“If on a cold winter night a foreigner...”: Researching the perceptions of student kindergarten...

MYTHS OF THE OTHER IN THE BALKANS

Representations, Social practices, Performances Licensed under Creative Commons Αttribution-ShareAlike Greece 3.0. Please visit the conference website at: http://www.balkanmyth.com

ISBN: 978-960-8096-05-9

e-book production: Paris Aslanidis

Thessaloniki 2013

MYTHS OF THE OTHER IN THE BALKANS

Representations, Social practices, Performances

TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 6 Fotini Tsibiridou & Nikitas Palantzas 1. Opening Talk Conference “Myth About the Other” 17 Marietta van Attekum 2. The Social Production of Difference in the Global Hierarchy of Value: Stereotypes and Transnational Experience in Greece and the Balkans

19

Michael Herzfeld 3. The Other Town: How the Greeks and the Turks perceive mythical neighbours

31

Hercules Millas 4. The Fanariote myth in Bulgarian historiography 40 Raymond Detrez 5. The Hellenicity of the linguistic Other in Greece 56 Peter Mackridge 6. Aspects of Greek “Myths” related to the Albanians during the Age of Nationalism

66

Lambros Baltsiotis & Elias G. Skoulidas 7. Fear and Desire: Foreign women in Bulgarian National Mythology 75 Nikolay Aretov 8. Macedon: Communicating the Reality or Myth? An Interrogation by the Provisions of Franklin Rudolf Ankersmit’s Theory on Aesthetic Political Representation

83

Gjiorgji Kallinski 9. The Representation of the National Self and the Balkan People in Turkey’s New Textbooks

92

Kenan Çayir 10. Pupils’ perceptions of the Balkan ‘‘other’’ 105 Chrysa Tamisoglou 11. The Question of the Other in the reminiscences of former pupils of the Bulgarian secondary schools in Thessaloniki and Edirne

115

Lyubomir Georgiev 12. “If on a cold winter night a foreigner...”: Researching the perceptions of student kindergarten teachers about the ethnic Balkan “Other”

123

Kostas Magos

13. Baba Noel and Yeni yil ağaç - Symbols of the myth of Christmas in schools of the Muslim minority

138

Aristidis Sgatzos 14. Challenging the Bektashi tradition in the Greek Thrace: Anthropological and historical encounters

144

Fotini Tsibiridou & Giorgos Mavrommatis 15. “Nahni wa xfendik” (We and the Others): Negotiation of multiple identities in the Maronite Community of Cyprus

161

Maria Koumarianou 16. On Muslims, Turks and migrants: perceptions of Islam in Greece and the challenge of migration

177

Venetia Evergeti & Panos Hatziprokopiou 17. A Muslim Saint or a Conqueror: Myths and the Religious Other 189 Evgenia Troeva 18. Being Albanian in Greece or elsewhere: negotiation of the (national) self in a migratory context

197

Ifigenia Kokkali 19. Markers of self-identity and the image of the Other in the context of labour mobility in Western Macedonia

210

Petko Hristov 20. The immigrant self-perception, social status and the myths influence. A comparison study of the Albanian immigrant in Greece and Italy

221

Zenelaga Brunilda, Kërpaçi Kalie & Sotirofski Kseanela 21. Paradoxes of ‘‘Otherness’’ in Greek Asylum Practice 234 Eftihia Voutira 22. “Brothers” becoming “Others”. The Greeks of Albania in Greece after 1990

245

Vassilis Nitsiakos

23. Balkan cinema in Thessaloniki International Film Festival 251 Dimitris Kerkinos 24. When the Dreams Come True (Bollywood Music and Dance in Bulgaria)

256

Ivanka Vlaeva 25. ‘‘The Making of Balkan Wars’’ Virtually Articulating a Critique of Balkan Mythologies

266

Anna Apostolidou 26. “İlk ve en önemli çevreci”: Environmentalism and Secularism in 278

contemporary Istanbul Aimilia Voulvouli 27. Singing or crying: dealing with the fear of ethnic, national, and engendered otherness in Macedonia, Greece

285

Marica Rombou-Levidi 28. Non-European ‘‘Others’’? A study on the stereotypical representations of Eastern Turks by citizens of Istanbul

296

Nikitas Palantzas 29. The “national body”: Language and sexuality in the Balkan national narrative

305

Costas Canakis 30. The Balkan case of “otherness” in the political discourse 319 Ana Chupeska Annex The Program of the Conference 323

MYTHS OF THE OTHER IN THE BALKANS · 123

12. “If on a cold winter night a foreigner...”: Researching the perceptions of student kindergarten teachers about the ethnic Balkan “Other”

Kostas Magos University of Thessaly

[email protected]

Abstract This article aims to examine the perceptions of Greek female student kindergarten teachers concerning the ethnic “self”, the ethnic “other” and the desired relationship between them, when the ethnic “other” is a man coming from Turkey or from Albania. Narrative analysis of stories told by the research participants and based on a folk tale motif was the methodology used. The findings of the research show that the student kindergarten teachers repeat the stereotypes of the majority concerning the specific Balkan “Other” but at the same time they express the willingness to overcome these stereotypes through the creation of a fruitful and effective relationship. Key words: student kindergarten teachers, Balkan “Other”, narrative, folk tales, stereotypes 1. Introduction The use of narrative inquiry in educational research is not an innovation. Many researchers have used narrative as a means for researching perceptions and attitudes of teachers (Carter 1993; Coulter, Michael & Poynor 2007). As supported by Olson (2000), teachers, through narrative inquiry, can rethink their work and see the changes they make each year, whether they are successful or not. Storytelling and narrative help teachers reexamine the views and positions they have expressed or adopted through a fresh critical eye. According to Mezirow (1991), this type of transformation of previous views may constitute the beginning of a transformative process that is capable of leading someone towards the reexamination of problematic perceptions and attitudes which, in the past, has accepted. Within such a framework, storytelling does not stand only with its classic use but, also, in a form of a critical approach (Aveling 2001), through which values, opinions and life philosophies are redefined. Given that stories function on two different levels, practical and conscious (Bruner 1986), the use of storytelling within the framework of an educational process prompts participants to, on the one hand, evaluate the views and behaviors adopted by stories’ heroes, and on the other, compare their own experiences with those of the heroes. Subsequently, participants identify with the heroes or distance themselves. Through such a procedure, participants understand cultural differences, interpret cultural codes, judge prejudice and stereotypes, and compare their own cultural identity with that of others. There is a large number of studies in which storytelling has been used for intercultural training, both for student and in-service teachers (Villegas & Lucas 2002; Vavrus 2002; Dilworth 1998). Overall, these studies agree that teachers who analyze and interpret both their storytelling practices as well as those of others may gradually succeed in raising intercultural awareness while also achieving professional and personal improvement. Garcia (1997) underlines the importance of using personal storytelling as, through such a method, it is possible to demonstrate how teachers use


their cultural references to create teaching and learning environments related to the existence of intercultural dimensions. The fact that narrative inquiry, as a technique, is particularly pleasant for the research subjects and contributes towards creating a relaxed working environment between participants and the researcher, makes it one of the most effective methodological tools for conducting educational and social research. 2. Aim, sample and methodology of the research The research being presented here examines the perceptions of Greek female student teachers on ethnic “self” and ethnic “other” through the use of storytelling. Two cases of ethnic otherness were examined. In both cases, the ethnic “other” comes from the Balkans. In the first case the other is from Turkey and in the second from Albania. The comparison of views expressed by the participants of the research in these two cases, as well as the examination of their opinions on how they would like the relationship between ethnic “self” and the specific ethnic “others” stands as another main aim of this research. The sample of the research is 198 Greek female student kindergarten teachers from the Department of Preschool Education of the University of Thessaly in Greece. Of these, 102 focused on ethnic “other” of Turkish descent, while the remaining 96 students on “other” of Albanian background. Narrative analysis, which is based on the analysis of stories told by the research participants, was the methodology used. According to Leech and Onwuegbuzie (2008), the methodology of narrative analysis usually entails producing a summary of the research findings by either summarizing the story's main plot, distinguishing the main thematic categories that run through the plot, or utilizing the structure of events mentioned in a story. Though autobiographical storytelling or life stories are used for the majority of such studies, other approaches, according to Ladson-Bilings (2004), including parables, chronicles, stories, counter stories, poetry, and fiction, may be used for educational purposes within the framework of Critical Race Theory in order to improve understanding of how dominant ethnocentric views and stereotypes are formed and why they prevail. Ben Cohen and Piper (2000) note that the storytelling of students, with regard to their educational experiences, often repeats aspects existing in stories and tales. The stories analyzed in this study carry a folk tale motif. A prepared story that resembles the introduction of a typical folk tale was provided as text for this study. The text that was provided to the research participants follows. ‘‘Once upon a time an old man, his wife and their daughter Angeliki lived inside a small cottage located in a Greek forest. Angeliki was attractive,18 years old, and many young men of the region were interested in having her as their wife. One cold and rainy night, a knock was heard on the cottage door. The surprised old man opened the door to see a young man who had just dismounted his horse. -Who are you stranger so late at night, the old man asked. -I’m Ali, I'm Turk, and I'm looking for a place to sleep. It's raining and it gets very cold in the forest at night, the young man replied’’. The version with the Albanian foreigner was the same. The answer provided by the stranger in that version was: “-I'm Ervin, I'm Albanian, and I'm looking for a place to sleep. It's raining and it gets


very cold in the forest at night.” The female students who took part in the research were asked to complete the story as they desired. No constraints in terms of size, structure or style were imposed. The fact that the female students can identify with the heroine’s gender, ethno cultural identity, and age, increases the likelihood of transferring their own experiences, expectations, desires and behaviors to the heroine. As a result, the stories provided by the participants of the research contain and describe responses to ethnic and cultural otherness that would have been likely by the writers themselves. Subsequently, the participants who think and offer their versions of the story's continuation assume, to a certain degree, the roles of the protagonists they create. Such is the case in Italo Calvino's (1979) novel “If on a cold winter night a foreigner...” which this article takes its title from. There the reader and his or her interpretation becomes the story's true protagonist. The research presented here further pursues a preceding study (Magos and Kontogianni (2009), in which the perceptions of student kindergarten teachers on the connection between ethnic “self” and “other” were researched using the same methodological approach. 3. Findings of the research 3.1. “Welcome foreigner…” In the case where the stranger is represented by Ali the Turk, the old man offers hospitality without any hesitation in the majority of stories (82%). He is not troubled by the stranger's different ethnocultural identity, as it is the identity of a stranger in need of help that dominates the line of thinking. The following excerpts illustrate: Without second thought, the old man immediately welcomed the young Ali and provided hospitality inside his home. (T80) Quickly, come inside so I can give you warm clothes because you are drenched. I have hot soup and a place for you to sleep. (T9) Once he heard the Turk's words, the old man thought nothing about ethnic background or religion - nothing whatsoever. He viewed him as a person who had asked for help. And the old man immediately said: 'Come inside my friend.' (T68) Without hesitation, Angeliki's family, guided by the spirit of Greek hospitality, accepted the young Turk into their home. (T59) In this last excerpt, hospitality is projected as a fundamental characteristic of ethnic identity that indirectly 'obliges' the host to offer hospitality, regardless of personal desire. Similar excerpts of conditional hospitality were found in the case of the Albanian Ervin. -Thank you very much, I did not expect to be accepted by you. I knocked on the doors of many cottages around here, but was not accepted anywhere. -It would be a disgrace to Greek hospitality to not accept you, replied the old man. (A39) In some stories, both in the cases of the Turkish and Albanian visitors, the Greek


hospitality stereotype is supplemented by that of the ‘‘poor yet hospitable Greek.’’ Welcome to our poor little home stranger. We may be poor, but we're hospitable. (T67) Come inside for a glass of wine with us. We don't have much to offer you, but we can share our bread and cheese with you. (A29) Come on into our poor little home my lad. You may not find rich offerings here, but a roof will protect you from the heavy rain." "My kind old man, you are so much like my father. He was good-hearted like you. Never did he leave people helpless." "Oh, my boy, we poor people are sensitive, because we know well about hardship and hunger. But let's forget about the things that make us feel bitter. (T60) The aforementioned excerpts show that differences in social class identity prevail over ethno cultural differences, the logic being that if you are "poor" then you are "good" regardless of where you come from, and since you are "poor" like us, you are "one of us". In a smaller number of stories regarding the Turk Ali (18%), the Greek hospitality stereotype continues to dominate, but not without hesitation. The hospitality offered here is accompanied by suspicion and fear of the ethnic and religious disparities. Even though you're Turkish, it doesn't matter. Come inside and sleep here tonight. (T81) They were not overcome by fear because he was Turkish. On the contrary, they took care of him. (T59) The old man took him into the cottage and asked his wife to serve him some hot soup. But he told the stranger that the barn was all he had to offer for a night's sleep. (T83) -But you're Turk. How can a Turk sleep inside my home? - Old man, I'm a Turk, not a leper! - Do you promise me that you're good and not like the others? (T49) Contrary to the case of the Turk Ali, Ervin the Albanian is offered instant hospitality without any hesitation in just 29% of the stories. In the remaining 71% of the sample's stories, hospitality is offered, but with fear and suspicion of the stranger intact. The following excerpts illustrate: The old man felt confused. He looked at the strange traveler with suspicion and invited him inside after letting him know how dangerous the forest could be at night. (A18) The old man found himself trapped in a major dilemma. On the one hand, he had before him a person who was tired and with no place to go, and on the other, a stranger whom he knew nothing about...The old man was unable to sleep during the night. He felt restless about the stranger he had allowed into his home, and, as a result, every now and then, checked if he were asleep to be sure of his family's safety.


(A27) The solutions reached by the research participants to assure that the representatives of ethnic «self» - the Greek family living in the cottage - could stay true to the Greek hospitality stereotype while avoiding to offer genuine hospitality to the Albanian man Ervin were quite creative: The barn, basement, adjoining hut, storage room, even a guest room are deemed as being part of the cottage, and, ultimately, enable hospitality to be offered. I can't let you stay inside my home, but I can allow you to stay in the barn. He gave the stranger some water, a loaf of bread, and a towel. (A2) Once he had led the stranger to the guest room, he wished young Ervin "goodnight." (A28) On the one hand, Angeliki's father did not want to allow a stranger into the cottage, but, on the other, he was such a good person, which prompted the old man to let him sleep in the adjacent hut that was empty. (A13) He asked him to enter and quickly hid the stranger in the basement. (A14) In 29% of the cases where the Albanian stranger is offered instant hospitality without any hesitation from the specific Greek family, the stranger mentions difficulties that he needed to overcome before being accepted: -Come into my cottage. I'll put you up. -Thank you very much. -Come inside my boy so you can warm up and forget about the pleasantries. -You know, I found three other cottages along the way, but was not accepted. I felt dejected. (A31) It is common in the stories concerning both Ali and Ervin for the women of the family to deal with hospitality's burden. They are the ones that end up taking care of the guest. The following excerpts offer interesting insight into gender-based stereotypes conveyed in a large number of the stories delivered by the research group's participants. Come inside stranger. Get up woman, a traveling stranger is here. (T19) Come inside and get some rest. Make the bed for the stranger my little Angeliki. (T41) Come inside my lad. Woman, fetch a pair of trousers and a shirt for the young man to change. Heat up a little food, too, for the boy to warm up. (T91) The old man woke up his wife and daughter so they could take care of the foreigner. Both women did so with great pleasure. (A33) The old man felt sorry for him and called his wife: Woman, prepare the fold-up bed in the storage room for the foreigner to sleep and serve him a plate of food. (A6) In some of the stories concerning both Ali and Ervin, the doubt and fear of the


"foreigner" does not seem to stem from the old man but his wife. These stories also convey typical gender stereotypes that underline fear as a female trait. The old man initially hesitated as to whether he should allow the person into his cottage and felt concerned about how his wife and daughter would feel about it. However, since this person needed help, even though he was Turkish, the old man had to offer hospitality despite his wife's objections. (T12) What are you doing my old man? He's Turkish. He will do something bad to us! Our daughter! What are you talking about my lady! Are all Turks and Greeks bad people? (T35) But, my old man, come to your senses, remarked the old woman. An Albanian inside our house at this hour? Aren't you afraid at all? We have a grown-up daughter. (A57) You're letting a foreigner, and mind you an Albanian, into our house at such an hour? she questioned. Aren't you ashamed of yourself? The boy is drenched. Where are we going to let him go in the night? (A3) In some stories concerning the Albanian Ervin, the hesitation to offer hospitality is attributed to fear of society's reaction. Dominant stereotypes regarding ethnic otherness are repeated. He was an Albanian and the entire village considered him a thief, fraud, public danger. ( A32) Old man, you've run into trouble for bringing an Albanian into your home. Everybody around here is saying he's a thief and that he could kill you. (A23) Everybody here will stop talking to us if the village finds out you're staying here my lad. And nobody will want to marry our daughter. (A10) In Ervin's case, four stories portray differences of opinion caused by the generation gap. Young Angeliki's perspective contrasts the view of her parents. The following excerpts illustrate: -Where did you say you were from? -From Albania. -And you dare to ask me if you can stay in my home, shouted the old man. -Why shouldn't I be able to ask, Ervin questioned calmly. -Because you're from Albania, the old woman's voice was heard saying. Having listened to all this, Angeliki felt horrible about her parents and their views. (A20) The old man refused to offer Ervin shelter and sent him away in a nasty fashion. He told him to leave because he did not want to help an Albanian. As soon as his daughter Angeliki had realised what was going on, she attempted to talk to her father and make him change his mind. (A25) Table 1: The offer of hospitality to the foreigner:


hospitality without hesitation (%)

hospitality with hesitation (%)

Ali 82 18 Ervin 29 71

3.2. "The children got married..." The two young individuals fall in love and get married in approximately two-thirds of the stories (64%) concerning the Turk Ali and just over one-third of the stories concerning the Albanian Ervin (35%). The parents either have no objections or, if they do, ultimately overcome them. They ended up getting married, celebrated wildly, and lived happily ever after. (T85) Eventually, the old man accepted. The children got married, celebrated in a big way, and lived happily ever after. (T88) Over time, Ervin and Angeliki fell in love and decided to get married in the city nearby. They lived happily ever after. (A1) They got married, continued to live there, and had three children, Giorgos, Hasan, and Maria. (T11) They got married according to Greek and Turkish customs. (T38) The storytellers behind the two previous examples make clear their need to declare a coexistence between the two cultures (Greek and Turkish), as well as the mutually influential intercultural interaction that is created as a result of ties between individuals of different ethno cultural identity. In some stories, the storytellers feel the need to include the approval of the parents for such an unconventional wedding. Approval is provided by comparing the ethnically different prospective husband with local candidates and deciding that the foreigner is superior in terms of character. The following excerpt underlines this: The wedding took place with the blessing of both parents as Ali proved to be kinder and more virtuous than all the local lads. (T47) In some stories, the wedding proceeds after Ali is baptised a Christian - indicating acceptance of assimilation - as either a result of his own initiative or demand made by Angeliki and her parents. Ali became a Christian and was baptised as Dimitris. The wedding followed and Angeliki and Dimitris had three children and lived happily ever after. (T68) Ali was baptised as Alexandros. The wedding took place a few days later and the young couple went to live in the city nearby. Their love lasted for evermore. (T67) In some cases, it is not necessary for the culturally different individual to become a Christian - and hence religiously and culturally identical - for the wedding to receive


approval. This is so if the husband-to-be is of distinguished lineage. Relatively higher social class can overcome obstacles created by differences in cultural identity. Ali lived with Angeliki while his palace was being constructed. In the end, they all went to Ali's father, met and were happy without exception. The couple married at the beautiful palace and the entire lot lived there together. (T10) They all traveled together to Turkey, where Prince Ali married the daughter. (T20) I love you Angeliki. I'm going to abandon my homeland, riches, palaces and stay here with you forever so I can just gaze into your two eyes. (T67) A similar case is also noted in a story concerning the Albanian Ervin. Besides the social status of the foreigner, the local's behaviour is particularly interesting. - I've come to Greece to purchase a few horses for my kingdom in Albania. Greek horses are faster than ours. - So, you're a king, asked the old man. - Still just a prince. The son of a king in an Albanian province, replied the young man. Following the exchange, the old man thought about arranging to marry his only daughter with the young prince. The plan would hit two birds with one stone, the old man thought. I'll both marry my daughter and get rich myself..." Angeliki met Ervin's parents, who liked her very much and decided to move to Greece. They lived happily ever after. (A39) The royal family's relocation to Greece, as well as the opinions expressed about the quality of Greek and Albanian horses, illustrates the storyteller's willingness to make cultural comparisons of the two countries, and also reach conclusions. In another story, Ervin may not be a prince, but his financial status is confirmed by the presents he chooses to bring for Angeliki and her parents. Many days later, Ervin returned to the forest and, for presents, brought the old man's family two slaughtered wild pigs, five chickens, and a beautiful necklace for Angeliki, whom he proposed to. Angeliki accepted and her parents did not object. The young couple lived together happily in a proper house built by Ervin, who was one of his country's wealthiest people. (A13) In another story concerning Ervin, the Albanian bridegroom's acceptance and establishment is based on both his career progress and behaviour towards Angeliki's parents. This storyteller's choice highlights the stereotype characterizing the average Greek, and by extension, Balkan family for a desirable husband. Ervin studied medicine and Angeliki studied drama. Their aspirations, however, did not end there. Angeliki pursued post-graduate studies in children's theatre and now enjoys a career as an academic, while Ervin was employed at one of the best hospitals abroad. They communicated by email on a daily basis...One day, Ervin returned to Greece and proposed to Angeliki. She happily accepted and began searching for a university post in the country where she planned to move to...In the long run, Ervin proved to be a good husband, father and son-in-law. As a present for Angeliki's


parents, now also his parents, Ervin offered his in-laws a huge house with an enormous garden next door to their home, so they could all live together in the same country. (A11) The need to justify the marriage approval with a foreigner dominates the majority of stories that culminate with marriage between the protagonists. This is particularly so in the stories concerning Ervin, who is described as a hard-working and worthy example of an outsider by the majority of participants. The old man thought very highly of Ervin. He was a diligent worker and supported both the old man and his family. (A1) Ervin proved to be hard-working, generous, and a good friend. Later on, he fell in love with Angeliki, they married and had a wonderful family. (A2) -One woman who ran into Angeliki's mother in the marketplace enquired: "How could such a beautiful girl marry an Albanian? -So what if he's Albanian? He's proved that he is an honest and worthy lad who loves our little daughter very much. (A3) Ervin worked many days out in the cold without making a single complaint. Observing the young man's generosity and diligence, the old man agreed to him marrying his daughter. (A9) Contrary to Ervin, whose acceptance as a bridegroom is tied with his honesty, productivity, and goodness, Ali the Turk, in a limited number of stories (5%), is accepted as a bridegroom after this ethnically different individual has proven that his feelings for the bride-to-be are true. In one story, Ali saves her from drowning in the river (T64); in another version she is saved from an attack by wild jackals (T55); in a third story he manages to purge spirits that have made her ill (T46); and in a fourth story, Ali saves Angeliki's mother from thieves who are about to kill her (T72). The elements that determine the bridegroom's acceptance in the majority of cases, and which differ depending on the foreigner's descent -honesty and productivity in the case of the Albanian, and love in the Turk's case- once again indirectly portray the dominant stereotypes held by the majority of Greeks against specific ethnic groups. In one story Angeliki asks from Ervin and from a Greek lover to contest. In that way she will decide who is more suitable for her husband. The personality of Angeliki as it is described through the process of the competition gives very interesting elements of the perceptions of the storyteller about the female ethnic self. In the morning, Angeliki announced the details of her test to the two young men. -I will ask you three questions. Whoever provides the best answer will be my husband. First question: What colour is my hair under the sun? -Red, both men answered. -Second question: What colour are my eyes? -Brown, both young men answered. However, before Angeliki was able to pose her third question, Ervin remarked: But they turn into the colour of honey when exposed to light, and darken when they


moisten. -You're my man, Angeliki responded. (A39) In two stories concerning Ervin, the relationship between the Albanian foreigner and Angeliki prompts violent reaction from her parents as well as the community. The following stories demonstrate the strong renunciation of the specific ethnic outsider by the locals. Her father became furious and got up to attack Ervin, who had taken advantage of the hospitality by daring to establish ties with his daughter. He spoke harshly of the foreigner's descent. But Ervin remained calm. He spoke to the old man in a civilized and very eloquent fashion. (A6) When the news had spread to the local community, the village's young men who had set their eyes on Angeliki as a bride reacted and wanted to get rid of him. They decided that they would kill him one night while he would be returning to the hut. Ervin was fortunate, though, because he happened to stay in on that particular night. (A15) 3.3. "The lovers eloped one night..." In 12% of the cases concerning the Turk Ali, the two young lovers eloped because the parents had either not given their blessing or the pair was afraid they would not do so. In Ervin's case, in seven stories (7%) the pair flees to marry. Ali was so much in love that, upon nightfall, while all were asleep, he took her and they left for a faraway place. The couple married and had a big and happy family. (T53) Without too much ado, they eloped during the night. All Angeliki left behind was a message for her parents. (T58) Ali grabbed her, placed her on the horse, and they left for a distant place to live their love in peace. (T16) Ervin and Angeliki decided to flee as they feared her parents would not agree to such a marriage. (A51) Fortunately, Ervin had kept his horse. One night, he and Angeliki fled from the cottage without having said anything to anybody. (A63) In Ervin's case, all the stories in which the two young lovers decide to marry without the blessing of the parents have a happy ending. The parents accept the situation after it has become clear to them that the couple is binded blissfully. However, in Ali's case, the initiative taken by the couple ends painfully in a limited number of stories. Here, punishment arrives as divine justice for a socially unacceptable relationship. Ali and Angeliki fell in love knowing that the old man would never give his one and only precious daughter to a Turk. As a result, they decided to elope. They took the old man's horse and left, but did not manage to go too far. The pair died in the freezing weather, embraced on the horse. (T44)


The father forced Ali to go away because he could not accept a Turk as a bridegroom. Following seven years of anticipation and grief, Angeliki died at the age of twenty-five. Not long after, Ali's life suffered a similar fate when he died in a hotel room after having unsuccessfully spent years seeking to meet with Angeliki. Her father had kept her locked inside the house. (T19) The emphasis of this love story as socially unacceptable is illustrated in the following story where the parents seem to go beyond the limits of parenthood, as well as ethnic and religious identity: In the end, Ali, who was impressed by Angeliki's beauty, stole her from her family, she converted to Islam, and they married. Her parents did not accept these developments and disowned her. (T90) It is worth noting that the aforementioned excerpt is the only story in which the individual representing the role of ethnic "self" opts to change religious identity. The consequences of this decision are very harsh and, according to the ending chosen by the storyteller, capable of expelling the "ethnic self" from the majority group. 3.4. Unrequited love In a small number of stories concerning Ali (5%), and a significantly larger portion concerning Ervin (30%), the love of the two young individuals either remains unexpressed or unrequited. You look like a good and honest young man Ali, and I'd like to be your wife, but I can't abandon my homeland and family to wither in foreign lands. Goodbye and good luck. Ali, with head bowed, mounted his horse and vanished into the forest, leaving behind a feeling of sadness and a cloud of dust. (T81) Following some thought, Angeliki rejected Ali's proposal and married a wealthy young man from the region. But her heart would always remain attached to Ali. (T75) In some stories, reference is made to forbidden love, both directly and clearly. The following excerpt, in which both sides accept their love's social impasse, illustrates: A Turkish man with a Greek woman? How could we live together? In the end, Angeliki married another man, Ali left, and all that remained were memories that could offer moments of pleasure for this FORBIDDEN couple. (The writer of this story chose to use capital letters to emphasize the point). In another story, the lovers (Angeliki and Ervin) meet in a small room which Ervin ends up renting in the village nearby. But a village resident, described by the writer as a wealthy Englishman who has purchased plots of land in the area, spots them and reveals the secret to the girl's father. The father and the Englishman decide to go and find the couple. They opened the door and found Angeliki and Ervin locked in an embrace. The father could not believe his very own eyes, and felt the urge to take his daughter and hit Ervin with all his might. He approached the two young lovers but they managed to


escape. The pair mounted two horses and disappeared into the forest. (A24) In the aforementioned story, it is interesting to note the choice of ethnicity given to the traitor by the writer. As the Englishman is not a member of the local community, or dominant group, "ethnic self" is protected from negative and demeaning characterization. In many stories, even though the love felt between Ervin and Angeliki is obvious, neither of the two express their true feelings. The protagonists opt for another type of relationship: “They remain just friends, become close friends offering mutual support and help, and Ervin is the best man at Angeliki's wedding”. Even though Angeliki loved Ervin, she hesitated to tell her parents because she did not know how they would react. So, Ervin and Angeliki continued to socialize and all else between them remained stagnant. (A17) After Ervin lay down, the only thing he could think of before closing his eyes was that he wished he had the strength to ask for her hand. (A18) Ervin and Angeliki became inseparable friends. Both felt like they had found the sibling they had never had. (A34) The entire village had gathered for Angeliki's wedding, but many villagers got up and left after realising that Ervin was the occasion's best man. Others made rude remarks while others remained unperturbed. (A23) 3.5. "He left the following day..." In 9% of the stories concerning Ali and 26% concerning Ervin, no references are made to a love affair between Angeliki and the foreigner. In these stories, which are the shortest, the foreigner carries on with his journey, either the following day or several days later, after having been offered hospitality. The following excerpts are indicative: Ali ate and spent the night at the old man's house. In the morning, he got up, thanked them all, and departed to continue his journey. (T86) The next day, Ali carried on with his journey. (T4) The old man supplied him with food for the journey and Ervin carried on after thanking him. (A30) Ervin thanked them for the hospitality mounted his horse and disappeared into the dark forest. (A2) Stories such as the aforementioned essentially eliminate all interaction between ethnic «self» and ethnic «other» as the respective sides continue along their way without having been affected by their crossing. Besides this interpretation, it is also possible that the research participants who chose to provide such an end to the story did so with the intention of opting for a swift and harmless development that did not require them to think about a socially difficult situation.


Marriage

(%) Elopement(%) Unrequited

Love (%) Continuation of journey(%)

Other (%)

Ali 64 12 5 9 10 Ervin 35 7 30 26 2 The category “other” is comprised of various stories by the research participants that are not suited for any of the previous four categories describing the developments between Angeliki and Ali or Ervin, respectively. The various stories here, which outnumber those of the other categories, and are more original in the case of the Turk Ali than the Albanian Ervin, often, take unexpected turns. In one of these stories (T66) Angeliki is raped by Ali, and in another (T62) it is discovered that Ali and Angeliki happen to be biological siblings. In this latter story, Angeliki's parents once lived in Turkey, and as a result of poverty, had given up their first child, a boy, for adoption by a wealthy Turkish family. After finding out about his origins as a grown up, the boy, Ali, traveled to Greece in search of his biological parents. Besides carrying similarities to plots of old Greek and Turkish films from the 60s and 70s, an analysis of these two stories offers interesting information on how the writers perceive relations between ethnic «self» and ethnic «other» when the latter is Turkish. 4. Conclusions Comparisons of the stories delivered by the research participants concerning the provision of hospitality show that it is more readily offered when the foreigner is represented by the Turk Ali rather than the Albanian Ervin. This piece of information highlights that, in this study, a far greater number of negative stereotypes are attached to men of Albanian origin than men of Turkish origin. The powerful negative stereotypes concerning this specific case of ethnic “other” are also confirmed in other studies (Droukas, 1998, Lazarides & Wickens, 1999). Both underline the prejudice against Albanian immigrants in Greece, which, in turn, confines the members of this specific ethnic group to conditions of inferiority, weakness and manipulation. The provision of unconditional hospitality to the foreigner coming from Turkey, as told in the majority of stories, could possibly indicate a weakening of the enemy stereotype held against this specific ethnic “other” group. This stereotype has prevailed for great periods of time. The weakening of the enemy stereotype attached to this specific ethnic «other» group has become evident in Greece in more recent years through a series of initiatives that have helped create fresh and more favorable -compared to the past- perceptions and attitudes. Action taken has included the publication of new school books offering a more careful look at the neighboring country than publications of the past; common educational programs implemented by both countries; and, most importantly, high-rating serials on Greek television featuring love-story plots between a Greek woman and Turkish man, or vice versa. As highlighted by Gundogdu (2001), one of the central arguments about the post-quake period, which starts after the earthquakes in Greece and Turkey, has been that the people of the two countries showed their preference for friendship and peace, an attitude which was also followed by their political leaders. The wish for friendly and peaceful coexistence between ethnic “self” and ethnic “other” when the latter is represented by the Turk Ali is confirmed by the large


number of stories that end with marriage for Ali and Angeliki, in other words, a desire for a stable and harmonious life together. According to Magos and Kontogianni (2009), this option could underline a desire by the sample group's participants for disentanglement of the two peoples -Greek and Turkish- from constant political disputes in favor of a prevailing climate of communication and exchange. On the contrary, when the ethnic “other” is represented by Ervin the Albanian, coexistence, as metaphorically manifested through marriage, seems to be more difficult in most of the stories. The subjects of the research accept such coexistence only conditionally, when the ethnic «other» with Albanian descent can prove his worthiness and good intentions. This view underlines that, in the case of the Albanian «other», the sample’s majority has accepted the classic stereotypes and expects him to prove that he is an exception. It is positive to see that, in some stories, this prejudice is held by the old man and old woman, representatives of older generations, whereas the daughter, who represents the younger generation, condemns the stereotype views of her parents. A significant number of stories, especially in the case of the Albanian “other”, end in unrequited love. This choice of ending reflects the obstacles that, according to the study's participants, need to be overcome for fertile coexistence between ethnic “self” and ethnic “other”. Once again, the majority of these obstacles stem from prevalent social views attached to this particular ethnic “other” group which, ultimately, obliges the protagonists of the stories to conform, even if they personally doubt these perceptions. Finally, the analysis of the study's stories contains interesting findings that disclose the perceptions of the sample's participants on various dimensions of ethnic self-identity. As a result, the stories concerning both the Albanian and Turkish “others” contain repeated references to hospitality as a fundamental dimension of identity when concerning ethnic “self”. The Greek hospitality stereotype appears as a basic stereotype in the perceptions of teachers in a study by Frangoudaki and Dragona (1996). In that study, 86% of respondents -of a sample comprising 1,000 teachers- asked to name one advantage of Greek people, as attributed to them by other Europeans, agree with “hospitable”. Another finding that appears regularly in the stories provided by the participants of the research is the patriarchal structure of Greek families. In the majority of cases, it is the father who decides whether to offer hospitality to the foreigner, and, should a relationship ensue between his daughter and the foreigner, the father's opinion about the development is instrumental. It should be noted that, in a smaller number of resulting stories, it is the daughter who decides on the nature of her relationship with the foreigner -therefore, her life as well- by either reacting or persuading her father. This development overturns the typical storyline of traditional stories and may portray the desire of some of the sample's participants to overturn classic gender stereotypes that often appear in folk tales. Moreover, it would be interesting to conduct a study examining the extent of gender identity as a deciding factor when either accepting or rejecting ethnic “others”. Had the individual representing ethnic “other” in this specific study been of the same gender as the sample's participants, that is, female, would the results have been different? And to what extent would the choice of taking either a positive or negative stance towards this woman have differed compared to this study's reactions by the female participants who, from the female protagonist's position, dealt with an ethnic “other” of the opposite sex? In conclusion, we believe that it would be extremely worthwhile to conduct similar research on a sample group of both student and in-service teachers coming from


Turkish and Albanian ethnic groups, as well as other ethnic groups. We believe that an analysis and comparisons of similar stories provided by teachers from various Balkan countries would lead to interesting findings on how foreigners are perceived throughout the Balkans. We would gladly collaborate with any of this conference's participants interested in further exploring this study and also preparing and conducting other similar studies. References Aveling N. (2001). “Where do you come from?: critical storytelling as teaching strategy within the context of teacher education”. Discourse: studies in the cultural politics of education 22 (1): 35-48. Ben Cohen J. and Piper D. (2000). “Transformation in a Residential Adult Learning Community”. In J. Mezirow and Associates (Eds) Learning as Transformation. Critical Perspectives on a Theory on Progress. New Jersey: John Wiley andSons, 205-228. Bruner J. (1986). Actual Minds, Possible Worlds. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Calvino I. (1979). Se una notte d’ Inverno un viaggiatore. Torino: Giulio EinaudiEditore. Carter K. (1993). “The place of story in the study of teaching and teacher education”. Educational Researcher 22 (1): 5 – 12. Coulter K., Michael C. and Poynor L. (2007). “Storytelling as Pedagogy: An unexpected outcome of narrative inquiry”. Curriculum Inquiry 37 (2): 103 – 122. Dillworth M. (1998). Being Responsive to Cultural Differences. How Teachers Learn, California: Corwin Press. Droukas E. (1998). “Albanians in the Greek informal economy”. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 24 (2): 347 – 365. Φραγκουδάκη Α. & Δραγώνα Θ. (Επιμ.) (1997). “Τι είν’ η πατρίδα μας;”. Εθνοκεντρισμός στην εκπαίδευση. Αθήνα: Αλεξάνδρεια.[Frangoudaki A. & Dragonas, T. (Eds) (1997). “What Is Our Country?”: Ethnocentrism in Education. Athens: Alexandreia]. Garcia S. (1997). “Self-Narrative Inquiry in Teacher Development. Living and Working in Just Institutions”. In J.E.King, E.R. Hollins and W.C. Hayman (Eds) Preparing Teachers for Cultural Diversity. New York: Teachers College Press, 146-155. Gundogdu A. (2001). “ Identities in Question: Greek –Turkish Relations in a Period of Transformation?”. Middle East Review of International Affairs 5 (1). Ladson-Billings G. (2004). “Just What Is Critical Race Theory and What’s it Doing in a Nice Field Like Education?”. In G. Ladson-Billings and D. Gillborn (Eds) The RoutledgeFalmer Reader in Multicultural Education. London: RoutledgeFalmer, 48-67. Lazaridis G. and Wickens E. (1999). “ ‘Us’ and the ‘others’. Ethnic minorities in Greece”.Annals of Tourism Research 26 (3): 632-655. Leech N. and Onwuegbuzie A. (2008). “Qualitative Data Analysis: A Compendium of Techniques and a Framework for Selection for School Psychology Research and Beyond”. School Psychology Quarterly 23 (4): 587-604. Magos K. and Kontogianni A. (2009). “When Ali meets Angeliki: A Research of Student Teachers Perceptions for the Ethnic Other”. In the Proceedings of the International Congress of Comparative Literature and the Teaching of Literature and Language “We Speak the Same Culture” (Ankara, 29/04/10 – 01/05/10). Ankara: Gazi University: 475 – 489. Mezirow J. (1991). Transformative Dimensions of Adult Learning. San Francisco:Jossey– Bass. Vavrus M. (2002). Transforming the Multicultural Education of Teachers. Theory, Research and Practice. New York: Teachers College Press. Villegas A.M. and Tamara L. (2002). Educating Culturally Responsive Teachers. ACoherent Approach. New York: State University of New York Press.

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