Integration and interdisciplinarity: concepts, frameworks, and education
Transcript of Integration and interdisciplinarity: concepts, frameworks, and education
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Policy SciencesIntegrating Knowledge and Practice toAdvance Human Dignity ISSN 0032-2687 Policy SciDOI 10.1007/s11077-015-9210-4
Integration and interdisciplinarity:concepts, frameworks, and education
Susan G. Clark & Richard L. Wallace
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RESEARCH NOTE
Integration and interdisciplinarity: concepts,frameworks, and education
Susan G. Clark • Richard L. Wallace
� Springer Science+Business Media New York 2015
Abstract Humans face enormous and growing ecological and social problems. Knowl-
edge and methods of inquiry are necessary to understand and address these problems.
Although this seems obvious, arguments rage over which methods are reliable and whose
perspectives and epistemology (disciplinary or otherwise) are best suited to address
problems. To compound matters, knowledge is fragmented in its organization, classifica-
tion, production, and use in academe, in the professions, and in society. A practical con-
ceptualization of interdisciplinarity in the interests of integration is needed to address the
multiple perspectives, epistemologies, and fragmentation inherent in these problems. Here,
we offer a conception of integration that fosters an interrelated dynamic system of healthy
people, society, and nature. Next, we look at ‘‘knowledge’’—its classification, levels, and
challenges. Following that, we review a model of integration almost a century old that has
been abstracted into a practical, interdisciplinary meta-framework that organizes both
diagnostics and prescriptive inquiry. Finally, educating about integration is a subject of
central concern in many colleges and universities today, one that we discuss in terms of
goals, student competence, educational designs, practical challenges, and how to address
them. Our entire endeavor is couched in terms of the overarching goal of seeking the
common interest of human dignity in healthy environments for all.
Keywords Integration � Interdisciplinarity � Knowledge � Education � Framework � Policy
sciences
S. G. Clark (&)Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies, 195 Prospect Street, New Haven, CT 06511, USAe-mail: [email protected]
R. L. WallaceDepartment of Environmental Studies, Ursinus College, 601 East Main Street, Collegeville, PA 19426,USA
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Introduction
Interdisciplinarity is a means to integrate knowledge and methods in the interest of
problem solving. The search for integration has a long and rich history that is reflected in
higher education and professional practice in the USA, Europe, and elsewhere. In this
paper, we summarize for a Policy Sciences readership, which is predisposed to be inte-
grative, some challenges facing the current generation of integrators who grapple with
complex social phenomena that undermine basic human dignity, which is the paramount
goal that this journal was specifically designed to promote.
Perhaps the single most significant problem facing the world today is that ‘‘humans now
dominate Earth, changing it in ways that threaten its ability to sustain us and other species’’
(Barnosky et al. 2012, p. 1; Cardinale et al. 2012). Our human environmental footprint is
unsustainable (Hockstra and Wiedmann 2014; Costanza et al. 2014). These challenges are
compounded by trends in the understanding and production of knowledge. As policy
scientists, we work with a pragmatic definition of knowledge as a ‘‘mix of framed expe-
riences, values, contextual information, and expert insight that provides a framework for
evaluating and incorporating new experiences and information’’ (Davenport and Prusak
1998, p. 5). The policy sciences as a field of inquiry, and this journal with it, came into
existence as a means to address trends in the fragmentation of knowledge across the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries—fragmentation that weakens individuals’, institutions’,
and societies’ ability to make decisions to serve the common interest of human dignity
(Easton 1950; Eulau 1958; Lasswell 1970, 1971a).
The highly fragmented way in which biophysical and social knowledge is currently
organized, classified, produced, and used complicates our ability to address and educate
others about these pressing problems (Trompf 2011). Research on the dynamics of
knowledge and its legitimization in recent decades has shown that it has diverse, multiple,
social origins (Foucault 1994). One of the chief fountainheads of knowledge generation in
society is the arena of higher education. We focus on higher education in this paper for this
reason and because it is the major site of education, the intergenerational transmission of
knowledge (however understood), and the methods of shaping and sharing it.
Gumport and Snydman (2002) note that universities both reflect and reconstitute tax-
onomies of knowledge. The legitimacy of knowledge is provided by the imprimatur that
this context and arena carry in society today. However, the ‘‘advancement’’ of knowledge
does not automatically accrue in a self-propelled manner or direction (see Kuhn 1970;
Mulkay 1979). Universities are like other organizations and institutions and respond to
problems, internal and external, with changes in operations, typically by adding to existing
disciplines and paradigms. What constitutes reliable knowledge and its epistemological
foundations is hotly contested these days (e.g., Bohm and Peat 1987; Taylor and Medina
2013).
Within the overall discourse about knowledge and its uses, as well as the role of
universities in society, integration of knowledge is widely touted as the means—indeed,
the imperative—to address the ‘‘human–environment’’ sustainability problem (McDougal
1971; National Research Council 1999, 2011). The claim is that we need to meld or
reconfigure knowledge in order to address problems effectively (e.g., Frodeman et al.
2010), but explicit methods are often lacking. Currently, there is growing interest in
integration in the curriculums of many colleges and universities, a trend that policy sci-
entist Harold Lasswell (1970, p. 3) described as a ‘‘counter offensive… a new configurative
outlook to remedy decades of differentiation and fragmentation of knowledge and its
application.’’ Over the last 100 years or more, the sciences, especially the social sciences,
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have been keenly interested in the notion of integration (Charlesworth 1972), and huge
effort has gone into generating practical concepts and guides for it.
The present ongoing discussion about integration via interdisciplinarity is very con-
fusing because of its competing lexicons, epistemological demands, and diverse origins
and standpoints of authors (see Parsons 1995). A widely shared guide to interdisciplinarity,
one that is well thought out theoretically, empirically grounded, and clearly demonstrative
in practice, could advance integrative thinking, education, and application to diverse
problems. This paper, which encourages such an outcome, first examines the concept of
integration and its meaning as applied to individual, societal, and environmental interre-
lationships. Second, it looks at knowledge and its classification and provides a definition of
the ‘‘problem’’ of knowledge and integration. Third, we introduce an interdisciplinary
method as a meta-framework explicitly designed to help integrate theory and practice and
to guide education and problem solving. Finally, we focus on how integration via inter-
disciplinarity can improve education and address sustainability programs, exploring
challenges and obstacles to the widespread comprehension and application of integration
through interdisciplinarity and offering recommendations.
Methods
We take a problem-oriented (i.e., policy analytic), value-based view of integration, the
history of integration, and our brief review of interdisciplinary applications (after Lasswell
and McDougal 1943, 1992; Mattson and Clark 2011). This paper is first of all informed by
the policy sciences. It reflects our experiences and perspectives and those of many articles
published in this journal over the past four decades. We assume that our frame of reference
may differ from some readers of this paper, as it should be: varying perspectives on
knowledge and its integration are the impetus for this paper. We do not attempt to reconcile
competing perspectives here. We use both conventional and functional languages in our
descriptions in hopes of reaching out to as many other perspectives, knowledge bases,
frames of reference, and vocabularies as possible. We draw on our explicit and tacit
knowledge, recognizing that all people weigh observations and beliefs differently (see
Russell 2006, 2010; Eagleton 2007), based on their personal experiences, reflections,
introspections, memories, and heroes, among other considerations.
First, our methods are those of the policy sciences, as introduced below: a set of
integrated concepts or conceptual tools for framing thought and guiding analysis, inter-
pretation, and resolution of problems (Lasswell 1968). These tools offer a ‘‘practical means
of organizing our thinking, our knowledge, and our problem-solving efforts, thus allowing
us to define a problem and understand its context’’ (Clark 2002, p. 9).
Second, given the huge volume of literature on interdisciplinarity and knowledge in-
tegration, we selectively focused on that pertaining to natural resources and environment.
As in many complex cases, we encountered problems of inter-observer differences in
language and meaning (Lasswell and McDougal 1992, pp. 391–397), and we recognize
that subjectivities matter in these cases (Brown 2006). Language and other factors in
effective communication are a huge, perhaps insurmountable, problem, which we address
below.
Third is a brief word on our own standpoint as authors. We are both senior academics at
American institutions and professionals with more than 75 years of combined experience
undertaking interdisciplinarity in the interests of integration. We have worked in the
academic (both graduate and undergraduate), government, and non-governmental realms,
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and on every continent except Antarctica. Much of our work has focused on problems of
governance and participation in the conservation of species and ecosystems, though for
many years we have been involved in (and published on) the development and application
of interdisciplinary standards and programs in American higher education. In all our work,
we rigorously apply standpoint clarification, performance evaluation, and ongoing self-
scrutiny. We hope this paper will help decision makers improve the rationality, practi-
cality, and morality of their judgments. Good intelligence is a prerequisite for a resilient
democracy to solve complex problems (Farr et al. 2006; Clark 2009).
Integration: individuals, society, and environment
The concept of integration is promoted today as crucial for addressing diverse problems at
many scales and for achieving sustainability and other societal goals (e.g., DeFries et al.
2012; Frodeman et al. 2010; National Research Council 2011). Integration is really a
shorthand word for adaptive behavior in relation to the contexts in which people live and
work (Hopkins 1937; Connole 1937). Jantsch (1970, p. 304) observed that ‘‘it is important
to understand the quest for knowledge as a form of interaction between living systems and
their environment, no less essential than, say, breathing or feeding, and in the same sense
subjective and objective at the same time.’’ Viewed this way, integration seems to function
as an umbrella term for people to make meaning in life, to use as an existential foundation
(see Yalom 1980). Integration refers to the combining of disparate things, events, or
processes with the goal of fitting them together in such a way as to better understand both
the parts and the emergent whole. Integration reflects conscious insight, a depth of un-
derstanding, and a kind of interactive adjusting. Yet the picture that emerges from inte-
grating knowledge can never be assumed to be final, complete, or definitive; at best it is a
provisional, temporary, and incomplete modeling of reality that continues to change as
situations and contexts change.
Individuals
Studying the behavior of individuals as they make meaning, build mental models, and
operate in the world can elucidate the concept of integration (Das 1998; Eagleton 2007).
Each individual seeks personal integration (providing benefits of dignity, respect, health,
and well-being), societal integration (fitting into a functioning community that values the
individual), and environmental integration (immersion in a tightly connected healthy so-
cietal and natural environment). Each individual strives for an integrated life, that is,
comfort, security, and the basic needs of life (Mattson et al. 2012). In concept and practice,
integration begins with the physical integrity of the body and ‘‘self.’’ The body’s behavior
and its relationship to its biophysical and social environment determine the kind of life that
the person lives, either facilitating or inhibiting integration and attainment of values.
Each individual is born into a culture composed of complex and interrelated aspects—
family, community, and society, each with its sociopolitical structure and history (Hopkins
1937). Individual development is conditioned by both biological demands and the accu-
mulated and ever changing experiences of culture as it meets those basic needs. A wide
range of forces and factors (e.g., upbringing, crises) may seriously disturb or upset a sense
of equilibrium, causing anxiety, frustration, need, want, wish, or drive, yet every individual
possesses a value demand that draws him or her toward equilibrium again. To achieve a
state of well-being, the individual acts in response to the environment (McCrae and John 1992;
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Rentfrow et al. 2008). Every person seeks a healthy equilibrium or, in other words, actively
avoids disequilibrium. According to Hopkins (1937, p. 3—one of the earliest and still
most cogent elucidations of integration in American higher education), relatively
successful, healthy individuals ‘‘make many contacts in a wide environment, resolving the
ensuing disturbances by the best thinking available at the time, thereby building dynamic
drives and cumulative techniques for use in examination of subsequent experience’’ (also
see Arnspiger 1959; Ascher and Hirschfelder-Ascher 2005). This is the process of
integrating.
As people experience life they respond to stimuli depending on what it means to them
(via subjective and social mediation), and, as they respond, they also learn. Learning is
about creating more appropriate, meaningful responses to situations that may be prob-
lematic, given peoples’ goals or values (see Kegan and Lahey 2009; Clark 2002). Hopkins
(1937) says that learning to integrate, however it is accomplished, helps individuals to
improve (1) their internal state in coping with the external environment existentially and
physiologically, (2) their ability to deal with recurring or novel situations, i.e., to map
contexts and solve problems, and (3) their understanding of and interactions with their
environment and communities, i.e., development of social knowledge and skills. Ideally,
integration involves the whole of childhood and adult development, with many implica-
tions for higher education (as discussed below), including making connections, becoming
self-aware, and gaining skills. There is ample opportunity in most societies to increase
learning significantly, an effort that should be led by colleges and universities and con-
tinued in professional contexts.
People also seek values such as knowledge, skill, affection, respect, or influence through
participation in the institutions of family, politics, economics, and spirituality to create
supporting, respectful communities (Reisman 2008). Institutions, the stable patterns of
interaction and organization present in societies, play a major role in determining the kinds
of lives that people live, individually and collectively. People create institutions to help
them achieve values. Daily living consists of ongoing, adjusting, and interacting processes
within institutions, i.e., processes of value accumulation and exchange that may be con-
scious or unconscious (Kegan 1994; Kahneman 2011). In struggling to create a sustainable
world and functional societies, individuals inevitably express shared concerns about human
dignity, mutual respect, and healthy environments, manifest in their perspectives and
behaviors (McDougal et al. 1980; Mattson and Clark 2011). Functionally, achieving sus-
tainability requires that societies be made up of whole individuals—that is, people who are
physically, psychologically, and socially integrated within the institutions of society
(Kelman 2006; Weston 2008).
Society
Individuals also seek to use material and cultural resources to address their individual and
societal challenges. In functional terms, ‘‘people seek values through institutions using
resources’’ (Lasswell and McDougal 1992, p. 337). These four variables—people, values,
institutions, and resources—can be researched empirically via existing methods (Table 1).
Achieving sustainability depends on balancing the connections among these four variables
and requires a kind of integration that has both short- and long-term benefits. The analytic,
integrated, interdisciplinary framework of the policy sciences, which we describe below,
exists to study and manage these factors and processes.
History shows that people and institutions often struggle to find a sustainable equilib-
rium with the environment. For example, Morris (2010) offered a ‘‘social development
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index’’ that included environmental variables such as energy availability over the last
15,000 years, comparing development in the West and the East. His index shows how
civilizations have varied their practices and institutions as their internal and external
environments changed. Some have been able to reach a relatively high level of social
development and persist for centuries, whereas others have not. Other historians have
similarly described the ups and downs of humanity’s efforts to organize societies and
institutions and to find and use resources (e.g., Ferguson 2011; Mandelbaum 2011; Mann
and Ornstein 2012). Time and again, history shows huge variation over time and place in
the well-being of individuals and societies in different environments.
Environment
There is a century and a half of compelling literature on relations between society and
nature. Global changes in climate, biodiversity, pollution, and other issues have long raised
serious concerns, nowadays often expressed in the language of ‘‘sustainability’’ or ‘‘sus-
tainable development,’’ by the United Nations and in many national and subnational
Table 1 A view of people, values, institutions, and natural resources
Humans……seek Values……through Institutions……using Resources
Interacting throughculture andpersonality
Power GovernmentPolitical partiesPressure groups
Soils, water, energy, minerals,plants, animals space, humans
Social and decisionprocesses
Respect Social classCaste systemHonors
Wealth ProductionDistributionIncomeSavings
Enlightenment EducationCommunicationDiscussionResearch
Skill TrainingOccupationsArt expressionTaste standards
Well-being Mental, physicalHealthRecreationPolice protection
Rectitude Moral practicesEthical standardsCrime preventionChurches
Affection CourtshipFamilyFriendshipGroup heritage
These four categories are researchable and empirical indices can be invented and measured (after Lasswell1970; Clark 2002)
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institutions and contexts. Some authors express grave doubts about whether modern
civilizations can survive (e.g., Brunner 2007; Diamond 2005; Orlov 2013). Tainter (2006,
p. 91), for example, writing on ‘‘social complexity and sustainability,’’ notes that sus-
tainability outcomes ‘‘may take decades or centuries to develop.’’ He demonstrates that
societies exhibit one of three long-term changes in their problem-solving institutions in
response to growing problems: collapse, resiliency through simplification, or continuity
with more complexity subsidized by increased energy. The future prospects for the USA,
the West, and other societies are the focus of widespread, ongoing, active discussion.
Historically, the process of integration at individual, societal, and environmental levels
has been difficult. At the individual level, life consists of interacting and adjusting behavior
to find equilibrium. One interpretation of how this works is Lasswell’s (1971b)
‘‘maximization postulate,’’ which states that people tend to make decisions that they
perceive will leave them better off than before. In other words, people seek values in order
to achieve equilibrium (or to insulate themselves from disequilibrium) via institutions (e.g.,
family) using resources (e.g., power, wealth, as well as natural resources). Peoples’ mis-
perceptions of their own needs often come from biases and bounded rationality (see
Kahneman 2011), and developing a fully integrated relationship with self, with others, and
with the natural environment is the defining struggle of our times.
Knowledge: classification, levels, challenges
Today there is a surplus of pseudo-integrative academic offerings—conceptual, ideologi-
cal, systems-based, mathematical, and others—springing from different origins, interests,
and individuals (e.g., Frodeman et al. 2010; UNCSD 2007). How to obtain, classify, and
organize knowledge and then use it to foster sustainability and other goals is one of the
most fundamental problems that humanity faces (Lindblom and Cohen 1979; Flyvbjerg
2001; Schmidt 2011). We need to address classification issues, levels of knowledge or-
ganization, and existing application challenges.
Classification and nomenclature
Classifying and labeling knowledge is not straightforward. Traditionally, people have
organized knowledge into disciplines. Trompf (2011; see also Latour 2004), for example,
listed over 1,300 disciplines that are relevant to environmental studies. But many authors in
the last few decades have questioned whether disciplines are the most helpful way to
address environmental problems (e.g., Apostel and Vanlandschoot 1994). As Brown (1984,
p. ix) notes, people are undertaking an ‘‘intense critical examination with respect to [the
disciplines] and the power and philosophic premises that rationalize their structure’’ (see
Brown 2004, 2010).
Without a doubt, the scientific and scholarly disciplines are vital to individual and social
development. Learning how to integrate and synthesize specialized disciplinary contri-
butions is central to making improvements in daily life, in society, and in sustaining the
natural environment. Regardless of the topic—endangered species, genetics, human
populations, oceans, fisheries, forests, parks and reserves, the atmosphere, outer space, land
and water use, development, human rights, environmental justice—every discipline and
standpoint has something to contribute in the examination of public policy problems.
Melding disciplines in ways that are useful, however, does not happen spontaneously. It
requires a framework.
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In order to integrate knowledge, it is first useful to know how to organize it. Knowledge
is generally classified as disciplinary (isolated disciplines), multidisciplinary (two or more
disciplines, additive), interdisciplinary (integrative, fusion), transdisciplinary (non-disci-
plinary), or in other ways that describe different modes of knowledge specialization
(Weingart 2010; Klein 2010; Krohn 2010; Fuller 2010; Mansilla 2010; Sarewitz 2010).
Knowledge can be organized and classified, not necessarily rigidly or in mutually exclusive
ways, along this continuum.
Multidisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity are worth exploring a bit further in their most
commonly understood definitions. Multidisciplinarity lacks the distinctiveness of inte-
gration and instead settles for the coexistence of different disciplines. As Klein (1996,
p. 98) notes, multidisciplinarity ‘‘does not readily lead to new insights into environmental
relationships or reveal gaps in scientific knowledge that handicap formulation of sound
environmental policies.’’ By requiring only close proximity, rather than integration, of
different disciplines, multidisciplinarity lacks the transformative qualities in both knowl-
edge and practice that are necessary to address complex environmental problems. In this, it
is more akin to straightforward disciplinarity than it is to true interdisciplinarity.
Transdisciplinarity bears greater similarity to interdisciplinarity than multidisciplinarity.
In one view, transdisciplinarity seeks intellectual freedom from all disciplinary confines
(Piaget 1972), a sort of non-disciplinarity in which participants are left to make their own
connections around an organizing principle, e.g., education or social problems (Jantsch
1970). This approach warrants further exploration in an environmental problem-solving
context, especially because of its attempts at holism and the as-yet-unanswered question of
how problem-oriented transdisciplinarity is really useful (Klein 2005). The danger in
transdisciplinarity is when it questions the veracity of the disciplines: It is critical to
recognize that disciplinary knowledge and methods are necessary to achieve interdisci-
plinary integration in a problem-oriented context and, concomitantly, that interdisciplinary
integration transcends the confines of the disciplines.
Interdisciplinarity welcomes disciplinarity and requires a strong disciplinary founda-
tion; indeed, disciplinary knowledge and methods constitute the elements being integrated
in this approach. Therefore, interdisciplinarity is not ‘‘anti-disciplinary,’’ ‘‘adisciplinary,’’
or ‘‘post-disciplinary.’’ The transformation that occurs with interdisciplinarity, however,
extends beyond the intellectual and epistemological boundaries that limit many scholars
and practitioners. Disciplines provide ‘‘cognitive maps’’ that allow practitioners to define
the information they process and methods they use to process it (Petrie 1976). Miller
(1982, p. 5) calls them ‘‘make-sense patterns’’ that ‘‘determine what aspect of reality is
studied, how it is understood, and the relative validity of the descriptive and explanatory
statements derived therefrom.’’
We live and work in a world of academic disciplines that, alone, are ill-equipped to
tackle the complexity of environmental problems, leaving us with a conundrum of sorts:
Disciplinary approaches are an essential and ever-present part of any problem-solving
strategy, but without integration, they are insufficient to address problems in their full
complexity. Interdisciplinarity enables integration by providing, according to Burgess and
Slonaker (1978, p. 2), ‘‘ways and means for blending wisdom and science, for balancing
free association and intellectual discipline, for expanding and refining information, and for
building a problem-solving culture that mixes ‘permanent’ with ‘transient’ membership,
thereby remaining open to new membership and fresh ideas while retaining a capacity for
cumulative learning that refines, clarifies, and simplifies.’’ These are among the reasons is
why interdisciplinary integration is necessary.
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It is becoming recognized that genuine interdisciplinarity requires a high-order
framework, specifically constructed for integration, which Lasswell’s policy sciences of-
fers (Brunner 1996). Using Lasswell’s policy sciences can help us find an ‘‘overall set of
principles for open critical inquiry’’ (Russell 2010, p. 39).
Levels and frameworks
It is important to clarify levels of knowledge too. For example, Ostrom (2011) notes that
there is confusion among scholars about frameworks, theories, models, and methods—
confusion that leads to an almost-anything-goes mentality and confounds any move toward
an ‘‘overall set of principles for open critical inquiry.’’ She distinguishes levels of
knowledge as nested concepts (p. 8): First, frameworks ‘‘are the most general forms of
theoretical analysis. Frameworks identify the elements and general relationships among
these elements that one needs to consider for… analysis and they organize diagnostic and
prescriptive inquiry. Frameworks provide a metatheoretical language that can be used to
compare theories and disciplines. They attempt to identify the universal elements that any
theory relevant to the same kind of phenomena needs to include….. Thus, the elements
contained in a framework help analysts generate the questions that need to be addressed
when they conduct analysis’’ (also see Lasswell and McDougal 1992).
Second, theories ‘‘enable the analyst to specify which elements of a framework are
particularly relevant to particular questions and to make general working assumptions
about the shape and strength of these elements. Theories make assumptions that are
necessary for an analyst to diagnose a specific phenomenon, explain its processes, and
predict outcomes. Multiple theories are usually compatible with one framework’’ (p. 8).
Third, models, she says, ‘‘involve making precise assumptions about a limited set of
variables and parameters to derive precise predictions about the results of combining these
variables using a particular a theory. Logic, mathematics, game-theory models, agent-
based models, experimentation and simulations, and other means are used to explore
systematically the consequences of these assumptions on a limited set of outcomes.
Multiple models are compatible with most theories’’ (p. 8).
And fourth, methods abound to aid in modeling and theory building, and all are wel-
come in the framework used here. The interdisciplinary framework, to use Ostrom’s (2011,
p. 9) language again, helps both ‘‘scholars and policymakers interested in issues related to
how different governance systems enable individuals to solve problems democratically.’’ It
does so because an adequate framework ‘‘helps to organize diagnostic, analytical, and
prescriptive capabilities,’’ it assists in gathering knowledge empirically and systematically,
and it helps avoid naıve ideas, wishful thinking, and bounded rationality. Integration via
interdisciplinarity is unlikely without a framework.
In higher education, confusion over frameworks, theories, models, and methods and the
misuse of these labels and related terms has led to curricular and communication problems
(Clark et al. 2011a). For example, some instructors teach favored methods (e.g., obser-
vation), models (e.g., canned computer programs), or theories (e.g., political ecology), yet
call them integrative or interdisciplinary. To complicate matters, various authors in both
the social and biophysical sciences have offered interesting, well-articulated frames of
reference, conceptual maps, general orientations, or worldviews to capture and address the
integration challenge as they see it. Some of these approaches feature prominently in
college and university programs, such as ‘‘sustainability science’’ (Bammer 2005), ‘‘in-
stitutional analysis’’ (Chapin et al. 2012), ‘‘systems’’ work (Ostrom 2011; Ostrom and Cox
2010), ‘‘panarchy’’ (Gunderson et al. 1995; Holling 2001), ‘‘resilience’’ (Chapin et al. 2009;
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Berkes et al. 2003), ‘‘ecosystems and well-being’’ (Ash et al. 2010), ‘‘sustainability’’
(National Research Council of the National Academies 2011), ‘‘socio-economic systems’’
(Palmer 2012; Ban et al. 2013), and ‘‘systems ecology and political economy’’ (Walker and
Cooper 2011), to mention only a few. These and many other authors seek to address a
variety of intellectual and practical functions, such as problem solving, policy formation,
ecosystem management, environmental and social resiliency, and sustainability. What they
seem to have in common is an aspiration to integrate knowledge (see Brunner 1997a, b, c,
2006), yet there seems to be little dialogue among these ‘‘camps’’ and a limited search for
an integrative meta-framework to tie them all together. This is an example of the chal-
lenges that exist to finding consensus and practical method for integration (e.g., Anderies
et al. 2013; Game et al. 2013; Ogden et al. 2013).
Challenges and issues
There are diverse challenges to advancing integration as a concept and as a practice.
Despite the appeal of ‘‘integration’’ and calls for ‘‘interdisciplinary,’’ there is little
agreement on what the terms mean or how to achieve them. The literature on integration
and interdisciplinarity is itself unorganized, and so, the concepts and applications appear
fuzzy and the language unfamiliar or indistinct for several reasons.
First, some approaches that claim to be interdisciplinary turn out to be permutations of
‘‘informed disciplinarity’’ or multidisciplinarity, i.e., extensions or elaborations of disci-
plines Clark et al. 2011a, b; Maniates 2013). Second, the profusion of labels and terms of
self-identification lead to confusion among students, practitioners, and teachers (Davies
and Devlin 2007) and to frustration about the concepts, goals, and operations of inter-
disciplinarity and integration. Third, although many people are calling for interdisci-
plinarity and promoting what they call interdisciplinary methods, models, or theories, few
people are aware of the off-the-shelf, proven framework of Harold Lasswell (1971b;
Lasswell and McDougal 1992). Our reading of the literature nevertheless suggests that
many people are converging on this earlier approach or reinventing parts of it (Wallace and
Clark 2014). In so doing, they use their own language, usually specific to their discipline or
community and often describe their own efforts as exemplars (see Brunner 1997c). In this
evolution of ideas, earlier and arguably more comprehensive approaches are often over-
looked, misunderstood, or dismissed.
There are more fundamental challenges as well. The first concerns the concept of
integration. Many popular metaphors encapsulate the integrative impetus—‘‘connecting
the dots,’’ ‘‘thinking outside the box’’—while at the same time tacitly acknowledging our
tendency to bound or fragment our perspectives (Simon 1983; see Russell 2010).
Numerous cognitive, psychological, and developmental reasons account for the limitations
on people’s perspectives (see Yalom 1980; Kegan 1994), perception, cognition, and in-
teractions, all of which lead to fragmentation, that is, the failure to integrate (Lasswell
1971a; Brunner 1997a; Kahneman 2011).
The second challenge is about language. The growing importance of integration is
illustrated in part by its frequency of use in technical works, but quick review of journal
articles shows that authors use the term integration in many different ways (e.g., Bammer
2005; Dovers 2005; Levin et al. 2012). One problem is sorting through the many meanings
and applications of integration in technical and popular use to arrive at something
practicable.
Third is the challenge of what set of methods is needed to integrate. Unlike most
disciplines, the policy sciences do not include a distinct set of methods specific to its mode
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of inquiry. But this challenge does not limit the value of policy sciences concepts in
application. The very essence of the integrative, interdisciplinary approach is the re-
quirement to seek widely for any and all appropriate methods. The policy sciences
framework itself provides a guide to determine which methods will best fit the data needs
of the problem and its context.
Last is that the diverse conceptual, methodological, language, application, and educa-
tional issues create a real, yet diversionary, competition among them. The human tendency
to identify with specific areas of meaning (Kegan 1994) means that groups often form
around charismatic innovators and their ideas, resulting in divided loyalties that can evolve
into competition among concepts, groups, and people (Geary 2005). This makes it all the
more difficult to find shared interests and communicate across differences (Mezirow 2012).
Policy sciences as a framework
Among the many contemporary conceptions of interdisciplinarity and integration is the
policy sciences tradition (e.g., Lerner and Lasswell 1951; Muth et al. 1990; Brunner 1996;
Lasswell 1968, 1971b). The policy sciences is a meta-framework, a ‘‘comprehensive
theory for inquiry about the individual human being in social process… [that] could be
made sufficiently precise to facilitate performance of all the different intellectual tasks
necessary to the rational clarification and implementation of individual and community
policy’’ (Lasswell and McDougal 1992, p. xxix). It ‘‘consist[s] of a logically compre-
hensive set of mapping categories [for identifying and solving problems that] can help us
understand and resolve any policy problem’’ (Clark 2002, p. 9). This policy analytic
perspective can and does get lost in the vast, unorganized literature, the competition, and
messy discussion about integration and interdisciplinarity.
Foundation
Given the number, size, and diversity of problems that humanity faces, knowledge inte-
gration is essential to address what Biermann et al. (2004, p. iii) describe as the urgent need
to ‘‘transition to more sustainable paths for the human enterprise.’’ Integration requires a
framework—an explicit, systematic, and logically comprehensive structure. The policy
sciences embodies a set of principles and a kind of practice to achieve integration that
provides such a framework (Wiessner 2010; Dickinson 2007; Nagan 2013; Hohl and Clark
2010). Jantsch (1970) argues that the policy sciences as conceived by Lasswell (1971b) can
significantly help bring about genuine integration, the ‘‘linking… [of] systems levels and
coordinating activities at the lower level from the higher level.’’ Like many others, in-
cluding ourselves, Jantsch defines interdisciplinarity as ‘‘coordination by a higher-level
concept’’ (p. 410), a systematic, explicit framework of operations.
The policy sciences interdisciplinary framework offers an analytic, empirical approach,
a set of concepts, and a vocabulary to help people address problems. It serves as a stable
frame of reference to understand problems and devise and evaluate potential solutions. Its
variables constitute a logically complete set of ‘‘mapping’’ categories that can help re-
searchers and problem solvers to understand and resolve complex problems. The basic
operations are problem orientation, contextual mapping of social and decision processes,
the use of multiple methods, clarification of the standpoint of the user of the framework,
and elucidation of common interest goals (Fig. 1; Clark and Wallace 2012). Described by
Lasswell (1971a, b) and others, it has been widely applied to diverse subjects for more than
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seven decades. (A review of the history and application of policy sciences can be found in
Wallace and Clark 2014).
Overview
We introduce very briefly here the framework’s operations. Full descriptions are in
Lasswell (1971b), Lasswell and McDougal (1992), and Clark (2002, 2009).
1. Problem orientation: This is a method for determining and undertaking procedural
rationality in the selection and definition of a problem or other context and then the
performance of five interactive operations:
• Clarifying goals is the task of identifying people’s values. What are people trying
to accomplish with regard to the problem?
• Mapping trends is the task of examining the history of the problem. What has
happened to date relative to the problem?
• Identifying conditioning factors is the task of explaining why events have
happened. What factors have caused the observed trends?
• Making projections is the task of looking into the future. If nothing is done to
mitigate the trends, what is likely to happen in the future relative to the goal?
• Developing and evaluating alternatives is the practical task of designing and
assessing possible solutions. What can be done to mitigate the trends and achieve
the goals?
Fig. 1 A representation of the interdisciplinary framework showing the major researchable categories thatcharacterize human interaction with the environment (nature) and resources (see Lasswell 1970; Clark 2002)
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2. Social process: This operation requires examining the role of people in interaction
with each other, the environment, and institutions, as well as the outcomes and effects
of these interactions. Muth and Bolland (1983), after Lasswell (1970), succinctly listed
the categories of social process:
• Participants are the individuals, groups, organizations, or institutions that
participate in the social process. Who is participating? Who is excluded but
demanding to participate?
• Perspectives are their expectations, beliefs, demands, preferences, and interests.
What are the perspectives of those who are (and are not) participating?
• Situations are the places and times when they interact and the channels of
communication they use. In what situations are participants interacting? Is there a
better way?
• Base values are the resources or capabilities that they bring to the social process.
What assets or resources do participants use in their efforts to achieve their goals?
• Strategies are the techniques or methods they use to manage their base values.
What strategies do participants employ?
• Outcomes are the benefits that they attempt to achieve through their strategies.
What outcomes are achieved through people’s interactions?
• Effects are the long-term consequences of their actions or the implications of their
desired outcomes. Are new and improved ways of interacting and achieving
outcomes put in place (or not)?
3. Decision process: How we use resources and who gets to decide are determined
through the decision-making process with its interactive functions (see Lasswell 1970)
• Intelligence is the gathering, processing, and disseminating of information for
decision making, i.e., planning for decision making. Is intelligence being collected
and disseminated for all aspects of the problem?
• Promotion involves adding interpretation and dialogue to the dissemination of
information, selecting among options and demands, i.e., advocacy for decision
making. Which groups urge which courses of action?
• Prescription is the stabilizing of expectations through norms, setting rules, and
legislating. Will the new prescription harmonize rules by which the community
already operates, or will they conflict?
• Invocation is making the prescribed choice more concrete, i.e., implementing and
policing norms, rules, expectations. Is implementation consistent with
prescription?
• Application involves further adaptive implementation of the prescription, i.e.,
adjudication, evolution in response to circumstances. Will people with authority
and control resolve disputes?
• Appraisal is monitoring and evaluating decision making according to initial
objectives, implementing accountability for actions taken under previous func-
tions, i.e., assigning or taking responsibility for successes and failures. Who is
served by the program and who is not?
• Termination means canceling a prescription and dealing with the claims of those
who acted in good faith under it, i.e., establishing and implementing an ending to
the decision-making process. Who should stop or change the rules/program?
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4. Multiple methods: The policy sciences call for the application of intellectual rationality
to matters of both content and procedure inherent in any problem. In short, all helpful
methods are invited in by the policy sciences framework as it moves across the
interactive operations introduced above. These operations seek to mobilize any
method from any discipline or source that might be helpful for understanding and
addressing a problem, that is, any means to identify and bring pertinent knowledge to
bear. There is a wealth of methods across the disciplines, qualitative and quantitative,
available to the policy sciences, and many books on methods and reviews of methods
(usually discipline-specific) that can be used by policy scientists and tailored to
investigate problems. There are four major kinds of analytic methods—case studies,
prototyping (trial interventions as a basis for learning improvements), policy exercises
(e.g., modeling), and experiments (natural and controlled)—all of which are used in
the policy sciences.
5. Standpoint: Another necessary operation requires clarification of analysts’ standpoints,
that is, how researchers or problem solvers see themselves in relation to the problem or
context (well illustrated for policy scientists in Clark 2002 and Wallace and Clark
2014). Without standpoint clarification, subjectivities can unconsciously dominate.
Undertaking this task in actual problem-solving situations requires great self-
awareness, skill, and attention to empiricism (data). Some questions to guide inquiry
in this approach include: What problem-oriented tasks will I perform? What values
will I stand for and promote, and why? What methods, models, theories, and
frameworks will I use, and why?
6. Common interests: Last is the postulation of common interest goals, such as human
dignity, sustainability, and other higher-order goals (McDougal et al. 1980; Mattson
and Clark 2011). The importance of this dimension cannot be overstated. All problem-
solving efforts should be directed toward establishing a more sustainable, peaceful,
and socially just world, a world of healthy and productive environments, a biologically
rich world, with communities everywhere providing human dignity to their members.
This is the mission of the field of policy sciences, its professional association, and this
journal.
Criticisms
There are criticisms of the policy sciences. Auer (2006) explores and analyzes existing
critiques, finding a substantial degree of dogmatism and lack of depth in critics’ explo-
rations of policy sciences’ core literature and frameworks. Nevertheless, policy sciences
scholars and practitioners have been weak in their promotion of its methods, even when
they are well and empirically illustrated (see Wallace and Clark 2014 for a review of policy
sciences applications, including consideration of the shortcomings of poor promotion).
Some of the criticism derives from the policy sciences’ lack of reliance on standard
scientific methodological convention. For example, conventional science posits an ob-
jective researcher, but the policy sciences calls for standpoint clarification on the part of the
researcher to clarify biases and take them into account in undertaking policy analytic work.
As well, the policy sciences ‘‘aims at improved works of explanation, not ‘reductionism’’’
(Lasswell and McDougal 1992, p. 874).
As an interdisciplinary social science, the policy sciences’ ‘‘most important contribution
is not to prediction, but to freedom of choice… and the process of shaping and sharing
values…. Freedom of choice is implied in a sense that can be distinguished from the
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freedom that results from the scientific study of events out side the social process’’
(Lasswell and McDougal 1992, p. 875). Science is therefore meant as the free use of
intellectual experience, not a formula for positivism (Lasswell and Kaplan 1950). The
policy sciences do not aim to use only quantitative, mathematical, predictive models;
rather it uses perspectives and methods to identify and describe diverse conditioning
factors rooted in multiple perspectives. The policy sciences’ contributions to knowledge
typically come from applying existing theories to new contexts rather than creating new
theories, as the disciplines often seek (Lasswell and McDougal 1992).
Additionally, disciplinary scientists and some practitioners reject the policy sciences
because its interdisciplinary approach fails to include the language of their field or the
criteria of success in their specific disciplines; some ecologists reject it, for instance,
because explicit use of the term ‘‘scales’’ does not appear in the policy sciences framework
(e.g., Rogers 1995; Eulau 1968). In the end, criticisms of the policy sciences have come
less from claimed weaknesses of the foundational ideas of Lasswell and others, and more
from critics’ perceptions of the policy sciences as a threat to the established, traditional
order (Eulau 1968).
Educating about integration
Our educational goals for students are that they will (1) build competency in the rigorous
application of a problem-oriented, contextual framework (as introduced above), (2) equip
themselves with a practical interdisciplinary method to address actual problems as well as a
clear sense of their professional and civic roles, and (3) become problem-solving leaders in
sustainability efforts wherever they find themselves (see Wilkinson et al. 2007, p. 8).
When describing their own goals, however, many students claim that they want to fill in
the gaps in their knowledge by taking courses in specific methods or disciplines. They
seem to think that effective professional practice is largely a matter of garnering sub-
stantive knowledge about a range of subjects. In our experience, students often seek
knowledge and skills so that they can translate ‘‘science into solutions,’’ empower people,
become more strategic, and encourage change. They also envision themselves bringing
together coalitions of people to solve problems, and they hope to learn the skills necessary
to be successful. All of which overlaps with our goals, but at the same time leaves out
critical elements of integrated, interdisciplinarity, and effective professional and civic
practice. Disciplinary courses meet these conventional standards, but they fall far short in
developing integrated skills for real-world problem solving. As a basic tenet of interdis-
ciplinarity, disciplinary knowledge is necessary but far from sufficient for effective pro-
fessional practice. Integrative skills via interdisciplinary method are essential to
effectiveness in problem solving. The policy sciences framework above lays out functional
standards for procedural rationality, contextuality, and justification for effective profes-
sional practice, as well as standpoint awareness and a basis for judgments.
Our more specific teaching objectives are scientific, analytical, and professional. First,
we aim to help students develop scientific knowledge (in the broad sense) and the con-
ceptual and practical interdisciplinary tools needed to understand the management of
natural resources, people, and decision processes at all scales. Second, we seek to foster
critical thinking and analytic skills so that students can articulate and analyze the formula
or approach that is being used in any initiative, critique its theoretical and practical basis
and mode of application, and offer ways to improve it conceptually, organizationally, and
practically. Third, we encourage the development of students’ professional (and personal)
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skills, including the integration of scientific, management, and policy tasks that are
essential for becoming effective professionals. Overall, we want to see graduates enter the
professional arena able to orient themselves quickly to a given program or initiative, make
well-grounded assessments about the effectiveness of its approach and operation, and
contribute ideas and practices that will increase the program’s chances for success—
regardless of the disciplinary context in which they are working.
We teach interdisciplinarity in several forums, including formal college and university
courses, workshops, and field trips; individually with selected people; and through our own
applications. Each has its advantages, as we have previously noted (Clark and Wallace
2010, 2012; Wallace and Clark 2014). Competence in integrative and interdisciplinary
skills includes possessing sufficient relevant knowledge to be a ‘‘qualified participant,’’ but
using that knowledge requires attributes that include being functionally analytic, self-
aware, and cognizant of the goals, methods, and skills of integration. Such knowledge and
skills do not spontaneously arise in individuals, but come from societal and pedagogical
cultures that support interdisciplinary learning and teaching. Because of the disciplinary
(and therefore limited) design of most secondary and post-secondary education in the USA
and elsewhere, mentoring is required to help students move toward more sophisticated
positions of adult, intellectual, and moral development (Kloss 1994; Kegan 1994; Pallant
1997).
In attempting to meet these goals, we focus on the overriding goal of human dignity for
all individuals in healthy, sustainable environments. This means that we introduce the
concepts of shared, common, and special interests, and the relationships among them,
using the policy sciences framework. In pedagogical contexts, this approach helps students
to gain a ‘‘meta-perspective’’ and also the communicational competence required for
successful interdisciplinarity in real-world contexts. In the classroom, we try to create a
culture of mutual respect and open analytic inquiry that promotes the necessary conditions
for students to inhabit this comprehensive standpoint. As well, we help students address
key questions that will help them in their future thinking, research, and other courses, such
as how to be problem oriented and contextual. Finally, the vocabulary of the policy
sciences significantly helps students make important qualitative distinctions and place
word labels on them. Learning these distinctions and vocabulary greatly facilitates their
ability to be self-aware and reflective, to carry out useful analysis, and to communicate
with other people who may have diverse outlooks.
Based on our experience in higher education, we see at least three outstanding chal-
lenges to the widespread comprehension and use of integrative concepts and interdisci-
plinary frameworks. First, at the risk of oversimplifying, many students (as well as many
seasoned practitioners) believe that improving management and policy is a sequence of
mastering and applying disciplinary science, presenting ‘‘objective’’ scientific findings to
decision makers and the public, and trusting that policy will be improved as a consequence
(Burgess and Slonaker 1978; Brunner 1997a, b, c, 2006, 2007; Pielke 2007). In this
context, students see their basic educational task as acquiring disciplinary knowledge and
skills in, for example, communication, cost-benefit analysis, conflict resolution, GIS,
wildlife management, or other methods. They trust that a mix of these disciplines and
methods will provide them with a sufficient tool kit, and these views are encouraged by the
disciplinary-based approaches and professors that dominate higher education. This com-
plicates teaching of the policy sciences as an approach to interdisciplinarity. We urge
students to reflect on and revise their assumptions and expectations and to embrace in-
terdisciplinary and contextual approaches to problem solving; fortunately, students’ views
do change and develop (Kloss 1994). Some students steeped in integrative methods go on
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to apply their interdisciplinary skills in diverse situations all over the world (e.g., Gao and
Clark 2014).
Second, all our educational efforts are organized around the concept of shared and
common interests (Lasswell 1971b; Schon 1987; McCroskey and Einbinder 1998). We
stress that a common interest among people exists when values are widely shared and
supported by most people in a community. Common interests are at stake in nearly all
situations because people interact within social groupings—from the community level to
the national or even international level—and therefore have some interest in sustaining
their larger social groups. Those interests mean that they must take each other into account
as they live and interact with others. We emphasize that common interests begin with
individuals and emerge through social interactions. In other words, it takes two or more
people to have a common interest. Finding, securing, and sustaining common interests
among large groups concerning complex problems is difficult. The policy sciences, as this
journal’s half-century history demonstrates, is an attempt to ameliorate those difficulties.
The ultimate goal of the policy sciences is to sustain a commonwealth of human dignity
that rests on the foundation of a healthy social and physical environment (Mattson and
Clark 2011; Mattson et al. 2012). People often talk about sustaining things like forests,
oceans, air quality, or energy resources, which is vital, of course, but a much greater
challenge is sustaining human societies in ways that are healthy, nourishing, and demo-
cratic. Sustaining natural and social resources in ways that serve common interests is, we
contend, the goal of integrative, interdisciplinary analysis. Yet, not only are there many
different notions about how to do this, we have also encountered considerable resistance
among academics and students to this notion that the ‘‘commonwealth of human dignity’’
is or should be a central concern and aspiration. There seem to be three sources for much of
this resistance: affinities and identities for or with ‘‘nature’’ rather than people, beliefs in
the normative neutrality of academic inquiry, or relativist (critical theory) views of the
human condition. We contend that all of these stances are problematic for interdisciplinary
endeavors, which by their nature are goal-informed, problem-oriented, and therefore value-
driven. The policy sciences offer a way to understand these real dynamics and work with
them pragmatically.
Third, both professors and students face many obstacles to teaching and learning in-
tegration and interdisciplinarity because of the structure and political organization of most
colleges and universities (see, e.g., Sharachchandra and Norgaard 2005; Griffin 2006;
Chettiparamb 2007; Glied et al. 2007; Feller 2007; Parker 2010; Lattuca 2001). Institutions
of higher education and their adherence to disciplinary structures have created a highly
fragmented approach that is quite problematic and deeply entrenched. Consequently, de-
spite the calls for interdisciplinarity and the struggle to do integrative work, there is
actually limited capacity to do so in many institutions of higher education (Orr 1992, 1994;
Bowers 1997; Abbott 2001; Saylan and Blumstein 2011). Similar concerns have been
voiced about primary and secondary education (e.g., Smith 1992; Smith and Williams
1999).
There is a growing perception, in American higher education at least, that the labels
‘‘interdisciplinary’’ and ‘‘integrative’’ signify cutting edge innovations in pedagogy and
professional practice and confer advantage in seeking funding and supporters (Frank 1988).
Using these terms allows some scholars and programs to promote themselves, while
staying loyal to their disciplinary outlooks and means and maintaining the status quo. This
over-inflation or misrepresentation in higher education occurs for several reasons. First, it
is a valuable marketing device to signal that a department or program is a modern, state-of-
the-art leader in developing capacity and practices. Second, it is easy in that disciplinary
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experts and others do not have to change what they know or what they do. They are not
obligated to leave the familiar territory of their disciplines or look beyond their often rather
narrow areas of training. Third, such repackaging often restricts increasing demands for
deeper discussion and genuine forms of integration via interdisciplinarity in education and
research. Cognitive psychology shows that convincing oneself and others that one is doing
‘‘best practices’’ is a proven means to reduce the demands to actually do it (Kahneman
2011), or another form of restriction by ‘‘partial incorporation’’ (Lasswell 1971b). It is our
direct experience that these psychological factors are at play in some colleges and uni-
versities, functioning to maintain the status quo and thereby restrict or retard discussion,
development, and adoption of interdisciplinarity.
Our efforts to be clear about integration as a concept and to offer a serviceable inter-
disciplinary approach that is both teachable and learnable is central to our individual and
collective efforts. In working to help students understand and master skills, we appreciate
our students’ different levels of intellectual and moral development and work with them as
individuals in a process of educational transformation (King 2009; King and Kitchener
1994; Kegan 1994).
Conclusions
We derive three main conclusions from our enquiry. First, integration is a concept that has
received major, focused attention in the social sciences for decades. However, it has
repeatedly encountered major barriers in the disciplinary structure and hegemony of higher
education—especially in the USA—that have blocked necessary deep discussion, clarity
and refinement of concept and method, and wide application, despite the clear efficacy of
integration in almost all problem-oriented contexts. This conclusion is consistent with the
many diverse and unconnected discussions about sustainability and interdisciplinarity that
continue to occur in the discourses of environmental studies and sciences. In short, nearly
150 years after its first appearance and more than 75 years after the introduction of current
language and concepts, there remains no consensus on the concept or how to apply it in
practice. This is a substantial barrier to overcome.
Second, knowledge is a primary resource that is currently poorly conceptualized, or-
ganized, classified, produced, and used to address problems effectively. A sound, practical
concept of integration could help address these problems. People are skilled at obtaining
certain kinds of new knowledge, but not particularly successful at integrating or using
them. A classification of knowledge exists that can help in the practical communication
and education about integration via interdisciplinarity. The deeply rooted disciplines in
academia are part of the foundation of—that is, one step in—a more helpful classification
of knowledge toward the goal of effective integration in education, research, and
application.
Third, as operationally defined in this paper, integration provides a configurative out-
look and tools to address complex social and environmental problems, as well as profes-
sional problems of enquiry, organizing, communicating work, and being effective. The
policy sciences offers useful conceptions of integration and a serviceable guide for in-
terdisciplinary work to help academics and practitioners develop integrative strategies in
the face of increasingly complex problems of our times. Yet many people are unaware of
this conception of integration and its applications.
The nature of the environmental and social problems that humankind currently faces,
their extent, foreseeable consequences, and rapid growth require that we reengage in a
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discussion about integration, interdisciplinarity, and pedagogy. We need widely shared,
integrative approaches that are pragmatic and can be diffused through education in the
academy and beyond. Being realists, we do not expect this kind of shared outlook and
practice to come to prominence anywhere in the world any time soon. Nevertheless, our
future may well depend on our collective abilities to deploy these concepts and tools of
integration to better effect than was possible in the last century, and to do so quickly.
Acknowledgments We want to thank our many students, colleagues, and co-workers on diverse projectsover the last 40? years, as well as administrators and our home institutions for their support that has takenvarious forms. Clark wants to specifically thank the Northern Rockies Conservation Cooperative. DeniseCasey and three anonymous colleagues reviewed the manuscript.
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