUCH A THING AS AN APTITUDE FOR LEARNING FOREIGN LANGUAGES?
Transcript of IS THERE SUCH A THING AS AN APTITUDE FOR LEARNING FOREIGN LANGUAGES?
MARIA LEODORA
“IS THERE SUCH A THING AS AN APTITUDE
FOR LEARNING FOREIGN LANGUAGES?”
JANUARY 2013
SCHOOL OF EDUCATION, COMMUNICATION AND LANGUAGE SCIENCES
NEWCASTLE UNIVERSITY
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ABSTRACT
This essay seeks to address the question of whether there is such a thing as an aptitude for
learning foreign languages by providing the theoretical and empirical materials regarding
the concept of foreign language aptitude, the aptitude tests, and the correlation between
aptitude and second language acquisition. All the materials provided will be critically
evaluated by presenting contradicting and/or supporting arguments and explanation with
evidence from the various researches conducted. This essay will first give a brief overview
with regards to the use of language in human communication and the importance of foreign
language learning in the present context. It will then critically evaluate theories regarding
the foreign language aptitude concept and the aptitude test batteries. The implication this
topic has for pedagogy will also be described. Finally, the need for further research on the
impact of foreign language aptitude especially in pedagogical settings will be highlighted.
INTRODUCTION
Language is an integral part of human behaviour (Bonvillain, 2008:1) and is one of the most
uniquely human capacities that our species possesses (Ortega, 2009:1). It is the primary
means of interaction between people (Bonvillain, 2008:1). Human language manifests itself
in spoken, signed and written systems (Ortega, 2009:2). However, some linguists reserve the
term ‘language’ exclusively for the code of vocal symbols (Miller, 1951:10). Moreover,
according to Miller, writing, gestures, Braille, etc., are also codes that can be used for human
communication but are not dignified by the title of languages (Ibid:10).
Language is enriched by the uses that people make of it. These uses, and the meaning
transmitted, are situational, social, and cultural (Bonvilllain, 2008:1). Furthermore, we
employ the symbolic system of language to make meaning with other fellow humans
(Ortega, 2009:1). Bonvillain also added that we learn about people through what they say
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and how they say it; we learn about ourselves through the ways that other people react to
what we say, and we learn about our relationships with others through the give-and-take of
communicative interactions (Bonvillain, 2008:1).
Language to communicate is so pervasively important in all walks of life that every branch
of the social sciences is concerned with it, studies it, and adds to the general fund of
knowledge about it (Miller, 1951:1). Within applied linguistics itself, the study of the
communicative functions of language has taken on an increasingly important role, owing to
the goal of language teaching, which is to enable learners to use language in ways which are
communicatively effective and appropriate (Richards and Schmidt, 1983:xi).
The process of learning a language is multifaceted (Bonvillain, 2008). Even though first
language acquisition has a high degree of similarity in the early language of children
(Lightbown and Spada, 2006), in fact it involves a number of complex processes (Bonvillain,
2008). The behaviourist perspective hypothesized that when children imitate the language
produced by those around them, their attempts to reproduce what they hear receive
‘positive reinforcement’ (Lightbown and Spada, 2006:10). This theory attaches great
importance to the environment as the source of everything the child needs to learn (Ibid,
2006). However, the innatist perspective presented by Chomsky (1959) points out that
children are biologically programmed for language and that language develops in the child
in just the same way that other biological functions develop. Chomsky says that children are
born with a specific innate ability to discover for themselves the underlying rules of a
language system on the basis of the samples of a natural language they are exposed to (Ibid,
2006:15). Bonvillain (2008) also suggests that linguistic discovery and creativity are universal
processes, which are not only inherent in human experience but also contain the principles
that are universal to all human language.
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Moreover, another argument comes from the developmental perspectives which have
focused more on the interplay between the innate learning ability of children and the
environment in which they develop (Lightbrown and Spada, 2006). They see language
acquisition as similar to, and influenced by, the acquisition of other kinds of skill and
knowledge, rather than as something that is different from and largely independent of the
child’s experience and cognitive development (Ibid, 2006:19).
Despite these multifaceted and complex processes, children normally achieve overall success
in their first language acquisition (Cook, 2010), and so the next argument to arise is whether
people acquire a second language in the same way as their first.
Foreign language learning
Based on the statistics documented by Ethnologue, there are more than 6,900 living languages
documented across the globe (Lewis (ed.), 2009). In this case, many people will learn at least
a few words and phrases in a foreign language (Ortega, 2009). Many others will be forced by
life circumstances to learn enough of the additional language to fend for themselves in
selected matters of daily survival, compulsory education or job-related communication (Ibid,
2009:1)
To study other languages and be able to communicate with native speakers of other
languages is not a luxury but a necessity (Alvarez-Sandoval, 2005:3). Linguistically,
interdependence stresses the give-and-take of real communication (Philips, 1979:2). Foreign
language learning is a vital connection in the interdependent relationships of the next
century, since true interaction can occur only when each community experiences the
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language lifestyle of the other, where no group achieves dominance by imposing its
language structure on the other (Ibid:2).
A distinction is sometimes made between learning in a ‘foreign language’ setting, which is
learning a language that is not generally spoken in the surrounding community and a
‘second language’ setting, which is learning a language that is spoken in the surrounding
community (Yule, 2006). In either case, they are simply trying to learn another language, so
the expression second language learning is used more generally to describe both situations
(ibid, 2006). However, the term will be used interchangeably in this essay.
The language teaching profession has explored many alternatives in the search to find more
effective methods for successful second language learning (Larsen-Freeman, 1986). One of
the responses has been “to see whether approaches to second language teaching which
connect with first language acquisition hold out any promise” (Skehan, 1998:1).
While there are many similarities between first and second language learning, the variation
in situation and other factors also produces many differences (Cook, 2000). Children mostly
acquire their first language in different settings with different exposure to language than
second language learners, and they are at different stages of mental and social maturity
(Cook, 1969). Thus, it may be inherently impossible to compare equivalent first and second
language learners (Cook, 2000).
Individual differences
The research of second language acquisition has been aimed at establishing how learners are
similar and which processes of learning are universal (Skehan, 1989). However, one
alternative research thread is the study of the differences between learners (Ibid, 1989).
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Individual differences in second language learning, predominantly foreign language
aptitude, motivation, and opportunity have generated the most consistent predictors of
second language learning success and the essential characteristics of good language learners
(Dörnyei and Skehan, 2003; Rubin, 1975).
In terms of language aptitude, Marjorie Wesche (1981) stated that investigations of its
aspects can be very helpful in diagnosing learning problems and in placing students in
foreign language classes which are appropriate to their learning abilities (pp.120-121).
However, Dörnyei and Skehan (2003) stated that for many, some areas of language learner
differences, including aptitude, have not drawn much theoretical or practical interest owing
to other areas associated with universal processes appearing to have greater promise. These
include the route of second language development, or features of input or interaction
hypothesized to promote second language development. This essay hence attempts to
discuss aptitude, as one of the areas of individual difference, as an aspect worth further
consideration in the improvement of foreign language learning and teaching.
THE APTITUDE FOR LEARNING FOREIGN LANGUAGE
The concept of foreign language aptitude
Preliminary work on foreign language aptitude was undertaken by John B. Carroll (1916 –
2003), who conducted the relevant research during the 1950s, and with Stanley Sapon, who
devised a practical aptitude test battery (Carroll and Sapon, 1959). The concept of aptitude
introduced by Carroll resembles the notion that “in approaching a particular learning task or
programme, the individual may be thought of as possessing some current state of capability
of learning that task, if the individual is motivated, and has the opportunity of doing so”
(Carroll, 1981:84). Carroll also emphasized that aptitude here does not include motivation or
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interest and that capability is presumed to depend on some combination of the more or less
enduring characteristics of the individual (Ibid, 1981).
Recent studies in favour of Carroll’s initial work on foreign language aptitude describe the
concept as follows. Ortega (2009) stated that language aptitude is the psychological
formulation behind the intuition that some people have a gift for additional language
learning while others seem to struggle. Additionally, Robinson (2012) said that aptitude for
foreign language learning is the ability to successfully adapt to, and profit from, instructed
or naturalistic exposure to foreign language (p. 57). Ortega also further explained that “at a
theoretical level, language aptitude as a construct is thought to be made up various
cognitive abilities, some better understood than others, but all related to two broad types:
analytical abilities and memory abilities” (Ortega, 2009:166). Nonetheless, this concept of
aptitude has not escaped criticism from other academics.
Hubbard (1975) argues that aptitude is not a valid predictor of achievement. He suggests
that success in acquiring a foreign language depends essentially on the learner’s motivation
and the attitude of both the learner and teacher. Similar to Hubbard, Roeming (1966)
suggested that an aptitude test based on linguistics cannot be considered too seriously in
predicting a person’s success in second language learning. His argument continued by
saying that “a person who attaches very limited meaning to words and expressions which
describe his physical environment or abstract concepts in his native language is not likely to
promise success at second language learning on the basis of a test” (p.2). Moreover, Gerald
G. Neufeld (1978), although accepting of the concept of foreign language aptitude as
“readiness” (Carroll 1981:84), disagreed with Carroll and argued that if children do not
manifest a talent for acquiring their first language, we should not prematurely conclude that
such talent exists or is necessary for acquiring the second language in natural or uncontrived
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settings (Neufeld, 1978:231). Nevertheless, in response to these criticisms, Carroll persists in
believing that aptitude is “a valid concept, highly worthy of scientific examination and
study, and sufficiently powerful to serve as a basis for practical uses of aptitude
measurements” (Carroll, 1981: 83). This will be further discussed below.
FLA Research and Tests
Despite the critiques, numerous studies in favour of the concept of FLA have been
undertaken. There are two central assumptions of FLA made by the researchers. The first
one states that there is a specific talent for learning foreign languages which exhibits
considerable variation between learners (Skehan, 1998; Dörnyei and Skehan, 2003); the
second is that such an aptitude is stable in nature, is not susceptible to easy training, and is
not environmentally influenced, to any significant degree (Skehan, 1998). Furthermore,
Skehan (1989) once stated that there is no more instructive way of finding out about
language aptitude than following the stages that J. B. Carroll and S. Sapon took in the
construction of the aptitude battery – the Modern Languages Aptitude Test (MLAT: Carroll and
Sapon, 1959).
Based on his research with Sapon in 1959, Carroll’s (1962) subsequent conception of FLA
comprised four components: phonemic coding ability, grammatical sensitivity, inductive language
learning ability, and rote learning ability for foreign language materials (Carroll, 1981). Carroll and
Sapon (1959) published an aptitude test battery which operationalized these four underlying
factors. The test, the MLAT, contains five sections, and provides a total score, as well as the
potential for some detailed profile analysis. However, Skehan (1998) saw an interesting issue
in retrospect of this test, which is while the explanatory phase of Carroll’s aptitude research
emphasized the distinct contributions of each of the four factors of aptitude, the actual test
battery consisted of sub-tests which were often not pure measures of each of the factors. In
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fact, one of the proposed factors, inductive language learning ability, is not measured at all
(p.191). The underlying four-factor account illuminated the actual tests, but was not
represented in them in any pure form. This was partly the result of prediction and also
reflects the difficulty of producing ‘pure’ tests, since most language-related activities cannot
avoid drawing on integrated abilities. Nevertheless, Skehan (1982) stated that this tension in
aptitude research between explanation and prediction has pervaded almost all research in
the area. Nonetheless, he further respected Carroll’s work by saying that at least the theory
underlying the MLAT was recoverable (Skehan, 1998), since the connection between MLAT
sub-tests and underlying theory was clear from the original research project (Skehan, 1998;
Carroll, 1965).
After the MLAT was produced by Carroll and Sapon, other works followed aimed at the
production of aptitude test batteries. One of these is that of Pimsleur (1966), who produced
the commercially available battery, the Pimsleur Language Aptitude Battery (PLAB), which
was targeted at high school students. This set of sub-tests is broadly similar to the MLAT,
but places greater emphasis on auditory factors, and less on memory (Dörnyei and Skehan,
2003).
Controversy on FLA
Neufeld (1979) is probably the best known critic of language aptitude research. He disagrees
with Carrol’s and Pimsleur’s position that observations of students’ performance in artificial
and uncontrolled language learning situations constitute the best means of studying the
nature of language learning ability. Neufeld saw that there is no reason to distinguish the
kind of degree of capacity to acquire the first language and the aptitude to acquire the
second (Neufeld, 1979: 230-231). In this regard, he also argues that critical period data,
which leads to claims that adults are less effective learners than children, in all language
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domains, phonological and otherwise, is invalid, and that ‘exceptions’ to the critical period
hypothesis—people who successfully learn a second language to native-like levels—
demonstrate that everyone has the potential to learn a second language (Skehan, 1998).
However, this critique has been claimed to be unwarranted by research undertaken by other
scholars.
Wells (1986) suggests that despite the claim that everyone is the same in first-language
learning ability, in fact, there is considerable variation in the rate of acquisition. Bley-
Vroman (1989) strengthens this argument by saying that there is considerable evidence of
failure in second language acquisition, suggesting that there are important differences
between the two areas. In addition, Skehan (1998) says that these points suggest that there is
variation in first language abilities, that there are similarities and differences between first
and second language learning abilities, and that there is even greater variation in the second
language case (Skehan, 1998:205)
Neufeld’s (1979) next critique on FLA is that we do not understand sufficiently well what
aptitude tests actually measure, particularly in terms of processes of learning, and whether
language aptitude tests are cognitively or linguistically based. With regard to this point, he
suggests that he knows no one who would categorically or tentatively explain what
language learning processes or strategies are. Moreover, he speculates that ‘hundreds of
other seemingly irrelevant independent variables might conceivably have correlated as
highly or higher, had they been examined (Neufeld, 1979; Skehan, 1998:188-189). However,
Skehan (1998) argues that this critique of Neufeld is seen as misplaced.
Skehan (1998) suggests that the theory underlying the MLAT is clear and justifiable in
information-processing terms. In addition, Skehan also pointed out that aptitude tests are
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not simply predictive instruments which have no explanatory power. They have a rationale
in relation to language learning processes, and then an even wider justification through
general psychological processes. They are not arbitrary in any sense, even though the
successful sub-tests from aptitude research have emerged rather inductively (Skehan, 1998:
205).
In further research on FLA, other attempts to produce complete aptitude batteries have had
a more restricted quality. The Defense Language Aptitude Battery - DLAB (Petersen and Al-
Haik, 1976) was first produced for the US military owing to the sense that the MLAT did not
discriminate sufficiently well at the higher end of the language aptitude range. The DLAB
was intended to be more searching for high-aptitude learners. It emphasized Carroll’s
inductive language learning ability, and also phonemic coding ability and memory (Dörnyei
and Skehan, 2003: 594). The battery did not really produce more effective predictions than
the MLAT, and the “closed” nature of research has meant that the battery has not proved to
be particularly influential (Ibid, 2003). The same is true for subsequent developments with
aptitude batteries produced in association with military contexts, such as VORD (Parry and
Child, 1990). A different and the latest approach to reconceptualising aptitude is found in
the work of Grigorenko, Sternberg, and Ehrman (2000), who have developed the Cognitive
Ability for Novelty in Acquisition of Language – Foreign (CANAL-F) battery (Grigorenko, 2002;
Grigorenko, et.al. 2000), based on the view that a central ability underlying successful
language learning is the ability to cope with novelty and ambiguity (Ranta, 2008: 143). This
approach focuses on recall and inferencing with linguistic material under immediate and
delayed conditions (Dörnyei and Skehan, 2003:595).
Regardless of all the hard work and research done in FLA, criticisms are still addressed to
this research area. Krashen (1981) is also critical of the FLA work, but from a different
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perspective. In the context of his Monitor Model (Krashen, 1985), which includes a
distinction between acquisition and learning, he proposes that aptitude tests are
methodology dependent, and work only when used in formal learning contexts. He suggests
that only the achievements of learners exposed to methodologies which target conscious
learning and focus on individual elements of language will be predicted by aptitude
research. Krashen (1981) draws attention to the bulk of the validation studies with aptitude
tests being conducted with such methodologies, thus constituting a limitation in the
generalizability of aptitude constructs (Skehan, 1998: 189). However, one limitation of this
critique is that it does not see that if we take the components of aptitude on more theoretical
grounds to reflect different stages of the information processing of linguistic material,
several factors argue for a greater involvement for aptitude in informal rather than formal
ones (Skehan, 1989).
Furthermore, in response to this critique, Reves (1983) investigated and demonstrated that
aptitude actually functions as an effective predictor on second as well as foreign contexts
(Skehan, 1989; 1998). Reves’ findings are consistent with Skehan’s (1989) proposal that
aptitude should be equally relevant in second language contexts precisely because learners
have to confront situations in which there is no pedagogic selection of materials which
attempts to structure the sequences in which learning takes place (Dörnyei and Skehan, 2003:
595).
The need to process unstructured input, the need to extract systematicity and rule-
governedness in non-pedagogic material, as well as the capacity to assimilate the large
number of exemplars that underlie fluent performance, run directly contrary to the claim
made by Krashen. This is because they represent greater difficulty in informal contexts
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(Skehan, 1998:206). Robinson’s (1995) acquisition-based research also questions the force of
this critique (Skehan, 1998).
Aptitude research has not been popular, and examining the lack of substance in criticisms is
an important stepping-stone to progress (Skehan, 1998). Rubin (1975) identified aptitude,
motivation, and opportunity as three factors that account for differential success in language
learning. With respect to aptitude, she argued that aptitude tests predict success but do not
provide sufficient information to guide pedagogical decision making (Ranta, 2008:142).
Reconceptualization of FLA
After Carroll’s research, Dörnyei and Skehan (2003) stated that it is only in recent years that
the interesting and challenging reconceptualizations of FLA have emerged. Recent efforts to
reconceptualize language aptitude beyond the two kinds of broad ability have been made by
Skehan and Robinson, which will be discussed further in the following paragraphs. The
strength of both proposals is that they make it possible to study second language aptitude as
a well-motivated, textured set of cognitive capacities that correspond to theoretically
postulated processing demands that are specific to second language learning (Ortega, 2009).
At a practical level, FLA can be measured by existing tests that predict how well someone is
likely to do when embarking on the formal study of an additional language. Two challenges
have limited the ability to understand FLA in the past: the investment of much less effort in
explaining the construct than in developing tests that measure it; and the difficulty of
extracting the cognitive abilities from the cognative, affective and contextual affordances of
the environments in which second language learning happens (Ortega, 2009:145).
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Robinson (2012) argues that currently available aptitude tests cannot be used to identify
‘complexes’ of abilities or aptitudes for types of situated pedagogic activity. An aptitude
battery that assesses the strengths and weaknesses in such complexes would be of great
diagnostic value in matching learners to optimal learning contexts (Robinson, 2012: 57).
Robinson (2001; 2002) has reconceptualized the components of aptitude into a hierarchical
arrangement of aptitude complexes, which are combinations of aptitude variables that
jointly influence learning in particular situations. Instead of talking about a learner’s overall
aptitude, Robinson proposes elements of aptitude which consist of a learner’s own
utterances along with an interlocutor’s recasts, such as “aptitude for focus on form via
recasts”, which is made up of the ability to “notice the gap” and “memory for contingent
speech”. This, more differentiated, view of aptitude promises to offer a better framework for
investigating how influences learners’ uptake of specific instructional activities (Ranta, 2008:
144).
Robinson (2012) proposes models of aptitude that could be developed into tests, consisting
of a number of sub-tests, which could be used as the basis of candidate selection, while at
the same time providing information which is pedagogically useful about diagnosed areas
of likely weakness, and also information which can be used to match learners to optimally
effective instructional options. Robinson also suggests that aptitude does not have its effects
alone; it has its effects in the instructional contexts which draw, differentially, on the
numerous sets of abilities that aptitude tests measure (Robinson, 2012: 63)
FLA and other variables
Most researchers have no longer tended to explore how new aptitude batteries can be
produced, but instead focus on particular aspects of the aptitude construct, or on particular
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contexts in which aptitude might operate (Dörnyei and Skehan, 2003). Examples are found
in the research done by Wesche (1981), Reves (1983), and DeKeyser (2000). The results of
their research in reporting an interaction between learner characteristics and instructional
conditions are essential, since they bring out the potential of aptitude information to go
beyond global scores and to provide potentially vital diagnostic information (Dörnyei and
Skehan, 2003:595).
Krashen (1981) once proposed that aptitude was not relevant for acquisition and the
subconscious induction and internalization of language rules that he advocated. The
discussions which have arisen among some researchers have also focused on the way that
aptitude has been perceived as largely unrelated to the broader issues in SLA. However,
Skehan (1998) proposed a “processing stage” model of aptitude, which explained that
different components of aptitude could be related to stages of information processing in SLA
(Skehan, 1998; Dörnyei and Skehan, 2003; Robinson, 2012).
Skehan (1989) attempted to update the concept of aptitude and argued that it is more
appropriate to view aptitude as consisting of three components: auditory ability, linguistic
ability, and memory ability (Skehan, 1998:201). Auditory ability is essentially the same as
Carroll’s (1965) phonemic coding ability (Skehan, 1998), while linguistic ability brings
together Carroll’s grammatical sensitivity and inductive language learning ability (Ibid,
1998).
The third component, memory, is unchanged in its general nature. This three-component
view of aptitude can be related to stages within a flow of information processing (Skehan,
1998). Phonemic coding ability can be related to input processing, while language analytic
ability (grammatical sensitivity, inductive language learning) can be related to central
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processing, and memory-as-retrieval can be related to output and fluency. Thus, Skehan
concluded that such a set of linkages shows how aptitude, at a fairly general level, is
consistent with a cognitive view of SLA (Dörnyei and Skehan, 2003).
Other researchers have also explored the relationship between FLA and other variables,
such as age and intelligence (Dörnyei and Skehan, 2003). Harley and Hart (1997) have
shown that the predictive qualities of different aptitude components change with age. With
younger children, the stronger correlations were with the memory components of aptitude.
On the other hand, with older learners, it was the language analysis sub-tests which have
the higher correlations (Dörnyei and Skehan, 2003).
Sasaki (1996) examined the relationship between FLA and intelligence. At a first-order level
of factor analysis, an analysis based on the matrix of correlations between the different
measures, she showed that aptitude and intelligence were distinct. However, the second-
order analysis, an analysis based on the factor loadings of the first-order analysis, showed
connections between aptitude and intelligence (Dörnyei and Skehan, 2003). Furthermore,
Ortega (2009) stated that language aptitude partially overlaps with traditional intelligence
and with early first language ability. Language aptitude and traditional intelligence may
share a subset of academic abilities implicated in both types of test; language aptitude and
early first language ability may share a common subtract of grammatical sensitivity and
analytical kinds of abilities (Ortega, 2009). Ortega also specified that differential memory
capacities are thought to play a central part in creating differential likelihoods of success
when learning a foreign language. Memory alone is thought to help predict how well people
will learn new vocabulary, what levels of comprehension they will achieve in listening or
reading, how much they may benefit from recasts or how easily they will learn grammar
rules (Ortega, 2009).
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Nevertheless, Carroll once argued that even if no measures of foreign language aptitude
were available, there would be general agreement that individuals appear to differ in their
capability of learning foreign languages (Carroll, 1981:85).
IMPLICATIONS FOR LANGUAGE LEARNING AND TEACHING
The pedagogic implication is that instructional efficiency could be improved by taking the
strengths and weaknesses of people with the same overall aptitude but different component
abilities into account, and designing instruction accordingly (Skehan, 1989: 137). Nunan
(1999) has argued that it is not unreasonable to expect teachers to have the responsibility of
adjusting instruction to accommodate a learner’s aptitude profile since it is a role that is
consistent with the principle of learner-centeredness that is central to communicative
language teaching (as cited in Ranta, 2008).
Aptitude, that is, would give information for pre-emptive course design decisions which
would predict the learning difficulties to come, and do something about them (Dörnyei and
Skehan, 2003:623). A design factor for such a course could be made based on the information
derived from using any kind of FLA tests.
FLA profiles may enable students to learn more effectively and more satisfactorily (Wesche,
1981; Erlam, 2005) and allow teachers to identify and manage foreign language learning
problems more successfully when used appropriately (Ehrman, 1996), for example by
matching learners with specific instruction methods (Wesche, 1981; Ranta, 2008; Wen, 2011),
or by using the compensatory individualized instruction, where students are assigned to
special activities to help them develop their area of weakness (Rivers and Melvin, 1981 as
cited in Ranta, 2008).
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CONCLUSION
The concept of aptitude merits an active research programme (Dörnyei and Skehan, 2003),
and, although long regarded as out of date, it has much to offer, but needs new
conceptualizations to link it to insights and findings from SLA research (Ibid, 2003).
Research has indicated that the concept is not just reasonably effective as a predictor, but
also equitable to learners and has a wide explanatory value (Ibid, 2003). It has also
developed considerably from being assumed as a stable and unitary fixed trait, to being
considered as more dynamic and multiple sets of malleable abilities that interact with other
internal ‘learner attributes and attitudes’ (Larsen-Freeman, 2001), such as motivation and
learning styles (Dörnyei, 2010) and with external contextual affordances (Ranta, 2008:151).
The concept of aptitude for learning a foreign language would always be linked to Carroll’s
influential work. Based on his work, although reconceptualizations of aptitude have
emerged, many academics and researchers have admitted that the best known and most
widely employed test for practical and research proposes is still the MLAT.
Sasaki (2012) also stated that, in recent times, a larger number of researchers working from
information processing viewpoints have started to pay more attention to the relationship
between aptitude and foreign language learning processes, and tests based on the
expansions of the aptitude construct have been proposed (e.g. Skehan’s 2002 model).
Nevertheless, these newer tests have tended to complement the MLAT rather than
supersede it, and their validation has tended to include the MLAT as ‘the benchmark’
(Grigorenko et al., 2000:397).
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There are also two questions which have been considered by Ortega (2009) as being of
extreme theoretical and practical importance yet have not been sufficiently studied to date:
whether FLA matters only or mostly for late second language starters and whether the
equally strong differences in FLA emerge when the learning conditions call for memory-
driven, implicit ways versus analytical, explicit ways of processing the new material (p.166).
Consequently, more research is required to determine the most effective ways to deal with
students with varying levels of aptitude in the learning of a foreign language.
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