human actors in the transfer of Bus Rapid Transit to Lahore, P

Transporting actor networks: Examining the role of human and non-

human actors in the transfer of Bus Rapid Transit to Lahore, Pakistan

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of

Philosophy

Sadaf Saeed

M.Sc. Infrastructure Planning, University of Stuttgart (Germany)

B.Sc. City and Regional Planning, University of Engineering and Technology Lahore

(Pakistan)

School of Global, Urban and Social Studies

College of Design and Social Context

RMIT University

September 2021

ii

Declaration

I certify that except where due acknowledgement has been made, the work is that of the author

alone; the work has not been submitted previously, in whole or in part, to qualify for any other

academic award; the content of the thesis is the result of work which has been carried out

since the official commencement date of the approved research program; any editorial work,

paid or unpaid, carried out by a third party is acknowledged; and, ethics procedures and

guidelines have been followed.

I acknowledge the support I have received for my research through the provision of an

Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship.

Sadaf Saeed

20 September 2021

iii

Acknowledgements

Throughout the period of research regarding my thesis, I owe thanks and gratitude to several

people and institutions. First and foremost are my respected and honorable supervisors,

Marco Amati, Annette Kroen, and Ian Woodcock, who became the embodiment of excellence

for me. They not only supervised my research but also provided me with valuable insight and

ideas and kept refining my thesis draft. I am thankful to them for igniting the spark of intellectual

and scholarly taste within me through their vigorous training in research and determined

attitude to supervising me.

I am also thankful to RMIT University and the School of GUSS which provided me with this

opportunity to carry out my doctorate and generously offered me the best of academic

environments, necessary literature, highly qualified professors, and intense learning sessions.

Through all these factors, my university and department enabled me to pursue my higher

studies and research with utmost zeal. I am also grateful to the University of Engineering &

Technology, Lahore, for giving me study leave to pursue my PhD degree. I am also thankful

to the Transport Department Punjab for helping me to get the required data.

I acknowledge the support I have received for my research through the provision of an

Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship.

I’m also indebted to my other Ph.D. colleagues, Leul, Mariana and Louisiana, who made these

years cheerful and memorable for me through their friendship and thought-provoking

interesting discussions, diversity which they brought with them and exchange of ideas.

I also express my enormous thanks to my loving family, which includes my parents, siblings,

husband, and my wonderful daughters, Ajar and Ananya. Their unwavering support, faith and

prayers allowed me to fulfil this enormous task with much ease. Their patience with my busy

schedule regarding my research also helped me remain completely focused on my academic

tasks. The sense of accomplishment which I feel now is a proud moment for me that I could

deliver as a reward to my family, who stood by me through thick and thin.

Professional accredited editor Mary-Jo O’Rourke AE provided copyediting and proofreading

services according to the national university-endorsed ‘Guidelines for editing research theses’

(Institute of Professional Editors, 2019). I’m extremely indebted to Mary-Jo for editing my

thesis and correcting the mistakes if there were any.

iv

Table of Contents

Research background ............................................................................................. 3

Research problem................................................................................................... 6

Research questions and aim ................................................................................. 10

Research design ................................................................................................... 11

Research significance ........................................................................................... 12

Thesis structure .................................................................................................... 13

Lahore City: urban development and mobility trends ............................................. 15

Urban development and changes in mobility patterns .................................... 16

Role of master plans in promoting road-based development .......................... 20

Influential role of international actors in transport planning in Lahore ............. 23

Pre-BRT urban transport conditions in Lahore ...................................................... 25

BRT as implemented in Lahore ............................................................................. 27

Post-BRT urban transport conditions in Lahore ..................................................... 29

Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 31

The extensive spread of BRT – a case of transport policy transfer ........................ 35

Concept of policy transfer ..................................................................................... 39

Policy transfer framework............................................................................... 40

Types and roles of policy actors ..................................................................... 43

Limitations of policy transfer concept ............................................................. 43

Concept of policy mobilities ................................................................................... 45

Global policy transfer networks ...................................................................... 45

Contextual relationships between policy actors .............................................. 47

Transformation in policy exchange ................................................................. 48

Role of technology in policy transfer analysis ................................................. 49

Actor Network Theory – an ethnographic lens for policy transfer analysis ............. 50

Inclusion of non-human actors ....................................................................... 52

Formation of actor networks ........................................................................... 54

v

Translation framework ................................................................................... 56

The theoretical understanding of policy transfer in BRT circulation ....................... 60

Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 61

Conceptual framework .......................................................................................... 63

The concept of heterogenous assemblages – identifying roles of human and

non-human actors ........................................................................................................ 65

The concept of translation – examining the actor networks ............................ 66

The concept of transformation – examining the policy variations.................... 67

Qualitative research approach .............................................................................. 70

Case study approach ..................................................................................... 71

Research methods ................................................................................................ 72

Document review ........................................................................................... 73

Semi-structured interviews ............................................................................. 74

Focus group discussion ................................................................................. 78

Field work observations and site visits ........................................................... 79

Data analysis ........................................................................................................ 80

Fieldwork challenges ............................................................................................ 82

Ethical considerations ........................................................................................... 84

Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 84

Ineffective role of transport planning institutions .................................................... 86

Inconsistency in planning decisions of transport institutions ........................... 87

Lack of integration between national and provincial institutions ..................... 87

Blocking the role of national transport institutions in the selection of BRT ...... 89

Disciplinary (engineering) bias of transport institutions at the city level .......... 91

Professional rivalry between transport institutions at the city level ................. 93

Planning inconsistency in transport policy documents ........................................... 95

Outdated and ineffective policy documents at the city level............................ 96

No policy documents at the provincial level .................................................... 98

Conflicted transport planning approach at the national level .......................... 98

The Challenges of BRT transfer faced by local transport policy actors ................ 100

Challenges of non-integrated transport planning system .............................. 101

Challenges of coordination between local and international designers ......... 103

Challenges of a short time frame for implementation ................................... 104

Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 105

vi

Role of international actors as policy promoters .................................................. 107

Promoters of light rail ................................................................................... 108

Advocates of BRT Bogota model ................................................................. 111

Proponents of the Istanbul Metrobus model ................................................. 115

Role of local political actors as policy selectors ................................................... 120

Light rail as a project of Pakistan Muslim League Q (2005–2007) ................ 120

BRT concept as a project of Pakistan People’s Party (2008–2010) .............. 121

The Istanbul Metrobus as a project of Pakistan Muslim League N (2011–2013)

123

Role of mass transit technology as a non-human actor ....................................... 126

Influence of light rail transit technology ........................................................ 129

Influence of the BRT Bogota model ............................................................. 131

Influence of the Istanbul Metrobus model ..................................................... 132

The complexity of actor networks in BRT transfer ............................................... 134

Network instability in Lahore light rail project................................................ 134

Network instability in the BRT Bogota model ............................................... 136

Network stability in the Istanbul Metrobus model ......................................... 138

Three sub-networks made an intact actor network to transfer BRT ..................... 140

Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 143

Personal reflections and selection of elevated busway as a central BRT variation

146

Translation analysis: the story of the influential role of elevated busway ............. 152

The actors generating the need for the elevated busway ............................. 153

Elevated route – the familiar approach of local transport engineers ............. 155

Elevated route –the design feature in common with the Lahore light rail project

157

Elevated route – the resemblance to the Bosphorus Bridge, Istanbul .......... 159

Local level resistance to elevated route design ............................................ 162

The elevation as a part of the BRT translation ............................................. 165

Local level transformations – elevated busways as a new trend in Pakistan ....... 166

Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 171

Transfer of BRT – an outcome of actor networks ................................................ 174

Influential and significant roles of non-human actors .................................... 175

Role of international actors as policy promoters ........................................... 177

Role of political leaders as policy selectors .................................................. 179

Ineffective role of local transport planning institutions .................................. 181

vii

Transfer of BRT – an outcome of the symbolic role of a non-human actor .......... 182

The symbolic use of elevated BRT in politics ............................................... 184

The significance of ANT in policy transfer analysis.............................................. 188

Discussion summary ........................................................................................... 189

Research overview ............................................................................................. 191

Key conclusions of the thesis .............................................................................. 193

Limited role of local transport planning institutions in BRT transfer .............. 193

Roles of actors in the form of actor networks in BRT transfer ....................... 194

Role of symbolism in BRT translation at the local level ................................ 197

Potential of ANT to broaden transport policy transfer analysis ..................... 199

Policy recommendations ..................................................................................... 201

Research limitations ............................................................................................ 201

Implications for future research ........................................................................... 202

Outlook ............................................................................................................... 203

viii

List of Figures

Figure 1.1: An elderly man walking up a staircase to get to the Lahore Metrobus ................. 4

Figure 1.2: The elevated route of the Lahore Metrobus and local traffic conditions at Data

Sahib station ......................................................................................................................... 4

Figure 2.1; Population growth in Lahore from 1 million to 11 million .................................... 15

Figure 2.2: Map of Lahore showing the trends of urban spawl along major road corridors .. 19

Figure 2.3: The contrast between old (paratransit) and new (Metrobus) modes of transport 27

Figure 2.4 : The BRT project in Lahore ............................................................................... 28

Figure 2.5: The light rail Orange Line metro train in Lahore................................................. 31

Figure 4.1: The conceptual framework ................................................................................ 69

Figure 4.2: Focus group discussion with urban and transport planners in Lahore ............... 79

Figure 6.1: The Mayor of Istanbul and the Chief Minister Punjab in Istanbul to sign the MOU

for the Metrobus project .................................................................................................... 118

Figure 6.2: Route of Lahore Metrobus symbolising the close connections between Turkey

and Pakistan in showing the two national flags at the inauguration ceremony in Lahore ... 133

Figure 6.3: First sub-actor network of Lahore light rail transit technology .......................... 136

Figure 6.4: Second sub-actor network of BRT Bogota model ............................................ 138

Figure 6.5: Third sub-actor network of the Istanbul Metrobus model ................................. 140

Figure 6.6: Overview of transfer process of mass transit to Lahore ................................... 143

Figure 7.1: Advertisement for Lahore Metrobus designed by Punjab government showing it

as a ‘modern’ and ‘unique’ public transport mode ............................................................. 149

Figure 7.2: The elevated bus station of Lahore Metrobus, the staircase, and the disabled

person ............................................................................................................................... 151

Figure 7.3: Elevated route design proposed for light rail in Lahore .................................... 159

Figure 7.4: Elevated route design constructed for Lahore Metrobus .................................. 159

Figure 7.5: Islamabad Metrobus running on elevated route ............................................... 170

Figure 7.6: Multan Metrobus with elevated route ............................................................... 170

ix

List of Tables

Table 1.1: Overview of thesis study research questions and objectives. ............................. 11

Table 3.1: A policy transfer framework model (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2002, p. 12). .................. 41

Table 3.2: The concepts of actor network theory used in this research. .............................. 59

Table 4.1: Interviewed delegation members who had visited Istanbul to see the Metrobus. 76

Table 4.2: The data selection scheme in the research design. ............................................ 77

Table 5.1: The multilevel transport institutions involved in mass transit decision-making. ... 94

Table 5.2: Policy documents for transport planning at different government levels. ........... 100

Table 6.1: International actors and their proposed mass transit options in Lahore. ........... 119

Table 6.2: Role of political parties in the selection of mass transit options ......................... 125

Table 7.1: Overview of Metrobus projects in Pakistan. ...................................................... 168

x

List of Abbreviations

ADB Asian Development Bank

ANT Actor Network Theory

BRT Bus Rapid Transit

C&W Communication and Works Department

CDG City District Government

ECNEC Executive Committee of the National Economic Council

ITDP Institute for Transportation and Development Policy

IMPL Integrated Master Plan for Lahore

IPP Institute of Planners Pakistan

JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency

LDA Lahore Development Authority

LMB Lahore Metrobus

LRMTS Lahore Rapid Mass Transit System

LRT Light Rail Transit

LTC Lahore Transport Company

LUDTS Lahore Urban Development and Traffic Study

LUTMP Lahore Urban Transport Master Plan

NESPAK National Engineering Services Pakistan

NGO Non-government organisation

P&D Planning and Development

PAKSTRAN Pakistan Sustainable Transport Project

PDWP Provincial Development Working Party

PMLN Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz

PMLQ Pakistan Muslim League Quaid e Azam

xi

PMTA Punjab Mass Transit Authority

PPP Pakistan People’s Party

ROW Right of way

SDG Sustainable Development Goal

TEPA Traffic Engineering and Transport Planning Agency

TPU Transport Planning Unit

WB World Bank

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

1

Abstract

In this research study, the concept of Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) is examined in a qualitative

manner as an example of a transport policy concept with assumed universal applicability,

having been implemented in 177 cities worldwide (BRT, 2020). However, prior research has

indicated that the outcomes of BRT vary in different cities according to local and globally driven

political and economic circumstances (Nguyen & Pojani, 2018; Wood, 2019b). This thesis

contributes to this emergent insight using the geopolitical lens of policy mobilities, contributing

to arguments that BRT implementation needs to be sensitive to geographical, cultural, political

and contextual characteristics (Nguyen & Pojani, 2018; Silva Ardila, 2020; A. Wood & Wood,

2014).

A key contribution of this study is examination of the role of non-human elements in the BRT

transfer process using the lens of Actor Network Theory (Callon & Blackwell, 2007; John,

2009; Latour, 2005). These non-human elements include seemingly neutral technical and

infrastructure features that have agency in creating local-level variations in BRT transfer. The

thesis argues that the role of non-human actors in BRT transfer is a relatively unexplored field

in transport policy transfer. Therefore, building on the literature on transport policy transfer and

particularly the transfer of BRT in the Global South, the research seeks to answer the following

questions:

• Who were the key actors and what were their various roles in transferring BRT to Lahore,

Pakistan?

• How was the universal concept of BRT translated and adapted to the local geographical

and political contexts of Pakistan and how have these transformations influenced the

longer-term BRT outcomes?

Using the framework of policy mobilities and a methodology developed using the approach of

actor–network theory, this study argues that BRT transfer is a networked approach where both

human and non-human actors are involved and create local-level variations as part of the

policy transfer process. This argument is supported by document analysis, semi-structured

interviews with local policymakers, a focus group discussion with urban and transport

planners, and field observations. During the investigation, heterogenous assemblages that

include international consultants, political leaders, local transport planners, elevated busways,

platform design features and project images have been identified as actor networks. Analysis

of these actor networks has revealed the implications of changing actor roles on network

stability during problematising, planning, designing and implementation of BRT in Lahore, and

has described the mechanisms that drove the final outcomes of the BRT transfer.

2

Three main conclusions can be drawn from this research. First, by acknowledging the roles of

both human and non-human actors, the empirical findings show that the transfer of the BRT

concept is not merely a neutral exchange of transport technology to enhance mobility options.

Instead, it is a heterogenous process and the outcome of an intact network of policymakers,

international actors, political actors, transport technologies and transport planning institutions.

Overall, the limited participation of local experts, lack of proper planning frameworks,

inconsistent planning approach and ad hoc political interventions, as well as changing socio-

political conditions of the country, shaped the BRT transfer in Lahore.

Second, the research highlights the significant role of mass transit technology as a non-human

actor in the selection of BRT. The empirical findings show that the technological element of

the Istanbul BRT model drove the initial preference for this model based on a visit by the Chief

Minister of the Province of Punjab to Istanbul and the close personal relationship between him

and the Mayor of Istanbul. However, later the preference for BRT was driven by the signalling

of contemporary mass mobility, in particular the symbolic role of an elevated route, inherent

in the Istanbul BRT model’s use of the Bosphorus Bridge. These drivers allowed technologies

packaged as part of the Istanbul BRT solution to convince local policymakers who supported

the stability and intactness of network connections of the selection of the Istanbul model as

the preferred option in Lahore.

Third, regarding the longer-term outcomes at the local level, the study demonstrates the need

to consider the seemingly neutral and incidental considerations of policy mobility as part of the

transfer process. After Lahore, five other cities in Pakistan also implemented BRT systems,

uncritically accepting an elevated busway as part of the design, a set of decisions with major

budgetary consequences for a mass transit solution that is premised on cost-effectiveness

(Cervero, 2013; Wright & Hook, 2007). In Pakistan all the BRT projects now have elevated

busways, which shows that the focus on symbolism in BRT has led to an elevated BRT route

model.

Overall, the research outcomes show that in the absence of clear policy guidelines, planning

decisions that are quick, easy to implement and politically convenient can develop long-lasting,

expensive, and unexpected planning outcomes, as observed in this study. In contrast, a

comprehensive policy framework with clearly defined objectives and roles for actors can

minimise the implications of symbolism in planning and enhance the outcomes of

implementing a foreign transport policy concept such as BRT in a local context.

3

Chapter 1 – Introduction

This chapter outlines the initial background that motivated me to conduct this research and

gives an overview of the research aims, research questions and research design. The

motivation for this research was initially influenced by my personal observations as an urban

planner working in the transport sector of Lahore, Pakistan. In Pakistan, the trend of borrowing

foreign transport policy solutions to deal with local transport problems has significantly

increased in the last decade. However, the outcomes of implementing foreign transport

solutions in the local context are quite ambiguous and cases of transport policy transfer in

Pakistan have not been studied in detail. This study explores the transfer of a foreign transport

policy concept into the local context and examines the local level implications of such transport

policy transfers. It is a case study-based research where I have explored the transfer process

of the concept of Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) in Lahore as a foreign policy and analysed the

outcomes of the transferred policy at the local level. I have used an ethnographic approach

along with the theory of policy mobilities and policy transfer to analyse the details of this

transport policy transfer process.

Research background

I would like to share my motivation for the thesis study with the help of the following two

photographs showing the provision of the new BRT concept in Lahore. The first (Figure 1.1)

shows an old man walking up a staircase on one of the main Lahore roads, Ferozepur Road,

to the BRT stop. The second (Figure 1.2) shows the route of this newly provided bus that the

man was trying to reach. He was looking for the Lahore Metrobus, a brand-new articulated

bus with newly designed infrastructure and a route running above all the local traffic. The

Metrobus concept implemented in Lahore is a derived form of BRT where dedicated routes

and high-capacity buses are provided to enhance the public transport service in a city.

4

Figure 1.1: An elderly man walking up a staircase to get to the Lahore Metrobus

(Source: Author 2018)

Figure 1.2: The elevated route of the Lahore Metrobus and local traffic conditions at Data Sahib station


5

The concept of BRT is very popular among transport planners due to the flexibility of transport

provision and low-cost road infrastructure. The flexibility refers to the fact that buses can use

existing road infrastructure and thus BRT offers of the potential for seamless integration with

the urban fabric and other modes of transport in a city. However, these advantages are only

partly true for BRT in Lahore due to the elevation which is part of the BRT route there. This

means that the old man in the Figure 1.1 had to struggle up the stairs because he wanted to

get into a bus, as in his area the designed bus route is elevated. The dedicated elevated route

is constructed only for buses and not for cars or other modes of traffic. However, for members

of marginalised groups of public transport users such as elderly passengers and disabled

people, there are no lifts provided as part of the design. In this case just imagine how difficult

it would be to experience this on a daily basis for older persons like him. Therefore, the design

of the new implemented BRT raises a big question mark in terms of consideration of users by

the local policymakers. Moreover, there is a need to explore why the concept of BRT

implemented in Lahore is different from the universal concept of BRT.

The Figures 1.1 and 1.2, raise many questions regarding the provision of the Metrobus in

Lahore. Being an urban planner, I see the Metrobus as a new entrant in the local transport

system; however, the other modes of transport and public transport users are still the same

old features of the system, and I was interested to explore the details of the decision-making

process that led to this result: how was this concept introduced into the local context and why?

Furthermore, the transfer of BRT also followed a unique path in the country in terms of project

approval and execution. For the first time in Pakistan a mega transport project of 30 million

USD (a single 27 km route of a BRT line) was approved at the provincial level instead of the

federal level, which raises many questions about how the project was selected and who the

main actors were in this decision of transferring BRT to Lahore.

6

Finally, I decided to examine the details of implementing the Metrobus concept as a new

transport policy option in Lahore and structured my research based on the findings of other

transport policy transfer studies.

Research problem

Transport policy transfer is an important field in transport planning because transport

policymakers prefer to learn from previous experiences and exchange policy concepts across

various geographies (Marsden et al., 2011). The knowledge-sharing in the transport sector

can be analysed in different ways such as through transport policy concepts, projects,

programs, and infrastructure design models. Although the exchange of policy models and

policy lessons in planning studies is not a new phenomenon (Harris & Moore, 2013). However,

the speed of circulation of planning policies and ideas has significantly increased in the last

decades (Healey, 2013; Peck & Theodore, 2012, 2015). Initially the trend of policy exchange

was observed among developed countries or from developed to developing countries (Stone,

2012). In the last few years, the process of policy circulation has become more complex

because a new trend of policy exchange between developing countries is growing, termed

South to South policy transfer (Stone et al., 2020; A. Wood, 2015). The trend of policy transfer

among countries of the Global South has particularly increased in the transport sector,

although there are few case studies about the details of transfer processes and the outcomes

of transferred policy concepts at the local level.

One of the significant examples in this regard is the circulation of BRT. The concept of BRT

was initially developed in Curitiba, Brazil, as a low-cost mass transit option which was quick

to design in the local context and easy to implement during a single political tenure (Lagos &

Wright, 2005). The BRT system is a form of mass transit system that combines the quality of

rail-based systems Levinson et al., (2002) with the flexibility of bus systems in terms of both

infrastructure and operational characteristics (Wright & Hook, 2007). BRT is generally

comprised of a network of buses running on dedicated routes providing a high-capacity and

low-cost mobility solution (Hidalgo & Gutiérrez, 2013). Overall, the low-cost construction,

7

fewer technical requirements, flexible bus operation, simple design features of bus routes in

the form of existing road infrastructure and quick implementation time have made BRT the first

choice of transport policymakers particularly in developing countries.

Although many cities have implemented the concept of BRT, the outcomes of this

implementation are different across various cities (Lindau et al., 2016; Nguyen & Pojani, 2018).

Currently, 177 cities have implemented the concept of BRT and most of these cities are in

developing countries (BRT, 2020). Accordingly, the concept of BRT is a significant case of

policy transfer and is presented as one of the most circulated transport policy models of the

21 century (A. Wood, 2014). However, the number of successful BRT transfer cases is very

limited (Agyemang, 2015). While the examples of Curitiba and Bogota, Colombia, are

applauded as success stories in the BRT literature Hidalgo et al., (2013), the outcomes of

BRT have been very limited in Bangladesh, Peru and Mexico, and these are considered as

cases of BRT failure (Changzhou et al., 2010; Nguyen & Pojani, 2018).

The variations in BRT outcomes raises questions about why and how this policy concept is

selected in different cities. Only a limited number of studies in the transport policy and planning

literature have focused on exploring why and how certain transport policies are more

widespread than others (Marsden & Stead, 2011). Furthermore, there is also a need for

empirical research to explore how local-level variations can change the outcomes of the

original policy concepts (Pojani & Stead, 2015; Stone, 2017; Thomas et al., 2018). The field

of transport policy transfer between developing countries is a relatively unexplored area of

research with very few examples. Particularly in the South Asian context, more empirical

studies are needed (Mallqui & Pojani, 2017; Nguyen & Pojani, 2018).

In transport policy studies, the circulation of BRT is discussed under two distinct approaches

of policy transfer. The first approach to policy transfer understands the worldwide spread of

BRT as a globally recognised, viable mass transit option which is preferred by policymakers

based on its technical, financial and environmental advantages (Marsden et al., 2011; Wright

& Hook, 2007). Particularly from the perspective of low-income countries, the option of BRT is

8

seen as a low-cost mass transit mobility option based on a dedicated bus service with high

capacity to deal with high public transport demands (Wu & Pojani, 2016). The transfer of BRT

has been seen as a market-based transport policy solution which is promoted by some

international actors and special BRT think tanks such as the Institute for Transportation and

Development Policy (ITDP) and EMBARQ Corporation, who present it as an updated, efficient

and effective form of urban bus service (A. Wood, 2014).

In developing countries, the role of international consultants is particularly significant in

promoting certain transport policy solutions. This can be seen in the influence of international

actors on increased road development to reduce traffic congestion (Imran, 2009). However,

more recently international actors have promoted large public transport projects such as BRT

and rail-based mass transit projects as a counter measure to reduce traffic congestion (S.

Wijaya et al., 2017). Therefore, international actors play a significant role in promoting BRT

circulation particularly in developing countries. Overall, this approach to transport policy

transfer understands that the concept of BRT is promoted as a technically and financially

viable public transport policy option and policymakers in low-income countries with limited

technical and financial resources prefer BRT as a first step towards mass transit to deal with

mobility challenges. Furthermore, the ITDP proposed universal standards for implementing

BRT and, depending upon the number of engineering features, BRT systems are labelled as

gold, silver and bronze levels (ITDP, 2008). The universal criteria for categorising BRT, based

on engineering standards by the ITDP make it a unique case of transport policy transfer with

greater adherence to the rational-technical approach to policy transfer in transport sector

instead of considering the contextual variances (Marsden & Reardon, 2017).

However, the second approach in the analysis of BRT circulation sees the exchange of BRT

as more than just a technical exchange of transport technology. Here the BRT transfer process

is analysed as a case of so-called policy mobilities (A. Wood, 2015). The policy mobilities

ideology argues that the spread of BRT is based on close geographical connections, cultural

traits, political ideologies and network associations of the policy actors (Mallqui & Pojani, 2017;

9

A. Wood, 2019b). Scholars of policy mobilities have analysed how and why certain policy

concepts are transferred across different geographies from the perspectives of geopolitical

and socio-economic conditions (McCann, 2011; Prince, 2012; Si et al., 2020; Stone et al.,

2020). This mobility analysis emphasises the roles of global policy transfer networks rather

than the individual roles of policy actors. In particular, the transfer of the BRT concept between

cities of South America and southern Africa has been explored through the lenses of policy

mobilities and global policy networks. The BRT circulation in southern African countries is

significantly linked with connections among policy actors, geographical connections, and

political ideologies, and with close socio-political relations between these countries. The

transfer of BRT in different cities of South Asia has not been analysed in detail from the

perspective of policy mobilities. Here, this study can provide additional knowledge on transport

policy transfer with an empirical case of a South Asian city.

Furthermore, this research considers another significant dimension of BRT transfer which is

related to the role of non-human elements such as BRT technology and infrastructure design

features as part of transport policy transfer. In the above-mentioned approaches of analysis

of BRT transfer, the BRT technology is considered as a neutral and technical transport entity.

However, in this study I argue that the role of BRT technology may not be merely neutral and

just as a technical object. Instead, it is beneficial to explore BRT transfer as a case of socio-

technical policy transfer where the roles of technology and policy actors are analysed in

relation to each other as parts of the network in the policy transfer process.

Empirical analysis of the BRT transfer process along these lines helps to identify how BRT

technology relates to different actors and why policymakers in developing countries are

interested in implementing this option. This study further explores whether the circulation of

BRT is limited to the role of human policy actors. If not, then how can non-human actors be

involved in the transfer of BRT? A critical analysis of BRT transfer is required in order to

unpack these questions, unmasking the rationales used to execute such projects. Therefore,

this research is designed to fill this gap in the BRT literature by examining BRT as a case of

10

socio-technical policy transfer and exploring the details of BRT-related connections, instead

of considering it just as a neutral engineering solution. Providing this analysis will show the

complexity of policy transfer and the importance of various material and non-material features

and how those features assemble the concept of BRT into a place during the policy transfer

process. The research will also highlight that merely transferring BRT as a technology without

considering the local conditions and without integrating it with the local transport system can

limit or change the original outcomes of BRT.

Research questions and aim

This study explores the details of transport policy transfer process by focusing on how different

actors changed the understanding, planning and implementation of the BRT concept and how

such changes impacted on the policy outcomes. The research questions are:

1. Who were the key actors and what were their various roles in transferring BRT to

Lahore, Pakistan?

2. How was the universal concept of BRT translated and adapted to the local geographical



The overall aim of the research is to explore the role of actors in BRT transfer and to

understand how the BRT transfer from one place to another as a transport policy option can

achieve long-term benefits. To achieve this aim, the objectives of the research are to:

1. identify the role of both material and non-material features as actors in BRT transfer

2. examine the role of different actors as networks in the BRT transfer process

3. analyse the local level variations of the translated concept of BRT and the implications for

future BRT in Pakistan

The first two objectives are related to research question one. By following these two objectives

I have identified the list of multiple actors including human and non-human who were involved

in the BRT transfer process and further analysed their roles by focusing on how they were

linked with each other and have contributed as a network to perform the action of policy

11

transfer. The third research objective is related to research question two. To achieve the third

research objective, I have analysed the translation of BRT concept at local level and describe

the implications on the local transport network which eventually highlight the longer-term

outcomes of BRT transfer at the local level. Table 1.1 below signposts the research questions

and objectives in the thesis.

Table 1.1: Overview of thesis study research questions and objectives.

Research question

Research objective Chapter

Who were the key actors and what

were their various roles in transferring

BRT to Lahore, Pakistan?

-To identify the roles of both material and

non-material features as actors in BRT

transfer

-To examine the roles of different actors

as actor networks in the BRT transfer

process

Chapter 5

Chapter 6

How was the universal concept of

BRT translated and adapted to the

local geographical and political

contexts of Pakistan and how have

these transformations influenced the


-To analyse the local level variations of

the translated concept of BRT and the

implications for future BRT in Pakistan

Chapter 7

Research design

To analyse BRT transfer as a case of socio-technical policy transfer, the concept of Actor

Network Theory (ANT) is applied in this research as a methodological and analytical

framework (Latour, 1996b). The ANT approach helps in understanding the comprehensive

roles of physical features as non-human actors in relation to the roles of various human policy

actors (Law, 2009). Analysis of human and non-human actors in the form of an actor network

helps in exploring the complexity of transferring the BRT concept across different planning

systems.

I collected the required research data through semi-structured interviews with transport

planners, transport engineers, urban planners, senior provincial-level policymakers, and

members of non-government organisations in Lahore who were involved directly or indirectly

in the Lahore BRT project. I also conducted a focus group discussion with transport planners

and urban planners in Lahore. In addition, I recorded field observation notes made during site

12

visits in Lahore. I analysed the interview and focus group transcripts using qualitative thematic

analysis and arranged the data in a meaningful way in order to describe the roles of various

actors at different stages of the project as part of the policy transfer process. The ANT analysis

further provided an opportunity to explore the process of making and changing the mutual

connections between different BRT-related actors in the form of a network. The translation

framework based on the ANT approach further highlighted the unexpected occurrences during

the BRT implementation, the design conflicts, and the undesired outcomes of transferring the

BRT concept at a local level.

Research significance

This research lies in the intersection of transport policy transfer and transport planning studies

of developing countries. It makes several theoretical contributions and has some practical

implications.

In theoretical terms, the research findings add value to the scholarship on transport policy

transfer studies and extend the understanding of policy actors and networks by determining

the role of non-human actors and heterogenous networks as part of the policy transfer

process. This study particularly shows how the ANT approach can be applied in combination

with the geopolitical lens of policy mobilities to explore the roles of non-human actors in

transport policy transfer. Although ethnographic approaches have been used in other policy

transfer studies (Larner & Laurie, 2010; Schneider, 2012; Stone, 2017). However, this study

specifically adds to the field by showing that transport technology and infrastructure also play

roles as actors in policy transfer in the form of actor networks.

This research also provides empirical evidence of how similar policy concepts can lead to

different policy outcomes when they are transferred to new places. Policy mobilities scholars

in the transport sector have argued that geographical variations can change the outcomes of

transport policy concept across different locations (Marsden & Reardon, 2017; Pojani & Stead,

2015; Stead & Pojani, 2018). This research highlights that by using actor network analysis we

can examine how similar transport policy concepts lead to different policy outcomes based on

13

the changing roles of actors and their networks. Overall, the results of this study extend the

understanding of relational network connections in transport policy transfer and policy

transformations under the policy mobilities approach (Thomas et al., 2018; A. Wood, 2015,

2019b; Wu & Pojani, 2016).

In practice, this research shows that countries in the Global South are particularly susceptible

to the engagement and actions of international transport consultants. The transport solutions

recommended by international consultants are often very costly planning decisions,

particularly in relation to financial and technical resources, which are scarce in low-income

countries. However, local policy actors also prefer to implement foreign solutions based merely

on the recommendations of international actors without considering the socio-political

conditions at local level. Therefore, any study that critically examines the roles of international

and local level actors in a relational manner can provide significant value to the decision-

makers and planners on the receiving end of the transport policy transfer process.

Thesis structure

This dissertation is structured into three sections and into nine chapters.

Section 1 – Research introduction and background

Chapter 2 highlights the need to explore BRT transfer in the context of urban transport in

Lahore. The chapter describes the background of the transport planning and provision of

public transport in Lahore and identifies the need for this research.

Chapter 3 begins with a literature review of BRT as an example of transport policy transfer. It

further describes how policy transfer is subject to numerous theoretical debates from the

concept of policy transfer to policy mobilities. It highlights the changing roles of actors from

individuals to global policy transfer networks under the policy mobilities approach. Finally, the

chapter describes how Actor Network Theory can be used as a novel way to analyse the roles

of non-human and human actors and their networks in transport policy transfer.

14

Section 2 – Contextual framework and methodology of research

Chapter 4 explains the research design of this study comprising three parts: the conceptual

framework, the research approach, and the research methods. The conceptual framework

describes how the concepts from the selected theoretical approach are aligned with the

research objectives of the study. The research design justifies the application of qualitative

and case study approaches in this study. The applied data collection methods are semi-

structured interviews, a focus group discussion, personal observations, and a document

review that explore the details of this transport policy transfer case. The chapter also discusses

the fieldwork challenges faced in data collection and the process of data analysis.

Section 3 – Results, discussion, and conclusion

Chapter 5 analyses the roles of various actors as part of the transport planning process in the

transfer of BRT to Lahore. This is based on the analysis of data from the interviews, focus

group discussion and policy documents.

Chapter 6 examines the role of mass transit technology as a new entrant in the policy transfer

network using actor network analysis.

Chapter 7 examines the influence of another non-human element, the elevated busway, during

the implementation of BRT concept at local level by using the framework of policy translation

of the ANT approach.

Chapter 8 brings the findings of Chapters 5, 6 and 7 together and discusses the dynamics of

BRT as a heterogenous policy concept comprised of both material and non-material features.

The chapter also describes the potential of using ANT as a fundamental part of policy transfer

analysis to examine the variations in the outcomes of transferred policy concepts.

The thesis concludes with Chapter 9, which presents the overall research conclusions and

indicates future research areas.

15

Chapter 2 – Urban Development and Transport Planning in

Lahore

This chapter describes the contextual background of the research by highlighting the urban

transport conditions that evolved in Lahore before and after the implementation of BRT. The

chapter is divided into five sections. Section 2.1 provides an overview of Lahore and its urban

development and urban mobility trends. Section 2.2 describes the pre-BRT urban transport

conditions which led the decision-makers to take the initiative of BRT. The details of the BRT

project in Lahore are described in Section 2.3. Finally, Section 2.4 highlights the post-BRT

urban transport conditions at the local level and identifies the need for this research to achieve

the longer-term benefits of implementing BRT as a new transport planning concept in Pakistan

and Section 2.5 concludes the chapter.

Lahore City: urban development and mobility trends

Lahore is the capital of the Punjab province and the second largest city in Pakistan. The city’s

population is 11 million with an annual growth rate of 4.07%. The historical trend of population

growth, from post-independence period (1951) till the last population census (2017), is

highlighted in figure 2.1, which shows an ongoing increase from one to eleven million people.

Figure 2.1; Population growth in Lahore from 1 million to 11 million

(Source: Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, 2017)

16

The increase in population has significantly increased the urban built-up areas in a total city

area of 1772 sq. km (PBS, 2018). The increase of built up area is linked with increased number

of roads and ultimately the increased motorised mobility in the city (Anasari Aziz et al., 2014).

Like many other developing cities, Lahore is also facing the challenges of population growth

coupled with an increased rate of motorisation and high demand for public transport. In the

last ten years the built-up area in Lahore has increased almost two times and the number of

automobiles in the city has increased four times from 0.9 million to 4 million (A Aziz et al.,

2018). In the following subsections I explain the development patterns and mobility trends that

have emerged in Lahore.

Urban development and changes in mobility patterns

Local urban planning scholars have analysed the city development trends in three distinct

periods: the pre-independence pattern 1900–1947, the post-independence development trend

1948–1974 and the modern Lahore development trend 1975-1997 (Anasari Aziz et al., 2014;

Javed & Riaz, 2020). After 1997 till date, the urban development trend of Lahore is linked with

major transport projects in the city. In the context of my research, I find the implications of the

last stage of development more relevant, but I have provided an overview of how the city

development occurred and the roles of different actors in this development.

In the pre-independence period (before 1947), the central parts of Lahore were developed

with mixed residential and commercial areas. In older neighbourhoods, for short-distance trips

walking and bicycles were common modes of travel (Groote et al., 1989). The pre-

independence development pattern showed the old spatial character of the city where high-

density organic settlements were located in the middle of the city, forming the central business

district of Lahore (Malik, 2011). These days this area is called old Lahore or the walled city of

Lahore and is a hub of commercial and residential activities with a high-density urban

population of about 300 to 400 persons per hectare (I. A. Rana & Bhatti, 2018). In most walled

city neighbourhoods, trip lengths are less than two kilometres. The overall development

pattern in the post-independence era was concentric and high density. In those days the use

17

of motorbikes was the common mode of travel in these areas, but these neighbourhoods of

the walled city still had the potential for sustainable travel modes (A Aziz et al., 2018).

However, later the lack of provision of pedestrian-friendly infrastructure such as footpaths,

pedestrian signals and pedestrian zones discouraged the use of non-motorised modes in the

walled city (Aslam et al., 2019). I think it was the first step of local policymakers that moved

Lahore away from sustainable mobility options.

The post-independence development period was from 1948 until 1974. During this time

Lahore city started developing from the concentric pattern of the walled city to the form of a

ribbon development pattern along the major roads of the city (Groote et al., 1989). The concept

of low-density communities in the form of satellite towns was started during the post-

independence stage following the trend of industrialisation (H & PPD, 1973). New industrial,

commercial and residential areas also developed along the main roads of the city and the

intercity roads towards Lahore Sheikhupura and Lahore Gujranwala roads (I. A. Rana & Bhatti,

2018). All the new industrial estates, housing colonies and commercial hubs were planned in

the outskirts (H & PPD, 1973). Therefore, the new network of roads also provided support to

the planned development.

The modern trend of road-based development trend started after 1975. The city growth

between 1975 and 1996 was mainly in the north, south and south-east directions (as shown

with yellow colour on the map in Figure 2.1) in the form of dense settlements because towards

the east the Indian border and on the west the boundary of the River Ravi restricted new

development (Rizwan Hameed & Nadeem, 2008). Overall, the development pattern of Lahore

was changed to the form of clusters of low-density communities (in blue and red) which were

horizontally developed along the major roads of the city. During this time, the urban planning

approach focused more on using green agricultural land for development purposes on the

outskirts, instead of using brown land or having a land reuse policy of using vacant small

pockets inside the built-up area. The star-shaped development was an outcome of using the

green agricultural land of the city. The promotion of road-based, low-density development

18

encouraged the use of motorisation, which was another unsustainable option practised by the

local policymakers of Lahore.

The transport project-based development started from 1997 onwards. Under the approach of

modern development, a trend of introducing major transport projects started in Lahore (The

Urban Unit, 2007). This trend started with the construction of the first national motorway (M2)

from Islamabad to Lahore. This project was completed in 1997 and promoted a new housing

development trend towards the south and south-east side of Lahore. In 2008, the construction

of the Lahore Ring Road was another transport project which attracted further development of

the city towards the outer edges (Imran, 2009). The purpose of the Lahore Ring Road was to

provide an alternative route for traffic by segregating the local and outer city traffic to reduce

congestion. However, instead of reducing traffic congestion, by developing new residential

and commercial areas around the Ring Road the project further increased the traffic and

promoted the use of private modes of transport to access the new low-density communities

along the Ring Road (LDA and NESPAK, 2004). Overall, after 1997 the use of private modes

of mobility was promoted in Lahore by developing low-density communities outside the city

and constructing more roads. In this section I mainly identify the development trends of Lahore

city. I describe in the next section who were the drivers or actors in promoting road-based

mobility options in Lahore and why the local policymakers followed these.

19

Figure 2.2: Map of Lahore showing the trends of urban spawl along major road corridors

(Source: Javed & Riaz, 2020)

In 2013, the BRT project was implemented in Lahore city although as this thesis will show that

how the era of mass transit in Lahore started with the JICA study on light rail as a preferred

mode of mass transit (JICA, 1991b).

For the Lahore BRT project, the north–south corridor of the city – Ferozepur Road – was used

to construct the BRT route. The BRT as an actor could use the potential to cut down the growth

trend of moving to the outskirts by providing an alternative in the form of transit-oriented

development in Lahore, as suggested by many local urban scholars as well (Javed & Riaz,

2020; Nawaz et al., 2019; I. A. Rana & Bhatti, 2018). But in my research, to explore the

potential to use BRT as a foreign policy concept in the local context, I examine the roles of

policy actors in implementing the universal concept of BRT at the local level because from my

20

understanding this information will help to understand how the local policymakers

conceptualised this idea in Lahore and what were their objectives in providing BRT in Lahore.

Accordingly, to develop the background knowledge regarding the roles of different actors in

the urban development of Lahore, I now focus on the role of master plans as a tool of urban

development used by local policymakers.

Role of master plans in promoting road-based development

A master plan is an urban planning policy document which provides guidance for planning and

development of a city in the form of a comprehensive land use plan for a period of 20 years

(Roberts & Legum, 1974). The Town and Country Planning Act of 1947 (UK) initiated the

concept of the master plan (Roberts & Legum, 1974). In the planning history of Pakistan, a

master plan is the main development plan which has been used to plan the cities. The

influence of master planning approach in Pakistan was developed by the colonial institutions

and applied by the local policymakers after independence (Cermeño, 2021).

In the UK, the concept of the master plan was declared obsolete in the late 1990s due to its

rigid focus on physical planning and land use control (Cermeño, 2021). However, the

policymakers of Pakistan still use the concept of master plans for urban planning and

development control of major cities (Rizwan Hameed & Nadeem, 2008). In the planning

practices of Pakistan, two different plan approaches – the master plan and the structure plan

– have both been used, as indicated below in the list of development plans for Lahore. But

overall, the concept of master planning prevails as the main urban development tool. In Lahore

the following plans have been prepared for city development:

(i) The first Master Plan for Greater Lahore 1966

(ii) The structure plan of Lahore 1981–2000

(iii) The third Integrated Master Plan for Lahore 2001–2021

(iv) The fourth Master Plan for Lahore 2040 (in process)

21

The first master plan was prepared in 1961 to solve the problems related to the rapid urban

growth of Lahore (H & PPD, 1973). It was the first development plan which indicated the

growth trends from north to south. It was prepared by the Punjab Housing and Physical

Planning Department with the help of a World Bank (WB)-funded consortium of international

consultants in urban planning (Rizwan Hameed & Nadeem, 2008). According to Aziz et al.

(2014), the concept of road-based development started in Lahore with the MPGL.

In the 1980s the UK international consultants Halcrow applied the structure plan approach in

Lahore that was used in the UK. The second development plan was a structure plan which

was more strategic in nature. Aziz et al. (2014) found that this change in planning approach

was the result of changing the international consultants.

The second plan, called the Lahore Structure Plan, was prepared in 1980. In this development

plan, collaboration between the urban and transportation planning agencies was begun for the

future growth of the city. As part of this plan, the first transport study in Lahore was also

conducted under the title ‘Lahore urban development and transport study’ as a part of Lahore

structure plan (LDA and WorldBank, 1980).This plan provided a guiding framework for the

metropolitan areas of Lahore for a period of 20 years (1981–2000). It focused on expanding

Lahore with medium- to high-density development in the southern area within the boundaries

of the two main city connectors, Ferozepur Road and Multan Road (Rizwan Hameed &

Nadeem, 2008).

However, for the third plan, the integrated master plan of Lahore 2001-2021, the local planning

authorities again preferred the concept of the master plan, considering it a familiar approach

to planning. The concept of master plans emphasises physical planning and land use

development, instead of providing a strategic focus on urban planning. The local policymakers

of the Lahore Development Authority (LDA) prepared the third plan, the integrated master plan

of Lahore 2001–2021 (LDA and NESPAK, 2004). In this plan, the focus of development was

again along the major corridors of the city, as shown in Figure 2.1. The ribbon development

patterns towards the outskirts of the city were developed as a result of this plan. However, the

22

concept of compact or mixed-use development to promote short trips and non-motorised trips

within neighbourhoods was missing from this plan (A Aziz et al., 2018).

As of 2021, the fourth master plan for Lahore until 2040 is under preparation with the

collaboration of a Lebanese consultancy firm, Dar Al-Handasah. This plan aims to develop an

infrastructure-driven development pattern for Lahore with major development projects.

The local scholars of urban planning have highlighted that overall in the planning practices of

Pakistan international consultants have played a significant role in changing the plan option

from structure plans to master plans and also in the development of master plans (Anasari

Aziz et al., 2014; Rizwan Hameed & Nadeem, 2008). The international consultants first

promoted the concept of physical planning instead of strategic planning and later promoted

the concept of road-based development considering the industrialisation (Cermeño, 2021).

However, the local planning conditions and the mobility patterns were inconsistent with the

plan proposals prepared by these international actors (Javed et al., 2020).

The role of international consultants was critical and influential in creating a development trend

inconsistent with local demands because the governance system for local planning institutions

was weak in both financial and technical terms (Haider & Badami, 2004; Imran & Low, 2009).

Furthermore, after independence local policymakers had no experience of planning making

and they relied on a UK-based planning consultant in following the planning legacy of colonial

institutions, as determined by Cermeño (2021) as well. Later, instead of focusing on building

the capacity of local planning institutions, local institutions still relied on internaternational

consultants without evaluating the outcomes of the already developed master plans.

Overall, the three previous urban plans for Lahore promoted the concept of a road-based

development pattern along the north-to-south direction. Consequently, this increased

motorised mobility, particularly in terms of private modes along the north-to-south road

networks. The increased traffic has resulted in traffic congestion, longer trip lengths and the

need for more public and private modes of transport in the city (A Aziz et al., 2018; Anasari

23

Aziz et al., 2014; Javed et al., 2020). Therefore, the master plans of Lahore as a tool for urban

development have promoted the urban spawl and ribbon development pattern in Lahore due

to mainly relying on the development of road networks in the city. The master plans were the

main policy documents in Lahore and influenced the local policymakers to promote road-

based development in the city.

In the next section I describe the roles of international actors who were also involved as part

of the development of the city but in an unofficial manner, because these international actors

were not directly accountable in the local planning system.

Influential role of international actors in transport planning in Lahore

Using the background knowledge from transport planning studies in Lahore, I explain in this

section how international actors played a significant role in channelling transport policy

decisions at the local level.

The key reason for involving these international actors in local policy transport planning

decisions was the lack of financial and technical resources at the local level; the limited

resources created major reliance on international funding for transport projects (Haider &

Badami, 2004; Imran & Low, 2007). Imran and Low (2007) further explained using a path

dependency framework how international funding agencies such as the WB and International

Monetary Fund (IMF) promoted certain development trends in Lahore to increase the use of

private modes of transport. For instance, the first national motorway project M2, the Lahore

Ring Road and the longest road tunnel projects in Lahore were completed with international

funding (GOP, 2014). Overall, these projects increased the trend of motorisation in the city.

Hameed and Nadeem (2008) also highlighted that another key reason making international

actors influential was the lack of a clear planning approach at the city level. Furthermore, the

functional and administrative divide between urban planning and transport projects in the city

also created planning ambiguity at the local level and more reliance on international advice.

In the Lahore master plans, the overall development framework for the city was proposed;

24

however, in practice the local experts follow a project-based development approach in

transport instead of following the master planning approach. Because the planning, approval

and implementation of master plans are a time-consuming process at the local level and often

international funding agencies do not agree to provide funding for lengthy and time-consuming

project approvals.

Aziz et al. (2018) recently concluded that the lack of awareness of international actors of the

local culture, living conditions and local mobility patterns has created further challenges in

decision-making processes. For instance, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA)

is one of the most reliable international consults at the local level and has been involved in

multiple projects of transport development in Lahore. However, JICA (1988) suggested the

new road networks in the inner city areas and the concept of flyovers to encourage use of

private modes of transport in the areas of Lahore where walking trips within two kilometres

were the most common mode of travel (R Hameed & Anjum, 2016). JICA as an international

consultant proposed the mass transit option of light rail to deal with local mobility challenges

based on international experience without considering the local mobility trends and the limited

financial and technical capacity of Pakistan as a developing country (JICA, 1991a).

Therefore, in my opinion different international consultants have widened the gap between

transport planning and urban planning projects in Lahore by promoting two different transport

planning approaches. On one hand international actors promoted more road networks and on

the other hand the proposals for mass transit projects were given by JICA as a transport

consultant. Both approaches can be complementary instead they were competing because

of a lack of integration, which ought to have been the purpose of master planning process.

Also, they are from different eras but overlapping at present. Because massive road

construction continues till date even after the provision of mass transit options. Therefore,

instead of complimenting each other these two approaches are competing in Lahore.

Furthermore, although the use of non-motorised mobility was the most economical option and

25

the most suitable in the context of Lahore. However, international consultants focused on

promoting a low-density urban planning approach and developing more roads.

Overall, instead of following a coherent and long-term transport planning approach to deal with

traffic challenges, the focus of local policymakers remains on providing new transport projects

such as signal-free wider roads, flyovers, underpasses, motorways, and mega mass transit

projects based on international advice. As a result, Lahore is facing the challenges of urban

sprawl, traffic congestion and lack of public transport services.

In the next sections I explain the overall urban transport conditions in the city before and after

the provision of BRT.

Pre-BRT urban transport conditions in Lahore

The transport system of Lahore is comprised of private and public modes of traffic and the use

of these two modes depends upon the socioeconomic condition of citizens. For instance, in

Lahore the use of cars is not a common private mode of transport because common citizens

cannot afford the use of cars due to high vehicle and fuel costs (GOP and JICA, 2012). The

private modes of transport in Lahore are motorbikes and cars; motorbikes with 62% are the

most common mode rather than cars with only 8% of the total modal share in Lahore (A Aziz

et al., 2018).

The public transport system in Lahore before BRT consisted of both formal and informal

modes of public transport. The formal transport system included the urban buses of the Lahore

Transport Company (LTC). These conventional urban buses, minibuses, and local wagons

(14-seaters) are regulated and operated on designated routes assigned by the LTC. There

are only 830 urban buses for about 200,000 daily commuters, making up only 20% of public

transport share (A Aziz et al., 2018). The limited number of buses has created a major gap

between the demand for and supply of public transport in the city. To minimise this gap,

informal modes such as rickshaws and Qingqis (3-wheelers), also called paratransit modes,

are used, and provide door-to-door service. Paratransit is the major reality of the local

26

transport system and more than 60,000 paratransit vehicles are providing transport services

in an informal manner in the city (Tabassum et al., 2016). Previous transport studies reported

that paratransit mobility has significantly increased in Lahore in the last five years due to a

lack of provision of an integrated public transport system (Aslam et al., 2019; A Aziz et al.,

2018; Tabassum et al., 2017). Overall, before the provision of mass transit modes in Lahore

there were two parallel networks of public transport, one consisting of buses and the other

consisting of Qingqis and rickshaws. (A Aziz et al., 2018).

Regarding the provision of an integrated public transport system, on one hand there is a lack

of availability of the required of buses, whereas on the other hand at the city level there is no

central authority in Lahore to plan, design and operate public transport service (A Aziz et al.,

2018; Sajjad, 2014). The LTC, is the only government organisation which acts as the regulator

of various private bus operators that are providing bus services all over the city. Paratransit

modes are also operated in an informal manner by private operators and provide cheap public

transport services as compared to buses because the fare for paratransit is almost half

compared to the local buses of the LTC.

To summarise, the most common modes of transport in Lahore are paratransit modes as

public transport and motorbikes for private modes of transport, as shown in Figure 2.3 as well.

27

Figure 2.3: The contrast between old (paratransit) and new (Metrobus) modes of transport


BRT as implemented in Lahore

The concept of BRT in Lahore was implemented in 2013 following the example of the

Istanbul Metrobus system in Turkey. The government of Punjab, in collaboration with the

Turkish consultant company Al-Barak, implemented the very first BRT system of Pakistan

in Lahore. The construction of the Lahore Metrobus project began in late 2012 and within

11 months’ time the project was operational. The total project cost was 30 million USD for

a single BRT route of 27 km from north to south (PMTA, 2013). The BRT corridor is

designed having elevated portion of approximately 10 km, and 17 km is at grade section as

a highway design with restricted access having steel fence along the corridor giving access

only to BRT buses. The BRT corridor runs from north to south on Ferozepur Road, which

is one of the most congested traffic corridors in Lahore.

28

The system of BRT in Lahore is comprised of a dedicated right of way for buses, secure

and well-designed transit stations, an advanced passenger communication system and an

intelligent transport system for BRT signals along the designated BRT route from Shahdara

to Gajju Matta with 27 transit stations. The average speed of the BRT is 29 km/hour and in

total 64 buses (18-metre-long articulated buses) were introduced as part of the project. The

average ridership is 180,000 passengers per day with a minimum headway of around 3

minutes between buses (PMTA,2014). The system boasts automated off-board fare

collection and digital signboards that allow people to conveniently find their way inside the

stations. Furthermore, parking spaces for cars, motorbikes and bicycles are also provided

alongside the bus stations in a park-and-ride concept. The route of BRT is built in the middle

of the road with a 10-metre-wide dedicated corridor with steel barriers on both sides. The

Metrobus as the first BRT service in Lahore is shown in Figure 2.4.

Figure 2.4: The BRT project in Lahore


29

Post-BRT urban transport conditions in Lahore

The post-BRT urban transport conditions describe how the new concept of mass transit was

implemented under the local transport conditions of the city. The average trip length in Lahore

is within five km and less than 15 minutes’ travel time (Aslam et al., 2019). However, the local

policymakers have totally ignored this fact. The concept of mass transit is highly recommended

in order to enhance sustainable modes of travel such as walking and cycling, as already

practised in many cities like Bogota, Curitiba and Ahmedabad (Duarte & Rojas, 2012;

Mahadevia et al., 2013). However, in Lahore no pedestrian or cycling paths are provided as

part of BRT design (Tabassum et al., 2016). Instead, parking areas for cars are provided to

enhance park and ride, whereas I have already noted in Section 2.2 that car use is only 8% in

Lahore.

The paratransit modes of rickshaws and Qingqis are acting as the main access modes to

reach the BRT service and 55% of BRT users approach the BRT using paratransit modes

(Tabassum et al., 2016). The paratransit modes were providing public transport mobility before

BRT but even after the provision of BRT the use of paratransit is still there because the concept

of feeder services with the local buses of the LTC was not integrated into the project. In Lahore

the modal share of cars to BRT cannot be successful because car usage is very limited and

furthermore cars are more of a status symbol in the local culture. A person who can afford a

car never wants to use public transport, considering the car a superior mode of transport.

Local policymakers have neglected this fact.

The local LTC buses are also providing public transport facilities as well as the BRT in the city.

Sajjad (2014) highlighted the lack of integration between local LTC urban buses BRT buses.

Instead, the feeder concept of local buses was introduced after three years of BRT operation:

in 2017 a feeder bus service called Speedo bus was introduced by the Punjab Mass Transit

Authority (PMTA 2017). However, the number of Speedo buses is limited to 48 buses only

and they are not integrated with the local LTC buses (Tabassum et al., 2017)

30

After the implementation of BRT, instead of developing a comprehensive public transport

system in the city, there are now three different types of public transport vehicles in operation:

the BRT and Speedo buses, the urban buses of the LTC and paratransit modes. The BRT and

feeder buses are under the operation of the PMTA, whereas the urban bus service of Lahore

is under the LTC. Instead of integrating the BRT operation and the LTC bus service for

maximum passenger coverage, now two separate bus systems are working in parallel without

coordinating the urban bus routes and bus timetables. The lack of service coordination

between the BRT service, the feeder buses and the LTC buses has created further challenges

for public transport users in Lahore.

Apart from lack of coordination between BRT and other modes of traffic there is also

construction of a new mass transit mode, the light rail, in Lahore in 2019.The light rail train is

called the Lahore Orange Line Metro Train and it was located on the Orange Line route of the

proposed Lahore Rapid Mass Transit System (LRMTS) network. The route is running from

east to west along Multan Road and the total route length is 27 km, of which 25 km is elevated,

as shown in Figure 2.5. It was developed as part of the China–Pakistan economic corridor

project as a road and belt project with a loan from the Chinese government (Imran et al., 2021).

Local transport scholars criticised the decision to introduce a single light rail line in the city

instead of extending the BRT route network into other parts of the city (Ali et al., 2020; Nawaz

et al., 2019; I. A. Rana & Bhatti, 2018). The light rail project is the provision of a fourth public

transport mode, in addition to paratransit, local buses and BRT buses, in the local transport

system of the city. The provision of BRT in 2013 and light rail in 2019 raises an important

question about the transport planning system and the decision-making process for mass

transit projects in Lahore.

The post-BRT implementation situation shows that the concept of BRT in Lahore has initiated

the idea of implementing mass transit options as a new mode of public transport in the local

context. However, there is a need to determine why the concept of mass transit is being

preferred at the local level. Rana and Bhatti (2018) also highlighted the need to explore the

31

potential for using mass transit projects in urban planning in Lahore. This research takes a

fundamental stance in this regard and explores the details of transferring the idea of mass

transit as a foreign transport policy concept. In this research, I raise questions about the roles

of different transport planning actors who were involved in transferring the idea of mass transit

to Lahore.

Figure 2.5: The light rail Orange Line metro train in Lahore

(Source: PMTA, 2020)

Conclusion

This chapter has provided the contextual background to the research by describing the urban

development trends, mobility patterns and transport conditions in Lahore. This chapter

synthesises the roles of master plans and international actors in developing the current

mobility trends in Lahore. The local policymakers applied the master planning approach in

Lahore based on inspiration from colonial planning institutions (Roberts & Legum, 1974).

However, the master planning approach did not play an effective role in urban planning and

32

development control in the city. The key reason for this is the rigid land use approach of master

plans instead of providing strategic guidance and flexible planning options, which has created

multiple challenges of implementation at the local level (Rizwan Hameed & Nadeem, 2008).

Aslam et al. (2019) further reported that the master plans for Lahore did not focus on mixed-

use urban development but instead promoted the approach of exclusive land use zoning and

ribbon development along the main roads, which ultimately created low-density, scattered

settlements throughout the city.

Transport planning studies have further reported the critical influence of international actors in

promoting road-based development (Imran & Low, 2009). Consequently, Lahore is facing the

challenges of traffic congestion, long-distance trips, urban sprawl and lack of public transport

(A Aziz et al., 2018). Recently, international transport consultants also suggested applying the

concept of mass transit in the city and the projects of BRT and light rail have already been

implemented in Lahore (Imran et al., 2018). Overall, urban planning and transport studies on

Pakistan have described the influential role of international actors in local policymaking.

However, this research argues extending the understanding of policy actors and considering

the roles of non-human elements in transport decision-making as well (Callon, 1999b; Latour,

1996b). This argument is based on findings from contemporary studies of transport planning

showing that often the policy actors who are spreading best practices are not well aware of

the effects in the local context (Stead & Pojani, 2018). Therefore, it is suggested for actors to

focus more on assemblage thinking and decode the predefined knowledge in the local context

(Cvetinovic et al., 2017; Marsden & Reardon, 2017). This understanding implies recognising

the significance of objects and things rather than the minds and ideas of policymakers (Rydin

& Tate, 2016). However, this is a relatively an unexplored field in developing countries and

particularly in the local context. Therefore, this research explores the roles of both human and

non-human actors in the selection and implementation of BRT. The outcomes will be helpful

for Pakistan and other developing countries to understand the roles of actors when

implementing foreign transport solutions such as BRT at the local level.

33

Chapter 3 – Bus Rapid Transit: A Case of Transport Policy

Transfer

This chapter establishes the theoretical understanding of the research through a literature

review. The literature review is organised into four sections: the concept of BRT as a case of

transport policy transfer, different theoretical debates on policy transfer process, a description

of ANT in the context of this study and theoretical understanding for the analysis of BRT as a

case of transport policy transfer.

Section 3.1 describes the concept of BRT as a transport policy concept. In transport planning

studies, the concept of BRT is proposed as a sustainable and globally viable transport policy

option based on its low cost, low technical requirements and easy implementation (Cervero &

Dai, 2014; Hidalgo & Gutiérrez, 2013; Wright & Hook, 2007). This concept is mainly discussed

in terms of its technical, economic, and environmental implications. However, this research

focuses on BRT as a transport policy concept and finds that it has become one of the most

circulated transport planning concepts of the 21st century (Wijaya et al., 2017). Many countries

around the world have already implemented this concept and it is still preferred particularly in

the cities of Global South with limited financial and technical resources due to its low cost and

lower technical requirements (Matsumoto, 2006). The concept of BRT has recently gained

focus in policy transfer studies of Global South (Montero, 2017; Si et al., 2020; A. Wood, 2014).

This research also explores the case of BRT as a transport policy concept in Lahore, Pakistan.

Section 3.2 explores the theoretical debates on the policy transfer process and focuses on

two theoretical approaches which I have found relevant to my research context to explore the

transfer process of a transport policy solution. The first approach is policy transfer, which

examines the transfer of new policy solutions from a technical and rational planning

perspective. The model of policy transfer identifies the roles of actors, the types of transfer

and the reasons for policy transfer (Dolowitz & Marsh, 1996). This approach is widely applied

34

in transport studies considering that transport sector is an offshoot of the field of engineering;

accordingly, transport policies are technical solutions for dealing with mobility challenges.

Therefore, the selection of a new policy concept is seen as a technical and rational choice by

policymakers; however, the element of political influence in policy transfer cannot be ignored

as in other areas of public policy (Marsden et al., 2011). Policy transfer approach is concerned

with the roles of policy actors and shows that policy actors are key reasons behind the

exchange of policy knowledge. Pojani (2020a), also described significant role of actors in few

policies transfer approaches under transport sector such as coercive transfer, voluntary

transfer, sponsored or bounded transfer etc.

The second selected approach is policy mobilities. The policy mobilities approach is

concerned with the contextual and relational characteristics as part of policy transfer, instead

of considering it merely a technical exchange of policies (Temenos & McCann, 2013). The

policy mobilities approach focuses more on geographical connections, regional political

influences and cultural traits during the policy transfer process (Peck & Theodore, 2010). This

approach is more concerned with the role of global policy transfer networks, instead of

focusing on the roles of policy actors during policy transfer (McCann, 2013; Peck & Theodore,

2015; Prince, 2012).

In Section 3.3, I explore the ANT as a novel approach to exploring transport policy transfer

analysis. The concepts of ANT have provided an ethnographic dimension to analysing the

empirical details of the BRT transfer process. The ANT approach presents an additional lens

to analyse the roles of different actors under a network approach where equal agency is

assigned to both human and non-human actors during the policy transfer process. I have

selected the ANT framework for transport policy transfer analysis to provide an additional

dimension in the analysis by focusing on the roles of non-humans as well.

Finally, the last section 3.4, describes the relevance of the selected theoretical concepts in the

analysis of BRT as a case of transport policy transfer. The chapter provided me with enough

35

theoretical understanding to develop a conceptual framework for the research that guided me

in how to explore the roles of different actors and networks as part of the policy transfer

process and how to identify the local-level variations as part of policy transfer as posed in the

research questions and section 3.5 concludes the chapter.

The extensive spread of BRT – a case of transport policy transfer

BRT is known as an improved version of a conventional bus system that prioritises rapid and

direct bus movement on segregated busways. BRT is comprised of rubber-tyred high-capacity

articulated vehicles, dedicated running ways, digital information technology and flexible bus

service routes (assuming that it is a bus service using existing road space and that routes can

be changed easily by bus authorities as per passenger demand if needed). All these features

are combined in an integrated manner as a unitary entity and given a new identity as BRT

(Levinson et al., 2003). The primary advantages in designing a BRT service are increased

speed and reliability, high passenger capacity, low-cost investment and efficiency of public

transport (Cervero & Dai, 2014). In addition to these, the BRT concept has also shown success

in attracting passenger ridership from private transport users and demonstrated social,

environmental and economic benefits as well (Campo, 2011; Hidalgo & Gutiérrez, 2013; Silva

Ardila, 2020). In social terms, BRT provides a mobility option for marginalised groups of

passengers who cannot afford to use private modes of transport and also enhances the

livelihoods of people by providing them with easy access to their workplaces (Oviedo et al.,

2019; Venter et al., 2018). In terms of environmental benefits, it significantly reduces the

percentage of vehicular emissions and is considered a green mode of mobility (Rogat et al.,

2015; Wijaya & Imran, 2019). The economic benefits of BRT include the low construction,

maintenance and operation costs of transport service, which is designed to move many people

(Cervero, 2013; Deng & Nelson, 2013). Overall, in transport studies the concept of BRT is

proposed as a sustainable transport option (Cervero, 2013; Ferbrache, 2019; Hidalgo et al.,

2013).

36

Originally the idea of BRT was developed in Chicago in 1950 where the concept of reserved

bus lanes was introduced to prioritise an exclusive bus service (Hossain, 2006; Wirasinghe et

al., 2013). The city of Curitiba is known as an example of modern features of BRT. Here, the

idea of BRT was politically promoted and executed (Ardila-gómez, 2004). The city mayor at

the time, Jaime Lerner, promoted BRT to create an urban transformation in the city. Later this

concept was implemented in other Latin American cities as well, but Curitiba is the best known

and referred to as a successful case of BRT in many transport studies (Cervero & Dai, 2014).

Another well-known example of BRT is in Bogota, where the concept was executed in 2000

in the form of the TransMilenio (Ardila-gómez, 2004). The TransMilenio was a locally

developed high-capacity articulated bus to move large numbers of people. As in Curitiba, the

Mayor of Bogota, Enrique Peñalosa, also favoured this concept due to its quick and easy

implementation within a single political tenure (Ardila-gómez, 2004; Cain et al., 2007). In

Bogota, the concept of BRT was implemented to enhance the use of public transport in the

city (Mahendra, 2008). To prioritise public transport, the use of cars was also restricted in the

city and the use of public transport along with enhanced non-motorised mobility was promoted

as part of this project (Mahendra, 2008). Consequently, along with the TransMilenio hundreds

of new kilometres were developed as footpaths, bicycle paths and public spaces (Hidalgo et

al., 2013). Although the findings of Duarte & Rojas, (2012) shown that BRT is not always a

story of success. However, transport studies repeatedly refer to the examples of Bogota and

Curitiba as successful models of BRT (Campo, 2011; Wright & Hook, 2007).

The option of BRT has been proposed worldwide as one of the most circulated transport policy

options and has spread in 177 cities worldwide (BRT data, 2019; Silva Ardila, 2020). It is

considered particularly viable for developing countries based on its low cost, service flexibility

and quick implementation. In terms of cost, the construction and operational costs have been

found to be three times lower as compared to light rail (Cervero & Dai, 2014). The service is

considered flexible because it is based on buses and can easily use the existing road

37

infrastructure for its route networks. Furthermore, the implementation time is quicker as

compared to light rail projects and can be executed within a time frame of one to five years,

which is mostly a single political tenure. In addition, transport planning assessments have

shown that BRT has significantly improved the quality and performance of public transport in

terms of increased passenger capacity, travel time savings and decreased vehicular

emissions (Wijaya et al., 2017). Based on its technical, financial and social benefits,

policymakers have promoted the concept of BRT and it is known as a significant example of

transport policy transfer in the 21st century (Bell, 2011; Harrison, 2015; Stone et al., 2020).

Although the concept of BRT has been transferred worldwide as a universal transport policy

concept, the outcomes of BRT differ significantly in many cities (Hossain, 2006). The variations

in BRT outcomes have shown that BRT is not a panacea for all transport issues, whereas

policymakers in developing countries prefer this option, considering it a first step towards a

mass transit system (Mahadevia et al., 2013). While many developing cities have faced

challenges in implementing and operating BRT as a successful mode of mass transit but

proponents are still promoting BRT as a standard global transport solution (Mallqui & Pojani,

2017).

For instance, BRT consultancies like the BRT Centre of Excellence, ITDP, BRT Asia and

Trans BRT have published various BRT design manuals and set technical standards.

Particularly, the ITDP has designed a standard criterion to evaluate BRT systems worldwide.

According to the ITDP criterion, BRT systems are assigned gold, silver and bronze rankings

based on certain point scores (Zheng & Hensher, 2020). The points are assigned to a BRT

system against the criteria set by the ITDP: the more features of BRT that apply, the higher

the score. These features mainly include route design, stop design, integration, service

frequency and facilities provided for non-motorised mobility options like walking and cycling.

The focus of the standard ranking of BRT is mainly based on technical design criteria,

assuming that it is a technology transfer. Although many studies of BRT have relied on

38

technical design criteria to evaluate the outcomes of BRT (Duarte & Rojas, 2012; Hidalgo et

al., 2013). The examples of many cities have shown that failure of BRT is not only based on

technical reasons instead political, social, administrative and geographical variances are also

major hurdles in the success of BRT (Alpkokin & Ergun, 2012; Babalik-Sutcliffe & Cengiz,

2015; Changzhou et al., 2010; Wu & Pojani, 2016).

Furthermore, scholars of transport geography and transport policy transfer have also found

that BRT is not merely a case of technical transfer, because the transfer process of BRT is

significantly influenced by social, cultural and geographical variations (Mann & Banerjee,

2011; Silva Ardila, 2020; A. Wood & Wood, 2014). I have found that the literature on transport

planning is biased towards promotion of BRT and highlights the cases of Bogota and Curitiba

(Ardila-gómez, 2004; Breithaupt et al., 2014; Cervero, 2013; Matsumoto, 2006; Wright & Hook,

2007). However, there are many examples of other developing cities showing that the

outcomes of BRT are not always similar. For instance, in Dhaka, Mexico City, Bangkok,

Mumbai, Chennai, and Delhi the effects of implementation in these cities ranged from low

ridership to attempted implementation and abandonment (Changzhou et al., 2010; Mann &

Banerjee, 2011; Rahman, 2008; Wirasinghe et al., 2013). Instead of highlighting the reasons

that changed the outcomes of BRT in many cities of developing countries, the focus is more

on its promotion based only on successful cases of BRT. Policy transfer scholars have also

argued that learnings from failures in policy transfer cases are beneficial for policymakers so

as not to repeat the same mistakes (Lovell, 2019).Therefore, by examining the variations in

BRT outcomes in Lahore, this research contributes to the debate about how BRT is transferred

and what this means for cities where the concept is implemented.

Although BRT is one of the most circulated transport policy concepts, the process of the policy

transfer of BRT is relatively unexplored. This is particularly with regards to developing

countries, although developing countries are often on the receiving end in BRT transfer cases

(Mallqui & Pojani, 2017; A. Wood, 2015). There is a significant need for studies analysing why

39

and how this policy option is selected and whether this option provides the assumed benefits

of mass transit across various geographies or not. This includes analysis of the roles of

different policy actors in the circulation of this concept because in some cases international

consultants and funding agencies promote the concept of BRT as a technically viable option

particularly in low-income countries (Lindau et al., 2016). However, in some cases local

policymakers prefer this option a politically viable transport option (Hossain,2006). Therefore,

the roles of various policy actors are critical in the transfer of BRT.

Overall, in the BRT transfer process BRT technology is considered a neutral and technically

transferable object. Considering BRT exchange a case of transport policy transfer, the

following sections explore the theoretical approaches to policy transfer, policy mobilities and

ANT in order to understand how they can assist in better understanding and analysing the

details of the transport policy transfer process.

Concept of policy transfer

The concept of policy transfer is known as a process in which knowledge about policies,

planning ideas, institutional arrangements or administrative practices developed in one

political system are transferred to another political system for the purpose of learning (Dolowitz

& Marsh, 2000). In public policy studies it is common practice to explore how a particular policy

has performed elsewhere before implementing it into a new place; therefore the importance

of learning through policy transfer cannot be ignored (Dolowitz & Marsh, 1996). There is a

growing trend of using policy transfer in various disciplines like urban studies, geography,

political science, public policy and international studies (Evans, 2017a; Stone, 2017).

Transport policy transfer studies have also confirmed the significance of learning across

various places by using the concepts of the policy transfer process (Marsden & Stead, 2011;

Pojani, 2020b; Stead et al., 2008). The fundamentals of policy transfer are developed in the

form of a policy transfer framework, as described below.

40

Policy transfer framework

Dolowitz and Marsh (1996) developed a framework of the policy transfer process to assist in

analysis of the process. This framework comprises the key concepts for analysing the

complete process of policy transfer. The transfer framework defines a policy as anything in

terms of knowledge, ideas, models, infrastructure, objects, regulatory concepts and planning

ideologies, as well as positive and negative lessons (Dolowitz & Marsh, 1996). The policy

transfer framework also presents the fundamentals of transfer in order to analyse the details

of the process. The framework further identifies different roles of actors under nine categories

and highlights how those actors can influence policy transfer. Furthermore, different types of

transfer processes ranging from voluntary to coercive and in combination are given and then

a link is established between the transfer process and its outcomes in the form of complete,

incomplete, successful, or failed transfer types. However, the findings of policy transfer cases

in South East Asia have identified significant numbers of coercive policy transfer at local level

mainly linked with technical and financial grants provided by the international agencies

(Common, 2017). Therefore, although the concept of policy transfer favours the rational and

voluntary forms of policy transfer but the possibilities of coercive or forced transfer cannot be

ignored particularly in developing nations.

Overall, the main categories of the policy transfer framework are given in Table 3.1.

41

Table 3.1: A policy transfer framework (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2002, p. 12)

42

Under this policy transfer framework, the transfer process is shown as a relatively unmediated

transmission of policy lessons between the policy borrower and the lender with mutual

understanding. Transfer cases can be understood as either hard or soft transfers and different

types of policy actors are engaged in this process. The term ‘hard transfer’ covers the

implementation of a new infrastructure project and the adoption of legislation or specific public

policy measures such as housing concepts, urban revitalisation policies and transport

planning projects (Bell, 2011; Hoyt, 2006; Stead et al., 2008). Hard transfers are mainly visible

projects which are developed based on inspiration from elsewhere. For hard transfers, national

policymakers, politicians, bureaucrats, and executives often appoint sector specialists or

policy experts to transfer the knowledge from one place to another. However, in soft transfers

usually non-state actors such as consultancy firms and NGOs promote new ideas and

knowledge to create awareness and develop background understanding at a local level about

why a certain policy option could be adopted or how it could solve existing problems. Overall,

in the policy transfer process the roles of actors are very important because they are the policy

carriers. However, the key understanding is that in policy transfer, policy actors transport policy

lessons from one place to another without making any changes to the original policy concept.

The policy transfer framework provides a complete overview of policy transfer analysis by

showing what is transferred, who is involved, where it happens and how it happens, and finally

highlights the outcomes in terms of complete or incomplete transfer as well. I have focused

more on the roles of actors in policy transfer framework and explored the types of different

actors that are involved in moving policy lessons from one place to another because the focus

of my research is to determine the roles of actors as part of the policy transfer process, rather

than determining the type of transfer or the fate of a transfer as to whether it was complete or

incomplete. In terms of my research, the transfer model provided me with fundamental

analytical guidance to identify the different types of policy actors and their roles in the transfer

process. I have used policy transfer framework as a starting point to identify the roles of the

human policy actors involved in the BRT transfer process.

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Types and roles of policy actors

Dolowitz and Marsh (2000) identified a comprehensive list of nine different types of policy

actors that can initiate the transfer process. This includes government officials, entrepreneurs,

NGOs, sector experts, think tanks, consultants, transnational corporations, international

funding agencies and regional policymakers (Dolowitz & Marsh, 1996). This list not only

identifies the types of policy actor but also provides guidelines to analyse the comprehensive

role of an actor as a part of policy transfer.

In relation to my research, the key strength of policy transfer approach is the recognition of

the roles of actors in the transfer process through an agent-centred approach (Stone, 2004).

The policy transfer framework confirms that actors have a significant impact on policy selection

and implementation of the selected concept. For instance, state actors such as national

policymakers, politicians and bureaucrats take initiatives to solve local problems using

international experience. The role of state actors is as policy seekers who are interested in

learning how to solve state problems. On the other hand, the role of non-state actors and

international actors is mainly to create awareness among local actors in order to develop the

background about why and how a certain new policy option could solve their problems.

Therefore, determining the roles of actors is a significant and critical step in analysing the

policy transfer process and the transfer model can help in identifying and analysing the roles

of different actors as part of the transfer (Dolowitz & Marsh, 2012).

Limitations of policy transfer concept

Although the policy transfer approach provides an initial framework to analyse the process of

policy transfer, there are some limitations that hinder the use of policy transfer as a single

analytical approach in my research. For instance, findings from the policy transfer literature

claim that the transfer process can be conceptualised as a linear and stage-based process.

However, empirical cases of policy transfer show that the transfer process is complex,

contentious and contextual in nature where the actual process never happens as per the

planned steps (Evans, 2013). Furthermore, the transport policy transfer approach is persistent

44

with the technocratic and rational planning aspects of the policy transfer process (Marsden &

Stead, 2011). However, the elements of uncertainty, unpredictability and transformation in

transport policy transfer are not discussed as a part of policy transfer process (Stead, 2012).

Instead, transport policy transfer studies still focus on the circulation of best policy options or

universally viable policy concepts assuming transport planning a technical field of engineering

without considering the contextual variances (Marsden & Reardon, 2017). Yet some policy

transfer scholars have criticised the idea of a universally viable policy option and argued that

there is no one size that fits all in policy exchange (Evans, 2009; Evans & Davies, 1999;

Montero, 2020; Prince, 2012). Prince (2012) in particular argued that to understand the

concept of best policy options, it is necessary to focus on contextual details and geographical

perspectives in the policy transfer process. Evans (2017a) also emphasised on critically

analysing the roles of policy actors in contextual manner as part of policy transfer process.

Overall, the policy transfer analysis is limited to explanatory, descriptive and rational thinking

of finding the suitable policy options without considering the geographical variances and

changes in policy outcomes (Evans, 2013, 2017a). Si et al., (2020) also provided a

comprehensive review of different approaches used in policy transfer from the perspective of

global south and determined that often soft components of transfer such as regulations,

institutional capacities and cultural traits are ignored during the policy exchange process.

In this research, the selected example of BRT is also a significant example in this regard as

the concept of BRT is often proposed as the best transport policy option in transport studies

(Marsden & Stead, 2011). However, the selection of BRT as a viable transport option based

on previous examples from other cities is not enough to justify the transfer of the BRT concept.

Therefore, there is a need to explore further how and why the concept of BRT was selected

for policy transfer in Lahore and under which geopolitical conditions and concept of policy

mobilities as discussed below can provide useful insights in the analysis of BRT transfer.

45

Concept of policy mobilities

The concept of policy mobilities was created by urban geographers who developed a different

understanding of policy transfer based on contextual aspects of how and why policies move

around. They use the term ‘mobilities’ instead of ‘transfer’ in a plural sense to demonstrate

that the exchange of policy knowledge is not a straightforward process but involves multiple

processes, actors, networks and outcomes (McCann, 2011). The policy mobilities approach

focuses on geographical aspects, political associations, contextual relations, cultural traits and

associations of policy actors (Brenner et al., 2010; McCann & Ward, 2013; Peck, 2011; Peck

& Theodore, 2015). Furthermore, this approach also places more empirical focus on the

exchange of transport planning measures and infrastructure development projects in the

transport sector. For instance, policy mobilities concepts are applied in the analysis of the

transfer of Dutch transport planning policies across Europe (Pojani & Stead, 2015).

Additionally, the concepts of policy mobilities are also applied to analyse the circulation of BRT

in the Global South (Jacobs, 2012; A. Wood, 2019b, 2020).

Therefore, the use of the policy mobilities approach is already established in the transport

policy transfer sector. I have found that, in the context of this study, the policy mobilities

approach focuses more on the roles of policy networks than those of individual actors, on

policy contexts instead of policy contents and on policy transformation instead of policy

transfer. The following three notions are considered relevant to this research.

Global policy transfer networks

Scholars of policy mobilities argue that policy exchange is a complex, contextual, and

contingent process of knowledge exchange, and various policies and policy actors play critical

roles in moving policies across geographies. The complexity of policy exchange needs

multiple actors, multilevel connections and networked approaches (Evans, 2013; Prince,

2012). Stone (2004) particularly emphasised the role of political actors as part of global policy

transfer networks and showed that the involvement of political leaders speeds up the process

46

of policy transfer. Stone et al. (2020) also highlighted the role of international pressure as a

stimulus to initiate the policy transfer process. Policy mobilities scholars have focused on the

policy transfer process mainly from a geopolitical perspective. They have mainly argued that

policies are exchanged by relevant actors based on the social, economic and political aspects

related to certain policy options (Peck, 2011; Peck & Theodore, 2015; Prince, 2012, 2016).

Furthermore, the policy mobilities approach focuses on the roles of actors in a relational and

contextual manner. They are seen as agents of policy assemblage and not just agents of

transfer. According to this understanding, policy actors recognise the need for certain policies

under the given socio-political and socio-economic conditions and therefore they are more

concerned to interact with the networks of relevant actors. Urban geographers have also

examined the roles of various types of global policy networks in the policy circulation process.

The concept of consultancy is a significant example in this regard where technical experts,

sector specialists and policy consultants act as a network to share knowledge and spread

certain policy options (Saint-Martin, 2004). Prince (2016) also concluded that technocrats

mobilise policy concepts as an expert form of practice called technocracy which changes the

policy knowledge across various geographies. Another example is policy ’boosterism’ through

tourism where some international policy experiences are promoted by establishing a certain

lobby behind several policy concepts. There is also interaction through international

conferences, visits and site tours (McCann & Ward, 2013). Hoyt (2006) identified the

significance of site visits in moving the policy ideas of urban revitalisation transnationally.

According to McCann and Ward (2012), site visits for policy borrowers provide a chance to

interact with other policy actors not only to learn from each other but also to develop further

channels for policy dissemination.

In transport policy transfer and particularly in the circulation of BRT, the proponents of BRT

have developed a network of actors who work closely with each other and promote the idea

of BRT worldwide. The key actors of the BRT network include the ITDP, an NGO which is

promoting sustainable mobility options and involved in developing BRT projects worldwide.

47

There is also the BRT Centre of Excellence, a transport research institute which works under

Shell and Volvo providing technical guidance to cities introducing BRT (Wright & Hook, 2007).

EMBARQ is a member of the BRT Centre of Excellence and works to develop BRT projects

in collaboration with the Mayor of Bogota. The role of two political leaders, Enrique Peñalosa,

the Mayor of Bogota, and Jaime Lerner, the Mayor of Curitiba, is also very significant in the

propagation of BRT through developing relationships with the political leaders of other

developing cities (A. Wood, 2019a). Overall, this section indicates that in the transnational

circulation of policies, different international policy actors create global networks for policy

transfer and promote the policy exchange process.

Contextual relationships between policy actors

The contextual and relational perspective in policy mobilities highlights that transfer happens

through developing connections between different policy actors. Peck (2011) argued that

policy exchange is a game of power and politics, and not just a technical selection of a policy

option. Because through power relations some actors shape certain policy options according

to what others want to see (Peck, 2011). McCann (2011) also highlighted the risk of promoting

only certain policy concepts because of personal connections between policy actors.

From the policy mobilities perspective, there are certain ways of initiating the process of

developing meaningful network connections. For instance, some policy options are selected

or preferred based on close geographical connections, such as the transfer of the BRT model

between cities of South America and southern Africa as a case of South-to-South policy

transfer (A. Wood, 2014). Another significant reason for policy exchange can be similar

political ideologies; for example, policies within European countries are promoted by the

European Union as a common political entity (Marsden et al., 2011). The cultural connections

and similar socio-economic conditions between two places can also promote network

connections between different policy actors. The recent trend of exchanging policy options

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between cities of the Global South instead of transferring policy options from North to South

is a significant example of relational policy exchange (Montero, 2020).

Overall, the concept of global policy networks supports the notions of relational, contextual,

political, and power relationships in various ways. Thus, the exchange of policy is seen as a

complex, relational, and contextual process under the policy mobilities approach. More

importantly in the context of this study, BRT also provides a good example of policy mobilities.

Although it is highly circulated worldwide, many developing countries prefer BRT because it

was started in a developing country and so they feel it will be suitable for all developing cities.

In my understanding, I have found that the contextual and relational perspectives of policy

mobilities are helpful in analysing the results of BRT transfer from the perspective of a

developing country.

Transformation in policy exchange

The last dimension of the policy mobilities approach which is considered relevant to this study

is regarding changes or variations between the transferred policy concept and the original

concept. Policy mobilities researchers have worked on how the form and function of a well-

known global policy concept can be reconceptualised, particularly in terms of local innovations

and transformations (McCann & Ward, 2012, 2015; Peck & Theodore, 2015). Place-based

transformations are also discussed under the notion of policy translation.

When transferring policy knowledge or a concept, there is always a possibility of changes at

the local level due to variations in power structures and planning processes. Therefore, the

outcomes can be a mix of expected and unexpected results. The key assumption in this

research is that policy concepts cannot be implemented without transformations. My analysis

of how local-level variations occur is a useful contribution to policy transfer studies because

such studies provide insights for future learning and help policymakers to understand how to

avoid circumstances which can impact negatively on the outcomes of transferred policies.

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Regarding variations in transferred concepts, another dimension has been highlighted by

Schneider (2012) in referring to non-cognitive and cognitive policy exchange (Schneider,

2012). In non-cognitive policy exchange, new policies are selected based on inspiration,

empathy, intuition, or aesthetics without considering the contextual variances between places.

In such cases, the outcomes of transferred policies are changed because the contextual

variance, the administrative and institutional setups, can be different. Another important

aspect is that inspiration is an intangible component and may not have real value. Therefore,

insights into policy transformations can provide useful discussion on how policy is changed.

Role of technology in policy transfer analysis

Contemporary scholars of urban planning have indicated that in modern policymaking

processes, the role of technology and its implications should be considered in collaborative

planning, particularly in cases of socio-technical policy and planning concepts (Healey, 2013;

Hillier & Metzger, 2015). In the era of modern planning, planners have to deal with a range of

new tools, infrastructures and technologies during the decision-making process and it is

necessary to consider how such technologies can influence policymakers during the decision-

making process (Rydin & Tate, 2016). Marsden and Stead (2011) also highlighted that the

transfer of various types of transport technologies is critical in policy transfer because the

effects of the same technology can be different in the local context. Therefore, conventional

policy transfer analysis relying more on governance and institutional perspectives is not

sufficient in transport policy transfer analysis; instead, more ethnographical and assemblage

thinking is required for effective policy transfer decisions (Marsden & Reardon, 2017; Stead &

Pojani, 2020).

Furthermore, keeping in view the complexity of policy transfer process, some scholars of policy

mobilities have also suggested the need for ethnographic approaches in analysing the roles

of different types of actors and their mutual connections in policy transfer (Lovell, 2019; Pojani,

2020; Prince, 2012). Prince (2017) further highlighted the topographies of technocracy which

connects different places and create changes in policy knowledge therefore he suggests using

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assemblages’ approach in policy transfer analysis. Overall, by drawing on the understanding

that ethnographic approach in policy transfer can comprehensively explore the detailed

connections between policy actors and changes in policy knowledge, I preferred using

ethnographic approach in my research along with geopolitical lens of policy mobilities.

In the next section I focus on how ANT, as an ethnographic lens, can be used to analyse the

detailed roles of actors and transport technologies in transport policy transfer analysis.

Actor Network Theory – an ethnographic lens for policy transfer analysis

Actor Network Theory (ANT) was originally developed in the field of science and technology

to integrate scientific knowledge into society in a relational and integrated manner (Callon,

1998; Latour, 1996b). The ANT approach makes its main arguments about the equal roles of

human and non-human actors in social sciences. The term ‘non-human’ is considered as a

broad umbrella term in the ANT approach which includes objects, machines, texts, structures,

animals, technology etc. As Latour (1984, p. 34) said, literally ‘each and every thing’ can be

non-human excluding the human. The key understanding of the ANT approach is the mutual

association between human and non-human actors as a network to perform any action. In

terms of ANT, things and processes work through connections and interactions in the form of

networks (Latour, 2011). Within a network both human and non-human actors are linked with

each other and have equal authority or capacity to perform an action and, most importantly,

non-humans can influence human actors, which is a unique understanding in social sciences

(Callon & Blackwell, 2007). Overall, the ANT concepts provide a unique approach to analyse

the role of objects and things in social sciences.

The ANT approach is also considered a controversial theory in social sciences because of its

focus to non-humans (Sayes, 2014). Some social scientists have criticised the ANT by

arguing that it is not a theory but an approach which is more about how things work, which

means the ANT approach focuses only on connections and provides descriptions of how a

process or an action takes place without exploring the background of why the connections

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were developed between the actors (Mützel, 2009; Palmateer et al., 2016). Whittle and Spicer

(2008) also criticised the word ‘theory’ in ANT and argued that the use of this word is not

justified because ANT presents only a methodology for incorporating non-humans into social

scientific accounts, but it is not a theory.

However, scholars of ANT in response have argued that the methodology in ANT provides a

coherent analytical approach to exploring complex relationships between different things in

society, which is more than the scope of a single theory (John, 2009). Furthermore, the ANT

approach focuses on mutual relations between things and concepts, which provides a better

and more comprehensive understanding than a regular theoretical concept (John, 2009).

Latour (2011) further argued that complexities in society can be best interpreted through

connections because everything plays a role in a particular sphere in relation to every other

thing and that sphere is called a network in ANT. Abend (2008) also clarified the use of term

‘theory’ in social sciences and explained that its use cannot be limited to just theorising

concepts; it can provide methodological insights as well. However, apart from the discussion

of whether it is a theory or not, the use of ANT as a methodological approach is well recognised

and commonly applied in social sciences.

According to John (2009), the main objective of the ANT approach is to uncover the complexity

of society thorough interpretations of how scientific knowledge, technology development and

social processes exist, evolve and endure in relation to each other (Bosco, 2006). Therefore,

this approach provides coherent analytical guidance for exploring the role of technology in a

relational and contextual manner. I have found this perspective very relevant to analysis of the

transfer process of the BRT concept as a case of socio-technical policy transfer.

From the perspective of planning studies, the ANT approach is used in urban planning,

transport planning, urban design and environmental planning (Murdoch, 1998; Ruming et al.,

2016; Rydin, 2013). The ANT approach applies an ethnographic focus to individual policy

components, their interpretations, complex networks and their mutual connections in

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policymaking processes (Rydin, 2010). The ANT-based concepts are widely used to analyse

changes in society, informal connections between actors and power relations, changes in

governance structures and the changing roles of different formal and informal actors in policy

decision-making (Blok, 2010; Rydin, 2010; Rydin & Tate, 2016). The ANT approach has also

been used to explore the socio-technical nature of transport infrastructure projects and

transport policy options. Richardson (2019) examined the engagements of actors, roles of

various networks, planning considerations, policy initiatives and project controversies for case

studies of the Montreal Metro. Ruming et al. (2016) also applied ANT analysis to examine the

role of planning documents and planning processes by focusing on a proposal to replace a

heavy rail system with a light rail system in Newcastle, Australia. Furthermore, the ANT

approach as a qualitative analytical framework has highlighted the roles of various actors in

the policy transfer of the belt and road project from China to other parts of the world (Wang &

Selina, 2018). Therefore, previous studies have shown that ANT is a coherent approach to

analysing the roles of non-human elements in contemporary studies of the transport sector

(Michael, 2016; Rydin & Tate, 2016).

Based on learnings from previous studies, I have found the following three concepts of ANT:

the inclusion of non-human actors, the formation of actor networks and the framework of

translation, relevant to my research context to show the local-level variations in the transferred

BRT concept.

Inclusion of non-human actors

Non-human actors are a critical part of the ANT approach as per key scholars of this approach

(Callon, 1999a; Latour, 1996b; Law, 1992). The ANT approach views society as a combination

of various elements which play the roles of different actors. According to Latour, ‘anything that

modifies a situation by making a difference can be an actor’ (2005, p. 71). In the ANT approach

a new term ‘actant’ is introduced which includes both human and non-human actors.

According to the definition of actant developed by Latour, an actant is an actor that acts by

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itself and creates activity among other actants (Latour, 1996a). Therefore, in ANT terms all

actors are at an equal level and no priority is assigned to any actor, either human or non-

human. In policy transfer, the human actors can be policymakers, political leaders,

international consultants etc., while non-human actors can be a variety of objects such as

technology, texts, documents, buildings, and some intangibles such as policy ideas, plans and

programs. Thus, the definition of an actor in ANT considers the ‘full range of actors’ including

both human and non-human actors (John, 2009).

Another key strength of the ANT approach is the unpredictable role of actors, because all

actors are responsible for creating an action, so unless the action happens, no one can predict

how it will happen. Instead, the characteristics of actors are highly dynamic and continually

evolving along with different interactions, times, events and contexts (Callon, 1999b; Latour,

1996b). Latour (1987) further categorised the roles of actors in two broader categories based

on their actions: intermediaries and moderators.

a) Intermediaries

Intermediaries are actors who play a passive role in establishing actor networks. According to

Murdoch (1998), intermediaries are actors that do not engage themselves in an activity but

create activities for other actors. Callon (1998) defined the role of intermediaries as connectors

in network assemblages, which means they are necessary to build relations but cannot define

the nature of associations. Therefore, they are known as passive actors because on their

behalf other actors perform actions. Examples are policy studies, scientific texts, technical

artefacts, design manuals and financial proposals (Rydin, 2013). Human actors can also be

intermediaries depending upon their role, for instance sector specialists who transform

knowledge from one place to another (Marsden et al., 2011). Latour (2005, p. 35) also defined

the role of an intermediary as an actor who ‘transports meaning or force without

transformation’. This means the intermediary is a message carrier which can stimulate or

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generate actions within a network. Thus, intermediaries provide agency in an indirect way and

influence others to perform action.

Previous studies of BRT policy transfer have identified international consultants, think tanks,

multilateral banks and in some cases local political leaders as intermediaries (A. Wood,

2019b). However, the use of ANT as an analytical lens can help in examining how various

design elements such as bus routes, bus bays, station locations, platforms, doors, buses etc.

could be intermediaries. Do these technical features impact on the choices of policymakers?

In this sense the concept of intermediaries is helpful in identifying the roles of objects in the

policy transfer process that might otherwise not be noticed.

b) Mediators

Mediators are actors who actively participate in a network and can define the purpose of the

network formation and take actions. The key role of a mediator is to create change in network

associations in the desired way (Latour, 2005). The role of mediators is very complex and they

can perform various functions by translating, transforming and modifying the meanings of

different elements according to their own interests (Latour, 2013b). In other words, a mediator

is a source of action in a network and can make or break network associations. The role of

mediators is visible in the process of translation (Callon, 1984). Overall, the inclusion of non-

humans as part of policy transfer provides a critical dimension to the roles of policy actors.

Initially policy transfer studies examined the individual roles of actors; later this was extended

to the roles of different policy transfer networks in relation to each other by the policy mobilities

approach. ANT provides another opportunity to strengthen the policy transfer analysis further

by considering equally human and non-human actors as a part of policy transfer network.

Formation of actor networks

The concept of a network in ANT is different to the concepts of technical networks and global

policy transfer networks. In technical networks, various nodes and connectors are linked in a

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predetermined hierarchy or a designed pattern to develop specific networks. However, in the

ANT approach network connections are unpredictable, relational and heterogenous (Latour,

1996b). The concept of heterogeneity is a key consideration in ANT networks (Latour,1996b).

Furthermore, in ANT terms all the actions happen through network connections and nothing

can happen outside of the network (Latour, 2011). The concept of heterogeneity creates the

key difference between global policy transfer networks and actor networks. Global policy

transfer networks are homogenous because they are comprised of only human networks,

whereas ANT networks are heterogenous including both human and non-human actors.

The concept of heterogeneity is derived from the term ‘heterogenous assemblage’. This is

comprised of two parts, the heterogeneity and the assemblage (Fairbanks, 2019). The term

‘heterogenous’ is used to describe the variety in processes by focusing on multiple roles of

actors and multiple interpretations, descriptions, dialectic meanings, and understandings

regarding an object or subject. The term ‘assemblage’ means connections, relations or

pathways adopted by various actors in order to be connected or separated (Farías & Bender,

2012). In ANT networks these two terms are put together as a unified concept. Network-based

relationships explain how different things exist and endure in relation to each other (Rydin,

2013).

Law (1992) further argued that societies would not exist if they were purely social; instead, the

distinctive feature of ANT is the networked approach to analysing society, which is

heterogenous in nature. This means actors in the ANT analysis are both the individuals as

well as the entities or objects like books, machines, texts, devices, manuscripts and anything

which can connect human actors (Callon, 1999b; Law, 1992). In other words, ANT sets the

perspective through heterogenous networks that neither technology nor society can be

understood in isolation because they are related to both human and non-human actors that

design, translate and interpret the technology. Likewise, it is the technology that shapes the

behaviours and interests of people in society; therefore, both need to be linked and interpreted

in relation to each other.

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Translation framework

The key to a translation framework is the work of actors in the form of networks and it is a

central concept of ANT. The process of translation occurs when a human or non-human actor

agrees on a certain purpose of a project and all the actors mutually shape the network

connections in the desired way to perform actions to achieve that purpose which was

developed at the start of network building (Callon, 1991). Law (1999) viewed translation as a

process of capturing new associations and connections leading towards an outcome. In other

words, a translation framework shows how certain actions are performed by engaging different

actors through a controlled framework in the form of a network. However, the network

associations in the translation process are transient in nature and keeping on changing; this

making and remaking of network connections continue the process of translation.

The translation framework highlights that in actor network connections the actors are not just

message carriers as assumed in the conventional approach to policy transfer. Instead,

translation framework of the ANT identifies that there are number of changes which occur as

part of networking among actors. Therefore, translation frameworks highlight that different

networks of actors can assign different meanings to the same object, as ‘scallop’ was given a

new meaning by fishermen (Callon, 1984).

The reason for these differences in meanings is the changes in mutual connections between

actors and things. John (2009) showed through material semiotics that mutual association

between objects and concepts/subjects is the key to understanding the activities in society.

The concept of translation provides an interpretation of material semiotics and explores the

complexity of network associations in how different small steps act together to create a change

or develop an action. From the perspective of this research, I have found the translation

framework to be helpful in highlighting the local-level variations which occur as part of the

policy transfer process.

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According to Callon (1984), to establish an actor network different actors play different roles

such as intermediates and mediators under the process of translation (Callon, 1984). During

the process of translation, multiple actors assign different meanings based on the project

interests and by using the roles assigned to various actors. Hence, the process of translation

is complex and iterative because there is no concept of assigning fixed roles to the actors;

instead, every time new meanings and roles are assigned to the same actors depending upon

their positions and functions in the network (John, 2009). According to the translation process,

policy knowledge can be developed by enrolling different actors in the process and with

changes in the roles of actors, the meanings and interpretations of policy concepts also

change.

There are four different stages of translation: problematisation, interessement, enrolment and

mobilisation of the translation process (Callon, 1986). Problematisation is considered a

starting part of the translation process where the roles of human and non-human actors are

determined according to the nature of their actions. For instance, the roles of different

consultants, sector specialists, political leaders and local policymakers in this research case

can be analysed in relation to how they constructed the need for the new BRT option. This

stage also provides the opportunity to examine the roles of different non-human features like

development plans, feasibility studies, infrastructure designs and other objects in

strengthening the need for BRT as a new policy option.

Interessement, is a French term used by Callon which means ‘promotion’. It is the second

stage of translation where primary actors further promote the project goals and objectives to

involve and convince more actors to be part of the project (Callon, 1984). It is the stage of

promoting common interest and intent between various actors and attracting actors to

establish wider connections among them. Primary actors further engage other actors to

stabilise network connections by involving more actors in the form of intermediaries and

moderators.

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Enrolment means at this stage of the translation process; different actors are engaged and

interact with each other through network connections because of the promotion created at

stage two. Until the second stage the actors are not connected; they can enter or leave the

network. In the context of this research, by examining the stage of enrolment of various actors

in BRT transfer I can explore the connections between actors and identify where the process

of policy transformations is started and how it is proceeded.

The inclusion of non-human objects such as reports, policy documents, maps, or drawings as

inscription devices as new actors to create common interests among others (Latour, 2005;

Kumar et al., 2012). The purpose of inscription devices is to supplement the discursive

argumentation in the decision-making process. As Latour (1984) said, in the translation model

the power is generated and composed by enrolling more actors under the given socio-political

conditions. Therefore, ANT argues that agency is not something that can be generated or

determined; instead, it comes through a series of interactions between actors. The actor

having more connections with other actors is the powerful actor in actor network.

The fourth and final stage of translation is mobilisation, where the most stable network

connections among actors perform the required actions. The actors at this stage have

developed an intact network with each other and support mutual actions between human and

non-human actors as a single network. Often non-humans have an influential role in the

translation process and humans perform actions under the influence of non-humans (Latour,

2005). At the mobilisation stage, non-human members of the network often act as

spokespeople on behalf of human actors to justify the network actions (Callon, 1998). Finally,

the mobilisation stage enables the actors to relate to their own network in order to perform

actions.

Overall, the above mentioned four stages of translation stabilise the actor network connections

and strengthen the mutual connections for performing actions through the networks which

otherwise individual actors are unable to perform. In translation process, during the formation

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of actor networks different actors get positions as mediators and intermediaries, and then they

make connections with other actors in the network. Finally, actors perform actions in the form

of networks and the whole process is known as the translation process.

To recapitulate, I have found the three selected concepts of ANT relevant to my study in

analysing the transport policy transfer process, as described in Table 3.2. The concept of BRT

is taken as a case of socio-technical policy transfer because it is a technical transfer as per

the ITDP standards, but also a socio-technical transfer as per the policy mobilities view (A.

Wood, 2015). Therefore, the inclusion of non-humans as actors and the analysis of influence

of non-human actors on human actors can be helpful in analysing how non-human actors can

perform as part of the BRT transfer process.

Table 3.2: The concepts of ANT used in this research.

Actors

Intermediaries

Mediators

ANT establishes an understanding of actors in a unique way by considering both

human and non-humans as actors under the specific term ‘actant’. The role of

actants is further divided into intermediaries and mediators (Latour, 1986).

These actors perform a passive role in a network because they cannot create any

change directly by themselves; instead, they facilitate other actors to start new

actions. Policy documents, technical texts, money, technical artefacts, regulatory

scripts etc. are considered intermediaries in ANT terms (Callon, 1995).

These are the actors who actively take part in network formation, connect actors

with each other by creating new connections and have the capacity to change the

network and perform an action (Latour, 2005).

Networks The roles of actors in ANT are not examined as individuals but as a network where

different material and non-material features are linked with each other. A network

is composed of heterogeneous elements which are held together and translated

through various types of associations (Callon, 1986a); the heterogenous

assemblage is crucial to the existence of networks (Law, 1992).

Heterogeneous

assemblage

Treating both human and non-human actors at an equal level is the key feature of

ANT and the heterogenous assemblage establishes this understanding. This

concept rejects a distinction between actors and is used to interpret how different

objects can exist, create, or evolve together as a single entity to make a network

(Callon, 1991).

Translation

framework

Translation is defined as a process where an actor (human or non-human) creates

changes in the network to perform a specific action (Callon, 1986). The process of

translation is observed in four substages, as discussed above.

Source: Adapted from the fundamentals of ANT Latour (1996b)

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The theoretical understanding of policy transfer in BRT circulation

In this research, the concept of BRT is discussed as a case of transport policy transfer. The

understanding of BRT transfer is developed by reviewing previous policy transfer cases in the

transport sector (A. Wood, 2019b). The proponents of this concept argue that it is a low-cost

mass transit option which requires limited technology and shorter implementation time to

provide an efficient mobility service (Breithaupt et al., 2014; Cervero, 2013; Sinaga et al.,

2019). The wide spread of BRT is linked to rational transport planning reasons such as low

cost, lower technical requirements, quick implementation, and flexibility in using existing road

infrastructure. The advantages of BRT are categorised under technical, financial,

environmental, and social aspects. This scenario comes under the notion of policy transfer

where national policymakers select any transportation policy concept assuming that current

policy measures are not sufficient to deal with existing mobility challenges (Marsden & Deakin,

2012).

However, some examples of Bogota based BRT transfer have shown that careful attention is

needed to explore how transport policy concepts circulate especially in the Global South

(Wood, 2015). In particular, BRT transfer cases in southern Africa and South America have

demonstrated that similar political ideologies, cultural traits and close geographical

connections have played significant roles in the BRT transfer process (Silva Ardila, 2020; A.

Wood & Wood, 2014). Furthermore, international funding agencies, transport consultants,

local political leaders and NGOs working in the field of transport have played important roles

in the policy transfer process which makes Bogota BRT an example of coercive transfer.

Under the policy mobilities approach, the roles of these actors in the form of professional,

technical and political networks are discussed as global policy networks (McCann & Ward,

2013). Policy mobilities scholars have particularly highlighted the importance of network

associations between actors in BRT circulation in the Global South, whereas the role of

technology has not been further analysed. However, this study considers the roles of BRT

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technology and other infrastructure features together with the roles of policy actors. For this,

the concept of policy translation from ANT is used to explore the transfer process of BRT.

The case of BRT transfer provides an opportunity to explore the details of transport-based

policy transfer projects and to explore the BRT concept as a heterogenous entity. In the

transfer process of BRT, different inputs can be given from technical and social aspects

through various actors and accordingly the outcomes of BRT transfer can be analysed as part

of BRT transfer. This analytical approach to policy transfer is relevant to the key assumption

of this research that there must be local-level variations when transferring the BRT concept

as a foreign transport policy option. An ethnographic approach can help in analysing how

local-level variations occur as part of policy transfer and what the implications of such

variations could be.

Conclusion

In this chapter I have established an understanding regarding the transfer of the BRT concept

as a transport policy concept by describing three different theoretical perspectives on policy

transfer. Findings from transport studies have described the concept of BRT as a technically

viable transport policy option which is preferred by local policymakers as a low-cost transit

mobility. The policy transfer approach considers the circulation of BRT to be a rational and

technical transport policy transfer. In addition, policy mobilities studies have found that the

concept of BRT is circulated based on geographical connections, cultural characteristics, and

political similarities. The policy mobilities approach also highlights the role of contextual

relations between policy actors and global policy transfer networks in the exchange of the BRT

concept.

This research extends the understanding of relational network connections between policy

actors by considering the roles of both human and non-human actors. The research uses the

ANT approach as an analytical framework to explore the details of the transfer process as a

combination of technical and social features related to BRT. I consider in this study that BRT

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transfer is a case of socio-technical transport policy transfer; therefore, I assume that in BRT

transfer both human and non-human features play important roles as part of the process.

In my understanding, considering the role of non-human actors as part of transport policy

transfer networks will provide an additional dimension to transport policy transfer studies. This

approach will contribute to knowledge in theoretical debates and empirical understandings in

transport policy transfer studies of developing countries.

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Chapter 4 – Research Design

This chapter outlines the research design of the study. This research explores the roles of

actors, the local-level translation of BRT and the implications of local-level variations from the

universal concept of BRT. This study employs a qualitative and ethnographic approach to

analysing roles of actors in policy transfer that uses policy document reviews, semi-structured

interviews, a focus group discussion, and site observations as methods of data generation.

For data analysis the ANT-based actor–network associations and thematic analysis

approaches are applied. This chapter is organised in six sections that explain the conceptual

framework, the research approach, the research methods, and the data analysis technique,

followed by a description of fieldwork challenges and ethical considerations of the research.

Conceptual framework

The conceptual framework of a research study provides the philosophical assumptions and

theoretical stance which provide broader understanding of the research problem to the

researcher (Braun et al., 1994). The conceptual framework shows the researcher’s own

understanding of worldwide views on a certain issue and guides to select the appropriate

research approach and relevant methods. In this research I have designed the conceptual

framework by focusing on three things: the knowledge gap, the theoretical study

considerations, and the study contributions. By reviewing the literature on BRT circulation as

a transport policy concept, I have identified a gap in knowledge regarding the exchange of the

BRT concept across various geographies. This study questions the uncritical acceptance of

BRT technology as a transport policy concept and highlights the need to explore the roles of

various actors who are involved in BRT transfer. The roles of different types of human policy

actors have been discussed in previous studies based on policy mobilities. However, I assume

in this research that the transfer of BRT is not merely a technical exchange where the role of

BRT technology is limited to that of a public transport mode that is selected by certain policy

actors. This research employs the lens of ANT in policy transfer research to analyse the role

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of BRT technology as a new entrant in the network of policy actors. Therefore, the conceptual

framework of this research uses concepts of policy mobilities and the ANT approach to

analyse the transfer process of BRT in Lahore.

Policy mobilities is a theory applied to analysing the roles of human policy actors (McCann &

Ward, 2013), whereas ANT is a general ethnographic approach used to analyse the role of

technology in association with other features of society in the form of different networks

(Latour, 1996a). I have designed the conceptual framework keeping in view my research

objectives, which have been designed according to the research questions.

The first research question, as mentioned in Section 1.3, is about identifying the key actors,

and describing their roles in BRT transfer and the first two research objectives are related to

Research Question 1:

Research Objective 1. To identify the roles of both material and non-material features as

actors in BRT transfer.

Research Objective 2. To examine the roles of different actors as actor networks in the BRT

transfer process.

The second research question is about the local-level translation of the BRT concept and its

implications, and the third research objective keeps in view this question:

Research Objective 3. To analyse the local level variations of the translated concept of BRT

and the implications for future BRT in Pakistan.

These three research objectives are linked theoretically with the concepts of heterogenous

assemblage, policy translation and policy transformation. Using these theoretical concepts,

this research provides an empirical analysis of the Lahore BRT transfer, and the research

results contribute to the literature on transport policy transfer studies of developing countries.

The application of the selected theoretical concepts according to the research objectives is

described below as part of the conceptual framework.

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The concept of heterogenous assemblages – identifying roles of human and

non-human actors

Research Objective 1: To identify the roles of both material and non-material features as

actors in BRT transfer.

The concept of assemblages is found in both policy mobilities and the ANT approach;

however, the understanding of this concept is different in each theory concept. In policy

mobilities the concept of assemblages is used as a tool to understand the messy processes

of policymaking and policy exchange (Gorur, 2011). Prince (2017) argues by using example

of technocracy that use of assemblages in policy transfer process provides a comprehensive

framework to analyse role of actors and circulation of policies from global to local level.

Furthermore, policy transfer process is also found political and technical in nature therefore

use of ethnographic approach is suggested to analyse how the transferred objects are

articulated in a new geographical location (Prince, 2010). Overall, assemblages concept

provides a comprehensive understanding of how various policy concepts are made up of

different objects and how during policy exchange, policy objects move, manifest and mutate

across various geographies depending upon the intentions of policy actors (McCann & Ward,

2013; Savage, 2020). The concept of assemblages is considered relevant to this study

because in the transfer of BRT both the hard components (such as infrastructure features,

buses, and design models) as well as the soft concepts (such as urban regulations, design

standards and transit-oriented development strategies) are exchanged across different

geographies. Furthermore, in the exchange of BRT different policy actors play significant roles

in policy transfer including international, national, and local-level actors. However, the

influences and roles of actors are seen as limited only to the human actors.

In ANT the term ‘assemblage’ provides an empirical understanding of the different roles of

human and non-human actors. The concept of assemblages shows that in technology

development there are the roles of both technical and social features. The ANT-based

understanding of assemblages is also considered relevant to the first research objective, to

66

identify the roles of material and non-material features as actors in BRT transfer. Therefore,

the concept of assemblage is applied in my research analysis, which acknowledges the

understanding of policy mobilities regarding different forms of policies and different roles of

various policy actors but extends the understanding of roles of actors in the policy transfer

process by considering the roles of non-human elements as well.

I have hypothesised that by applying the concept of assemblage, the roles of BRT technology

and other non-material features in relation to human policy actors can be understood, which

will provide an addition to knowledge regarding the role of BRT technology in the circulation

of the BRT concept across various geographies and in overall transport policy transfer studies

as well.

The concept of translation – examining the actor networks

Research Objective2: To examine the roles of different actors as actor networks in the BRT

transfer process.

The concept of translation exists in both selected theories, policy mobilities and the ANT

approach. In policy mobilities, the concept of translation means that in the policy transfer

process similar policies can be conceptualised in different manners depending upon

contextual, geographical and political variations (Stone, 2012). Scholars of policy mobilities

emphasise the role of global policy networks and particularly focus on the roles of international

actors and NGOs as policy translators.

However, the understanding of translation in ANT is as a process where different actors are

engaged at different stages and all the actors are mutually connected as a network. The

process of translation in the ANT approach is an outcome of various actor–network

associations where the roles of various actors and their actions cannot be predetermined or

predicted unless the action is performed by the actors (Callon, 1998). Furthermore, in the ANT

terms, different non-human actors such as policy documents, technology, money, software,

and planning tools can act as mediators to create network connections between human actors.

67

Therefore, the agency of non-human actors cannot be ignored in the translation of actor–

network associations. Overall, the understanding of translation in both theories is relevant to

the research, but the ANT-based process of translation is found to be more practical for

analysing the roles of different non-human actors in relation to the other actors. Therefore, it

is applied in this study to analyse how the global concept of BRT is implemented at the local

level. However, to understand the roles of the local socioeconomic and political conditions of

Pakistan in the translation of BRT in Lahore, the contextual value of policy translation in policy

mobilities is also considered as part of data analysis.

I assume in this study that ANT-based translation can show how different actors develop

mutual connections with each other to stabilise or destabilise actor–network associations

during the transfer of BRT. This understanding can provide empirical examination of the

contextual features such as political changes, geographical connections, and social variances,

and how they can impact on the actor–network connections and eventually on the policy

translation.

The concept of transformation – examining the policy variations

Objective 3: To analyse the local level variations of the translated concept of BRT and the

implications for future BRT in Pakistan

The concept of policy transformation selected from policy mobilities shows that the outcomes

of transferred policy concepts can never be the same across various geographies (McShane,

2016; Si et al., 2020). This concept is particularly relevant to this research because I assume

that the outcomes of BRT experienced in Pakistan are quite different as compared to the

expected or proposed outcomes of BRT worldwide. Therefore, applying the understanding of

policy transformation will help in analysing what the variations in the transferred concept of

BRT at the local level are, while examining the changes in actor–network associations will

explore the reasons for these variations. This means concept of policy transformation is used

as an applied concept to analyse the local-level variations, whereas ANT provides an

68

extended ethnographic lens to focus on the individual roles of actors in creating the local-level

variations.

Overall, the ethnographic approach of ANT helps in analysing the roles of actors and their

actions during policy assemblage, translation, and transformation as part of the policy transfer

process. The use of translation and transformation framework particularly shows how the

network-based interactions among actors can create temporary stability or instability which

may hinder or facilitate the policy transfer process or cause local variations in the transferred

concepts.

Finally, the conceptual framework of this study hypothesize that universal transport solutions

cannot be simply transferred across different places; instead, they are translated and

transformed in the local context through a network of actors. The network-based

understanding of policy transfer considered in this research explores how the local-level

transformations are created while adapting the foreign solutions to the local context. The

conceptual framework is summarised in Figure 4.1 below.

69

Figure 4.1: The conceptual framework

Heterogenous assemblage Translation framework Policy transformation

Identifying the role of both

non-human and human

actors in the form of actor

networks in BRT transfer

Examining the role of socio-

technical features and

empirical perspectives in BRT

translation at a local level.

Determining the

contingencies of BRT

translation at a local level

Research will provide the

implications of transferring a

foreign transport policy concept

like BRT into a local context.

The role of BRT technology

Analysing a heterogenous

assemblage of actors

Identifying intermediaries /

mediators

Determining actor–network

connections

The changes in actor–

network associations

Analysing the entry and exit of

actors during BRT transfer

Examining changes in socio-

economic conditions of Pk.

Identifying multiple interests,

priorities, and controversies in

BRT transfer

Local-level variations in BRT

Determining transformations in

the Lahore BRT model

Examining the contingencies in

BRT translation in Lahore

Implications of BRT translation

on future BRTs in the country

No understanding of

how non-human

actors influence

BRT circulation.

Limited understanding of

BRT as a case of socio

technical transport policy

transfer.

Limited understanding of

reasons for unsuccessful

transfer of BRT as a case

of transport policy.

Empirical

investigation Knowledge gap Research

considerations

Research

contribution

70

Qualitative research approach

This study applies a qualitative research approach to analyse a transport policy transfer

process. Policy transfer studies fall under the domain of social sciences, where the nature of

research often demands qualitative methods (Grosvenor, 2000). Transport policy scholars

argue that policy transfer is a complex social process where history, context and culture play

significant roles, and a qualitative research approach can be more effective in this regard

(Pojani, 2020b; Stead et al., 2008). Although in transport planning number of studies have

considered BRT as a technical transfer of transport technology and evaluated impacts of BRT

using quantitative methods to show the technical, financial and environmental advantages of

BRT over other modes of transport (Campo, 2011; Cervero, 2013; Hidalgo & Gutiérrez, 2013).

However, in this study the concept of BRT is taken as a socio-technical transport policy option

and the focus of research is on the roles of actors and local-level variations therefore a

qualitative approach is selected as an appropriate method.

The richness of qualitative research lies in exploring real experiences, on-ground realities,

particular events and the effects of certain events, which is not possible to analyse in

quantitative research (Yin, 2015). Furthermore, in previous transport policy transfer research

studies, the qualitative approach is applied as a preferred option (Marsden & Stead, 2011).

The key strength of the qualitative approach in policy transfer is its flexible and narrative

perspective, which captures the personal views of participants and assign various meanings

in order to convey different findings (Næss, 2018; Yin, 2015). The detailed data attributes

related to personal experiences and social happenings cannot be captured in quantitative

research (Ashmore et al., 2019; Grosvenor, 2000). Therefore, to explore the decision-making

process in the transport sector, qualitative methods are preferred as compared to quantitative

research approaches.

Additionally, in this study an ethnographic approach is also applied as part of the research

design. The selection of an ethnographic approach is based on the argument that transport

policy transfer is a complex socio-technical process where multiple actors and stakeholders

71

are involved. Some contemporary scholars of policy mobilities have suggested using

ethnographic methods in policy transfer analysis to focus coherently on how policy actors drive

policy transfer and establish global policy networks (Evans, 2013; Pojani, 2020b; Prince, 2012;

Schneider, 2012). In the context of this research, I assume that an ethnographic approach can

provide comprehensive understanding regarding the various roles of actors and their mutual

associations in the form of networks. The key strength of using ANT as an ethnographic

approach is providing equal consideration of human and non-human actors as part of the

process, as discussed earlier (Latour, 2013b). Therefore, based on the requirements of this

study the socio-political approach of policy mobilities and ANT-based ethnographic approach

to the roles of the actors in policy transfer have been found suitable for analysing the details

of BRT transfer in Lahore.

Case study approach

Keeping in view the nature of policy transfer research, I have selected a case study approach.

In policy transfer studies the case study approach is the most common approach, particularly

in the transport policy transfer sector (Marsden & Stead, 2011; Pojani & Stead, 2015). The

key reason for selecting a case study approach is the flexibility of research design that allows

thick descriptions and detailed investigation of a single case through comprehensive intrinsic

data (Yin, 2015). It sets the boundary for an object and gives the opportunity to explore the

subject of interest with questions like: What happened? How did it happen? Why did it

happen? What was connected to what? (Thomas, 2015). It also provides the chance to get

close to a reality by using small questions but with detailed descriptions (Flyvbjerg 2006).

However, there are some limitations in using the case study approach because case study

results cannot be generalised due to the limited sample for data generation and analysis. The

case study approach can also show bias results because it cannot represent a whole system

(Flyvbjerg, 1998, 2006). However, in policy transfer research each case of policy transfer is

unique and contextually different based on policy actors, geographical locations and cultural

characteristics therefore the use of case study is a common approach in policy transfer studies

72

(McCann & Ward, 2013). Furthermore, the detailed empirical analysis of different case studies

can provide more useful research insights. Therefore, policy transfer researchers generally

use the case study approach to explore minor details with thick descriptions.

Yin (2015) also argued that the case study approach is appropriate for empirical inquiry

research, particularly in studies of contemporary planning and policy where the boundaries

between the research context and the phenomenon of interest are not clearly defined.

Therefore, the case study approach is considered suitable in studies of public policy and

exchange of policy because it provides opportunity to investigate transfer cases with in-depth

analysis of the detailed roles of actors, their actions and their associations during the transfer

process (Evans, 2013). Additionally, in policy transfer studies the focus is on exploring the

relationships between different elements of policy transfer in various contexts and case study

approach provides empirical insights (Evans, 2017).

Specifically, in transport planning the case study method is the prime choice for studying the

exchange of transport models from the perspectives of socio-cultural and political dimensions

(Marsden & Stead, 2011; Monois, 2017). Therefore, I have selected the case study approach

for this research.

Research methods

Research methods are significant part of the research design that guide appropriate data

collection tools according to the selected research approach. Research methods include the

procedures of data collection, analysis and interpretation (Creswell & Poth, 2016). For social

inquiries a range of research methods are available to researchers (Creswell & Miller, 2000).

However, in policy transfer research methods focus mainly on examining the policy documents

and the experiences of actors (Cyr et al., 2012). Accordingly, the preferred methods of data

collection are document review, interviews and focus group discussions, and for some

empirical case studies the data from site observations is considered as well (Marsden et al.,

2011; Palinkas et al., 2015).

73

In this study, the main aim of data collection is to explore the details of transferring and

implementing a mass transit concept in Lahore, Pakistan. Accordingly, I divided the data

collection scheme into three phases. In phase one, I collected background information

regarding the mass transit concept through secondary resources. I used document analysis

of previous transport planning studies, planning reports of the Lahore Transport Department,

urban transport plans and international studies on the local transport system of Lahore to

obtain background information. In phase two, I conducted semi-structured interviews with

national, provincial, and local-level actors based on the background information collected in

phase one. I also conducted a focus group discussion with urban and transport planners of

Lahore in phase two. I discuss further details of selection and data collection in the next

sections. Finally, in phase three I conducted site visits to the Lahore Metrobus project and

made personal observations, documenting these in the form of field notes and photographs.

Document review

This study requires an in-depth understanding of the transfer of a mass transit concept from

an international to local level and document review is considered an appropriate research tool

in this regard (Bok & Coe, 2017). According to Merriam (2009), documents can help

researchers to uncover reality, develop understanding and discover insights relevant to the

research problem. Therefore, initially I have relied on document review to obtain background

information on the mass transit project and identify the list of relevant actors at national,

provincial, and local levels and later I included the information from interviews as well.

Using archival analysis for the past ten years of the mass transit project, I collected related

documentation of the government of Punjab from the Transport Department, Traffic

Engineering and Transport Planning Agency, the Punjab Urban Resource Centre of the Urban

Unit and the Transport Planning Unit. The particular emphasis in data collection was on the

details of initiatives taken by the Punjab government in relation to mass transit options and the

recommendations made by foreign consultants. The study required an in-depth understanding

of the planning process for the mass transit concept in Pakistan. The data on mass transit

74

initiatives was arranged and examined chronologically. The following transport planning

documents were reviewed to gain insights into mass transit decisions in Lahore:

a) JICA Comprehensive Study on Transportation System in Lahore 1991

b) Lahore Rapid Mass Transit Study 2007

c) Feasibility Study of the Green Line Mass Transit System 2008

d) Memorandum of Understanding (MOU), Govt. of Punjab & Istanbul

e) Lahore Urban Transport Master Plan 2010

f) Pakistan Sustainable Transport Project Report 2010

g) Integrated Master Plan of Lahore 2001-2021

h) Annual reports on Metrobus by PMTA (2013-2019)

By examining the above documents, a complete storyline of mass transit concepts in Pakistan

was developed. The document review also helped to identify the relevant actors involved in

defining the need for the mass transit concept at the local level.

Other sources of data were also used in this research such as website data, mass transit news

and related articles published in national newspapers (Temenos & Ward, 2018). The data from

media sources also provided the baseline information on mass transit projects other than from

the Transport Department and identified the points of view of opponents and supporters

related to these projects, which further enhanced the understanding of this research. Flyvbjerg

(2012) suggested that in mega and complex infrastructure projects the role of the media can

be significant particularly in relation to decision-making processes. Therefore, I used the data

from official transport documents and also reviewed news clippings in local newspapers about

decisions on the Lahore Metrobus project between 2012 and 2018.

Semi-structured interviews

As indicated above, I conducted semi-structured interviews with some of the actors involved

in mass transit decision-making. Interviews as a method of data collection are considered a

primary source of data for probing, interrogating and triangulating the qualitative research data

information (Grosvenor, 2000; Yin, 2015). In particular, semi-structured interviews offer a

75

flexible yet focused method of data collection where the researcher can pose certain questions

according to the flow of conversation but keeping in view the already set boundary of the

research project (Barriball & While, 1994; Honeck, 2018). Semi-structured interviews have

been used as a primary method of data collection in policy transfer research studies (Evans,

2013; Marsden et al., 2011). Furthermore, Theodore and Peck (2011) argued that interviews

with ‘casual groups’ of policy actors provide valuable insights about transfer processes. The

members of casual groups include relevant policymakers and the advocates and critics of a

project, who can provide a wider picture of the policy transfer process (Ortegel, 2017).

Keeping in view the research questions to explore the decision-making process from the

transfer to the transformation stage of the Lahore Metrobus project, I set up a list of relevant

actors. I conducted 37 semi-structured interviews with planning officers of the Punjab

Transport Department, transport engineers of the execution agency TEPA, municipal-level

political leaders and the provincial adviser to the transport minister, as well as members of

civil society who spoke against the project due to environmental and cultural heritage reasons.

The average time for an interview was about 60 minutes; however, there were some

variations. For instance, some interviews with the delegation members and the design

engineers took more time because the interviewees gave more details than asked for. I found

this interesting and helpful as well, so I did not interrupt, and those interviews took a maximum

time of about 120 minutes. All the interviews were audio-recorded in local language Urdu and

conducted in the offices of the interviewees.

I relied more on policy actors, who were the transport planners, engineers, and designers,

instead of policy elites, because I was interested in understanding the complete policy process

from the perspective of those who were practically engaged in implementing a foreign idea

into the local context. The policy elite refers to politicians, international actors and senior

bureaucrats at the national level (Evans, 2009, 2017b). Wood (2016) observed that policy

elites could sometimes misrepresent the decision-making process when he explored the BRT

adaptation process in southern Africa. The reasons for this misrepresent is the position of

76

those actors because policy elites have direct interaction with local politicians and international

actors and, considering the sensitivity of their position, they are unlikely to talk openly.

In this research the in-depth semi-structured interview plan was divided into two phases. In

phase one (January–February 2018), I contacted the officials of the Transport Department

from Australia by email and telephone to discuss the details of my research and their

availability for interviews. I prepared the initial schedule of interviews with the help of the

planning head of the Transport Department and finalised the interview guide under the

guidance of my supervisors. The field data collection started in Mrach 2018. I conducted semi-

structured interviews with some of the members of the delegation that had visited Istanbul,

Turkey, in 2012 to observe the details of the BRT concept. The total number of delegates was

twelve and out of twelve, seven agreed to give interviews but five were not available. The

interviewees from among the delegation members and their affiliations are listed in Table 4.1.

Table 4.1: Interviewed delegation members who had visited Istanbul to see the Metrobus model.

Interviewed delegation members who had visited Istanbul from Lahore

Personnel/Official Affiliation Description

Political adviser to

Transport

Department (on

behalf of Chief

Minister Punjab)

Lahore Metropolitan

Corporation

Responsible for infrastructure service provision

Chief Executive

Officer

Urban Unit

Planning and

Development

Department

Responsible for urban policy making at provincial

level

Secretary

Transport

Transport Department

Government of Punjab

Responsible for public transport service provision at

provincial level

Deputy Secretary

Planning

Transport Department

Government of Punjab

Head of planning section for designing public

transport routes and services

Senior Manager

Planning

LTC Subsidiary of Transport Department responsible for

public transport bus service in Lahore

Member Provincial

Assembly

Provincial Assembly Responsible for formulation of Acts, Regulations at

provincial level in Provincial Assembly

Representative

civil society

Civil society Civil society representing common citizens of

Lahore

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The interviewees included members of the PMTA, LTC, Transport Department, the local

members of Metrobus operating company Albarrak (the Turkish company), the executing

agency TEPA and the Environment Protection Agency (EPA). Overall, the interviews provided

information on how BRT was transferred to Lahore. The list of relevant institutions, research

questions applied as part of the research design linked with three selected concepts;

heterogenous assemblage, translation framework and policy translation of conceptual frame

as shown in figure 4.1 are summarised in Table 4.2.

Table 4.2: The data selection scheme in the research design.

Themes of interview

questions linked with

theoretical concepts

Points of inquiry Institutions

Conceptualising mass

transit

Linked with concept of

Heterogenous

assemblage

How was the idea of mass transit

first realised in Pakistan?

What were the considered options

for mass transit?

How was the idea of BRT selected

for Lahore?

What were the other options

explored before BRT?

Provincial Transport

Department

Finance Department

Urban planning institutions

Lahore Development Authority

(LDA).

Institute of Planners Pakistan

(IPP).

Transferring the Metrobus

concept


Translation framework

How was the Metrobus concept of

Turkey selected?

What was the role of international

consultants in this transfer?

How were local experts involved in

this transfer?

What was the nature of the

transfer in this project?

How was the Turkish government

involved in this project?

What were the designed objectives

of this project?

Provincial Transport

Department

Urban Sector Policy and

Planning Unit, Punjab

Lahore Transport Company

(LTC)

Traffic Engineering and

Planning Agency (TEPA)

Implementing the Metrobus

concept


Policy transformations

Who were the key institutions and

actors involved at the local level?

How were local actors involved in

the planning process for this

project?

How have the local transport

conditions evolved after this BRT

transfer?

Provincial Mass Transit

Authority (PMTA)

Traffic Engineering and

Planning Agency (TEPA)

National Engineering Services

Pakistan (NESPAK)

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Focus group discussion

I also used the focus group discussion method of data collection in my research. A focus group

discussion provides in-depth understanding about a particular topic under the guidance of a

moderator (Hennink, 2013; Wilkinson, 1998). The key strength of the focus group method is

that expert opinions from purposely selected individuals can be collected which provide in-

depth knowledge (Folkeson et al., 2013). In a focus group discussion the role of the moderator

is very critical because time management, topic management, discussion control, timely

facilitation and ensuring equal opportunity to all participants are the key responsibilities of the

moderator (Folkeson et al., 2013; Sim & Waterfield, 2019). Overall, the use of focus groups

for data collection in qualitative research is an approved method (Yin, 2015).

I selected the focus group method in order to get insights from planning professionals on the

concept of BRT as the first mass transit project in the country. I arranged a focus group

discussion with urban and transport planners of Lahore to explore the roles of local urban

planning professionals, policy documents and institutions in planning and implementing the

BRT concept in Lahore. On 28 May 2018, I conducted the focus group discussion under the

platform of the Institute of Planners Pakistan (IPP). The IPP is a professional association of

planners in Pakistan. The members of the focus group consisted of planning officers from

Lahore and other development authorities in Multan, Peshawar, Rawalpindi, and Islamabad,

where the BRT concept has also been implemented. The objective of this focus group was to

explore the role of urban planning agencies in introducing the first Metrobus concept to

Pakistan. In discussion twelve planning professionals participated of whom four were

members of development authorities, three were private developers from Lahore and three

were the heads of the Urban Planning Institutes of the National University of Sciences and

Technology, the University of Management and Technology and the University of Engineering

and Technology. One member was from Transport planning unit, which is a provincial-level

institution assigned to provide planning and policy guidance to the Transport Department, and

79

the last member was the chairman of the IPP. They were all planners and shared their opinions

about the Lahore Metrobus project in four sections:

• Awareness of the BRT concept and its contribution towards the development of a city

• Consideration of the perspective of urban planning while implementing the concept of BRT

in Lahore

• Challenges faced by the development authority during the execution of BRT

• Planning measures needed for decision-making for BRT in the local context of Pakistani

cities

I audio-recorded the focus group discussion, which was conducted in the Urdu language and

held at the office of the IPP in Lahore. Figure 4.2 shows the glimpse of focus group discussion.

Figure 4.2: Focus group discussion with urban and transport planners in Lahore


Field work observations and site visits

Site visits and on-site observations is another a common method of data collection in the

transport sector (Stewart, 2011). Ahamat (2019) also suggested that site observations along

with interview analysis are a comprehensive method of collecting qualitative data where the

researcher has an opportunity to listen to others, but also observe and understand the

research context by themselves. It provides the ideal combination in cases of empirical

research where in-depth understanding of the data is needed. The greatest challenge in this

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case can be the bias of the researcher while making the observations because every individual

can interpret things uniquely. However, from the perspective of policy transfer research this is

considered as an advantage as well and the unique understanding and interpretation of the

data by a qualitative researcher are acknowledged, instead of relying only on the numbers

during analysis as done in quantitative research (Yin, 2015). Therefore, considering the

richness of data that I could obtain from site visits and personal observations, I selected this

method in addition to the interviews and focus group discussion. This provided me with an

opportunity to develop background understanding of the BRT project particularly from the

perspective of ANT where I had to analyse the roles of different non-human actors as part of

the research analysis.

Therefore, I made on-site observations during site visits to all 27 Metrobus stations. The site

visits were grouped into two parts: I visited all the stations before conducting the interviews to

understand the background situation and frame the discussion points in interviews. However,

after the interviews I visited the stations again to triangulate the information given in the

interviews. During the site visits to the Lahore Metrobus stations, I took photographs and

documented my observations as field notes for record keeping using in data analysis.

Data analysis

The data analysis scheme for this study has been designed based on two components, the

ANT-based actor network analysis as well as thematic analysis in the form of storylines

(Castleberry & Nolen, 2018). The primary sources of information in this study are the semi-

structured interviews and the focus group discussion. In the first stage, I audio-recorded all 37

interviews and the focus group discussion, for thematic analysis and an inductive qualitative

approach (Guest et al., 2011). Thematic coding was the next step where various data codes

were assigned by applying an iterative procedure and altering codes according to the data

categories (Joffe, 2012). I categorised the data into defined themes after initial analysis. Based

on the project themes, I analysed the tentative story of the BRT transfer.

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The concept of storylines has been applied in this study to determine how the need for mass

transit was developed at the local level. Hajer (1995) argued that storylines describe the

perception of a problem and the ways in which various actors join to exercise power and solve

the problem. Storylines show how different institutions or key stakeholders use certain policy

discourses to engage each other’s power in promoting certain policy options (Vigar, 2017). In

this research the storyline approach has been applied to highlight the roles of actors across

different timelines in the mass transit project. The detailed roles of actors have been analysed

using the ANT approach.

From the site visits I noted and saved the details of BRT-related infrastructure and the use of

the provided infrastructure in the form of photos. I also noted details of the features of BRT

repeatedly mentioned in the interviews. I took photos of facilities provided in and around the

BRT stations and the use of them. Later I used these field notes and photos in my analysis to

understand the network connections (Harrell & Bradley, 2009). The primary information from

the field helped me to analyse how different objects created influence on local policy actors,

particularly relevant to the interview data, for instance, when interviewees talked about

physical design features of the project, paratransit modes at BRT stations and various facilities

provided at BRT stations and identified non-motorised mobility conditions as part of the

project. I used the information from field notes and photos as part of the data triangulation

process and focused on analysing the roles of various actors as part of the BRT transfer

process (Guion et al., 2011).

From the focus group discussion, I analysed the roles of different policy actors at the local

level and identified how planning professionals from different institutions were involved in the

BRT project. I analysed the focus group data in three stages. First, I highlighted how the

different local policy actors interpreted the concept of BRT at the local level. This provided me

with an overview of the awareness of local policy actors of the international concept of BRT.

Second, I highlighted the involvement and inputs of local actors during the planning, designing

82

and implentation stages of the project. Third, I focused on the challenges faced by local actors

during the implementation of the BRT project.

Finally in the last stage, I used ANT to analyse the data where the roles of different human

and non-human actors is identified based on mutual associations between actors to form an

actor network. I used the data from the interviews and the focus group discussion to identify

the emergent roles of various actors and their actions during the BRT transfer process. For

instance, the roles of different human policy actors such as international consultants,

politicians, local transport experts and urban planners in Lahore have been highlighted as part

of the process from thematic analysis of interviews and focus group discussion. Furthermore,

by using the understanding of the ANT approach, the roles of non-human actors such as

different transport policy documents, transport technologies, software, infrastructure, and

other objects as actors is analysed when they establish associations with human policy actors.

Overall, as the research analysis progressed, I was also able to position myself as a

knowledgeable actor based on my interactions with interviewees and focus group participants

and through my familiarity with the data during the site visits and analysis stages. Using my

own understanding developed from ANT-based interactions in this research, I analysed the

BRT transfer case as an actor network and highlighted the significant roles of key actors at

various stages of BRT transfer.

Fieldwork challenges

The greatest challenge of the data collection phase was to contact the interviewees who were

not in Lahore at the time of the interviews. I managed to conduct three interviews through

Skype which were earlier planned to be face to face.

A second challenge was to access the BRT-related actors at a particular time for interviews

because often transport officials, particularly those who work in the field at project sites, are

hard to approach. This challenge was minimised with the help of the Punjab Transport

Department. I approached the BRT-related actors with the coordination of the TPU of the

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Punjab Transport Department, where I worked for more than three years before my PhD. I

had a good professional network, which helped me to approach the relevant decision-makers

of Punjab who otherwise would have been difficult to reach.

Another significant challenge faced in the fieldwork was unforeseen circumstances in the

political environment of the province at the time of data collection. During the data collection

phase, the next provincial election was announced for July 2018. This meant that the provincial

machinery was highly engaged in completing ongoing transport projects before the election.

The election date was announced before my data collection phase, so I was prepared and

knew that I might need to change the times or days of some interviews. I had already reserved

some extra time for fieldwork considering the chances of delay of some interviews.

Overall, this situation had both positive and negative effects on data collection. From the

positive perspective, the situation provided a chance to observe closely how in mega transport

projects quick implementation measures can be taken to meet project deadlines.

Implementation of the Lahore Orange Line metro train project was discussed in the interviews

with local transport experts. This scenario also helped me to visualise the project

implementation process for the Lahore Metrobus project in the past before the election

deadline. The negative perspective on the political situation is linked with the availability of

officials; because of their commitments, interview timings were rescheduled in some cases

more than twice or three times. Due to the time limit for the overseas data collection phase, it

was difficult to manage such circumstances and I had to cancel two interviews and reschedule

some others as well. Furthermore, a few key informants were reluctant to discuss the project

details, considering it a political initiative. Therefore, the election situation on one hand created

hurdles to approaching the interviewees in a limited time, while on the other hand it provided

an opportunity to observe how the local planning process can be under political pressure at

times.

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Ethical considerations

In this study I followed the research ethics according to the comprehensive criteria for human

research designed by the Human Research Ethics Committee of RMIT University. After

confirmation of candidature, I submitted an ethics application explaining the details regarding

fieldwork and data collection schemes. Based on the feedback from the Human Research

Ethics Committee, I made necessary alterations twice to the data collection scheme. I ensured

ethical practice during the research period starting from initial contact with the respondents

until the end of data analysis (Wiles, 2012). During the study the participants who wished to

be anonymous could be so, but most of the participants agreed to use their names and/or their

roles.

In addition, I also confirmed their willingness to participate and agreement to use their names

if needed through the consent forms signed by the participants at the start of each interview

(Benatar, 2002). Furthermore, to ensure ethical standards, I provided a copy of the consent

forms to interviewees for their personal records. In addition, the option to withdraw from the

research at any time at their own discretion was provided. Finally, the collected data will be

used for study purposes only and confidentiality of the data has been ensured during and after

the study.

Conclusion

This chapter has outlined the conceptual framework, research approach and methodology that

I have used in this study. As such, I have articulated the merits and relevance of using the

qualitative and ethnographic approach of ANT as an appropriate method for analyzing the

transport policy transfer process. I have explained the process through which I generated and

collected the research data from document analysis, transport policymakers, urban planners,

and site visits. I have also outlined how I approached the ANT-based actor–network analysis

of policy transfer using a thematic analysis technique and storylines to highlight the roles of

various actors and their actions along the project timeline. Furthermore, I have highlighted the

fieldwork challenges and acknowledged the importance of ensuring the research ethics and

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protocols defined by the RMIT University Human Research Ethics Committee. In the

remaining chapters of the thesis, I present the data analysis, starting with the chapter that

analyses the role of the planning process in the BRT transfer followed by the chapters that

examine the role of actor networks and their implications for the transferred concept of BRT

at the local level.

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Chapter 5 – The Local Transport Planning Process: A Missing

Link in the Transfer of BRT

This chapter examines the contingencies in dictating the relationship between the local

transport planning process and the process of the policy transfer of BRT.

To explore the complete process of the policy transfer of BRT, the analysis is divided into the

three stages of planning, designing and execution of BRT. According to the interviews with

local policymakers, the focus group discussion and document analysis, there were three main

actors in the local transport planning system which were directly and indirectly involved in the

transfer of BRT. These actors were local transport institutions, transport policy documents and

transport professionals at the national, provincial, and local levels. I examine the roles of the

identified actors in relation to one another during the policy transfer process of BRT.

Sections 5.1 and 5.2 of this chapter describe the roles of transport institutions and policy

documents as part of the transport planning process and the engagement of these actors in

the policy transfer process of BRT. In section 5.3, I highlight the policy transfer challenges

faced by the local transport policy actors as part of introducing the BRT project in Lahore and

Section 5.4 provides the conclusion of this chapter.

Ineffective role of transport planning institutions

In this section I examine the role of public sector transport planning institutions in introducing

the concept of mass transit concept in Lahore. I selected transport planning institutions at

three government levels, national, provincial, and local levels. I found that the government

transport institutions participated in the policy transfer process of BRT but not in an effective

manner. The following subsections further highlight why the role of transport planning

institutions was ineffective in the BRT selection process.

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Inconsistency in planning decisions of transport institutions

I found from the interviews and document analysis that the selection of BRT was not a direct

decision of the national and provincial level transport planning institutions. Instead, it was a

complex process that started with the idea of implementing light rail transit (LRT) technology

in Lahore based on a transport planning study conducted by an international transport

consultant in Lahore, as described in detail in Section 2.1.2 (LDA and WorldBank, 1990).

Considering the high cost of this project of approximately 200 billion USD, the provincial

government of Punjab requested the national government of Pakistan to provide funding for

the light rail project (Government of the Punjab, 2000).

At the national level, the Ministry of Transport and the Planning Commission worked in

collaboration with different international actors to initiate light rail as the first mass transit option

in the country (ADB, 2007, 2008b; Government of Pakistan, Planning Commission, 2010). But

in 2010 the provincial government selected the option of BRT instead of light rail and executed

the BRT project with provincial funding of the Punjab. The selection of BRT at the provincial

level without considering inputs from the national level identifies the inconsistency in transport

planning decisions between national and provincial level transport institutions. It also

highlights the lack of a clear policymaking framework behind transport decisions. Otherwise,

the transport institutions could not have changed the planning decisions and choices of mass

transit options so often without any technical analysis of different mass transit modes. Overall,

the inconsistency in transport planning decisions has made the position of transport institutions

vulnerable in the selection process of policy transfer and impacted on the rationality of the

policy transfer process of BRT.

Lack of integration between national and provincial institutions

According to the regulations of the Planning and Development Board of Pakistan, projects with

a cost of more than 5 million USD are approved at the national level, whereas projects with a

cost of less than 5 million USD are approved at the provincial level (Pakistan, 2008).

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Furthermore, there are assigned institutions at national and provincial levels for the evaluation

of transport projects as with other public sector development projects.

At the national level, the Planning Commission and the Ministry of Transport are the two main

institutions. The Planning Commission provides sector wide policy guidelines for project

selection and also provides funding for transport projects costing more than 5 million USD.

The Ministry of Transport identifies the need for new transport projects, keeping in view the

policy guidelines provided by the Planning Commission. The Planning Commission examines

projects under the annual public sector development program prepared by the Ministry of

Planning and Development and Special Initiatives (MOF, 2012). The final selection of transport

projects is made at the national level by the Executive Committee of the National Economic

Council (ECNEC) working under the Planning Commission (Government of Pakistan,

Planning Commission, 2010).

At the provincial level, the Planning and Development Department Punjab and the Transport

Department Punjab are the main policy actors. The Transport Department is responsible for

preparing transport policy guidelines at the provincial level and identifying the need for new

transport projects in the major cities of Punjab. The Planning and Development Department

evaluates the transport projects identified by the Transport Department, assigns project

approvals, and allocates provincial-level funding for transport projects costing less than 5

million USD. Transport projects at the provincial level are evaluated according to the annual

development program of Punjab. The final project approval at the Punjab level is done by the

Provincial Development Working Party (PDWP), which works under the Planning and

Development Department. The Transport Department and PDWP finalised the first BRT

project in Lahore (GOP, 2014). The Punjab Mass Transit Authority is another relevant

provincial-level institution that is exclusively responsible for planning, designing, and

implementing BRT projects in different cities of Punjab.

Although the process of project selection and approval is prescribed as per regulations at

national and provincial levels. However, the policymakers identified in interviews that there is

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no mechanism to involve provincial and national level policymakers in project evaluations as

a part of the decision-making process. Instead, the institutions at both levels work in isolation

from each other. One of the policy actors working at the provincial level said:

There is no regulatory process to ensure coordination between national and

provincial level institutions for project approvals … it becomes more complex …

when two different political parties are ruling in federal and provincial levels …

the procedural gap between working of federal and provincial levels … creates

complexities (Interviewee, 2018).

The above statement reveals the lack of integration between national and provincial level

institutions. In my understanding, the lack of integration between the transport-related

institutions impacted on the selection of BRT. In particular, after the 18th amendment to the

Constitution of Pakistan, the provincial governments were declared autonomous bodies to use

their provincial resources (National Assembly of Pakistan, 2010). In the changed regulatory

scenario of the decentralisation of powers, the provincial-level institutions are not accountable

to the national-level institutions (M. A. Rana, 2020). Therefore, by taking advantage of these

regulatory changes that occurred in 2010, the provincial government of Punjab used its

political and administrative power in transport decision-making. Overall, the changes in

regulatory measures and different political parties at federal and provincial level created lack

of integration between transport planning institutions at provincial and federal level.

In the next section I further describe how the lack of integration between the national and

provincial level planning institutions impacted on the rationality of the selection of BRT as a

preferred mass transit option.

Blocking the role of national transport institutions in the selection of BRT

The interviews further identified how the transfer of the BRT concept was unique in Lahore by

showing the unusual path of approving the BRT project at the provincial level. The approval

process highlights that the provincial government blocked the role of the national-level

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transport institutions and I have further analysed below that why the role of national institutions

was blocked and who were the main actors involved in blocking the role?

The analysis informed about the key role of political actors, such as one of the respondents

explained that getting approval for this project at the national level was a significant challenge

in the selection and implementation of BRT in Lahore. The BRT project was a mega transport

project of 30 million USD and as per regulatory approval rules of the country, mega transport

projects (above 5 million USD) must get approval from the ECNEC, which works under the

federal government. The ECNEC is considered the prime forum of the country to scrutinise

major development projects in Pakistan. However, the Punjab government aimed to avoid

getting approval from the ECNEC for several reasons as explained in the interviews.

One major reason repeatedly mentioned by the interviewees was the political rivalry between

two different ruling parties at federal and provincial levels. To avoid the chance of non-approval

from the federal level, the provincial government approved the project through the PDWP,

which works under the Planning and Development Department, Punjab. However, to get

approval from the PDWP the provincial government played with the rules as one interviewee

said:

The total BRT project cost of 30 million USD was split into smaller parts of less

than 5 million USD as project packages and the P&D Department Punjab was

the approving authority (Interviewee, 2018).

The above statement reveals how the provincial government used its power and blocked the

role of the federal-level institutions. The project splitting was a unique solution which opens a

question about the transparency of this project and shows how the provincial government used

a fast track of approval to avoid bureaucratic delays in project implementation. At the time of

approval of the BRT project, at the federal level the political party was the PPP while at the

provincial level the PMLN was the ruling party, and they are political rivals. Therefore, to avoid

the possibility of rejection by the national-level institutions, the provincial government used an

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unexpected method to play with the rules and regulations. This situation further highlights the

significant political influence on transport decision-making processes and created a window of

corruption. I further explore in Chapter 6 how the apparently technical solution of BRT turned

into a political project in Pakistan. But here in this section I focus only on the role of the public

sector transport institutions in BRT transfer. The blocking of the role of national-level

institutions by the provincial-level institutions in BRT selection has shown that the process of

policy transfer of BRT in Lahore was not merely rational. Instead, the BRT selection was highly

controversial and non-transparent, showing the use of taxpayers’ money in an unexpected

manner. In particular, the unexpected entry of the PDWP and blocked role of the ECNEC

indicate that transport intuitions were not the main actors in the BRT transfer, as asked in my

first research question.

I further highlight the ineffective role of city-level transport institutions in the next subsections.

Disciplinary (engineering) bias of transport institutions at the city level

At the city level different there are multiple transport-related institutions for transport planning

and engineering. However, the interview analysis has shown that in the BRT transfer only

selected transport institutions were involved as part of the process, which further impacted on

the transparency of the BRT selection process. For instance, the TPU is a policy and planning

institution which works under the Transport Department Punjab. The key responsibility of this

unit is to provide policy advice and technical guidance to the Transport Department. However,

in the selection of the BRT project, the TPU team was not involved. As one of the interviewees

said:

The selection of BRT option was a big surprise … Transport Department was

working for light rail options (Interviewee, 2018).

The LDA is another key urban planning institution in Lahore city that is responsible for

planning, approving, and executing development projects according to the master plan for the

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city. However, in the selection of the BRT project, the LDA planning team was not involved.

As one of the interviewees said:

The Integrated Master Plan for Lahore, IMPL, is the only policy document that

LDA follows and this project [the BRT project] was not part of IMPL … We [LDA

planning team] were never part of any planning, design or implementation

meetings related to this project.

Furthermore, the LTC is the city-level institution responsible for regulation of urban buses as

the main mode of public transport mode. However, members of the LTC were also not part of

this project. One of the interviewees said:

LTC was expecting that Transport Department will make new mass transit

concept and local buses as a part of public transport system in Lahore, but …

LTC was neglected in BRT planning (Interviewee, 2018).

However, only the engineering institutions of transport were involved by the Transport

Department Punjab as the project team to implement the BRT project at the city level. The two

main institutions included TEPA, the transport engineers’ institution responsible for planning,

design, and construction of transport projects in Lahore. The complete design, execution and

construction of the Lahore Metrobus was carried out by TEPA. TEPA was also involved in the

design and construction of the BRT corridor. The other transport institution was the C&W, also

an engineering institution and responsible for constructing new roads and flyovers in Lahore

city. The C&W was responsible for constructing the BRT stations and maintenance of the

access roads along the BRT corridor.

The above statements highlight that the BRT project as a foreign policy concept was

introduced by the provincial Transport Department without incorporating the comprehensive

inputs of planning institutions at the city level. Furthermore, the lack of participation of planning

institutions like the LDA, TPU and LTC in the selection process of the BRT project identifies

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the biased role of engineering-based transport institutions like TEPA, the Transport

Department, and the C&W.

The local-level institutions considered the option of BRT as a universally applicable

engineering solution and that only transport engineers and civil engineers were the relevant

professionals in BRT selection and implementation. The consideration of BRT as an

engineering artefact creates further doubt about the transparency of BRT selection. The

question arises as to why the role of important city-level planning institutions was neglected

or maybe avoided intentionally. The view of the Transport Department that BRT is a universally

applicable engineering solution went totally against the conclusions of transport policy

mobilities scholars, who have reported that BRT selection is more geographical and contextual

than technical (Nguyen & Pojani, 2018; A. Wood, 2014, 2019a). However, in Lahore the policy

actors acted in the opposite manner and only focused on implementation of the BRT

infrastructure without considering the local urban and transport planning conditions.

Professional rivalry between transport institutions at the city level

The interview analysis also highlights the professional rivalry between transport institutions at

the city level. One of the interviewees from the LTC said:

In Lahore different transport authorities are fighting a war for their own survival

as survival of the fittest prevails … which means the transport professionals and

the heads of different transport organisations, instead of coordinating with each

other as professionals, are in rival positions to take project leads in front of the

Chief Minister’s Office … to get more budget for their departments in future …

Initially LTC started working on this project as an improved bus service project,

but later a retired bureaucrat was successful in establishing a separate

department for BRT and grabbed the project from LTC (Interviewee, 2018).

The above statement identifies the professional conflicts between two transport institutions as

well as the insecurity of the LTC about the newly established PMTA in Lahore. Just to recall

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from Section 5.1.4, the LTC is responsible for regulating the service of urban buses in Lahore

and assuming that BRT is an improved bus service, it could be operated in collaboration with

the LTC. However, in Lahore a separate provincial mass transit authority was established for

the BRT. Therefore, apart from professional rivalry between the two transport institutions, the

above statement also highlights the political influence on transport institutions. The Chief

Minister’s Office was an expected entry in the list of transport institutions. However, the Chief

Minster’s Office as a new entrant in the list of actors replaced the role of the LTC with a new

actor, the PMTA. This situation highlights the fragile role of local transport institutions in BRT

transfer and the influential role of other actors. I ask in my first research question about the

roles of the key actors in BRT transfer. The analysis of this section has explored that some

transport planning institutions were not the real actors in BRT transfer. In Table 5.1, I

summarise multilevel institutions that were involved in the BRT transfer in Lahore.

Table 5.1: The multilevel transport institutions involved in mass transit decision-making.

Level of operation Institution Role assigned

National level Planning Commission Pakistan National level policymaking, approval of mega projects

Ministry of Communications Planning transport initiatives and policy

recommendations

Provincial level Planning & Development

Department (P& D)

Scrutiny of transport projects and budget allocations

Punjab Transport Department Transport policy and planning, provision, and

regulation of public transport services

Punjab Mass Transit Authority

PMTA

Plan, design, operate and regulate mass transit

services in the major cities of Punjab

City level Transport Planning Unit (TPU) Transport policy and research

Traffic Engineering Planning

Authority (TEPA)

Plan, design, and construct projects

Lahore Transport Company

(LTC)

Regulate urban bus services

The Communication & Works

Department (C&W)

Construction of roads in Lahore

Lahore Development Authority

(LDA)

Urban planning and development of Lahore city

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Overall, this section has highlighted from interview analysis that transport planning institutions

are disconnected from each other at multiple levels. Furthermore, there are discrepancies and

lack of clarity in transport planning approaches between the national, provincial, and local

transport planning institutions. Therefore, due to the lack of coordination and unclear functional

divide, the transport institutions did not make effective inputs into the BRT transfer process.

The limited involvement of urban planning institutions also highlights that the option of BRT

was not thoroughly researched but planned in house by the relevant institutions particularly at

the city level. The concept of BRT was instigated as an engineering infrastructure project and

accordingly only the engineering departments were consulted during planning, design, and

construction of the project. The discipline-biased role of the engineering institutions not only

blocked the role of planning institutions in the selection of BRT but also limited the BRT-related

social benefits.

The transport policy documents could also have channelised the policy transfer process and

transport planning decisions in a rational manner. Therefore, in the next section I analyse the

role of the transport planning documents as potential actors in BRT transfer.

Planning inconsistency in transport policy documents

In this section I examine the role of transport planning documents in providing policy guidance

in the transport planning process. Through document review I analysed the role of transport

policy documents, transport master plans and transport studies in local transport planning

processes and the BRT transfer process. The role of planning documents is critical because

local policy actors obtain guidance on planning, design and implementation of transport

projects using policy documents (Rydin & Tate, 2016). However, I have found that transport

policy documents providing guidance on policy transfer of mass transit concepts were

outdated and not consistent with the policy decision to implement the BRT concept as the

selected mode of transit. I explain further details on the inconsistent choices of mass transit

through technical reports below.

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Outdated and ineffective policy documents at the city level

The document review highlighted that the main policy documents existed only at the city level.

The following four transport policy documents were used in transport planning and policy

transfer decisions in Lahore:

JICA comprehensive traffic and planning study, Lahore 1991

Lahore Rapid Mass Transit System (LRMTS), 2007

Lahore urban transport master plan (LUTMP), 2010

Integrated master plan of Lahore (IMPL), 2021

The JICA comprehensive traffic and planning study, Lahore 1991, was the first transport study

that proposed the option of mass transit at the local level, in the form of a light rail project. It

was prepared by an international transport consultant, JICA. Section 6 and Section 7 of this

study proposed that light rail can deal with transport challenges in Lahore (JICA, 1991a;

Lahore Development Authority, 1991). According to the interviews of local transport planners

this study is considered as a baseline document for transport decisions at city level based on

its comprehensive details and trust on international consultant in transport planning of Lahore.

The LRMTS (2007) was a detailed study of the Lahore rapid mass transit system where the

option of light rail was designed in the form of a network of four transit lines. The Green, Blue,

Orange, and purple line routes were proposed in this report for Lahore city. This study was

conducted with funding from the ADB by an international transport consultant, SYSTRA (ADB,

2008a). At the local level, the Transport Department was involved in the preparation of this

study and this report was considered a reference for mass transit options at the local level

(Transport Department, 2007).

The LUTMP (2010) was the transport master plan prepared at the city level by the Transport

Department and JICA as an international consultant. This document could have played the

most significant role in the policy transfer of BRT because the previous reports on the light rail

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option were relatively outdated in terms of traffic demand. However, the LUTMP did not

contribute to BRT selection because it did not have any legal position as an approved policy

document for Lahore. In the local planning system, when an international consultant prepares

a policy document, it is considered just as a report until it is approved by the Provincial

Assembly. Therefore, to make the LUTMP a policy document for the Transport Department

legal approval was required but had not been granted at the time of BRT selection as a mass

transit option. Furthermore, Sections 9 and10 of the LUTMP also proposed the option of light

rail as a preferred mode of mass transit, which was not consistent with the selection of the

BRT option by the Punjab government. Therefore, in practice the LUTMP as a potential policy

document did not play an effective or consistent role; instead, it was shelved at the Transport

Department in having the status of a technical report of JICA.

The IMPL (2001–2021) was the only approved policy document in Lahore at the time of BRT

transfer. However, in this policy document the focus was more on the construction of road

networks as part of urban development in Lahore, as mentioned in Chapter 2. Section 4 of the

LUTMP indicated future road development projects and an annual development plan in 2010;

Lahore allocated 88% of the total transport budget to construction, maintenance, and road

carpeting projects. However, the construction of mass transit as a BRT project on the selected

Green route of the LRTMS was not proposed in the IMPL.

From the above analysis I found that at city level, the mass transit–related transport reports

were outdated and mainly focused only on the option of light rail as the preferred mode of

transit. Overall, all the transport reports were routed towards the first proposal by JICA for the

provision of light rail, instead of exploring the options of BRT as well. The only difference could

have been made in the LUTMP, considering it was a more up-to-date policy document of 2010.

However, the local policy actors did not use the potential of the LUTMP because it was in draft

status but not approved administratively for implementation. Therefore, at city level the

effective role of transport planning documents was missing in the BRT selection and transfer

process.

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No policy documents at the provincial level

Another disparity in the local transport planning documents that there were no policy

documents at the provincial level, although at the provincial level there was a significant need

for policy documents for translating national-level policy agendas in the form of policy guidance

for major cities. Furthermore, the provincial level did not assist the city-level institutions in

identifying the need for future transport projects.

Overall, the Punjab Transport Department has no comprehensive transport policy for all the

cities of Punjab. Furthermore, regarding mass transit provision and selection of new mass

transit projects, there are no policy guidelines for selection and provision of mass transit

projects at the provincial level. Therefore, an opportunity to create consistency in the transport

planning process by providing a link between national and local levels was missed at the

provincial level during the BRT transfer.

The document analysis further highlighted that policy guidance was available at national and

city levels, but not at provincial level. The main reasons for absence of policy guidance at

provincial level mentioned by the local decision makers are more focus on physical planning

than institutional planning, the limited technical and financial capacity and influence of political

interference in transport projects. Therefore, the absence of policy documents at provincial

level also impacted the transparency of decision-making process in transport policy transfer.

Conflicted transport planning approach at the national level

I analyse in this section how at the national level, the national policy vision had a conflicted

approach to transport planning. At the national level, Vision 2030 (see Table 5.2) was the main

policy document prepared by the Planning Commission for Pakistan (2007). However, the

vision regarding sustainable mobility was more aligned towards international development

agendas. For instance, the overall development policy goals of Pakistan for urban services

were linked with the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) of poverty reduction that was set

by the United Nations (United Nations Development Program, 2010b). To align policy

directions with the SDGs, the national policy document set the goals at the national level for

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sustainable energy and sustainable transport for the relevant departments of transport, energy

and the environment (Planning Commission, 2007).

In the light of Vision 2030, the first draft of a national-level transport policy was prepared by

the Transport Ministry. In this policy, Section 5.2 titled ‘Sustainable transport mobility’

proposed the need for a mass transit system to control vehicular emissions and proposed

enhancement of non-motorised mobility options in Section 5.4 (Planning Commission, 2013).

These two policy suggestions were made along the lines of agenda 11 of the SDGs (United

Nations Development Program, 2010a). However, on the other hand there was no decrease

in construction of more roads in major cities because the same policy document in Section 6.1

titled ‘Road transport’ identified a target of increasing the road network from 260,000 km to

358,000 km (Planning Commission, 2013 p.35).

I found that these two transport planning approaches were opposite to each other. To align

with the international goals of sustainable mobility, the options of mass transit, public transport

mobility and non-motorised mobility were mentioned to ensure that Pakistan valued the SDG.

However, in other sections the targets for new road construction were mentioned, which were

linked with more motorised mobility. Therefore, a conflicted transport planning approach was

proposed at the national level by the Planning Commission.

Overall, I found that the role of transport policy documents was insufficient in creating a

consistent transport planning approach. Although at the national level the need for a mass

transit option was created in Vision 2030 and there was ample opportunity at provincial level

for translating the national transport planning vision by providing detailed policy guidance for

implementing mass transit policy options in major cities. However, this opportunity was not

utilised, and provincial-level institutions did not create policy links between city-level policy

documents and the national-level policy vision. Furthermore, the potential for using the LUTMP

to create an integrated transport planning approach at city level was also ignored by the local

policy actors by not approving the regulatory role of the LUTMP at city level. Therefore, the

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transport policy documents did not play an effective role in the policy transfer process of BRT.

The policy documents at different levels are presented in Table 5.2.

Table 5.2: Policy documents for transport planning at different government levels.

National-level policy documents Authors Features of documents

Vision 2030 – Pakistan Planning Commission Development strategy at national

level for urban services linked with

SDG of poverty reduction

National Transport Policy of

Pakistan

Planning Commission Sustainable public transport

provision

Promotion of non-motorised mobility

No provincial policy documents

City-level policy documents Authors Features of documents

JICA Transport Study 1991 JICA, Transport

Department

First mass transit options for Lahore

suggested

LRMTS 2007 SYSTRA, Transport

Department

Complete plan and feasibility study

of LRT

LUTMP 2010 JICA, Transport

Department

Planning framework for future urban

transport system

IMPL 2001–2021 LDA – NESPAK Planning and development guide for

Lahore

In the next section I highlight the challenges that local policy actors experienced during the

BRT transfer process because of the insufficient and ineffective roles of transport planning

institutions and transport policy documents.

The Challenges of BRT transfer faced by local transport policy actors

In this section I describe the challenges faced by local policy actors during the planning stage

of BRT transfer. The analysis in this section is based on the focus group discussion between

transport engineers and planners. The local transport planners highlighted the challenges they

experienced during BRT transfer. Overall, I found that the role of transport planning

professionals was as passive policy actors in the BRT transfer process because they were

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mainly relying either on the advice of international actors or on the demands of local political

actors. The local transport planners did not perform their role in an effective manner and faced

multiple challenges in the planning, designing and implementation of BRT. I further highlight

several challenges below to identify the ineffective role of planners and the insufficient support

of the local transport planning process in BRT selection and implementation.

Challenges of non-integrated transport planning system

This section highlights the challenges faced by local policy actors during the planning stage of

policy transfer. Aim of the focus group discussion was to explore how the local institutions

were involved in the planning stage before the actual policy transfer, during the selection of

different mass transit options, and how the need for different mass transit options was

generated at the local level. In response, the participants highlighted the challenges of the

non-integrated planning approach between the urban planning and transport planning

institutions. The discussion further highlighted the lack of coordination in the transport planning

system in the city where transport-related projects were carried out by different institutions

without any coordination Overall, I found that the non-integrated transport planning system

was the greatest challenge, proving a barrier to the rationality of transport planning and

negatively influencing the BRT transfer process. The following exchange between two

participants is taken from the focus group discussion:

The transport planning system of Lahore is a true example of Alice in Wonderland

as Alice was quite unsure where she was heading, but she continued travelling

… same in the case of transport planning here … no one knows what is

happening and what to do (Participant 1).

Exactly, this is the major problem … there is no coordination … the Transport

Department is unaware of the projects of the LTC, and the LTC has no idea what

the new initiatives of the Transport Department will be … everything is up in the

air (Participant 2).

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The above two statements illustrate the root cause of all the transport planning challenges and

discrepancies between transport policy transfers in the local context. The lack of vision and

non-integrated transport planning system truly showed the character of little AIice, who

struggled to get out of the forest but without knowing the right direction, kept on going down

the same paths. The analysis of multilevel transport planning institutions and transport policy

documents has also confirmed that the policymakers of Lahore were moving around in

different directions but, in the absence of clear policy guidelines, all their efforts were useless.

For instance, in Lahore the assigned role of the TEPA is to construct roads and deal with the

challenges of increased motorisation. The LTC, on the other hand, is assigned to provide

public transport in the form of urban buses, whereas I found the focus of the Transport

Department was more on implementing new mass transit technology options. However,

overall transport policy guidance on how to integrate the different planning measures was

completely missing at city and provincial levels. This is a situation like Alice in Wonderland as

one participant indicated, where all her struggle to escape without any direction was useless.

Likewise, in Lahore different transport institutions are making efforts to deal with the

challenges of traffic congestion and limited public transport facility. However, the lack of a

comprehensive transport planning approach and non-integrated roles of the transport

institutions ultimately impact on the rationality of transport planning processes and have

impacted on the process of the policy transfer of BRT as well.

The change in decision-making from light rail to BRT without considering the local conditions

is also a reflection of the non-integrated transport planning system in Lahore. Furthermore,

changes in the BRT transfer process without involving all the local-level transport institutions

and the blocked role of the national-level transport institutions also confirm the lack of

transparency in decision-making processes. The non-integrated transport planning process,

lack of public participation, reliance on engineering aspects and lack of transparency are not

in the public interest and prevented rationality in the BRT transfer by putting the role of

technical experts to one side during the decision-making process for the BRT transfer.

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Challenges of coordination between local and international designers

This section highlights the challenges of changing the design several times during the BRT

route construction. These changes were made because of the lack of coordination between

the local transport engineers and the international designers. For the local transport engineers,

this was their first experience in implementing a BRT project and without complete guidance

it was a challenging task for them. Furthermore, the international design experts were not

present in Pakistan during the construction phase of the project. They visited at the start of

the project and gave briefings to local experts about the design requirements of BRT.

However, the detailed project design and construction were carried out by local construction

companies under the supervision of local transport engineers from TEPA. In addition to this,

the local transport institutions did not conduct any separate comprehensive feasibility study of

BRT at the local level and there was no detailed reference design for the BRT project. Instead,

the initial feasibility report for the light rail project was used to design the BRT project. In this

situation the local transport engineers were totally relying on the design instructions from the

international experts. The following exchange is taken from the focus group discussion where

examples of the design changes were shared by the participants:

The design of the BRT route was the most challenging part for us [local

designers]. The initially planned route for BRT [by the local transport experts] was

kerbside because it was easy to reserve the last lane of traffic for BRT and

required less construction … however, the Turkish designers rejected the

kerbside design and suggested BRT route alignment in the middle of the road

based on the experience of Istanbul [where the BRT service runs in the middle

of the road] … finally TEPA prepared a new design with a middle lane

(Participant1).

The design of the bus platform changed three times. The first time it was a few

metres lower than the bus height, the second time it was not long enough to cover

the full length of the bus and the third time it was not aligned with the door

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openings … the platform design issues arose because in Istanbul the Metrobus

runs on the left side of the bus lane but the doors are provided on the right side

of the bus [with bidirectional opening along central platforms] … however, in

Lahore traffic follows the right-hand drive concept … we followed the Turkish

design of platforms but later it did not perform here, so we changed it again

according to local conditions ... these changes were hectic and expensive as well

(Participant 2).

Although the limited coordination between local and Turkish experts caused the frequent

changes in the design of the project, this scenario also highlights the lack of preparedness

and clarity of the local actors in relation to the BRT project design as part of the policy transfer

process. In my opinion, if the local transport institutions had conducted a detailed feasibility

study for the BRT project and had more interaction with the Turkish designers by having them

on site in Lahore during the construction phase, the changes in design and challenge of extra

cost of the project could have been avoided.

Challenges of a short time frame for implementation

This section highlights the challenge of political influence on the project implementation. The

local actors from the Transport Department described how the project deadline was set

according to the election timing in the country. The Chief Minister Punjab instructed them to

complete the BRT project in one year, as shared by the following two participants:

We had a fixed deadline to complete the BRT project in one year before the

national election (Participant 1).

Yes indeed, for timely completion of this project, TEPA started 24/7 working

squads of design engineers and local contractors … otherwise, government

institutions never work around the clock … it was a challenging time indeed

(Participant 2).

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I have already described in section 5.1, the role of political influence where a unique path of

approval was adapted by the Punjab government by blocking the usual method used by

national-level institutions. The interviews and focus group discussion both further highlighted

the implications of local politicians at various stages in the BRT transfer. I found that the

execution of BRT in Lahore could have been better integrated with the local transport modes

and the urban conditions if the local institutions had had more time for its planning, design,

and execution. The rushed implementation limited the benefits of BRT as a mode of mobility

to only a 27 km route because initially the concept of feeder services was not provided, as

highlighted in Chapter 2 (Tabassum et al., 2017). Furthermore, the lack of involvement of the

LDA also limited the benefits of having transit-oriented development linked with road-based

transit options (Cervero & Dai, 2014; Thomas et al., 2018). The implementation of the BRT

concept at the local level could have been more accessible, affordable, and extended in the

form of a network if it had been planned and conceptualised in a comprehensive manner.

Hence, the local experts conceptualised, finalised, and executed the concept of BRT in 11

months, which is a record minimum duration for any public transport project in Pakistan.

Overall, the abovementioned challenges show that during the transfer process, policy actors

faced unexpected challenges mainly because at the local level there was a lack of policy

guidance, and the objectives of the BRT transfer were not clearly defined at the local level.

The roles of local transport institutions and policy documents was insufficient. Therefore, the

non-integrated transport planning system further complicated the selection of this mass transit

option and allowed other actors like international consultants and political leaders to influence

the BRT transfer process.

Conclusion

The empirical findings of this chapter have highlighted that the BRT transfer process was not

merely a rational process of selecting the most cost-effective road-based mass transit option.

Instead, it was complex, contingent, and political in nature; however, it was more difficult in

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the case of Lahore because there were no policy guidelines designed regarding the provision

of mass transit options in Pakistan.

Furthermore, there were multiple other factors that undermined the smooth adoption of the

‘foreign’ concept of BRT in the local context. This included the lack of a clear transport planning

process; and the lack of proper discussion and evaluation of alternatives as they unfolded,

resulting in costly design changes. In particular, the changes in selection of mass transit option

from light rail to BRT, the changes within the alignment of the BRT route and the changes in

platform design also created unexpected hurdles for the BRT transfer. The outdated and

ineffective role of policy documents also impacted on the rationality of BRT selection and

implementation. The disciplinary bias of considering BRT an engineering project based on the

assumption that a universal fix existed and could be applied regardless of the contextual

variances further hampered the social benefits linked with BRT implementation. Additionally,

the political bias in BRT transfer created needless complications in the selection and

implementation. The inconsistency between the transport planning system, the political

influence and the hurdles in BRT transfer validate the findings from policy mobilities that policy

selection is highly complex, contextual, political and contingent, and not merely a technical

process (Pojani, 2020b).

However, these findings contradict the approach to policy transfer that sees successful cases

of policy transfer as universally viable solutions and assumes that best practices can be

transferred across various cities regardless of geographical variations (Dolowitz & Marsh,

2000, 2012). The study findings also reject the assumptions made in transport policy transfer

studies that transport policymakers often select transport solutions based on technical, neutral

and rational decision-making processes (Stead et al., 2008).

This chapter has mainly described the transport planning process in Lahore as poorly

integrated, which not only limited the effective role of planning institutions, policy documents

and transport professionals in BRT selection, but also provided space for other actors to play

roles in the BRT transfer process, as highlighted in the next chapter.

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Chapter 6 – The Role of Actors as Actor Networks in BRT

Transfer

This chapter explores the first research question: Who were the key actors and what were

their various roles in transferring BRT to Lahore, Pakistan? My key argument in this chapter

is that BRT exchange is not merely a unitary transfer of transport technology; instead, it is a

hybridised process comprised of different material and non-material features, which makes

the BRT transfer process a technical as well as a contextual process. Therefore, the role of

actors cannot be limited to human policy actors.

To explore the roles of different human and non-human actors I have analysed the transfer of

BRT as a case of socio-technical policy transfer ( Bell, 2011; Canitez, 2019) and applied the

analytical framework of the ANT approach (Callon, Law, et al., 1986; Latour, 1984; Law, 1992).

The ANT analysis explores through the concept of heterogenous networks how different

human (political and international) actors and non-human actors (mass transit technology)

interacted with each other and developed actor networks to influence the BRT selection

process in Lahore. Finally, the actor network with the strongest stability and most intact mutual

connections was successful in transferring the preferred option of BRT in Lahore.

This chapter has five sections. Section 6.1 examines the role of international actors and

Section 6.2 explores the involvement of political actors in the BRT transfer. Sections 6.3 and

6.4 describe how the mass transit technology consolidated the intactness of the actor network

to contribute to the BRT transfer and Section 6.5 concludes this chapter.

Role of international actors as policy promoters

This section explores the role of different international actors as policy promoters in BRT

transfer to Lahore. Previous studies of transport planning as mentioned in Chapter 2 showed

that international actors promoted the concept of road development and the trend for private

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modes of transport in the country (Imran & Low, 2009). However, the findings of this research

describe that international actor are now promoters of mass transit concept in the country.

The interviews and document analysis both showed that in Lahore the option of BRT was not

a direct choice of local decision-makers. Instead, JICA as an international actor introduced the

concept of mass transit in Lahore in 1990. The ADB also initiated the process of transferring

an overseas solution for mass transit technology by providing the technical and financial

support to the policy actors of Lahore (ADB, 2007). Overall, the process of policy transfer of

mass transit concept was instigated by the efforts of international actors.

Based on the ANT analysis, I assigned the role of policy intermediaries to these international

actors in the actor network of BRT transfer because in the ANT terms, intermediaries are

actors that can establish network connections between actors but have no authority to change

network connections (Callon, 1999a). In this research I have found that international actors

were policy promoters because they introduced the concept of mass transit at the local level.

However, the role of policy promoter was not permanent for any international actor. Instead,

the role of policy promoter kept on changing with the entry and exit of different international

actors and different mass transit options. In the ANT terms, there is no concept of a predefined

hierarchy regarding the roles and positions of actors. Instead, the positions and roles of actors

change with the entry and exit of other actors and with the change in network associations.

In the next three subsections I further describe how different international actors entered the

mass transit network and promoted different mass transit options.

Promoters of light rail

In this section I identify the international actors who promoted the option of LRT in Lahore. In

1990, JICA – a technical transport consultant – proposed the concept of LRT for the first time

in a comprehensive traffic study of Lahore to deal with the increased mobility demands

(JICA,1990). The concept of LRT was a new transport technology for local transport

policymakers and due to limited technical and financial resources at the local level, the

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implementation of LRT was not an easy transport solution. Therefore, the Transport

Department Punjab highlighted the need to review the proposal for LRT and arrange

international funding resources to take up the LRT concept, as highlighted by one of the

interviewees from the Transport Department. The limited resources at the local level created

the need for engaging further international actors as part of the LRT network of actors.

In 1993, the WB joined the promoters of LRT and funded a technical traffic and transport study

of Lahore (GoPB,1993). The WB acknowledged the need for a mass transit system in Lahore

as indicated in the JICA study and provided further project details in terms of the technical and

financial details of light rail project in the form of a feasibility study of LRT. The Provincial

Government of Punjab, approved the initial design concept for LRT on the recommendation

of the WB and decided to implement LRT through a public–private partnership in Lahore

(Government of the Punjab, 2000). The estimated project cost was 2.4 billion USD, which was

a significantly high cost project for Pakistan being a developing country (ADB, 2007). One of

the interviewees also highlighted the financial challenges in the light rail project:

The option of light rail was a very exciting technology for our local transport

system … in fact the most modern transport technology … but locally we had not

enough resources to construct the LRT option (Interviewee, 2018).

In 2005, the ADB also joined the light rail proponents and prepared a detailed financial plan

for the project execution. The ADB further approved a technical loan to the Government of

Pakistan under a scheme of special funds for Asian cities to execute the first mass transit

project in Lahore (ADB, 2008b). The initial loan amount of 6.2 million USD was approved for

a 32-year total loan term (including a grace period of 8 years) with an interest rate of 1% (ADB,

2007). The key purpose of this technical loan was to recruit an international transport advisory

service to design the light rail project in a manner acceptable to the ADB and to present it into

the market for private sector financing. The Transport Department and ADB also agreed with

the proposal of WB to execute the project on a public–private partnership basis.

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In 2006, the ADB further appointed a French transport consultant company, SYSTRA, to carry

out a detailed technical study of the mass transit project in Lahore in collaboration with the

ADB. The ADB sponsored this detailed study of LRT as part of the technical loan. The ADB

also appointed a technical adviser to make the project plan technically sound and float the

technical bid for the project in the international market to find a project investor from the private

sector to construct and operate the project (ADB, 2007). The hiring of a technical adviser

shows the strong commitment of the Punjab Government to the light rail concept. SYSTRA

further prepared a detailed feasibility report, the LRMTS, on the light rail mass transit system.

In 2007, the international consultant MV Asia joined the network of LRT proponents on the

recommendation of the ADB and prepared a detailed reference design for the Green Line as

the first route of the LRMTS (ADB, 2008). According to the ANT analysis, the ADB acted as a

connector in the LRT network because it was the controlling actor for the rest of the consultants

and local policy actors, being the financial mobiliser of the project. I assigned the role of

connector to ADB because it initiated the process of policy transfer and provided funding to

the Transport Department Punjab to execute the light rail option. Furthermore, the Punjab

government also invested 6 million USD on the recommendation of the ADB on detailed

reference design of the light rail project (Interviewee, 2018).

Overall, the government of Pakistan spent 12 million USD (6 million was the ADB loan and 6

million was from the Pakistan government, further divided into 3 million each from the federal

and provincial governments), which was a significant amount for the light rail project on the

recommendations of the international actors. However, the Punjab government could not find

any private investor to execute the project on a public–private partnership basis (Interviewee,

2018). The Punjab government was not successful in attracting any further investors, which

shows that reliance on international consultants without considering the local conditions of the

country can lead to inappropriate choices of foreign policy options and loss of huge public

money.

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The network of actors who promoted the option of light rail reflects the understanding that

policy transfer is technocratic in nature and policy actors prefer only a few selected policy

options on the recommendations of some specific policy actors (Wicaksono, 2018). As one of

the interviewees from the Transport Department said:

The option of light rail was promoted by those international actors who would be

directly or indirectly part of the light rail project in future as well (Interviewee,

2018).

The above statement describes how the role of international actors was very contextual and

relational in promoting light rail as a preferred policy option. Policy mobilities scholars also

concluded that international actors in global policy transfer networks suggest policy options

based on experiences in other cities (Silva Ardila, 2020; Stone, 2004). However, international

actors sometimes promote policies without considering the contextual variances between the

policy borrower and the policy lender (Wu & Pojani, 2016). It happens particularly in

developing countries that international actors suggest policy solutions without considering the

limited financial resources of the country. As one of the interviewees from the Transport

Department further said:

International consultants often suggest transport solutions according to

international trends ... the light rail option was way too expensive for a country

like Pakistan (Interviewee, 2018).

Therefore, the local policy actors must consider the content and the cost of international

proposals in relation to the local context before introducing a foreign transport policy concept

at the local level.

Advocates of BRT Bogota model

International actors also proposed a second mass transit option in the form of the BRT concept

influenced by the Bogota model of the TransMilenio in Lahore (Urban Unit, 2010). The

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proponents of BRT in Lahore were the international think tank the ITDP, the Mayor of Bogota,

the UNDP and GEF (UNDP, 2010a).

As highlighted earlier that the Punjab government did not find any investor for the option of

light rail, considering it was an expensive option for Lahore. In 2008, two well-known promoters

of BRT, experts from the ITDP and the Mayor of Bogota, attended an international seminar on

public transport in Lahore conducted by the Urban Unit. The Urban Unit is a provincial-level

urban sector and policy management unit which works under the Planning and Development

Department Punjab. The basic objective of this policy unit is to provide technical assistance to

the Planning and Development Department on various aspects of urban development. On

behalf of Planning and Development, the Urban Unit organised an international seminar on

transport planning to get input from international transport experts on sustainable transport

options in the Punjab province (PURC, 2009). The Urban Unit invited various international

transport experts with expertise on sustainable transport in the Global South. The two main

experts at the seminar were the Senior Director of the ITDP, Oscar Brendan, and the Mayor

of Bogota, Enrique Peñalosa. Those experts proposed the TransMilenio as an economical

option for Lahore (PURC, 2010).

The Bogota Mayor delivered a detailed presentation on the BRT model in Bogota. He

presented the option of BRT as a low-cost transit technology, a flexible bus service that uses

existing road infrastructure with the potential to enhance non-motorised mobility and to extend

green areas along the BRT route (Urban Unit, 2010). The Bogota Mayor also shared a

comprehensive cost–benefit analysis of the BRT and LRT options in the context of Lahore. In

his concluding remarks, the ITDP expert also made a connection between Lahore and Bogota

by relating both cities to the Global South and having limited technical and financial resources.

Finally, these globally known experts on BRT suggested that Lahore needed a complete

network of BRT routes to meet public transport demand with limited technical and financial

resources at the local level (Interviewee, 2018).

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The presentation of the Bogota Mayor acted as a reference point or in ANT terms the

inscription device for the BRT proposal in Lahore. At the local level the policymakers used that

presentation to convince the local network of transport-related actors that BRT would be a

fitting public transport mode for Lahore. In particular the transport experts of the Urban Unit

and transport planning unit Lahore were the main supporters of BRT (Interviewee,2018). In

2009, the Transport Department also considered working on the BRT project and engaged

the LTC to explore the possibilities of BRT at the local level. The LTC is a regulatory body of

the Transport Department and assigned the task of operating the urban buses in Lahore.

Currently, it is the main public transport provider in the city with 650 buses running all over the

city. The LTC entered the BRT network at the local level because it was run by a foreign

transport expert at that time. One of the officials from the Transport Department said:

The mass transit planning in Lahore was all around the international experts.

Initially we [the Transport Department] were working with JICA, but later this task

was given to the LTC, considering that [Kim, the Korean CEO of the LTC] might

engage the Korean International Cooperation Agency [KOICA] for the BRT

possibilities in Lahore (Interviewee, 2018).

The option of the Bogota BRT model remained in discussion over 2008–2010. The main

supporters were the Bogota Mayor, the ITDP, the Urban Unit, the Transport Department and

the LTC. The first proposal for the BRT was developed by experts from the LTC:

I was determined to work on the BRT project and our planning team also visited

the Seoul BRT under the leadership of Kim [the LTC CEO] and prepared a

detailed presentation on the BRT plan including the kerbside BRT design

proposal for the Ferozepur Road BRT (Interviewee, 2018).

The above statement shows that through the advocacy of international experts, the option of

BRT gradually achieved recognition in the circle of local transport experts such as in the

Transport Department and the LTC. This means the option of BRT made a gradual space by

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engaging the local-level transport institutions. Finally, the federal level also came to favour the

BRT project in 2010 in the form of PAKSTRAN. The PAKSTRAN project was an international

project conceptualised by the federal government of Pakistan. The UNDP and GEF were the

main international actors in this project. These two organisations focused on the provision of

sustainable modes of public transport in developing countries in South Asia to integrate

environment and transport sectors (UNDP, n.d., 2010a). The provision of BRT in major cities

of Pakistan was part of this project. The UNDP and GEF as international actors committed to

provide technical and financial support to introduce the concept of BRT in Pakistan (UNDP,

2010a; UNDP, 2012).

Overall, I found the role of the Bogota Mayor, ITDP experts, PAKSTRAN, UNDP and GEF to

be the intermediaries of BRT in Lahore. These actors promoted the image of BRT at the local

level as a competitive mode to light rail with fewer technical requirements and lower project

cost.

In the BRT network, the mode of LRT replaced BRT and the roles of JICA, ADB and SYSTRA

were replaced by the ITDP, UNDP, GEF and Mayor of Bogota. Although the federal

government aimed to execute the BRT project of PAKSTRAN in 2010, the project could not

be implemented in the major cities of Pakistan because it was not approved by the respective

provincial governments (Interviewee, 2018).

The Mayor of Bogota and the ITDP are called BRT agents in BRT transfer studies of the Global

South (Montero, 2017; A. Wood, 2015). However, in this study these BRT agents failed in

transferring the Bogota BRT model in Lahore. The Bogota BRT model and its promoters were

catalysts or connectors because they provided the opportunity to the transport planners of

Lahore to consider BRT as an alternate option to LRT. Therefore, the proponents of BRT

played a significant role in introducing an alternative transit technology to Pakistan. They

provided an opportunity for the BRT concept to enter the network of local policy actors.

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In the next section I examine how the Istanbul model replaced the Bogota network and

achieved a permanent position in the local transport system of Lahore.

Proponents of the Istanbul Metrobus model

This section highlights the role of international actors in transferring the option of the Istanbul

Metrobus model as the preferred form of BRT in Lahore. In 2011, the Istanbul Metrobus model

entered the network of mass transit actors at the local level. The Istanbul model was selected

during an official visit of the Chief Minister Punjab to Turkey where he travelled on the Istanbul

Metrobus (Interviewee, 2018). After his visit, a special delegation of 12 members from the

transport sector of Pakistan visited Istanbul to examine the details of the Istanbul Metrobus

model for Lahore. As one of the delegates said:

When we visited Istanbul Metrobus on the direction of CM Punjab, we were really

impressed by the speed, level of service, infrastructure features and operational

quality of Metrobus … we found it like a modern train as compared to the

TransMilenio (Interviewee, 2018).

The above statement reveals that local transport policymakers preferred the Istanbul

Metrobus, considering it as an alternative to light rail project in Lahore. The statement also

shows that the initial proposal for light rail had remained in the imagination of local actors, and

they were looking towards the Metrobus as an alternative to light rail. After the delegates’ visit,

further processes regarding implementation of the Metrobus model were considered by the

local-level institutions of transport.

The key document that underpinned the transfer of the Istanbul Metrobus was a Memorandum

of Understanding (MOU) between the Mayor of Istanbul and the Chief Minister Punjab. The

MOU ensured technical and financial cooperation between the two cities. As per the MOU,

the municipal government of Istanbul provided the technical guidance to execute the Metrobus

concept in Lahore. However, the government of Punjab completely funded the cost of the

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project. The Turkish consultants provided technical consultancy, design of the route

infrastructure and the operation of the Lahore Metrobus service.

In 2012, The Metrobus design was created by a Turkish company, Ulesiam, and the

construction contract was awarded to another Turkish company, the bus-operating company

Albayrak. The Turkish companies worked in collaboration with the Transport Department

Punjab and TEPA Lahore for the design and execution of the project (Interviewee, 2018).

Although the government of Punjab funded the project, there was extraordinary support

provided by the municipal government of Istanbul city during the project execution. A

significant example is that the Mayor of Istanbul, Kadir Tobas, gifted 100 Metrobuses to launch

the Metrobus project and called it ‘Giving a fresh impetus to the Istanbul–Lahore friendship

journey’ during the ground-breaking ceremony for the Lahore Metrobus project (News, 2013).

Pakistan and Turkey have always shared close historical ties on a cultural and Islamic basis.

Both countries were pioneer members of the Muslim Regional Cooperation for Development

(RCD)1 organisation established in 1964, replaced by the Economic Cooperation Organization

(ECO)2 in 1985, and members of the Developing-8 (D-8).3 Under these agreements both

countries committed to work for the economic development of the Muslim world. In particular

the two countries being members of ECO also emphasise improving urban linkages and

transport infrastructure in central Asia. In this scenario, although the Metrobus project was not

a direct outcome of any of these agreements, but these three agreements had already

developed strong ties and mutual confidence between policy borrowers and lenders that

created a favourable environment for policy exchange of the Istanbul metro bus model to

Lahore.

1 The RCD’s original members were Iran, Pakistan and Turkey and they aimed for regional economic, social and cultural growth. 2 The ECO was established by Iran, Pakistan and Turkey to promote economic, technical and cultural cooperation among member states. 3 The D-8 Organization for Economic Cooperation promotes economic cooperation among eight Muslim countries: Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Turkey.

https://www.google.com/search?rlz=1C1EJFA_enAU786AU786&sxsrf=AOaemvLnTK_CAlKqoPGFvvbiE-d8YiF5OQ:1631256480558&q=Mayor+of+Istanbul,+Kadir+Topba%C5%9F&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiZjL745_PyAhW6yjgGHaAoAxMQ7xYoAHoECAEQMA

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The interview analysis also shows that there were close relations between the Chief Minister

of Punjab and the Mayor of Istanbul. It also highlights that apart from the Metrobus project,

collaboration between the Punjab government and Turkey was common in other urban sector

projects as well. For instance, Albayrak was providing services in the water and sanitation

sector and solid waste management and Le Park, another Turkish company, was providing

city parking management plans. As one of the provincial policymakers said:

At the city level it was easy to engage Istanbul municipal experts as compared to

any other foreign experts because Istanbul is a second home for our sector

experts. Since Turkish experts are working in many urban services such as solid

waste, water and sewerage design, urban development, and cultural exchange

services as well, so for transport projects it could be an extension of the service

network … which was easy (Interviewee, 2018).

The above statement shows the confidence of local policymakers in the Turkish experts.

Therefore, it was easy for local policymakers to rely on Turkish consultation and the transfer

of the Metrobus could be smooth. Figure 6.1 illustrates the importance of mutual trust and

Pakistani–Turkish friendship (see showing flags of two countries on the Metrobus) as a

fundamental reason behind the policy transfer process. The photo shows the Mayor of Istanbul

and the Chief Minister Punjab sitting together in an Istanbul Metrobus, giving the impression

that Turkey is bringing new technology to Pakistan. This photo was taken in Istanbul after the

signing of the MOU for the Lahore Metrobus project with the Turkish company Albayrak (AA

News, 2013). The photo clearly represents the value of close relations between two political

leaders which led local policy actors to prefer the Istanbul model over the Bogota model.

Usually in case of BRT transfer, policy lenders such as the ITDP, EMBARQ or Mayors of

Bogota or Curitiba advertised the benefits and convinced the policy borrowers (Ardila-gómez,

2004; Campo, 2011; Hidalgo & Gutiérrez, 2013). However, in the case of the Lahore Metrobus

the policy borrower – the government of Punjab – approached the policy lender, which shows

the level of confidence of the government of Punjab in the Turkish actors.

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Figure 6.1: The Mayor of Istanbul and the Chief Minister Punjab in Istanbul to sign the MOU for the Metrobus project

(Source: AA News, 2013)

The findings of this section have highlighted that in the transfer of the Istanbul Metrobus model,

well-recognised BRT actors like the ITDP and Mayor of Bogota, also known as BRT agents,

were not able to initiate the transfer of the Bogota model. Instead, political, and relatively less

well-known actors in BRT promotion and less experienced actors like the Mayor of Istanbul,

the Turkish firm Ulesiam and the Turkish company Albayrak successfully transferred the

Istanbul Metrobus model to Lahore. Unlike the ITDP, which was established for BRT transfer,

the Turkish actors were inexperienced in BRT transfer.

These empirical findings further show the role of political influence in policy transfer as well.

Although the Bogota model was considered a successful example of BRT in transport studies,

the local policy actors preferred the Istanbul Metrobus model due to political ease and close

cultural ties between the two cities. As was determined in BRT transfer between Latin

american cities by Gutierrez & Jaimovich,( 2017) where political ease and cultural similarities

were key factors in exchange of BRT idea.

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Overall, this section concludes that international actors were the policy promoters of this mass

transit concept in Pakistan. The study further identifies how three different international actors

promoted three different mass transit options, as summarised in Table 6.1. These findings

confirm the role of international actors is discussed more in contextual terms as part of global

policy transfer networks to promote certain policy options (Prince, 2012; Stone, 2004, 2008).

Table 6.1: International actors and their proposed mass transit options in Lahore.

International actors involved in mass transit transfer

Time period Actors Role performed

Proposal for LRT

1990

1993–2000

2001–2005

2007

2008

JICA

WB

ADB

SYSTRA

MV Asia

Transport consultant who

recommended first transit options for

Lahore in 1990.

Provided technical loan for traffic study

in Lahore.

Financial donor that sponsored the first

feasibility study for light rail in 2007.

Prepared feasibility study for light rail.

Prepared detailed reference design for

Green route.

Proposal for BRT Bogota

2008

2008

2010

2012

Mayor of Bogota

ITDP

UNDP

Mayor of Istanbul

Suggested BRT model of TransMilenio.

Acted as BRT think tank for BRT project

PAKSTRAN Project of BRT

Provided 100 metro buses from Turkey

at groundbreaking ceremony of Lahore

Metrobus project

Implementation of Metrobus

2011

2012

2013

Chief Minister Punjab

Albayrak- Turkish group

Mayor of Istanbul

Suggested Metrobus after visit to

Istanbul.

Provided technical support for Lahore

Metrobus.

Inaugurated Lahore Metrobus project.

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Role of local political actors as policy selectors

In this section I examine the role of local political actors and locally evolved socio-political

conditions in selecting a foreign transport policy concept. The interviews with local policy

actors showed that there was a strong connection between the changes in the consideration

of mass transit options and the changes in the political setup of Pakistan. This section further

highlights that BRT transfer in Lahore was strongly influenced by local politicians.

In Pakistan during the selection of the mass transit concept, three different political parties

played their role in the selection process. Each political party promoted a particular mass

transit project and made it a point of political rivalry in the country. The transfer of mass transit

may seem to be a technical process of selecting an appropriate technology from overseas for

public transport purposes. However, in Pakistan the project of mass transit was more political

and less technical. In the following three sub sections I analyse the detailed role of political

actors as part of BRT transfer network.

Light rail as a project of Pakistan Muslim League Q (2005–2007)

In 2005, the Pakistan Muslim League Q group (PMLQ) was the ruling party both at federal

level and at provincial level. The provincial PMLQ government started working on mass transit

project in Lahore because it is the capital of the Punjab province. Light rail was the preferred

option at the time suggested by the JICA, WB and ADB, as discussed earlier, and the PMLQ

leadership supported the option of light rail. At the federal level, the national transport

institutions reviewed the light rail project and established networks with the ADB for project

funding. The provincial Transport Department invested in a detailed feasibility report and route

design report for the LRMTS. The PMLQ signed the federal project guarantee with the ADB

and the Transport Department at the provincial level started working on a design and

execution framework for the light rail option in Lahore.

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However, in 2007, suddenly political unrest started in the country where the democratic

government was overthrown, and the Pakistan military took over the administrative leadership

of the country. Interim election dates were announced for three months after the takeover. As

a result, all the mega development projects including the Lahore light rail project went on halt

until the next election term. As one of the respondents said:

We were not sure how the project would go further. It was hard for us to convince

the international donors [the ADB] to invest in a light rail project … it could be a

temporary delay or complete refusal by new government (Interviewee, 2018).

This statement reveals the direct implications of the socio-political conditions of Pakistan on

the process of transferring the concept of light rail. The PMLQ advertised the light rail project

as a mega initiative taken by the PMLQ during the election campaign. The technical LRT

project started becoming a political initiative. The PMLQ committed to completing the light rail

project if it won the election. However, in the elections of 2008 the PMLQ was not re-elected.

BRT concept as a project of Pakistan People’s Party (2008–2010)

In 2008, another political party, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), established political rule at

federal level, while in Punjab province the ruling party was the Pakistan Muslim League N

group (PMLN) party. Both political parties were competitors to each other, and their political

rivalry further influenced the selection of mass transit projects. The PPP entered as a new

political actor in the network of mass transit actors. As one of the interviewees from the federal

level said:

The new government of the PPP was not ready to sign the further state guarantee

for the light rail project with the ADB, considering it an extraordinary burden for

the economy of Pakistan. Instead, the PPP preferred the concept of urban buses

over urban rail (Interviewee, 2018).

The above statement shows that changes in the political setup of the country created instability

in relation to the Lahore light rail network as well. The PPP as a new political actor impacted

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on the actor network LRT connections. The PPP acted as policy selector as the new federal

government and preferred the concept of BRT as an alternative to light rail. In ANT analysis

this was a turning point in network associations where bus technology replaced the role of

light rail technology, and the PPP took over the position of the PMLQ.

In 2008, the PPP further initiated the PAKSTRAN project at the federal level in collaboration

with the UNDP and GEF (as discussed in the previous section) to promote sustainable mobility

options in the country. The key objective of this project was to provide a BRT system in four

major cities of Pakistan (UNDP, 2010a). I have identified a main difference between the

approaches of the PPP and PMLQ regarding provision of a mass transit concept in the

country: the PMLQ focused on the single and high-cost project of light rail in Lahore, whereas

the PPP designed a BRT-based comprehensive mass transit project and selected four major

cities and provincial capitals of Pakistan. Overall, the approach of the PPP was more

comprehensive, effective, and efficient because it was aimed at more cities while planning to

spend less money.

The initial concept of the PAKSTRAN was approved in 2008 and the interim project report

proposed to execute the project over 2009–2013 (UNDP, 2010a). At the federal level the PPP

presented the concept of BRT with the impression that the PPP government preferred a low

budget but efficient public transport project. The political slogan of the PPP for the BRT project

was ‘efficient and economic mobility all over Pakistan’. However, the PPP could not start

PAKSTRAN-based BRT projects in all provinces because at that time at provincial level there

were two different political parties other than the PPP and the respective provincial

governments did not approve the BRT projects (Interviewee, 2018). The federal government

could not start PAKSTRAN without the approval of respective provincial governments because

after the approval of projects, provincial governments must pay 50% of the cost with the other

50% planned to be covered by the federal government. However, the provincial governments

of Khyber Pakhtwon Kah (KPK) and Punjab did not agree with PAKSTRAN, and the project of

BRT in provincial capitals was not implemented.

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This section has highlighted how two different political parties, the PMLQ and PPP, in Pakistan

politicised the projects of mass transit and selected two different options, LRT and BRT. In

other words, the political actors played a role as project selectors. The next section further

confirms the role of political influence on the selection of mass transit concept in Pakistan.

The Istanbul Metrobus as a project of Pakistan Muslim League N (2011–2013)

In this section I examine how the policymakers of Punjab province selected the option of the

Istanbul Metrobus model as the preferred mass transit option. As mentioned earlier, after the

2008 election at the federal level the PPP was the ruling party, whereas at the provincial level

in Punjab the PMLN was the ruling party. The federal government proposed a national BRT

project, PAKSTRAN (based on the Bogota model), for four major cities of Pakistan. In contrast,

the provincial government of Punjab preferred the Istanbul Metrobus model of BRT,

considering it more modern, advanced, and closer to rail than a bus service. One of the

interviewees from the Transport Department said:

To select the option of BRT was a difficult decision for the Chief Minster Punjab

… on one hand he wanted to introduce it as an alternative to the light rail project

in Lahore [initiated by the PMLQ] … and on the other hand he was reluctant to

start the BRT project [proposed by the PPP] … he was also not convinced by the

example from Bogota and asked us [the Transport Department experts] to

explore further options with modern BRT features … it was an unofficial ‘NO’ …

for the Bogota model (Interviewee, 2018).

The above statement reveals the high level of political interference in the process of selecting

different mass transit options. Initially the federal government of PPP rejected the option of

light rail (as it was a PMLQ project) and claimed the project costs were too high. Later the

provincial government of PMLN also rejected the option of BRT based on the Bogota model

(as it was a PPP project), arguing that the TransMilenio features could not compete with the

modern service and other features of light rail. In this situation the PMLN entered the network

of mass transit actors with the new option of the Istanbul Metrobus model as an alternative to

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the projects of both other parties. One of the interviewees from the Transport Department also

stated:

The approval of the Istanbul Metrobus created a win–win situation for the Punjab

government (Interviewee, 2018).

The Chief Minister Punjab used the option of the Istanbul Metrobus in a very political manner

without considering the project implications for the city. The mass transit option that JICA

proposed for Lahore to solve the traffic problems ended up in a political battle in the country.

In other words, by implementing the Istanbul Metrobus model, the PMLN was successful in

getting the credit for introducing the first mass transit mode in the country. In addition to this,

the PMLN also blocked the PPP from gaining political advantage through introducing BRT

projects in other major cities of Pakistan as well. Therefore, the Istanbul Metrobus model

provided PMLN with a strong political advantage. To get that advantage, the PMLN avoided

all possible interactions with the federal government of that time in terms of project approval

and project funding. As discussed in Chapter 5 (Section 5.1), the project was approved in a

unique way by the Punjab Planning and Department, by splitting the total project cost of 30

million USD into 8 small sub-packages to avoid the requirement for approval through the

federal government and funding the complete project from the budget of the provincial

government.

The findings of this section describe how the decision on mass transit was not a simple and

direct decision to transfer BRT as a foreign transport policy option to deal with local traffic

challenges. Instead, it was a highly complex, entangled, and political process where the entry

and exit of different political actors in the mass transit network greatly impacted on the decision

to introduce the mass transit concept in the country.

Overall, I found that the transfer of the mass transit concept happened due to strong political

influence on the project not only in its selection process, but also in its implementation. A

Transport Department interviewee said:

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The dedicated political support in Punjab was the driving force for the Metrobus

project (Interviewee, 2018).

The Punjab government showed strong commitment to the Istanbul Metrobus project. The

project execution started in 2012 and within 11 months it was finished and operational. It was

the only mega transport project of the country that was completed in less than a year’s time,

apparently because 2013 was the election year. As one of the interviewees from the Transport

Department said:

The biggest challenge with limited technical resources was to complete the

project before the election (Interviewee, 2018).

From 2005 until 2013, three different political parties proposed three different transit options,

as summarised in Table 6.2.

Table 6.2: Role of political parties in the selection of mass transit options

Time period Political party Proposal

2005–2007 PMLQ Lahore light rail project

2008–2010 PPP BRT in PAKSTRAN project

2011–2013 PMLN Istanbul Metrobus BRT project (implemented)

Overall, this section describes the influential roles of political actors and the socio-political

conditions of Pakistan in relation to the selection of the Istanbul Metrobus project. The process

of mass transit transfer started with the option of light rail but ended with the Istanbul Metrobus

model mainly on a political basis. Therefore, the results of this section confirm the findings of

other BRT studies in the Global South. The key argument of these studies is that BRT is a

successful example of policy transfer in the Global South because of political ideologies, close

geographical connections and cultural similarities between policy borrowers and lenders

(Hossain, 2006; Montero, 2017, 2020; A. Wood, 2014).

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The findings of this section have also highlighted that political parties and transit technology

were the key actors in the mass transit network of Pakistan because political parties used the

features of the different mass transit modes to select their preferred option. Therefore, the role

of transit technology cannot be ignored in relation to political and international actors. I further

explain in the next section how the local policy actors used the mass transit technology in the

BRT transfer process.

Role of mass transit technology as a non-human actor

In this section I examine the role of non-human elements in the BRT transfer process using

the lens of ANT (Callon & Blackwell, 2007; John, 2009; Latour, 2005). The role of non-humans

as part of the BRT transfer is divided into three sections, identifying the significant non-human

elements, describing the roles of non-humans by showing how non-humans influenced the

human policy actors and finally how a heterogenous network of human and non-human actors

developed into an actor network and performed the action of BRT transfer.

In ANT terms the actions of non-humans are visible in association with human actors (Callon

& Blackwell, 2007). This means the roles of non-human actors are not influential unless non-

humans and human are connected as a network. This is the key argument for developing

heterogenous network connections; in order to explore the roles of non-humans, they must be

allowed to enter the list of actors just like humans. As Latour stated:

The actions of non-humans are always in the form of interaction (Latour, 2005,

p. 78).

Therefore to identify the list of non-human elements as actors in this chapter, I have used the

key understating of actors established in ANT, which is different from the roles of actors as

analysed in conventional transport policy transfer analysis, where only human policymakers

are classified as actors (Nguyen & Pojani, 2018; A. Wood, 2015). In ANT terms, the non-

humans are not actors in proper sense. However:

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Nonhumans can do something more than mere casual actors [humans] (Latour,

2005, p. 70).

The influential role of non-humans is one of the fundamental concepts of ANT that I use for

analysis in this section. The key argument of ANT-based policy transfer analysis is that in

transport policy transfer, the seemingly neutral and technical policy features are not just

objects or things as assumed in the global network of policy actors. Instead, neutral, and

technical objects can have a certain influence on human policy actors and as a result the

human actors perform certain actions which are only visible in ANT-sensitive analysis.

However, the influence of non-humans cannot be denied.

Therefore, I explore the role of non-human elements in this chapter by drawing on the

characteristics described by ANT scholars where the word ‘non-humans’ functions as an

umbrella term and includes a wide range of objects and things (Callon, Rip, et al., 1986; Latour,

1996b). In the context of transport analysis, I have found from previous studies that the

relevant non-humans were policy documents, technical reports, technology features, design

structures, costs, ideas, images, lived experiences, inspirations and types of infrastructure

(Bilodeau & Potvin, 2018; Rydin & Tate, 2016; Wang & Selina, 2018 ).

However, in my analysis I have found the influence of mass transit technology played a

significant role in BRT transfer because the local policy actors (the political actors as well as

transport-related actors, as described earlier) were inspired by the technology of mass transit.

Although the role of mass technology was further segmented into three forms: the light rail

model, the Bogota TransMilenio model, and the Istanbul Metrobus model, all these sub-forms

of technology overall created a strong cumulative influence on the minds of local policy actors.

Furthermore, in the absences of mass transit technology as an actor, there were visible

conflicts between political actors and local transport experts particularly in the selection of

transit mode. However, the LRT, the BRT Bogota model and the Istanbul Metrobus model

collectively established a strong image of mass transit technology and mediated the latent

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conflicts between the local policy actors, allowing the technology to be selected, and this was

the key contribution of mass transit technology as an actor in the BRT transfer process. As

Latour (2011 p.67) said, ‘’things cannot make sense unless they [non-humans] are assembled

in a meaningful manner’’.

Therefore, I found in the case of Lahore that without considering the influence of mass transit

technology as an actor, the decision on BRT transfer was conflicted between the human actors

in the form of the light rail, Bogota model and Istanbul model. To overcome this conflict, the

presence of a non-human actor – the influence of mass transit technology – was a new entry

in the list of actors which developed further connections between the local political actors, the

local transport-related actors and the international actors and completed the process of BRT

transfer as a collective action of all the actors in the form of a network.

The network relations between human and non-human actors are also called purposeful

relations (Latour, 2013a). Therefore, by demonstrating the notion of purposeful relations and

meaningful assemblage, I have shown the entry of mass transit technology as an influential

actor in the list of policy actors that were involved in the BRT transfer.

I have further found from the interviews with local policy actors that the influence of mass

transit technology in their minds was based on the inherent features of mass transit, including

the capacity to carry higher numbers of passengers as compared to conventional buses, the

high speed over existing modes of public transport, the safe and reliable travel service, the

dedicated right of way of the transit modes, the sense of sophisticated and modern mobility,

and – the most astonishing thing – the automation of mass transit technology. As one of the

interviewees from the Transport Department said:

We [Transport Department] wanted to improve the local traffic by using new

technology [he did not mention any particular form of technology] … because we

have experienced the use of technology in small segments and the results were

amazing … for example, I share one experience … on Mall Road [a major traffic

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corridor in Lahore] there was lot of congestion and traffic challenges for us when

we were controlling the traffic manually by assigning different traffic sergeants to

manage the traffic. However, on the recommendation of JICA we installed

automatic traffic-sensitive signals … now there is no problem at all … everything

was sorted out with the use of automatic technology [the focus again on

automation of technology] … same in the case of public transport … the problems

could be solved if we had introduced … new technology (Interviewee, 2018).

The above statement reveals the thinking and the imagination of local policy actors that they

had developed in favour of mass transit technology. Although in my understanding there were

three options in front of them to select one form of technology – light rail, the TransMilenio or

the Istanbul Metrobus – for them it was only mass transit technology. As Wood et al. (2006)

stated in their analysis of contesting characters of neighbourhoods using ANT:

Even as we were presuming to be talking about the same thing, we were evidently

talking about quite different things (Wood et al., 2006, p. 7).

The interviews with local policy actors have also shown their inspiration by the term ‘new

transport technology’ which I call in my analysis ‘the influence of mass transit technology’.

To explore further details regarding the action of BRT transfer, in the following sub sections I

analyse the roles of the three different forms of mass transit technology and describe how

each mode influenced the local policymakers to proceed with the BRT transfer.

Influence of light rail transit technology

The light rail was the first form of mass transit technology that influenced the local policy actors.

At the local level, the policy actors were introduced to the technical features of light rail such

as high speed, automotive locomotives, higher passenger capacity, safety, and environmental

friendliness by looking at the LRMTS technical report. This concept of a mass transit system

in Lahore was planned by JICA in the form of another technical study, the LUDTS (details of

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both studies are discussed in Section 5.2). The local policy actors used these two studies as

their initial reference points for light rail technology.

In addition to these, a feasibility report on the first mass transit (Green line) route and a detailed

reference design report for a Lahore light rail project were also available to local policy actors

as references. In particular, the LRT reference design report played a significant role in the

design of the BRT route as well, as I have discussed in relation to the implementation of BRT.

Overall, the technical studies on light rail and reference design drawings of a light rail route

were the most important non-human elements in the list of light rail actors.

However, I found from the interviews that the lived experience of using light rail in Tokyo played

the most significant role in creating long-lasting impacts of the light rail option on the minds of

the local policymakers in the Punjab Transport Department. Vigar (2017) confirmed the

significance of lived experiences in transport planning by calling learning through site visits

‘situated knowledge’. I also realised the importance of situated knowledge through the

following quote. One of the interviewees from the Transport Department said:

The JICA team not only suggested the idea of light rail but provided us with an

opportunity through a field visit to experience light rail technology … JICA

sponsored a technical tour of transport experts from Lahore … we stayed there

for two weeks … travelled on trains in Tokyo … trains were totally separated from

regular traffic through elevated routes and underground sections … we found that

visit very helpful in designing the same concept for Lahore … later we always

used the examples from that visit … to convince our fellow colleagues … I still

have the image of running elevated trains all over the city as a memory

(Interviewee, 2018).

I found three phrases from the above statement – ‘trains in Tokyo’, ’image’ and ‘memory’ – to

be powerful words to establish network connections between actors in the ANT analysis.

Those three phrases assigned agency and created the influence of light rail technology on

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local policy actors. Furthermore, those three phrases also highlight the strength of imagination

plus the richness of lived experience of using a new transit technology and confirm the findings

of Vigar (2017) that site experience in transport planning is more influential than technical

reports, drawings and policy texts.

Although I found that the technical studies, drawings of a light rail route design and site visits

created an overall influence in favour of light rail. According to the ANT approach, things make

sense by simply relating to each other (Latour, 1984). Therefore, I found in this case that the

field tour of local actors to Tokyo helped them to understand the features of light rail. The

importance of study tours and site visits is also recognised in transport policymaking (Glaser

et al., 2020; Montero, 2017). However, the case of Lahore further confirms through empirical

findings based on the ANT approach that field tour created a strong bond of connection

between a display of technology and human policy actors and help to create the long-lasting

influence of mass transit technology.

Influence of the BRT Bogota model

The technology of BRT was the second form of mass transit that inspired the local policy

actors of Lahore. As discussed earlier in Section 6.1.2, the idea was introduced at the local

level by international proponents of BRT. In the ANT terms, the PowerPoint presentation on

the BRT model of Bogota delivered by ITDP experts and the Mayor of Bogota in 2010 was the

main source of inspiration for BRT at the local level. Overall, the influence of the TransMilenio

was developed by using this presentation, pictures of the Bogota BRT and international

studies on the Bogota model. The PAKSTRAN report on BRT was also prepared by the UNDP

to provide BRT knowledge at local level for policy makers.

Although in policy mobilities analysis PowerPoint presentations are considered an important

source of knowledge sharing (McCann & Ward, 2013; Thomas et al., 2018).However, in the

ANT-based analysis of policy transfer process the influence of presentation and pictures is not

found as long lasting and inspirational as lived experience.

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According to Latour (2005, p. 16), sometimes the associations between human and non-

humans can be ‘temporary’ and keep the network stable for some time; these relations are

called ‘momentary associations’. Overall, I found that the influence of the TransMilenio was

momentary association between local policy actors and the Bogota BRT model as compared

to light rail. Furthermore, there was no chance for local actors to see and experience the

Bogota option and their impression of BRT technology did not inspire the local policy makers

to proceed further with this option of BRT technology.

Influence of the Istanbul Metrobus model

The Istanbul Metrobus model was the third form of mass transit technology which inspired the

local policy actors. The influence of the Istanbul model started with the lived experience of

using the Metrobus in Istanbul, Turkey, of the Chief Minister Punjab during his official visit to

Turkey in 2011, as discussed in Section 6.2. Later members of the Punjab Transport

Department also visited Istanbul in the form of a delegation to observe the service, operation,

design and working of the Metrobus as another form of mass transit technology. In the

delegation team, three members also had the chance to visit the Tokyo light rail, as I found

from the interviews.

Overall, the lived experiences of Tokyo and Istanbul played the most significant roles in

creating the influence of mass transit technology and leading the local policy actors to choose

the option of mass transit technology in favour of the Istanbul Metrobus model. Although

according to the interviewees, for the Istanbul Metrobus technical studies such as a feasibility

report and detailed reference designs were not prepared as predesign working but still the

option of the Istanbul Metrobus was transferred. In this regard I found that the image of the

Metrobus as a modern technology, as well as the image of Istanbul as a modern city in the

Islamic world, acted as connecting nodes between the policy actors of Lahore and the Turkish

experts. Although Lahore could not be transformed into a modern city like Istanbul just by

implementing the same technology of the Metrobus, but the modern image of Istanbul as

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compared to Bogota also instigated the selection of the Metrobus. The ANT understanding

also supports the recognition of an image as a non-human actor; as Latour, (2011) said:

Sometimes the minimal agency of non-humans is so influential that it can change

the entire network connections (Latour, 2011, p. 27).

Figure 6.2 also represents the value of non-human influence in decision-making. In displaying

the flags of Turkey and Pakistan side by side, designing a similar centrally aligned bus route

like Istanbul’s, using red buses showing the colour of Turkish flag and elevating the bus route

like the Bosphorus Bridge, the implementation of the Lahore Metrobus project shows that

objects and things highly influenced the minds of the local policy actors.

Figure 6.2: Route of Lahore Metrobus symbolising the close connections between Turkey and

Pakistan in showing the two national flags at the inauguration ceremony in Lahore


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The analysis of the roles of mass transit technology and the local policy actors as a network

demonstrates what happened in Lahore during the BRT transfer and how the Istanbul model

was selected. As per Latour (2013), the explanation of why it has happened, is not in the scope

of ANT, but the beauty of using ANT as a methodology is in finding the descriptions of the

actions performed through actor–network connections. I further provide my judgement on why

it happened and whether selection of the Istanbul model was a rational choice or not, by using

the lens of policy mobilities in the discussion chapter.

The complexity of actor networks in BRT transfer

In this section I further describe that the formation of a heterogenous network of actors

including all human and non-human actors was a complex, contingent, and transient process

because the final network of actors was not developed all at once; instead, it was developed

gradually by making and remaking three sub-actor networks. In the following three subsections

I discuss the three sub-actor networks with the transit models in the centre as influential actors

of the actor networks. By changing the role of one transit mode, a completely different network

of actors appeared in the decision-making process. Therefore, I show that the transit

technology played a central role along with relevant political actors to control the actions of

the international and local-level transport-related actors. Even political parties used the agency

of transit modes to establish purposeful connections with federal and provincial-level project-

approving authorities. Finally, three sub-networks eventually merged into each other and

formed an intact network of actors, which was more complex and entangled.

In the following subsection I explain how transit technology controlled the stability of actor–

network connections in the policy transfer process for BRT in Lahore.

Network instability in Lahore light rail project

The option of light rail was the first mass transit option suggested by international experts to

deal with the demand for public transport in Lahore. I have examined how the light rail

technology made an entry into the local transport system in Lahore by focusing on the roles

of human actors. I found that the preference for light rail by both international and local-level

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actors was based on its advanced features such as being a high-capacity transit mode and a

fast, modern, reliable, and safe mode of mobility. One of the transport planners said:

By introducing the light rail transit as a mode of public transport, we were aiming

to experience modern transport technology … to enhance the image of the

country as well (Interviewee, 2018).

In other words, the local policymakers were thinking to use light rail technology as an actor to

change the challenging traffic and transport conditions of Lahore with a modern public

transport system. The international actors promoted the image of light rail as a new and

modern public transport system in the form of mass transit. The political actors were interested

in using that modern image of mass transit for political purposes and the local transport

planners were looking towards light rail to overcome the local challenges of public transport in

Lahore.

The light rail actor network was very stable because the light rail technology connected all the

international and local-level actors with the common understanding and acceptance that light

rail would provide modern technology in the country. In the light rail actor network, the human

policy actors aligned their interests with the modern image of light rail technology without

considering the high cost and limited technical and financial resources of the country.

Although the instability in the light rail actor network appeared with political instability and

changes in federal and provincial governments in the country. The changes in political setup

immediately impacted on the actor–network associations and the PMLQ as a political actor

made an exit from the network and the PPP took its position. The changes influenced previous

associations between international actors like the ADB and Planning Commission as well. The

Planning Commission and ADB, which were ready to start the project, could not continue their

associations further in implementing this option. Finally, the change in one political actor

impacted on the complete actor–network associations of light rail. Overall, the transfer of light

rail technology did not happen because the network was no longer intact or stable to support

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the action of policy transfer. In Figure 6.3, I show the central role of LRT, the role of

international actors as promoters and the role of the PMLQ as a political actor in stabilising

the network connections. In this network, only the political actor was replaced and so it is

indicated as a colourless node, whereas the rest of the actor network did not perform any

action due to political instability however actors in the network related to each other.

Figure 6.3: First sub-actor network of Lahore light rail transit technology

(Source: Author)

Network instability in the BRT Bogota model

The option of the Bogota BRT was the second mass transit option suggested by the network

of international BRT agents. From the interviews, I found that advocates of BRT used the

discourse of it being low-cost, less technical, flexible in using existing road infrastructure and

quick in implementation to convince the local policymakers. As one of the interviewees said:

The affordable, efficient, and reliable public transport provision was the main

reason to support the option of BRT over LRT (Interviewee, 2018).

The concept of BRT made its entry into the local mass transit network of Pakistan after 2008.

However, the BRT features created conflict between the federal and provincial-level transport

LRT

JICA

ADB

MV Asia

PMLQ

Transport

Dept.

WB

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institutions. The actors in the BRT network compared the features of the Bogota model with

the features of light rail. As mentioned by a transport engineer from TEPA:

The Bogota model was not giving an image of modern transport … it was a high-

capacity bus … that was not enough to convince the people of Lahore, who were

earlier looking towards light rail (Interviewee, 2018).

In the network of the Bogota model, the international actors and federal-level institutions

promoted this BRT option based on low cost and fewer technical requirements, whereas the

actors at provincial and local levels were looking for an alternative to light rail. These

differences created internal conflicts between the actors in the BRT network and it could not

develop stability in network associations, as shown in Figure 6.4. In this case, again the role

of political actor PPP was changed and created instability in network, the white node of PPP

shows the instable position of political actor in the network. Furthermore, the actor network of

Bogota model was not intact because the list of advocates of BRT Bogota model were different

at federal and the provincial. At federal level UNDP with PAKSTRAN proposed BRT option

whereas at provincial level, Mayor of Bogota and ITDP, suggested the Bogota model at local

transport institutions. The actor network of Bogota model was further divided into two sets of

actors (grey-coloured nodes) with no mutual connections with each other. For instance, the

UNDP and PAKSTRAN had no connection with Mayor of Bogota and local transport

institutions. Additionally, the mayor of Bogota did not approach the federal level transport

institutions but only contacted the provincial and city level actors. Overall, in this actor network

only the role of ITDP was as an intermediary connecting the international and local level actors

but the network connections were not intact and stable for policy transfer.

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Figure 6.4: Second sub-actor network of BRT Bogota model

(Source: Author)

Network stability in the Istanbul Metrobus model

The Istanbul Metrobus model was the third mass transit option that local policymakers

considered in Lahore. My findings highlight those local policymakers selected the Metrobus

concept as an alternative to LRT in Lahore as one of the delegation members said:

Metrobus was cheaper than light rail because it was a bus-based system but with

modern features such as an intelligent transport system (ITS), dedicated right of

way and integration of park-and-ride facility, making it an advanced version of a

conventional bus system (Interviewee, 2018).

In my analysis, the Istanbul Metrobus concept acted as a hybrid version of BRT (Bogota

model) and LRT in Lahore. For instance, the Metrobus had a high-capacity service operated

at scheduled intervals with automatic traffic signal priority over the rest of the traffic. Those

features ensured a fast, safe, and reliable public transport service like a train or light rail. The

project cost for the Metrobus was initially calculated at 10 million USD but later implemented

for 30 million USD for a 27 km route, whereas the cost of light rail was estimated at around

1.6 billion USD for a 27 km route (Punjab, n.d.). Through the low costs, the Metrobus was also

BRT

Bogota

ITDP

UNDP

PAKSTRAN

PPP

LTC

UU

Bogota Mayor

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like the BRT Bogota model. Therefore, the option of the Istanbul Metrobus became a hybrid

mass transit mode.

The Istanbul Metrobus option also helped to remove gaps between actors inside the network.

The local transport institutions of Lahore were interested in executing a mass transit option,

political actors were willing to compete with light rail before the pending elections in 2013 and

at an international level Pakistan and Turkey were committed to creating economic and social

stability between Islamic countries through the ECO and D-8. In this scenario, the Metrobus

project provided an opportunity to create purposeful and intact relations between the local

level actors and international actors.

In the ANT terms, intactness in the network occurs when there are close contacts between

actors in the network. In addition, the trust, confidence and historical relations between Turkey

and Pakistan also created closeness between the actors of policy borrower and lender and

kept the network of the Istanbul Metrobus intact and stable. The longer the stability of network

connections between actors lasted, the more intact the network was and the easier it was to

initiate the process of policy transfer. Although public participation and planning professionals

as actors were missing but engineering elites as well as political leaders were dominant in

establishing networks and thus ANT reflected organic nature of network connection in transfer.

Finally, the policymakers in Lahore selected the option of the Istanbul Metrobus and

implemented it as the first mass transit option in the country. The Istanbul Metrobus model

was more influential because the PMLN, the political party, supported this project – the Chief

Minister of the PMLN was in power in Punjab province – and furthermore the local policy actors

were also impressed by the image of Istanbul, as highlighted above, during their visit to

Istanbul. Finally, the Istanbul Metrobus model as shown in Figure 6.5 was more intact, stable,

and influential because there were close connections between international and local political

actors, as shown with a similar colour. Likewise, there was acceptance of the technology at

the local level by political actors and transport-related institutions as well, as shown with the

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green colour. Overall, all the actors were closely connected in the Istanbul Metrobus, which

led the policymakers to select this option as the preferred mode of mass transit.

Figure 6.5: Third sub-actor network of the Istanbul Metrobus model

(Source: Author)

Three sub-networks made an intact actor network to transfer BRT

In this section I describe using the concept of heterogenous assemblages, the complete policy

transfer process of mass transit concept as an intact network of actors in Lahore. The

heterogenous assemblages assigned equal positions to the roles of human and non-human

actors. The roles of the actors are described in previous sections and here the three sub-

networks are discussed as merging into a single intact network.

Initially I identified the list of actors performing different roles and categorised them in the form

of three sub-actor networks. The list included both human and non-human actors that

developed purposeful connections with each other. I found that to initiate the actor network for

the transfer of the mass transit technology, the international actors acted as policy promoters

and identified three different mass transit technology models in Pakistan. The local transport

institutions and transport policy documents were not able to play effective roles in selecting

the mass transit technology due the non-integrated transport planning system in Pakistan and

because the other more powerful actors did not ask for their opinions. Furthermore, the

Istanbul Metrobus

Ulasiam

Mayor of Istanbul

P&D

Trans. Dept

TEPA

PMLN

CM

Punjab

Albayrak

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political actors significantly impacted on the rational planning of the transport sector and made

it a political process of selection. The changes in socio-political conditions further complicated

the policy transfer process and entangled the network connections.

Overall, I have found through the ANT associations that the complete process of the mass

transit transfer in Pakistan was broken up into several sub-networks. The sub-actor networks

of light rail, Bogota BRT and the Istanbul Metrobus all had their roles in the transfer of the

mass transit concept to Lahore. Therefore, the use of actor–network analysis has exposed the

complexity of transferring a transport policy concept by focusing on the roles of both human

and non-human actors and their mutual associations in the form of networks.

Furthermore, the stable and unstable network connections between different actors also

indicated the roles of external and internal factors in the policy transfer process. For instance,

the political breakups, project image, project cost, project completion time and close

connection between the Mayor of Istanbul and the Chief Minister Punjab, which are clearly

nonmaterial features, showed significant impacts on actor–network associations. Indirectly the

non-material features contributed in a significant manner to the transfer of BRT.

The ANT analysis further demonstrated that different material and non-material features

contributed to stabilising the actor–network associations. The involvement of the three

networks of mass transit modes in the transfer of BRT in Lahore further confirm that policy

transfer of BRT was a complex, contingent and hybrid process. The transfer process was

technical as well as political at the same time. Therefore, the roles of the actors in the policy

transfer process were relational and contextual where both human and non-human actors

were related to each other and supported each other’s actions to make the actor network more

intact.

I use the term ‘intact’ in my research to indicate the concept of completeness in network

connections or having stable network connections between actors. An intact network means

closely connected actors in the network. The connection between two or more actors depends

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upon the interests of the actors. Therefore, the bond between actors with similar interests can

create intactness in a network for the effective, quick, and easy transfer of a transport policy

concept. For instance, in my analysis the network of the Istanbul Metrobus was more intact as

compared to the networks of light rail and Bogota BRT, and therefore policymakers selected

the option of the Istanbul Metrobus as the preferred mode of mass transit.

By focusing on the complexity of the transport policy transfer process, this study provides a

comprehensive overview of the policy transfer process of the mass transit concept in Pakistan.

Figure 6.6 illustrates the different stages of transferring the concept of mass transit. Although

analysis of policy transfer in this study is confined to the implementation of the Istanbul

Metrobus concept, the transfer of mass transit did not stop with the Istanbul Metrobus. Firstly,

the Istanbul Metrobus has been further transferred to other cities in Pakistan. In 2013 it was

called the Lahore Metrobus model, but later in 2017 five other cities of Pakistan also

implemented the concept of BRT with provincial funding and local policymakers called it the

Pakistan Metrobus model. Secondly, light rail has also been implemented in Lahore so that a

further policy transfer has taken place, instead of an extension of the BRT network in Lahore.

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Figure 6.6: Overview of transfer process of mass transit to Lahore

(Source: Author)

Overall, I have shown in this chapter how, during the process of BRT transfer, the actions of

local and international actors revolved around three different modes of mass transit

technology: light rail, BRT in the Bogota model and the Istanbul Metrobus model. Therefore,

in the network associations I assigned the role of mediator to the mass transit technology

because the influence of the mass technology impacted on the choices of policymakers in the

selection and transfer of BRT.

Conclusion

Finally, I conclude in this chapter that the transfer of a transport policy concept such as BRT

is not a simple transfer of transport technology; instead, it is technical, political, contextual and

a hybrid process which includes both human and non-human actors in the form of networks.

Section 6.1 has explored the role of international actors as policy promoters of the mass

transit concept in Pakistan. Although previous studies have also indicated the influential role

of international actors in promoting the trends of using private transport modes through

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motorisation and road development in Pakistan (Imran & Low, 2007), the results of this

research further highlight the influence of non-human actors over human policy actors in

making transport policy decisions at a local level.

Section 6.2 has examined the roles of political actors and the implications of socio-political

conditions for policy selection and implementation. For instance, three different political parties

in the country favoured three different mass transit models as part of the policy transfer. These

findings confirm the arguments of transport policy transfer scholars that policy exchange in

the transport sector is highly political and not only a technical process (Nguyen & Pojani, 2018;

Si et al., 2020; A. Wood, 2014; Wu & Pojani, 2016).

Section 6.3 has described the critical role of transit technology as a mediator in the policy

transfer process. The role of transit technology in policy transfer was found to be that of a

controlling or central actor that kept the actor network intact and complemented the transfer

process. However, the political actors used the agency of the mass transit technology to create

stability in the relevant actor–network associations. The process of transport policy transfer is

considered rational, whereas in Lahore the field visits of local policy actors, the unexpected

influence of mass transit technology and political rivalry removed the rationality from the policy

transfer process.

Overall, the selection of the Istanbul Metrobus model in Lahore instead of the Bogota BRT

model confirms the arguments of Pojani (2020), Silva Ardila (2020), Wood (2015) and Montero

(2020) that policy exchange happens through close political ideologies, contextual relations,

personal associations and geographical connections using the global policy transfer networks

of actors. The findings of this section extend the understanding of global policy transfer

networks by showing an additional dimension in how lived experiences, policy documents,

technology inspirations and political rivalry created influences on mass transit technology as

non-human actors and played significant roles in the BRT transfer process.

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Chapter 7 – The Fascination with the Elevated Busway in BRT

Translation

This chapter explores the second research question: How was the universal concept of BRT

translated and adapted to the local geographical and political contexts of Pakistan and how

have these transformations influenced the longer-term BRT outcomes? I describe here how

non-human objects influenced the thinking of local policy actors in BRT transfer. As a result,

human actors assigned different meanings to the design features of BRT and created local

level variations in the universal concept of BRT. I explore the changing of the BRT route design

based on following words of Latour (2002) and analyse how the local policy actors were

impressed by the agency of non-human objects and used the influence of non-human actors

in BRT transfer:

You [Non-human actors] possess meaning perhaps … but you, no longer have

reality, or else have it merely in the symbolic, subjective, collective, or

ideological form … although we [human actors] are able to grasp it objectively

(Latour, 2002, p. 15).

To explore the influence of non-human objects in creating local-level variations in BRT

transfer, I use the translation framework of the ANT approach. The framework of translation

shows the complexity of relationships between human and non-human actors for a certain

purpose to perform an action (Callon, 1999b). Therefore, using a translation framework allows

exploration of the local fascination with the elevated busway as part of BRT implementation at

the local level. It also describes how different policy actors were involved in changing the

design of the Lahore BRT route during policy transfer. The translation analysis further shows

the longer-term implications of changing the design of the BRT route at a local level.

This chapter is divided into four sections. Section 7.1 describes my personal reflections on the

Lahore Istanbul Metrobus model through a metaphor used by one of my interviewees to

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describe BRT in relation to the Lahore city. Section 7.2 explores the details of introducing the

elevated busway as part of BRT translation at the local level. Section 7.3 highlights the

implications of introducing the elevated busway in Lahore for other BRT projects in Pakistani

cities and Section 7.4 concludes the chapter.

Personal reflections and selection of elevated busway as a central BRT

variation

This chapter starts with my personal reflections on the Lahore Metrobus project during

analysis of how the Lahore Metrobus is different from the other public transport modes in

Lahore. I observed how the Metrobus with its modern features fits into the local transport

system of Lahore and the surrounding areas.

I have found from the interviews with local policy actors that they preferred the BRT concept

over the LRT concept based on the lower cost and fewer technical requirements of BRT, as

discussed in Chapter 6. However, from my personal observations I identified that some

features of the Lahore Metrobus made it a controversial choice as a BRT project. For instance,

the design model of Metrobus Lahore was different compared to international examples of

BRT in terms of both cost and service. In terms of cost, it was a high-cost BRT project. In

terms of service, I observed that the Metrobus option is a single-route transit project and not

well integrated with the local public transport modes. Furthermore, a remark by one of the

senior urban planners of the LDA in the interview inspired my analysis:

It [the Lahore Metrobus] is just an artificial jewel that is worn over shabby attire


This was a unique interpretation of the Metrobus for me. I asked the interviewee to explain

why he thought the Metrobus was ‘an artificial jewel’ and what he meant by ‘shabby attire’.

According to him, the Metrobus was an expensive option with fancy features, making it a jewel

in the non-integrated and poor service of local transport system as shabby attire. I further

analyse his statement through my observations as part of this research.

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To explore the position of the Metrobus as a jewel in the local transport system, I visited all

the Metrobus stations and examined the on-site provision of different infrastructure features

as part of the Metrobus project in Lahore during the data collection phase of my study. To

describe the local-level variations, I triangulated the interview data regarding infrastructure

features with the site observations and the focus group discussion and analysed the role of

these features in the transfer of the Metrobus concept. For instance, while travelling on the

Metrobus I compared its features with those of the conventional urban bus of the LTC and

analysed why the Metrobus was different and unique in the local transport system of Lahore.

This analysis helped me to understand why the interviewee called the Metrobus a jewel and

then I further explored the reasons for the artificiality of the jewel.

First to describe the metro bus as a jewel, in my site observation, I saw a large, shiny, red

articulated bus coming towards the station. When it stopped, I noticed that the Metrobus

entered the metro station fully covered with fabricated glass shelters and parked in front of

elevated platforms in designated bus bays, whereas for LTC buses without dedicated bus

bays only roadside sheds are provided for embarking and disembarking passengers. On the

other hand the metro bus stations were newly designed with fabricated glass despite of

considering the local weather in summer and glass design was also criticised by local media

and called as an inappropriate selection (News, 2013). Furthermore, passengers on the

Metrobus are all lined up and controlled by special entry gates giving access one by one to

the designated Metrobus platforms to prevent passenger congestion at entry points. In

contrast, on LTC buses passengers hardly wait for boarding and rush to embark without giving

time for the other passengers to disembark. In this situation, the entry gates, passenger control

and dedicated passenger rows inside the Metrobus platforms were distinguishing features

making the Metrobus project modern and technically advanced in comparison to the local LTC

buses.

Furthermore, the modern Metrobus features were based on automation, and I find automation

to be a key component of the Metrobus as a jewel. In my opinion the use of automation as a

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part of the Lahore Metrobus project was there to signal an arrival of mass transit technology

in the city in an automated, low labour hours and more productive future. However, the

features were not fully automated in terms of functionality but created a modern appearance.

For instance, the automatic ticket-vending machines issue special Metrobus cards if you want

to have multiple rides, while the token machines issue special tokens in the form of coins if

you want to have only a single ride. Then the automatic turnstiles near platform areas ensure

no entry without a ticket and a single entry at a time. Additionally, there were auto-security

walkthrough gates at the entrance of Metrobus stations to ensure public safety (these turn on

an alarm if someone enters carrying any weapon or metal). There was an auto-controlled

security system based on closed circuit television, proper lighting to ensure travel safety at

night-time and a new passenger communication system on platforms. Again, based on

automation, automatic glass doors give access from the passenger area to Metrobus doors,

special screen shields and expensive fabricated glass bus stations that provide shelter from

rain and there is an intelligent transport system (ITS) for Metrobus operation (from my field

notes).

Yet, from my visit to all the Metrobus stations I observed the automation was a form of

artificiality because the features of automation were introduced in a symbolic manner and not

in a functional manner. Automation was giving the Metrobus project only a separate and

unique identity at the local level. For instance, I noted during my field visit that many people

were employed by the Lahore Metrobus authority to operate turnstiles, to operate ticket

machines, to maintain platform protocols, so the features of the Metrobus were not truly

automated. Instead by employing more people means more labour power as compared to

local buses of LTC (where only two persons, bus driver and ticket collector are involved in bus

operation). Therefore, in true sense the idea of automation based on efficiency, low labour

and more productivity was not achieved and hence demonstrates the artificiality of the jewel.

Furthermore, I also found that the local policy makers used the component of automation to

promote the image of the project as shown in the advertisement see figure 7.1. The metaphor

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of artificial jewel was also shown in the Metrobus advertisement from the Punjab government

at the time of its inauguration. The advertisement shown below focused on highlighting the

automation of turnstiles and escalators as modern features of mass transit technology instead

of promoting it as a low cost and integrated mode of public transport. Additionally, I found two

words in this advertisement in the local language (Urdu) which symbolised the Metrobus as a

jewel; munfarad which means ‘unique’ and jadeed which means ‘modern’. These two words

further demonstrate that Lahore Metrobus was planned more as a jewel.

Figure 7.1: Advertisement for Lahore Metrobus designed by Punjab government showing it as a ‘modern’ and ‘unique’ public transport mode

(Source: Dawn Daily, 2012)

I further analysed the artificiality of jewel based on the implementation of the Metrobus project

in Lahore. I have identified through field observations that the concept of the Metrobus was

different from the standard BRT examples like those of Curitiba and Bogota. It was different

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because instead of a network it was a single route and instead of integrating non-motorised

mobility modes like cycling and walking, the Lahore Metrobus model was promoting use of

paratransit modes like rickshaws and Qingqis.

The ITDP guidelines propose the integration of BRTand non-motorised mobility options as an

integral part of the BRT concept. The BRT ranking system of the ITDP also confirms that no

city can have bronze, silver, or gold levels of BRT unless it has introduced walking and cycling

plan as part of BRT project (ITDP 2013). By having only BRT buses and a single route, the

Lahore BRT comes under the category of basic BRT with only 50 points (ITDP, 2013). The

point system in the BRT ranking is based on design criteria for BRT design, operation,

integration with other transport modes, safe pedestrian crossings, shorter pedestrian wait

times, proper bicycle lanes, dedicated bicycle areas at BRT stations, offboard fare system,

BRT service in the form of a network etc. (ITDP, 2008). The basic score for the Lahore BRT

model shows that in Lahore the policy actors focused more on introducing fancy features for

BRT to present it as a modern and different mode as compared to LTC buses, rather than

integrating it with other transport modes. The ITDP guidelines regarding the integrated and

networked service provision of BRT were ignored and after spending 30 million USD for a

single route of 27 km, the Lahore BRT is categorised as a basic BRT service. Therefore, the

high cost of metro bus as compared to the average ITDP cost and the absence of walking and

cycling options as a part of BRT project confirm the artificiality of the jewel.

In addition to this during my site visit the most surprising and unique feature for me was the

exclusively constructed elevated busway only for the Lahore Metrobus. No other mode of

traffic uses the elevated route. Clearly the elevated route is a distinguishing feature between

the Metrobus and the rest of the traffic in Lahore. The local policy actors designed the

Metrobus project with a fancy set of infrastructure features including the elevated busway to

make it a distinct and modern transport project. However, I discovered this feature is not

appropriate for the local public transport users due to the following observations.

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I have also observed the thinness of the automation and the sophistication in relation to more

vulnerable passengers when I saw some women with children not using the escalators. I

asked them why they did not use it and they said that they did not use the escalators because

sometimes they suddenly stop due to power failures (which are quite a common occurrence

in Lahore) and due to the high steps it became hard to move, especially with children.

Therefore, they preferred not to use the escalators and instead used the long staircases. In

the context of the local conditions and cultural demands of public transport users, the provision

of expensive electric escalators to reach the bus route created some questions in my mind

regarding the design of the elevated busway. Furthermore, I also saw a disabled person in his

wheelchair very close to the staircase of the Lahore Metrobus station. He said:

I come here daily and spend time looking at people coming up and down and

enjoying the Metrobus. I keep myself happy just by observing other people who

can enjoy the new ride in the city because I cannot (Field notes, 2018).

I found from his words that he was a missing actor who wanted to travel but could not. This is

mainly because of the elevated design of the busway (see Figure 7.2) and the lack of lifts.

Figure 7.2: The elevated bus station of Lahore Metrobus, the staircase, and the disabled person

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Additionally, I also found from the analysis of the interviews that the elevated route design was

the most conflict-ridden part of the Metrobus project between the urban planners and transport

engineers in Lahore city. Considering the differing points of view of different policy actors

regarding the elevated route option and because of its deviation from the standard BRT

concept. I assume in this chapter that the elevated route was the main feature making the

Lahore Metrobus an artificial jewel in the local transport system. Therefore, I have selected

the component of the elevated design of the bus route to explore further in this chapter as a

local-level variation that took place during the BRT transfer in Lahore.

Translation analysis: the story of the influential role of elevated busway

In this section I analyse how the local policy actors made the decision on the elevated route

by using ANT-based translation analysis (Callon, 1999b). Translation analysis describes how

various actors assign different meanings to the same material object or technology which

changes the relations between the different human actors (Latour, 2011; Law, 2009). In simple

words, when there is a change of actors the context and the understanding of an object

changes as well. The translation analysis of the ANT approach focuses on the roles of actors,

the causes of actions, the mutual connections between actors and finally the process of

assigning agency through actor–network associations to carry out an action (Latour, 2005).

This is a gradual process of making and remaking connections between different actors and

it is hard to predict what will happen at the end. Callon (1999b, 1999a) structured translation

analysis by dividing it into the four stages of problematising an issue, engaging various human

and non-human actors, stabilising connections between them and finally assigning the power

through actor–network associations to complete the process as described in section 3.4.3.

In the translation analysis, to describe the story of the elevated bus route design, first I

identified the local-level actors who generated the need to change the design of the on-the-

ground route. Then I highlighted how the local policy actors belonging to different transport

organisations such as the Transport Department, TEPA and PMTA found reasons for

choosing the elevated option. The analysis of various arguments for the elevated design made

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by those actors shows how the elevated option created fascination at the local level.

Furthermore, I found there was a process of engaging more actors in favour of the elevated

route, although there were some actors who resisted this option as well. However, the actors

showing resistance to the elevated route option were not able to influence the other policy

actors. Finally, the local policy actors were influenced more by the symbolic presence of the

elevated route rather than the high project cost, as per Latour's (1996) argument that a non-

human’s role can be minimal but equally effective. The case of the Lahore BRT shows in the

empirical results how the local policy actors were attracted to the elevation and changed the

design of the Metrobus.

Finally, I have also found that the symbolic influence on BRT transfer was not limited only to

the Lahore BRT project but was further transferred to another five cities of Pakistan as well.

In Pakistan all the BRT projects have been implemented with elevated routes and translation

analysis shows this unexpected outcome of the symbolic influence on the BRT transfer at the

local level. As Callon and Blackwell (2007) described, translation analysis highlights organic,

undetermined or unexpected outcomes based on changing connections between different

actors.

In the following sections I describe the further details of the translation analysis.

The actors generating the need for the elevated busway

In this section I explore the reasons that there was felt to be a need to introduce the option of

an elevated route and who generated this need. I found from the interviews that initially the

Metrobus route was planned to be on the ground, but later the policy actors made changes to

the design so that part of the route became elevated. One of the interviewees from TEPA

stated:

The option of an elevated route for the Metrobus was proposed by the local

design engineers because when we saw the design of the Turkish consultants, it

was all on the ground. But according to the local traffic congestion at some points

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on Ferozepur Road, we required more land to accommodate the central lane for

BRT (Interviewee, 2018).

The above statement shows that the first controversy arose between the Turkish designers

and the local designers because five of the planned stations – Ferozepur Road, Bhatti Timber

Market, Shamaa, Ichra and Katachri – were in highly congested areas (as stated in interviews)

and it would be difficult to accommodate the new bus lane. However, there was another

challenge for local design engineers as the following quote shows:

The Punjab government assigned a clear deadline for Metrobus project

completion by the end of 2012 … before the election ... we had to find some quick

solution (Interviewee, 2018).

The word ‘quick’ indicates the need for further action. The objective of early completion

demanded the engagement of new actors in the process to complete the required action. The

existing actors were the local political actors, the local transport engineers, the Turkish

consultants, and the on-ground design. The gap between the existing actors opened when the

local transport designers required land and more time, whereas the political actors wanted a

quick solution. In the ANT philosophy non-human actors unknowingly make their presence felt

and unintentionally create connections with human actors, and the non-humans can also

change the mutual connections between human actors and demand further actions from the

humans in a network (Latour, 1996a).The definition of an actor in the ANT approach is one

that has the ability to do something (Law, 1992).

In the actor network analysis, I found that local political leaders first engaged local transport

engineers to act on their behalf. The political actors indicated the need to complete the project

earlier. The local transport policy actors wanted to introduce the Metrobus as a transit mode

to reduce traffic congestion and as an alternative to light rail. In this scenario, the elevation

created a fascination for all the human actors in performing the desired action of completing

the project earlier but in a unique way. However, this was not simple as it appears because

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the local policy actors had their own perceptions and experiences of elevation. Different policy

actors wanted to introduce the elevated design for different reasons.

Elevated route – the familiar approach of local transport engineers

I found that the group of local policy actors who were transport engineers preferred the

elevated bus route from an engineering perspective. In Pakistan local transport engineers

have an ongoing practice of building flyovers, considering it an optimum way to avoid traffic

congestion (Haider & Badami, 2004; Imran, 2009). One of the traffic engineers from TEPA

said:

The option of an elevated route was not a new thing … we have already designed

a number of flyovers in the city [Lahore] to ease traffic congestion … the only

difference is now instead of cars, the Metrobus would use this path (Interviewee,

2018).

From the above statement the words ‘not a new thing’ show that for the local transport

engineers the elevated route was not a new actor in the local transport system. Instead, the

new actor was the Metrobus using the elevated path. The local policy actors were already

using the option of flyovers as a solution to manage traffic congestion, as Lahore has 11

flyovers (Transport Department, 2019). I found in my analysis that the thinking behind it being

‘not a new thing’ was already channelling the elevated bus route design in the minds of local

policy actors. As Latour said, ‘the nonverbal language of objects can shape the future of actor

networks by influencing the human relations with objects and nonetheless the influence of

objects cannot be underestimated’ (Latour, 1996b p 84).

In my opinion, the influence of elevation was embedded in the minds of local policy actors,

and they coupled the old practice of flyovers with the new BRT concept. Although the provision

of an elevated busway had the potential to change the overall rationale for providing BRT by

changing it from low cost to high cost, the policy actors ignored the issue of cost and preferred

to continue with the previous practice of constructing flyovers to deal with traffic congestion.

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Furthermore, the experts from TEPA also believed that the change of the on-ground route

option was necessary because it was creating conflict with the main objective of introducing

BRT. As one of the interviewees from TEPA said:

The main reason for providing mass transit on Ferozepur Road was to avoid

traffic congestion; however, reserving one lane for the Metrobus [in the on-ground

option] could potentially trigger congestion because then the space allocation per

unit mode for private modes could be reduced … to avoid future traffic, we

needed more space to widen the existing road or to change the route of the

Metrobus to an elevated option (Interviewee, 2018).

This means the local policymakers were not considering modern techniques for controlling

traffic congestion such as mode segregation, scheduling, auto signalling, traffic sequencing or

rerouting the connectivity of different modes of traffic in peak traffic hours, which do not require

road widening (D. M. Levinson & Krizek, 2005). Instead, they were only focusing on the

conventional engineering options of controlling traffic by either road widening or construction

of flyovers. Overall, I found that due to the previous practice of providing flyovers for traffic

control, the local policy actors were influenced to provide an elevated option and no other

traffic management solution was considered.

Furthermore, in my opinion the provision of BRT and promotion of private modes of traffic

were two opposite approaches to transport planning. After implementing a mass transit

concept, to promote its use transport authorities often aim to minimise the use of private

modes such as cars in the mass transit areas. This concept is successfully practised in

Bogota, where policymakers introduced the idea of car-free days in the city after BRT

implementation (Badiozamani, 2003). Whereas in Lahore the policy actors did not introduce

any measures to restrict or minimise the use of private modes, instead ensuring the use of

private modes even after BRT implementation by changing the alignment of the BRT route

from on-ground to elevated.

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The analysis of the above scenario has shown that for local policy actors the elevated route

was already established in their minds, and they did not consider any other option. In short,

the words ‘not a new thing’ was an indicator of a relation between the elevated option and the

local policy actors. The local policy actors in this network were the transport engineers of

TEPA, who are assigned to design, construct and manage road development in Lahore.

Therefore, their solution to designing the Metrobus route was like their design of roads: a

conventional flyover.

Elevated route –the design feature in common with the Lahore light rail project

In this section I analyse how the option of the elevated route was preferred by the local policy

actors from the Transport Department who were initially part of the light rail project and later

involved in the planning team for the Lahore Metrobus project.

The translation analysis has highlighted that the team members for the light rail project did not

forget their lived experience of using the light rail technology in Tokyo during their site visit as

part of the JICA project. They wanted the Metrobus to appear as modern as light rail and saw

the elevated busway as a way that the Metrobus could resemble the light rail option. One of

the interviewees said:

If the Lahore Metrobus project was selected as an alternative to light rail and it

was aimed to provide service on the Green route [the route first designed for the

light rail] then the route design should be like light rail, an elevated design


The above statement reveals that the local policy actors who wanted to implement light rail in

the city were trying to create commonalities between both mass transit modes. For instance,

the Metrobus project was designed using the details of the feasibility study conducted for the

light rail project and the initially planned Green route for light rail was selected for Metrobus

operation. Now the local policy actors wanted to introduce another common feature in the

route design in terms of an elevated route. The preference of local policy actors for an elevated

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busway shows that although the political actors rejected the light rail option on a political basis

(as highlighted in Section 6.2). The local policy actors were still thinking to create maximum

resemblance with the light rail project and promote the option of the Metrobus as a train-like

project. Although the use of an elevated route for light rail can be effective for grade separation

from local traffic. According to Woodcock and Stone (2015), it is rarely observed that elevated

routes are also used by buses and trams.

As per the ANT understanding, objects are faithful messengers of human actors (Latour,

2005). This means the local policy actors were visualising the design of light rail by using the

elevated route option. I have also found arguments by local actors that elevation would create

design similarity between the two mass transit modes to be an outcome of Callon's (1986)

finding that humans face a series of non-humans that eventually become visible actors.

Because the local policy actors were trying to keep the influence of the light rail project alive

at least by implementing the same route design at the local level.

In this section I have found that the imagination and intention of local policy actors to show the

Metrobus was not of lesser value than light rail, at least in appearance, was their key reason

for preferring the elevated route. The local policy actors were trying to create an image of the

Metrobus as like light rail and therefore the elevated route was part of the BRT’s branding. As

one of the interviewees from the Transport Department said:

The Metrobus would provide a transit facility more than a bus, close to a train-

like service (Interviewee, 2018).

The following Figures 7.3 and 7.4 also show how local policy actors were trying to create a

common design connection between the proposed light rail route and the newly designed

Metrobus route.

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Figure 7.3: Elevated route design proposed for light rail in Lahore

(Source: Reference design of LRMTS – Green Line report)

Figure 7.4: Elevated route design constructed for Lahore Metrobus


Elevated route – the resemblance to the Bosphorus Bridge, Istanbul

In this section I highlight how the idea of the elevated bus route was developed by the

delegation members of Lahore who had visited Istanbul to observe the Istanbul Metrobus

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model. I found from the route design that the Istanbul Metrobus model had the option of an

elevated route in the form of the Bosphorus Bridge. One of the interviewees said:

We [Pakistani delegates] saw on the Bosphorus Bridge … cars were waiting in

long traffic queues, but the Metrobus was running swiftly on the bridge … we

wanted the same for Lahore (Interviewee, 2018).

The above statement depicts the perception of local policy actors about the elevated route. In

Istanbul the Bosphorus Bridge carries vehicular traffic along with BRT buses; however, when

the BRT operates on the bridge, cars and the rest of traffic are stopped by signals to give

priority only to buses (Babalik-Sutcliffe & Cengiz, 2015). This inspiration that the bridge gives

priority to the Metrobus was translated in an expensive manner to Lahore in the form of an

elevated busway for the Lahore Metrobus.

This analysis has further shown that the delegation members were influenced by the

Bosphorus Bridge merely based on its appearance. As per ANT:

Non-human agency is complicated but nonetheless … humans do what things

want them to do (Latour, 2005, p. 72).

In the ANT approach, different terms like things, objects, artefacts etc. are used mainly under

the umbrella term of non-human actors (Callon, 1998; Latour, 1996a). Therefore, as per ANT

understanding, non-human actors can perform multiple actions in relation to human actors

such as allowing, restricting, encouraging, influencing, affording or permitting human actions

as part of actor networks (Callon & Blackwell, 2007; Latour, 1996a, 2002). I found from the

interviews that local policy actors in Lahore intended to create a resemblance between the

Lahore and Istanbul Metrobus design models. According to the ANT perspective, the

Bosphorus Bridge was a ‘thing’ in this process and created an ‘influence’. Therefore, in simple

words, the option of an elevated busway was introduced because of the resemblance to its

archetype. In ANT terms, any actor that has capacity to perform direct actions or facilitate

other actors to change the meaning of a material object during translation is a mediator or

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central actor (Laurier & Philo, 1999). I argue that the role of the elevated route was as a

mediator because the concept of elevation changed not only the design of the route but also

increased the cost and the eventual outcomes of the BRT in Lahore.

The network analysis has further highlighted that in the case of Istanbul, the bridge was an

inherited part of the Metrobus route because it was not specifically constructed for the Istanbul

Metrobus project. However, in the case of the Lahore Metrobus the local policy actors

deliberately designed the elevated busway to create a resemblance to the Bosphorus Bridge

and to make the Lahore Metrobus a mirror image of the Istanbul Metrobus. As one of the

interviewees said:

By altering the whole on-ground route option of the Metrobus to some part of an

elevated route … the Lahore Metrobus model could be more like the Istanbul

model … because to get a similar service, similar design features were required


The above statement indicates the symbolic connections created by policy actors between the

elevated busway of Lahore and the Bosphorus Bridge of Istanbul. The local policy actors

indicated that similarity between the Lahore and Istanbul Metrobus models would be achieved

through an elevated busway for the Lahore Metrobus project. This translation of the Bosphorus

Bridge in BRT transfer shows that in policy transfer process the non-cognitive thinking was

involved as described by Schneider (2012).

As per my overall analysis, the decision on an elevated route was based on the combination

of all three scenarios mentioned above, as different actors argued for elevation for different

reasons. Finally, the local policy actors decided to use the option of elevation. However, these

findings also indicate how the fascination with elevation developed in different group of actors

that assigned agency to elevation in different ways according to their own imagination, thinking

and influences.

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The results of translation analysis confirm the argument of Callon and Blackwell (2007) that

there is no fixed or described way to assign agency to non-human actors or to get back that

agency from them. The findings have also shown that elevation was everything for local actors:

elevation had agency to solve local traffic congestion, it could lift the status of the Metrobus to

that of light rail and it could even resemble the Bosphorus Bridge route option. Therefore, they

preferred the elevated option instead of changing the on-ground route design in other ways.

Although local policy actors assigned a strong position to elevation in the local design of the

Metrobus, there were some actors who resisted the elevated design option as discussed

below.

Local level resistance to elevated route design

In this section I highlight the resistance generated by some actors to the elevated design.

Firstly, the local urban designers of the Architecture Department in Lahore criticised the option

of an elevated route as an inappropriate feature of the BRT concept. One of them said:

The elevated route is a ‘visual barrier’ in the skyline of Lahore city because the

Metrobus route passes along some historical sites such as the Royal Mosque,

Lahore Fort, the iconic building of Government College, Shrine of Data Sahib


Secondly, the members of Save Lahore (in Urdu Lahore Bachao), a local NGO working to

preserve the historical and cultural values of Lahore, also criticised the elevated route design

and one of the interviewees stated:

It [the elevated route] ruins the history and the culture of the city. The giant bridge

structure beside the archaeological sites is an absolute stigma on the façades of

historical buildings (Interviewee, 2018).

The above statements depict the disagreement and concerns of local urban designers on the

design of the Metrobus model from the perspective of the historical importance of the city and

the skyline of the city. They protested this decision in the form of rallies in the city and applied

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against the project design to the Lahore High Court, as per my interview findings. However,

the translation analysis highlights that they failed in making network connections with more

actors to stop this decision because they were not directly involved in the network of actors

that were in the main positions in this project like the actors of the transport sector, politicians,

and local transport engineers. Therefore, their resistance did not bring any change in the

decision of elevated design.

As per my understanding, a blend of historical buildings and new developments of mass transit

could have been a suitable option for Lahore if local policy actors created an alternative grade

route like the Ahmedabad BRT in India. The Ahmedabad BRT network is 155 km long and its

route alignment includes a number of historical buildings such as the famous ISKCON temple

(Mahadevia et al., 2013). However, the BRT there enhances the historical value of the city by

providing easy access instead of blocking the view of buildings. Although there are significant

similarities between Indian and Pakistani cities including socio-economic conditions, travel

patterns, livelihoods, planning processes and planning regulations (Rizvi, 2014). However, the

local policy actors in Lahore preferred the early completion of the project and focused more

on the symbolic value of the project design and ignored the negative impacts of the elevated

design on the historical value of the city.

I found in my analysis that another important opponent of the design was the local bus

operators. They were against the option of an elevated route as well and considered it an act

of discrimination against local buses. One of the bus operators’ union members said:

A high-rise route to an overseas bus [the Metrobus] conveyed a message to the

local bus operators that the foreign bus will have priority over local buses … they

[local policymakers] dragged out the Metrobus from the local transport


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The above statement highlights the doubts and concerns of local bus operators on the

provision of an elevated busway only for the Metrobus. The new design created rivalry and

conflict between the local bus operators and the new mass transit option of the Metrobus.

Yet, keeping in view the experience of the Bogota model, the local policy actors could have

created a complete integration plan between BRT and local urban bus providers. Studies of

the Bogota BRT have shown that one of the successful features of the TransMilenio is the

involvement of the local urban bus operators of the city as part of the project (Duarte & Rojas,

2012; Hidalgo et al., 2013). Furthermore, the special TransMilenio buses for the BRT project

were also locally designed and constructed, which enhanced local ownership of the project

(Hidalgo et al., 2013). Therefore, instead of creating conflicts between existing bus-operating

companies and the TransMilenio service, the policymakers of Bogota developed coordination

between the modes of public transport, whereas in Lahore assigning an elevated route to the

Metrobus and ignoring the role of local bus operators created conflict and rejection of the

Metrobus by the local bus operators.

In my understanding, the elevated route provided a superior image of the Metrobus compared

to the local bus operators and they considered it a deliberate effort to promote the foreign bus

service over local buses. Although the local policy actors designed the route to ensure the

exclusive right of way for the Metrobus and quick implementation of the project. The local bus

operators received another message from the design of route that Metrobus was given higher

priority by the provincial government, which created a gap between local bus operators and

Metrobus in the city.

Overall, this section has highlighted that to some actors the elevated route portrayed a

negative image of the Metrobus project, and it became a conflict-ridden feature at the local

level. The design conflicts further demonstrate the arguments of Callon and Blackwell (2007)

that network connections between actors are not coherent but unpredictable and contested.

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The elevation as a part of the BRT translation

The translation analysis in this chapter highlights that the political actors generated the need

to find alternatives route designs for quick and easy execution of the Metrobus project. The

local transport actors started to establish the role of the elevated route as an appropriate option

by using the previous agency of flyovers as a solution to deal with traffic problems. They

visualised the role of the elevated busway as performing the same function as the flyovers for

the local traffic of Lahore. However, the imaginative and symbolic role of the elevated busway

was further strengthened when the local design engineers from TEPA found that the proposed

light rail route was elevated as well. The fascination with elevation was at peak in seeing it as

imitating the Bosphorus Bridge as part of the Istanbul Metrobus route. Finally, the symbolic

influence of the elevated busway was developed in the minds of local policy actors, and they

enrolled more actors in favour of the elevated option to create stable actor–network

associations and implementation of the desired route option.

The interviews highlighted that to establish further actor–network connections, the local policy

actors used both social and political discourses. For instance, the design experts from TEPA

used the discourse of equal rights for all traffic users. By using the discourse of equal rights

for all road users, the TEPA experts presented the option of elevation as a solution to minimise

resistance from private car users and to implement the project on time. In this way, the

potential resistance which could come from private transport owners because their right of

way on road was being shared or challenged by the Metrobus was negotiated by providing a

separate route option.

Therefore, the local policy actors shared the idea of elevation as an option to create more

public acceptance. They used the elevated option to engage the local community in favour of

the project by stating that otherwise, in the case of using the same road width car users would

resist and in land acquisition for road-widening the neighbouring properties would be damaged

and local communities could resist and interfere with timely project completion.

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Finally, by using reasons like equity in road usage, less traffic congestion, minimised land

acquisition conflict and quick implementation, the policy actors enrolled more actors in favour

of elevation. Those actors were political representatives, local community groups, transport

users and residents along the Metrobus route, who strengthened the actor–network

associations for the change in design of on ground route. By adding more actors in favour of

an elevated route, finally the elevated busway was executed in the Metrobus design to make

it a modern, quickly implemented and socially equitable public transport option. Thus, the need

for an elevated route for the Metrobus concept that was generated by local policy actors at the

start of the process was finally they executed as part of the BRT translation at local level.

The implementation of an elevated route as part of the BRT project in Lahore created local-

level variations in terms of design, cost and project outcomes as compared to the universal

concept of BRT. Therefore, I have argued in this chapter that the concept of BRT was not

transferred but translated in the form of an elevated Metrobus model in Lahore.

In the next section I further highlight the role of local-level variations in BRT translation by

showing how local-level changes can have longer term implications for BRT outcomes.

Local level transformations – elevated busways as a new trend in

Pakistan

The findings of this section identify the influence of local level transformations in the universal

concept of BRT from two perspectives. The first perspective highlights the influence of BRT

translation on the local transport system of the country, while the second perspective identifies

the political influence that it created at the local level.

From the perspective of local transport, the Lahore Metrobus model sets an example of

modern transport in the local transport system of the country and has created a significant

influence as the first mass transit project in the country. As one of the transport planners said:

Lahore city has set an example of how to improve the public transport for other

cities (Interviewee, 2018).

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The above statement indicates the popularity and wide acceptance of the Metrobus project in

Pakistan. I found that at a domestic level, the Lahore Metrobus model has become one of the

most circulated transport policy solutions in Pakistan. For instance, in 2013 the first elevated

Metrobus was introduced in Lahore. Later, in 2015, 2017, 2020 and 2021 four other Metrobus

projects were implemented. In 2015 it was transferred from Lahore to the Islamabad and

Rawalpindi Metrobus projects in the Punjab. In 2017 it was implemented in Multan. In 2020 it

was inaugurated in Peshawar and in 2021 the Karachi Metrobus is under construction as well.

Therefore, the translation of Lahore Metrobus in five other Pakistani cities demonstrates the

last stage of mobilisation in the translation analysis as per Callon (2007) and confirms that the

action taken via actor network is apparent and well recognised in society.

From the second perspective, I have analysed that there was also the political influence

created by the local-level BRT transformation. For instance, initially the Metrobus concept was

transferred only to the three cities of Punjab but in 2018 the Metrobus concept was transferred

from Punjab province to Peshawar in the second province, KPK (ADB, 2020). In 2020 the third

province, Sindh, also started a BRT project in Karachi (Ministry of Communications Govt. of

Pakistan, 2019). The first Metrobus project, in Lahore, was introduced by the Chief Minister

Punjab. However, later the chief ministers of other two provinces also copied the model of the

Lahore Metrobus in the two provincial capitals.

Therefore, at provincial level the race to introduce Metrobus projects has started, and three

provinces are constructing expensive BRT projects with elevated routes. One of the transport

planners of Lahore said:

The political use of the Metrobus project was totally an unexpected thing for me

… never imagined our politicians would use it [Metrobus] as a card to play their

game (Interviewee, 2018).

The above statement depicts the influence of politics in transport projects in the country. In

particular, the transfer of Metrobus projects from Punjab to two other provinces of Pakistan,

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KPK and Sindh, with provincial governments of different political parties, is an absolute

example of politics over transport.

I have found that another significant influence of local-level transformation is the symbolic role

of the elevated route as a compulsory feature of Metrobus design. At a domestic level, the

transfer of the Lahore Metrobus model to six other cities with an elevated route is a new trend

in BRT transfer overall. As one of the members of the Karachi Metrobus said:

We followed the model of Lahore, and an elevated route was introduced to

distinguish between the services of the Metrobus and other local buses

(Interview, 2018).

The above statement highlights the local-level acceptance of elevated Metrobus routes as a

symbolic transfer of transport infrastructure and overall, now five cities have elevated BRTs,

as shown in Table 7.1.

Table 7.1: Overview of Metrobus projects in Pakistan.

City – Year Total route Elevated route

On ground Total cost

million USD

Funding

Lahore 2013 27 km 10 km 17 km 30 million USD Punjab govt

Islamabad, Rawalpindi 2015

22 km 12 km 10 km 70 million USD Federal + Punjab govts

Multan 2017 18.5 km 12.5 km 6 km 85 million USD Punjab govt

Trans Peshawar 2020

27 km 13.7 km 13.3 km 120 million USD

ADB + KPK provincial govt

Green line Karachi Metrobus 2021

(in process)

26 km 18 km 8 km 185 million USD

Federal + Sindh provincial govts

(Source: PMTA, ABD, 2020)

The above table 7.1, also highlights that BRT projects in Pakistan are expensive and have

changed the universal understanding of the BRT concept from a low-cost transit option to a

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high-cost project. Instead of discouraging the expensive option of elevated busways, the local

policy actors promoted this influential and symbolic transfer.

The trend of replicating the elevated route design in five major cities of Pakistan also identifies

the implications of non-cognitive transport planning practice in the country. It highlights the

planning focus of local policy actors on the physical appearance and symbolic influence of

infrastructure in transport projects, instead of focusing on the functional use and project cost.

As one of the design engineers said:

The Metrobus without a high-rise route is unacceptable at the local level because

the elevated section has added exclusive value to the design and distinguished

it as a modern transport project (Interview, 2018).

This means that by providing an elevated busway, local policy actors in Lahore created

uniqueness in the Metrobus project and no other city was ready to omit this uniqueness when

introducing this project. I have found that the trend of implementing elevated busways started

from Istanbul to Lahore and from Lahore to other Pakistani cities to show that Lahore was not

the only city that has a modern Metrobus project like Istanbul. Figures 7.5 and 7.6 highlight

the copying of the symbolic image of elevated bus routes. Although the populations of these

cities, their traffic demands and the travel patterns of citizens are different, the local policy

actors have provided the same solution – elevated Metrobus projects – to deal with traffic

problems. The transfer of the Metrobus project merely on a political and symbolic basis with

expensive design features highlights the waste of public money and that the decision-making

process needs further attention. The trend of implementing Metrobus projects by different

provincial governments also highlights the political influence in transport planning. It also

shows that the concept of the Metrobus as a foreign transport policy has now strongly

established its position in the local transport system of the country.

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Figure 7.5: Islamabad Metrobus running on elevated route

(Source: Dawn, 2016)

Figure 7.6: Multan Metrobus with elevated route


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Overall, my research analysis of BRT translation at local level also describes that political

influence on transport planning is promoting the trend of symbolic and superficial transport

projects for show casing purposes in political elections in the country. Although political

influence on transport planning is widely acknowledged by transport policy experts (Hossain,

2006; Mann & Banerjee, 2011; Vigar, 2017), this research further identifies that in Pakistan

the political influence is mainly promoting the symbolic role and policy transfer of transport

projects, which is a critical insight into transport planning practice at the local level in Pakistan.

Conclusion

The findings of this chapter have described that the universally proposed low-cost option of

BRT was translated as an elevated, expensive, and modern mass transit option in Lahore.

The design of an elevated busway changed the Lahore Metrobus project from a low-cost to a

high-cost BRT project. However, the significant finding of this chapter is the change of design

merely on an inspirational and symbolic basis.

The translation analysis has further demonstrated that local policy actors took inspiration for

the elevated busway from the Bosphorus Bridge in Istanbul and from the elevated route of the

proposed Lahore light rail project. The policy actors took the decision on the elevated busway

to create a resemblance to the Istanbul Metrobus and to promote the image of the Metrobus

in Lahore as being like a train service. However, the increase in cost was a critical aspect of

the elevated design that local policy actors ignored, instead emphasising the similarity in

appearance of the infrastructure.

The results regarding the influence of local-level transformations further show the risk of using

the agency of elevation in BRT transfer by identifying that the elevated route has established

its strong position in BRT transfer at the country level because after Lahore, five other cities

of Pakistan also implemented Metrobus designs with elevated routes.

Overall, in this chapter I have documented the story of the origination of elevated busways in

Pakistani cities as a critical contribution of my thesis. In the light of this story, I argue that the

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momentary fascination of local policy actors with an elevated route during policy transfer has

created an exceptionally expensive trend of executing BRT projects in Pakistan.

The empirical results from the Lahore case study describe the overall complexity, influence of

non-human objects and role of symbolism during the BRT transfer. In particular, the role of

symbolism in BRT transfer is a new finding in the Pakistani context which provides an addition

to knowledge in the study of transport policy transfer. While Ashmore et al. (2018, 2019) also

highlighted the symbolic impacts of transport options, their focus was on the perspective of

transport users in developing countries. In contrast, the results of this study identify the

impacts of symbolism applied by local policymakers on the outcomes of policy transfer.

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Chapter 8 – Discussion

This chapter presents the discussion of the major findings of this research. The research

findings describe how the complete transfer process of BRT in Lahore took place by focusing

on the roles of various actors during the selection and implementation of the BRT concept in

Lahore. I have found that the BRT transfer occurred via a heterogenous network of human

and non-human actors. To complete the transfer process, multiple actors developed mutual

connections with each other in an actor network (Callon, 1999a; Latour, 1996a).

The key findings of this study are that symbolism played a crucial role in decisions on the

implementation of BRT, that non-human actors played an important role in the policy transfer

and that local transport planners only played a minor role due to a lack of policy guidance. I

have described using the understanding of actor networks how human policy actors (local

experts, political actors, international actors) were influenced by non-humans (mass transit

technology modes, technical studies, technology image etc.) in the selection and

implementation of BRT during the policy transfer. I have further highlighted using the

translation framework of the ANT approach that human policy actors changed their decisions

on BRT design because of inspiration based on objects and technology.

The empirical findings have described that the process of actor network formation was not

coherent because there were changes in the selection of mass transit from light rail to the

Metrobus and changes in the design from on-ground to an elevated busway. These changes

in the BRT transfer process created controversies in the relations between different human

and non-human actors in the networks. However, the network of actors that had more stability

in connections proceeded further and was successful in implementing the Istanbul Metrobus

model.

In this chapter I discuss how the absence of transport policy guidance, the political

interference, and the influence of mass transit technology from foreign cities impacted on the

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rationality of the transport planning process and the policy transfer process of the BRT. As a

result, BRT, which is globally known as a low-cost mass transit option, was translated as a

high-cost project in Lahore.

The chapter is divided into four sections. Section 8.1 provides discussion of the role of actor

networks in the BRT transfer. In Section 8.2, I discuss the implications of symbolism in BRT

translation and Section 8.3 establishes the importance of using ANT in transport policy transfer

analysis. Section 8.4 provides the summary of the discussion chapter.

Transfer of BRT – an outcome of actor networks

This research has shown that the BRT transfer in Lahore occurred via a network of

heterogenous connections between both human and non-human actors. Human actors

involved includes international actors, local political actors, local transport-related policy actors

and local transport planning professionals. Non-human actors were mass transit technology

modes, infrastructure design features and transport policy documents. All these actors were

mutually connected with each other to create an intact network of actors and complete the

policy transfer process.

The findings regarding the role of networks in the BRT transfer confirm the results of policy

mobilities scholars who have argued that policies are transferred through global networks of

policy actors (Evans, 2017a; McCann & Ward, 2013; Prince, 2012; Stone, 2004). However,

the network of global policy actors in the view of policy mobilities is limited to the roles of

human policy actors and their mutual connections, whereas the results of this research have

extended the network by including non-humans, underpinned by the understanding of Law

(1992), Callon (1990) and Latour (2011). I have found in this case study that in the BRT

transfer, the roles of actors were more influential in the form of the actor network rather than

as the individual roles of actors. The following sections provide further details regarding the

roles of non-human and human actors as the network.

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Influential and significant roles of non-human actors

The findings of Chapters 6 and 7 have shown the significant roles of two non-humans: the

mass transit technology and the elevated route. The human policy actors used the influence

and inspiration of the mass transit technology and elevated route, leading to the selection of

the Istanbul Metrobus and to the change in the BRT route design from on-ground to an

elevated busway. In this section I discuss the role of mass transit technology as part of the

actor network involved in the BRT transfer.

In Chapter 6 I have described the roles of non-human actors based on the understanding of

the ANT approach. The ANT based list of non-humans includes objects, things, text,

machines, technology and many more. This also includes inspiration and influence because

non-humans have the capacity to perform symbolic, influential, restrictive and convincing roles

in actor networks (Callon & Blackwell, 2007; John, 2009; Latour, 2005). The findings of

Chapter 6 have shown that different mass transit technologies such as light rail, the

TransMilenio BRT from Bogota and the Istanbul Metrobus model influenced local policy actors

as modern forms of transport technologies. Initially local policymakers were impressed by light

rail based on the international experiences that the international consultants such as JICA

shared with them in the form of technical studies on Lahore. Later JICA also arranged a site

visit to Japan to show the live working of light rail technology there. The ITPD experts and

Mayor of Bogota also delivered a presentation on the Bogota BRT model in Lahore and local

policymakers then considered the option of BRT. However, when the Chief Minister Punjab

visited Istanbul and experienced the Istanbul Metrobus, he was impressed by its technical

features. Turkish experts shared further details with local transport experts in the form of a

technical report on the Metrobus concept and invited a delegation of Pakistani transport

officials to visit Istanbul to observe live details of Metrobus operation.

There were many non-humans such as international transport studies, technical reports on

light rail in Lahore and the presentation of the Bogota BRT system which inspired local policy

actors in favour of mass transit. In ANT terms, these objects or things had the capacity to bring

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some human actors into close network connections by creating a common interest between

them. Callon (1984), Latour (1996b) and Rydin (2013) also highlighted how texts, objects,

transport technology and policy documents as non-humans can create influence to shape

relationships with human actors as part of being an actor. Finally, local policy actors started

developing a broader network of actors to implement an appropriate form of mass transit

technology to solve the local transportation challenges in Lahore.

However, I have found in my analysis that the lived experiences of using a specific mass

transit technology played the most significant role in inspiring human actors. For instance, the

local policy actors who had used the light rail in Tokyo, Japan, during a field visit were greatly

inspired by the features of light rail and wanted to implement it in Lahore. Likewise, the local

actors who experienced the difference between ordinary bus rides and Metrobus rides during

their visit to Istanbul, Turkey, were influenced by the Istanbul Metrobus model. However, the

local actors did not get the chance to experience the technology of the Transmilenio in Bogota

and the impression of Bogota created through the presentation and reports was not as long-

lasting as with the other modes. In ANT terms, the lived influences of mass transit technology

in operation changed the thinking of the human policy actors and led them to take further

action towards their favourite mass transit option.

According to the ANT analysis, I have found the role of mass transit technology to be also a

mediator in the BRT network. The mediators are those actors that have the capacity to change

the relations among other actors and change their actions as well (Callon, 1998, 1999b).

Furthermore, the outputs of mediators cannot be predetermined based on their inputs. Latour

(2005) also said that non-humans create their agency not in an intentional manner but in an

influential manner. Based on this understanding, I have found that mass transit technology

was a mediator because each technology, the LRT, the BRT Bogota model, and the Istanbul

Metrobus model, mediated latent conflicts between local policy actors, thus allowing one of

these technologies to be selected. In my opinion, the mass transit technology had the capacity

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to change the network associations between the international, political, and local actors, and

its role cannot be ignored as part of the BRT transfer process.

In my understanding, the process of establishing a heterogenous network of actors started

when international actors suggested the option of LRT. Light rail as a mass transit technology

was in a central position to attract further new policy actors. Law (1992) also concluded that

technology can allow, restrict, promote, or control human actions by developing a network of

heterogenous connections with other actors (John, 2009; Law, 1992). Therefore, keeping in

view the above discussion, I have shown that the mass transit technology played an influential

role in establishing the network connections with human policy actors. Next, I discuss how

different human actors used the influence of mass transit technology and entered the BRT

transfer network.

Role of international actors as policy promoters

The results from Chapter 6 have identified the role of the international actors as promoters of

mass transit technology as a foreign transport policy concept. I have identified multiple

international actors including international transport consultants such as JICA and MVA Asia

(a Hong Kong–based transport company that prepared the LRT feasibility report and reference

design) that promoted the LRT technology option. International funding agencies such as the

WB and ADB provided technical and development loans to implement the light rail option. The

third group of international actors, the ITDP and Ulesiam, an Istanbul-based Turkish company,

promoted the BRT options of the Bogota model and the Istanbul Metrobus model, respectively,

instead of light rail. These results show that multiple international actors were championing

different mass transit technology modes.

In ANT terms, I have found the role of international actors to be that of intermediaries.

Intermediaries are those actors that act like connectors in the network but have no capacity to

change the network associations (Callon, 1984; Callon, 1986; Law, 1992). In my opinion, the

role of international actors was that of a network connector because the mass transit

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technology modes were already present in the transport sector, but local policy actors were

not familiar with the working of these mass transit technologies. The international actors,

based on their experiences and awareness of mass transit concepts, promoted different

options at the local level. Hence, they acted as connectors or intermediaries to connect local

policy actors with mass transit technology, but they were not able to control the actions of

other actors in the network. Instead, they facilitated the actions of local level actors by

suggesting different modes of mass transit options.

The findings regarding the roles of international actors as promoters and intermediaries of

mass transit options are consistent with the results of transport policy transfer scholars who

have called them transfer agents, policy gurus and policy intermediaries (Marsden et al., 2011;

Stead et al., 2008; Wu & Pojani, 2016, Si et al., 2020). The significance of international actors

in relation with cultural variations in BRT transfer is also recognised (Paget-Seekins, 2015).

In addition, local transport planning studies have also reported the important role of

international transport consultants in developing policy choices at a local level (Haider &

Badami, 2004; Imran, 2009). Imran (2007) particularly recognised the role of international

development organisations such as the WB and IMF in promoting the trends of private

motorisation and road construction in Pakistan through path dependency (Imran & Low, 2007,

2009). However, the results of this study, by applying the understanding of the ANT approach,

have shown that sometimes, unexpectedly, the influence of non-humans like an image of

technology as a modern transport mode can also play a significant role in changing the

thinking of local policymakers who then make transport decisions which are more inspirational

than rational.

Furthermore, this research has also highlighted another point of difference, that in Lahore the

implementation of BRT was not an outcome of the well-known network of BRT actors. For

instance, studies of BRT transfer in the Global South have highlighted the role of the ITDP,

EMBARQ as a member of the BRT Centre of Excellence and Asia BRTS and assigned the

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role of policy intermediaries to these globally known BRT proponents (Hossain, 2006; Wood

& Wood, 2014; Wu & Pojani, 2016). Instead in Lahore, the concept of BRT was transferred

through a network of the Mayor of Istanbul, the Chief Minister of the Punjab province, and a

relatively less experienced BRT-related actor, Ulesiam, a Turkish transport consultant. The

entry of Ulesiam as a BRT consultant and the selection of the Istanbul Metrobus as the

preferred model over the TransMilenio highlights that BRT transfer is not merely technical but

political as well.

In the next section I discuss the role of political actors as part of the BRT network.

Role of political leaders as policy selectors

The results from Chapter 6 have shown that political actors were involved in the final selection

of the mass transit technology options. According to the ANT analysis, there were three sub-

networks of actors for mass transit options in relation to the local political alliances established

as part of the local policy transfer network. The first network was developed for the light rail

option as a project of one political party, the PMLQ. The second network was developed for

the Bogota BRT model by the second political party, the PPP. The third network was

developed for the Istanbul Metrobus model by the third political party, the PMLN. The Chief

Minster Punjab was from the PMLN, which was in power and in charge of all the financial and

administrative resources of the Punjab province. Therefore, by using the power of his position

at that time, the Chief Minister strengthened the network connections at local and international

levels. He was the first local actor who travelled on the Istanbul Metrobus during his visit to

Istanbul. He was so impressed by the Metrobus technology that after his visit he sent a

delegation of local transport experts to observe the technical details of the Istanbul Metrobus.

The delegates from the Lahore Transport Department were also influenced by the technical

and advanced features of the Metrobus. Therefore, the third network of actors was stronger

than the others and finally it was successful in implementing the option of the Istanbul

Metrobus in Lahore.

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The findings from Chapter 6 further highlight that the political stability and leadership

motivations of the ruling party were key factors in the successful completion of the BRT

transfer. These findings support the results from transport policy transfer cases where political

engagement has been described as key for successful policy transfer cases (Ardila-gómez,

2004; Marsden & Stead, 2011; Wood, 2015). Particularly in circulation of the BRT concept to

developing countries, there were strong influential roles of Enrique Peñalosa, the Mayor of

Bogota, and Jaime Lerner, the Mayor of Curitiba (Ardila-gómez, 2004; Duarte & Rojas, 2012).

Furthermore, political instability has been reported as a hurdle to implementing BRT projects

(Changzhou et al., 2010; Rahman, 2008). To this list can be added the Chief Minister Punjab,

the main political actor that the findings show selected the idea of the Istanbul Metrobus model

as the preferred BRT model in Lahore.

The selection of the Istanbul model as the preferred policy option is also consistent with the

results of Prince (2012) in policy mobilities that the process of policy transfer is highly political

and deeply contextual. In Lahore, the implemented option of the Istanbul Metrobus was

perhaps not the best model of BRT according to transport experts; however, politically it was

the most convenient option for local policy actors. Therefore, the policy actors selected the

politically convenient, contextually favourable, and locally trusted choice of the Istanbul model.

Si et al., (2020) also recognised the importance of political ease, cultural connections, and

similar social economic conditions in policy transfer cases particularly in countries of global

south.

Overall, the political stability, committed political leadership and favourable socio-political

conditions collectively strengthened the network connections between the selected mass

transit technology (the Istanbul Metrobus) and local policy actors. However, the influential role

of political actors also indicates the weak position of local transport institutions.

I discuss the role of planning institutions in the next section.

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Ineffective role of local transport planning institutions

The results from Chapter 5 have shown that the transport planning system in Pakistan is poorly

integrated, highly deregulated, and politically influenced. I have also found that there was a

lack of consistency between multilevel transport planning institutions which made the role of

the planning institutions ineffective in the BRT transfer. The transport planning documents,

local transport planning institutions and transport professionals did not perform their roles as

actors in the network. In addition, the discrepancies in the local transport planning system and

the absence of comprehensive transport policy guidelines created further hurdles for transport

planning institutions to perform an effective role in BRT selection and implementation.

The implications of the limited role of planning institutions in BRT decision-making have also

been shown by Rizvi and Sclar (2014). Changzhou et al. (2010) and Banerjee (2011) further

concluded that lack of involvement by city authorities, unrealistic considerations and ignorance

of local transport demands were the greatest challenges in achieving the long-term benefits

of mass transit modes in developing countries. The absence of a comprehensive transport

policy at the local level and the selection of the Istanbul model over the Bogota model have

shown that the selection of this policy option was not rational or technically appropriate. Here

an important question arises: If local-level institutions were not ready to implement BRT in the

local context, then why was this project selected and implemented in a period of 11 months’

time?

In my opinion, the role of the transport planning institutions was performed by the political

actors due to the absence of clear policy guidelines at the local level. The absence of policy

measures provided space for the international actors to impact on the policy decisions, but

also increased the political influence on planning. This situation led to the changes between

different mass transit options, delays in the policy transfer process, changes in design and

execution challenges faced by local experts. Overall, the local transport planning institutions

being without policy knowledge and with limited financial resources made the local planning

system more vulnerable. At the local level, policy guidance regarding the selection of mass

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transit technology could have given the transport planning institutions more authority and a

stronger position in the BRT transfer network.

To conclude, I have argued in this section that the policy transfer did not occur due to the

influence of an individual actor; instead, it occurred in the form of networks and connections

between various actors. Furthermore, in the transport policy transfer, the roles of actors were

not limited to human policy actors; instead, non-human actors such as mass transit technology

were significant parts of this process. Finally, through actor–network connections all the actors

played significant roles in relation to each other. However, some influential actors (in this case

technology and political actors) created stronger networks with more connections to support

a certain policy option (in this case the Istanbul Metrobus). Furthermore, the favourable

conditions (the PMLN being the ruling political party) helped to create stability in the network

connections of the Istanbul Metrobus. Thus, the complete process of BRT transfer was based

on relations and connections between actors, which in this research is discussed as

heterogenous network connections.

In short, the results of transferring the Istanbul Metrobus concept to Lahore on the basis of

political, contextual and socio-political connections confirm the findings of other studies on

BRT transfer in the Global South (Nguyen & Pojani, 2018; A. Wood, 2014, 2015, 2019b; Wu

& Pojani, 2016). However, the study findings also provide an additional dimension regarding

the heterogenous networking between political, international actors and transport technology.

In the next section I discuss how non-human actors also influenced the implementation of the

BRT concept at the local level.

Transfer of BRT – an outcome of the symbolic role of a non-human actor

The findings from Chapter 7 have highlighted that the central variation in the implementation

of BRT in Lahore was based on the role of the non-human actor the elevated route as part of

the BRT design. The local-level translation of BRT as an expensive, elevated and symbolic

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mass transit project is in contrast to the globally proposed concept of BRT as a low-cost

mobility option (Cervero, 2013; Hidalgo & Gutiérrez, 2013; Wright & Hook, 2007).

The translation analysis explored how the elevated busway design was an outcome of the

fascination of local policy actors with elevation as part of the design. This fascination with

elevation was created in three ways, first by looking at the Bosphorus Bridge in Istanbul, which

is a part of the Istanbul Metrobus route. Second, by using the reference design report for the

Lahore light rail route (the Green route – the same route where light rail was first proposed

was later selected for the Metrobus). The proposed LRT design was elevated on this route;

therefore, to raise the standard of the Metrobus to become like rail, the option of elevation was

suggested by local actors. Third, the local actors looked at the 11 flyovers in the city that were

already provided for traffic ease and assumed that the elevated busway would act in the same

way. Although Woodcock and Stone (2016) reported multiple benefits of elevated routes for

light rail including increased ground-level connectivity, creation of more linear parks and

connecting more streets for cycling and walking. However, these design benefits were not

realised in the elevated design of the busway because in the Lahore BRT project, the concepts

of walking and bicycling were not considered. Furthermore, instead of providing linear parks

and walking paths, the park-and-ride concept was preferred and car parks were provided as

part of the project without considering the fact that car usage is only 8% of total modal share

in Lahore (A Aziz et al., 2018).

Therefore, the findings of this research have shown that BRT transformations regarding the

change in design of the route from on-ground to elevated were made mostly on a symbolic

basis. This result of the symbolic influence of a non-human actor supports the arguments of

the ANT approach that role of non-human elements is equally significant as of human actors

in social science (Callon & Blackwell, 2007; Latour, 2013b). Overall, the changes in BRT

translation at the local level are also consistent with the conclusions of policy mobilities

scholars who have described that similar policy concepts show different policy outcomes

across various geographies (McShane, 2016e; Si et al., 2020; Stone, 2012, 2017). McCann

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and Ward (2012, 2013) further identified transformations in the implementation of transferred

policy concepts based on contextual variances and called them the localisation of global

policies. Scholars of transport policy transfer in the Global South have also concluded that

outcomes of BRT as a policy concept are significantly different in the cities of southern Africa

and South America (A. Wood, 2014). Pojani and Stead (2015) further described the changes

in the outcomes of a non-motorised mobility policy of the Netherlands when transferred to

other European cities. Overall, policy mobilities studies have concluded that due to cultural

variances, geographical differences, changes in regulatory frameworks and changes in

institutional setups cause changes to occur in the original policy concept during policy transfer.

However, the results of this research provide an additional insight into policy transformation

by giving a translation analysis from the perspective of ANT and highlighting the role of a non-

human actor as a cause of policy changes. The translation analysis has explored the basis of

fascination with elevation in the BRT transfer in Lahore. The translation framework has also

highlighted that the elevated route inspired policymakers in three different ways, as described

in Chapter 7. Finally, local policymakers included the component of an elevated busway in the

BRT design to create a resemblance in design to the Bosphorus bridge and to the LRT project

without anticipating the increase in the cost of the BRT project which went against the planning

rationale that BRT is a low-cost mobility option.

The symbolic use of elevated BRT in politics

The findings from Chapter 7 have also identified the political use of the BRT concept in a

symbolic manner. The results show that local political actors favoured the elevated busway

option to avoid the need for land acquisition for an on-ground BRT route. The land acquisition

process could have delayed the project completion before the national election which was

announced to happen after one year. Another reason to avoid land acquisition was to avoid

conflict with the local community around the BRT route, because with land acquisition some

private properties could have been damaged and relocation of people from that area was

expected as well. Therefore, to avoid community conflicts before the election and for early

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completion of the project, the political actors promoted the design of elevated busway to use

the BRT symbolically as a showcase project to be re-elected.

After Lahore, five other cities of Pakistan also implemented the concept of an elevated route

as part of BRT design. The replication of this BRT design at the local level makes the case of

the elevated BRT a complex yet unique case of policy transfer. Initially the Chief Minister

Punjab implemented the elevated BRT in Punjab, but later the chief ministers of other two

provinces, KPK and Sindh, from different political parties also implemented the elevated BRT

concept there. Overall, the symbolic transfer of BRT promoted a political competition of

implementing BRTs between different political parties in Pakistan. These findings confirm the

argument of Latour (2005) that although the agency of non-humans is dissociated from

intentional influence, but the implications of non-human things can last longer than expected,

so it is risky and challenging to analyse the influence of non-humans on human actors.

The study findings showing the role of symbolism in the policy transfer also confirm the results

of Schneider (2012), who described policy transfer decisions can be inspirational, intuitive,

and symbolic, which can complicate the policy transfer process. According to Siemiatycki

(2006), the image of mega transport infrastructure plays a significant role in project approval,

particularly in developing countries where transport projects have a significant symbolic value.

The longer-term implications of the elevated route as a symbolic effect confirm that symbolism

can change the policy outcomes (Roy & Ong, 2011).

Pojani (2015) also highlighted that in developing countries often transport policy actors intend

to copy infrastructure models, designs and development policies from other cities while

ignoring the variations in local-level regulations. Furthermore, changes in institutional setups

have caused policy failures or changed the entire outcomes of similar policy concepts (Pojani

& Stead, 2015; Thomas et al., 2018). Ashmore et al. (2019) also described the role of

symbolism from the perspective of transit users who considered BRT a ‘poor cousin’ of rail

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transit. However, the findings of this study have identified the impacts of symbolism applied

by local policymakers on the outcomes of policy transfer.

The influence of symbolism in transferring the elevated BRT has highlighted the decision-

making approach of local policy actors. The focus of policymakers was more on enhancing

the image of the city, presenting BRT as a modern mass transit technology, or using it for

election purposes. The implementation of the elevated route decision in the Lahore Metrobus

project shows that local policy actors focused more on inspirations, physical designs, and

resemblance to LRT in infrastructure, but not much on the function and cost of the project.

Because the only function that the elevated route performed was preventing land from having

to be purchased for the bus corridor and the project being implemented in less time. However,

in terms of cost, this was significantly higher because to create the symbolic impact of

elevation, the Punjab government paid three times more than the original cost. The initial cost

of the 27 km single BRT route was 10 million USD, whereas after the elevated route design it

was 30 million USD (Interviewee, 2018).

The implementation of BRT in Pakistani cities differed from those in Bogota and Curitiba,

which are successful BRT models (Duarte & Rojas, 2012; Montero, 2017; Silva Ardila, 2020).

In those two model cities of BRT, the option of BRT was implemented in the form of a network

with multiple BRT routes all over the city. However, in Lahore only a single corridor of BRT

was introduced without having a plan for a complete network of BRT routes in future.

Furthermore, in the last 8 years no further BRT corridors have been developed and instead

another form of mass transit has been built which is light rail technology, named the Metro

Orange line train. If the elevation had not been decided on, perhaps there would have been

more funds to extend the network.

Transport planning studies have reported that the BRT concept can have flexible operation by

using existing road infrastructure and it can be more integrated (Cervero & Dai, 2014; Wright

& Hook, 2007). However, this flexibility and integration have not been realised because of the

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elevated route without any integration at the local level. Furthermore, in Lahore the BRT is

operating as a standalone public transport mode because it is not integrated with the local

urban buses of the LTC (Tabassum et al., 2016). In addition, the potential for transit-oriented

development is also being ignored by the local Lahore urban development authority (Imran et

al., 2021). The lack of integration with local transport modes and the single-route BRT project

shows that the emphasis of local policy actors in the BRT transfer was more on bringing a new

technology to the city to symbolise it for political purposes.

The most recent example of a symbolic transfer is the metro light rail orange train. This was

recently built with funds from China as part of the Belt and Road Initiative, China–Pakistan

Economic Corridor (Hussain et al., 2021; Imran et al., 2021). The implementation of a light rail

project on a single route of 27 km in Lahore instead of extending the BRT route shows the

influence of politics on transport, as well as the trend of introducing new transport projects in

a symbolic manner to present in election campaigns.

Overall, I have argued in this section that the symbolism in the BRT transfer was an outcome

of the fascination with elevated busways to look like the Bosphorus Bridge or to make the

Metrobus more like a train. The ANT analysis has shown that instead of assigning a central

role to local transport institutions, the main role in the BRT implementation was performed by

political actors using the influence of infrastructure design features. The political actors

focused more on the symbolic use of the BRT concept instead of considering the longer-term

implications of transferring the BRT concept to the country.

Therefore, this research suggests that a strategic, long-term, and comprehensive transport

planning approach could minimise the role of symbolism in transport planning projects.

Otherwise, ad hoc planning decisions made on a political, symbolic, or contextual basis while

transferring a foreign policy concept like BRT into the local context can result in expensive,

unexpected, and adverse planning outcomes, as was observed in this case study.

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The significance of ANT in policy transfer analysis

In this research I have used ANT as an analytical framework in combination with the

geopolitical lens of policy mobilities to examine the role of actors in BRT transfer. The use of

ANT approach in transport policy transfer analysis is helpful in exploring the complexity of

policy transfer because the ANT is based on a socio-technical analytical approach (John,

2009). Furthermore, the ANT concepts offer a coherent approach to incorporating the roles of

non-humans in a similar way to those of human actors to perform actions as part of a network

(Callon, 1999a; Latour, 1996c).

I have found the ANT approach particularly useful in transport policy transfer because, in

agreement with Marsden and Stead (2011), policies in the transport sector are comprised of

subjective concepts and planning tools such as technology, infrastructure, software etc. The

ANT analysis focuses on relational connections between humans and non-humans as part of

networks and explores how network connections are developed, instead of highlighting why

the networks are developed (Law, 2019). According to Latour (2013), explanation is not within

the scope of ANT, but the beauty of using ANT as a methodology is in finding descriptions of

actions through network connections. This means it shows how the actions are performed by

the actors without giving a judgment about why they performed these actions.

To provide insights into why in this research, I have used ANT methodology in combination

with the theoretical understanding of policy mobilities, which strengthens my analysis of the

policy transfer. I have used three main concepts of ANT in my research: the concept of

assemblages, which has identified the roles of human and non-human actors with equal

agency and capacity to perform any action (Latour, 1990). The concept of heterogeneous

networks, which has highlighted that actors performed their actions in networks but not in

isolation (Latour, 1996b, 1996a). The heterogenous network has also described how the

process of BRT transfer occurred through network associations between actors and

highlighted the significant role of the mass transit technology as a non-human actor as part of

the network. The last ANT concept I have used in my research is translation analysis (Callon,

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1984, 1999a). The potential of translation analysis allowed exploration of the fascination with

elevation developed by local policy actors.

The application of ANT as an ethnographic method has also been suggested in transport and

urban planning studies (Ruming et al., 2016; Rydin, 2013). Larner and Laurie (2010)

concluded that a methodological orientation with an emphasis on ethnographic techniques

can enhance the chances of a comprehensive policy transfer analysis. Rydin and Tate (2016)

reported that use of a translation framework is significant in describing details of urban

planning projects. Wang and Selina (2018) also used the ANT approach in establishing the

roles of non-humans in a belt and road initiative of transport planning. By using the ANT

approach, the consideration of new transport technologies, different mass transit options and

use of transport software can be demonstrated as part of transport policy options in urban

policy and planning studies (Bilodeau & Potvin, 2018; Boelens, 2009; Rydin, 2013).

Another significant feature of the ANT analysis is the transient nature of actor–network

connections, which means the roles of actors and their actions are not pre-determined cannot

be predicted either unless the process of translation happens. Such as the missing links of

actors like the public, the planning professionals, the urban designers were highlighted through

translation in ANT which otherwise was not determined before. Therefore, I have found this

feature of ANT very helpful in my policy transfer analysis because the actual outcomes of

policy transfer can be different from the expected outcomes, as I have found in this research.

Therefore, I suggest the use of ANT to strengthen the transport policy transfer analysis.

Discussion summary

This discussion of the empirical findings of this research has highlighted the complexity

regarding the roles of actors in transferring the foreign transport policy concept of BRT to the

local context in the absence of transport policy guidance and in a poorly integrated transport

planning system. I have described through the discussion how the agency of non-human

actors influenced the thinking of local actors and particularly how the political actors influenced

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the transport planning process by making policy decisions based on inspiration and

symbolism, instead of following a rational planning approach.

Overall, in this research, by using the ANT perspective for analysing a transport policy transfer

I have found that in Pakistan international actors were not the only source of influence on

policy decisions, as has been suggested in earlier studies (Imran & Low, 2009). Instead, the

agency of non-human actors also influenced the thinking of local policy actors to change policy

decisions when implementing a foreign policy solution in the local context.

The discussion in this chapter has shown that the overall findings of this research are

significant in three major respects for the study of transport policy transfer. First, in transport

policy transfer non-human actors are also part of policy transfer networks. Second, the

contextual variances between policy borrower and lender cities can change the outcomes of

the same policy when implemented in different places. Third, the ethnographic approach of

the ANT in combination with the geopolitical lens of policy mobilities is useful for transport

policy transfer analysis.

In the next chapter I conclude the overall research, which set out to answer questions

regarding the implications of BRT having a symbolic role in the transport policy transfer

process.

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Chapter 9 – Conclusion

This chapter summarises the findings of the thesis, identifies opportunities for further

research and concludes with an outlook.

Research overview

This research has explored the detailed process of transferring a transport policy concept from

one city to another city in another country and examined the contingencies of this process.

The study has examined the process of transferring the mass transit concept of Bus Rapid

Transit as a new transport policy to Lahore, Pakistan. The transfer story started with plans

for light rail lines but was in the end implemented ten years later as a Bus Rapid Transit line,

namely Lahore Metro Bus. The research explored the changes in policy transfer decisions,

the reasons behind those changes and the contingencies of policy transfer.

Contributing to the literature on transport policy transfer and particularly the transfer of BRT

in the Global South, the research has sought to answer the following research questions:

• Who were the key actors and what were their various roles in transferring BRT to Lahore,

Pakistan?

• How was the universal concept of BRT translated and adapted to the local geographical



To answer the first research question, the study explored the role of actors that were involved

in the decision to transfer the concept of BRT from Istanbul to Lahore. Furthermore, actors

who promoted other policy transfer options were also analysed. These were for example

international actors, such as the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, the Institution for

Transportation and Development Policy and the Japan International Cooperation Agency.

Actors in Pakistan included the Provincial Government of Punjab, The Lahore Transport

Company, the Provincial Transport Department Punjab, Lahore Development Authority

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and Traffic Engineering and Planning Agency Lahore. Moreover, non-human actors were also

studied, such as the light rail transit model, the Bogota BRT model, the Istanbul metro

bus model, transport policy documents, the infrastructure design model, and the elevated

route design. The role of actors was not only seen at the level of the individuals but analysed

as actor networks. The study has shown how various human and non-human actors were

connected to each other in the form of a heterogenous network of actors. In the actor network

of BRT transfer, I described the role of mass transit technology as a mediator (the central

actor who puts in motion the rest of the actors) in this network. The influence of light

rail technology instigated the local actors to start thinking about a policy transfer and the

process of transfer ended with the implementation of the Istanbul metro bus, which is another

form of mass transit technology. The role of international actors was as policy promoters

and the local political actors were the policy selectors who kept the network intact as well

as stable to perform the required action which in this case was the transfer of BRT.

In response to the second research question, the study has found that the translation of the

concept of BRT was impacted by the local context, and this led to some specific variations. By

using an ad hoc planning approach rather than having a strategic concept, local policymakers

focused on the physical forms of the transport infrastructure, instead of the functions and the

objectives to be achieved by those functions. In the absence of policy guidelines, there was a

limited role for local planning experts and instead local politicians and international actors who

were focused on political impacts and symbolism, rather than function, had strong influences

on decision-making. Overall, the limited participation of local experts, lack of proper planning

framework, inconsistent planning approach and political intervention, as well as changing

socio-political conditions in the country, shaped the translation of the concept of BRT in

Lahore. Regarding the outcomes at the local level, the study has shown that the focus on

symbolism led to an elevated BRT route that was expensive and did not resemble the low-

cost transit option which BRT is generally understood as and promoted as in transport

planning studies (Cervero, 2013; Wright & Hook, 2007).

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Key conclusions of the thesis

Limited role of local transport planning institutions in BRT transfer

The study has shown that the involvement of local transport planning institutions in the policy

transfer process was very limited in Lahore. The transport planning system was disjointed and

planning disjunctures at the national, provincial, and local levels created planning gaps and

limited the role of local transport institutions in the BRT transfer process.

The following describes how transport planning institutions could be involved in order to

enhance the outcomes of a policy transfer process.

1. Before starting a policy transfer process, it is necessary to analyse the local situation and

to understand how the policy fits into this local situation. Analysis of the local planning process

in Lahore has shown that the transport institutions, transport policy documents and transport

planning officials were the main actors in the transport decision-making process but were not

involved in the decision-making process on whether and how to transfer the BRT concept.

The planning experts of the LDA, the main agency in charge of urban planning in the city, were

not involved in transit decision-making. Therefore, a critical component of an integrated

transport planning strategy was missing from the start. Furthermore, no transport study was

conducted at the local level to analyse the opportunities and requirements of different transit

options in the local context. Local design engineers were involved in the implementation, but

only after the decision on the Metrobus had been made. For effective planning and

implementation of a foreign transport policy concept like BRT into a local context, mutual

coordination between transport-related institutions and urban planning institutions is required

throughout the whole process.

2. The research findings have shown that there was a lack of clear policy guidance regarding

the suitability, provision, planning, design, and implementation of mass transit options in the

Pakistani context. This means that the local policymakers were not sufficiently prepared to

implement and adjust possible mass transit options to the local context. This led to changes

between different mass transit options, planning delays, design changes and execution

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challenges faced by local experts. Overall, comprehensive transport policy guidelines at the

local level could have enhanced the role of transport institutions in mass transit decision-

making and could have reduced the political influence on transport decisions as well.

3. The analysis has also described the lack of advanced technical knowledge and experience,

as well as the limited awareness, of local staff responsible for implementing the new transit

option. The concept of mass transit was a new policy solution for local policymakers and staff

in the local institutions and agencies. Their limited exposure and lack of practical knowledge

about transit options and new design requirements impacted on the roles of local experts in

the decision-making and implementation processes. A feasibility study for different transport

options could have improved the knowledge and understanding of the new policy concepts

among staff members.

Roles of actors in the form of actor networks in BRT transfer

The results of this research have shown that the roles of actors as an overall actor network

are more influential than their individual roles. A contribution of this study is in describing the

roles of non-human actors in combination with human actors as part of the BRT transfer

network. This research has shown that BRT transfer does not happen only with networks of

human policy actors; instead, nonhuman actors also create certain influences on the minds of

human policy actors, influencing policy choices as a part of policy transfer process.

In previous research the role of global policy transfer networks has been discussed in

relational and contextual manners with a focus on network connections between human

policy actors (Marsden & Stead, 2011; Stone et al., 2020; A. Wood, 2019a). However, this

study found that in Lahore the influence of mass transit technology was also an important

factor in establishing policy transfer networks. The ANT analysis also indicated that the role of

transit technology cannot be analysed in isolation, instead the focus of analysis was on mutual

connections between mass transit technology and other international, national, and local level

actors as a part of the policy transfer network. Therefore, this study concludes that in Lahore

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the BRT policy transfer has happened through heterogenous connections between human

and non-human actors in the form of actor networks.

The following highlights the different roles of human and non-human actors in the BRT

transfer actor network.

1. The thesis study has found that non-human actors played significant roles in creating

network connections with human actors as part of the policy transfer. The actor network

analysis has described the significant influence of different modes of mass transit technology

such as light rail, Bus Rapid Transit, and the Metro Bus model on the local policy transfer

network. The human policy actors were inspired by mass transport technology features

they observed during their site visits. Other non-human actors in this case were transport

policy documents, the project cost, the image of infrastructure features, implementation time

and the mass transit design models. The influence of non-human actors created purposeful

network connections between different humans, and they preferred different mass transit

technology modes because of this influence but also as per their own interests.

2. The research analysis has shown the role that international consultants and funding

agencies played as policy promoters for the mass transit concept in Pakistan. They suggested

to local actors that there was a need for mass transit solutions in Lahore. The international

actors promoted light rail transit as a modern public transport solution because they could be

part of this project to provide technical and financial services among other reasons. The

international studies for the Lahore mass transit system by JICA, the loan agreement with

ADB and the technical assistance grant from the World Bank for the light rail project

indicate that light rail was the preferred choice of international actors.

Previous studies of transport planning in Pakistan have also acknowledged the influential role

of international funding agencies in the promotion of private modes of motorised mobility

(Imran, 2009). However, this research has highlighted the influential engagement of

international agencies in the public transport sector of the country as well by showing that how

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they promoted the idea of mass transit options at the local level in Pakistan. The international

actors mainly promoted light rail as a modern, efficient, and technically advanced transport

option which shows that they did not consider the limited financial and technical capacity of

the local transport institutions in Pakistan.

3. The analysis has also shown the significant roles of local politicians who used the mass

transit technology projects for political purposes to get re-elected. I have described in my

findings that three different political parties in Pakistan preferred different modes of mass

transit. Starting from the national level, in 2007 the PML-Q which was the ruling

political party at the federal level supported the light rail project for Lahore. In 2010 after

national elections, another political party PPP gained power at the federal level and

proposed the Bogota model of BRT for Lahore. However, at the provincial level in the Punjab

Province, the party in power, PML-N, opposed the Bogota option and supported the transfer

of the Istanbul metro bus model. Overall, the political rivalry between ruling parties adversely

impacted the rationality of transport planning.

I have further highlighted that the selection of the Istanbul model was made merely on an

inspirational and political basis. The Chief Minister of Punjab of the PML-N, who had the

administrative as well as financial powers of the province used his influential role and

promoted the transit technology transfer in a political manner. He preferred the Metrobus

option because he was influenced by the technology features of the Istanbul Metrobus that

he travelled on during his visit to Istanbul in 2010. He was inspired by advanced transit

features which distinguish the Metrobus as a superior mode of over local buses.

These findings show the roles of international actors and political actors in the selection of

mass transit technology options and that in the transport policy transfer process, the role of

mass transit technology (in this case BRT technology) cannot be considered in isolation based

on its technical characteristics. Instead, the BRT exchange is a case of socio-technical transfer

where the process of mass transit selection is embedded in the social, political, and economic

contexts of the local case.

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In my understanding, the choice and implementation of mass transit technology was more a

political project driven in part by the absence of a comprehensive transport planning policy at

the local level. This absence limited the roles of transport institutions and professionals, but

also created space for international and political actors to influence the decision-making

process. The political actors used the influence and inspiration of mass transit technology and

ignored planning rationality in the decision-making process.

Overall, the results of this research confirm the findings of Ashmore et al., (2019), Nguyen &

Pojani (2018) and Wood, (2015) that BRT transfer is an outcome of technical, social, political,

and economic aspects and not just a rational and technical decision for the best transport

policy option. However, this research has highlighted the additional dimension of how the

influence of non-human actors can also significantly contribute to BRT transfer.

Role of symbolism in BRT translation at the local level

The study has found that symbolism can influence and change the outcomes of policy

transfer. Influence is a form of agency according to the ANT approach which shapes the

actions of human actors. Such as in Lahore the elevated busway design was adapted to create

resemblance in infrastructure designs, but the elevated route has changed the low-cost BRT

option into a high-cost BRT project – a unique Pakistani adaptation.

While Ashmore et al. (2018, 2019) also highlighted the impacts of symbolism on policy transfer

of BRT from the perspective of transport users in developing countries, the findings of this

study identify the impacts of symbolism applied by local policymakers on the outcomes of BRT

during policy transfer. Furthermore, the implications of symbolism were found more often in

developing countries’ transport policy transfer cases where policy makers often borrowed

policy solutions from developed countries (Ashmore et al., 2018; Nguyen & Pojani, 2018).

However, the focus here was the influence of symbolism, generated in part domestically

once the transfer had started, in the implementation of the transferred BRT concept.

The following details the influence of symbolism in BRT transfer further.

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1. The research has examined the symbolic use of physical design features of the transport

infrastructure in the policy transfer process in Lahore. The elevation of parts of the BRT route

was created during the transfer process to create similarity with the design features of the

transferred BRT concept, as well as previously considered transit options.

Firstly, the elevated route created a resemblance to the Istanbul Metrobus, which has an

elevated element because of the Bosphorus Bridge. In this case the design feature was used

as a policy element to create resemblance between the policy borrower and lender in the

policy transfer process. Secondly, the elevated route created similarity in design with the

previously proposed light rail route. The local policymakers wanted to imply through a similar

design that the option of BRT was overall like light rail because they considered light rail to be

superior to bus transit. By assigning a symbolic role to the infrastructure design and transit

technology features, the local designers introduced the component of the elevated route as

part of BRT to show that the implemented option of the Metrobus was not inferior to the

previously proposed option of light rail.

Another reason for introducing the elevation was that it made the implementation fast and less

contested. The elevated route option ensured a fast, unrestricted, and dedicated route for BRT

and avoided conflicts with local traffic along congested parts of the city. In addition, the

elevated route did not take away traffic lanes from existing road space, avoiding rivalry with

other road users. Finally, elevation allowed to avoid the challenges of land acquisition for

additional road space which could have delayed the project because of resistance from

citizens. Furthermore, transport engineers in Lahore were familiar with the concept of flyovers

to reduce local traffic congestion and similar approach was preferred in case of BRT route as

well. By deciding for an elevated route of BRT, the project could be implemented before the

next election without conflicts with residents, albeit no longer as a low-cost transit option.

Overall, the decision for the elevated route in the local level translation was based on non-

cognitive, political, and symbolic reasons to create design similarity with light rail

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and the Bosporus Bridge or for early completion to use metro bus as a show case project in

the next elections.

2. The study also helps to uncover a critical moment in the development of Pakistan’s mass

transit projects, as the decision to elevate Lahore’s BRT has been faithfully and uncritically

reproduced at local level. After Lahore the design for BRT projects implemented in other

Pakistani cities such as Multan, Islamabad, Rawalpindi, and Peshawar, as well as the

proposed route in Karachi, all feature an elevated route, making the elevation a common

feature in all Pakistani BRTs. The common use of an elevated route as part of BRT transfer

confirms the argument that the policy transfer in Pakistan was influenced by symbolism. The

implementation of an elevated route in all the BRT designs for Pakistani cities also confirms

that the planning approach of local policymakers is more physical than strategic. Furthermore,

it highlights the local planning practices focus more on the appearance of the infrastructure.

3. The study has further shown the outcomes of symbolism in policy transfer. Although the

introduction of the elevated route created a resemblance in the physical features of the policy

transfer, but it has the unintended consequence of transforming BRT into a high-cost transport

project in all the Pakistani cities. In other words, the universal concept of BRT was changed

at the local level in Pakistan by negating one of the main reasons why BRT is generally

suggested as a suitable transport option for developing countries. Overall, the decision of

introducing an elevated route in the Lahore Metrobus design shows the short-term planning

approach focused on election cycles adopted by local policy makers. It also shows that these

decisions while being ad-hoc, have long lasting, adverse, and expensive planning outcomes.

Potential of ANT to broaden transport policy transfer analysis

In this study I have explored the story of how BRT was transferred to Lahore. Unlike the

conventional approach of policy transfer studies focusing on human policy actors (Stone,

2017; Thomas et al., 2018; A. Wood, 2015), this study has extended the network analysis to

non-human actors. To understand the roles of non-human actors, the analytical approach of

ANT was used because of organic nature of links between various actors as networks.

200

The ANT analysis extends knowledge about policy transfer networks by broadening the

analysis to non-human actors in the form of actor networks. The ANT analysis has shown how

the local policy actors were influenced by different mass transit technology features during

their site visits to Tokyo and Istanbul. The translation analysis has further shown how the local

policy actors imagined that an elevated route could create resemblance to the Bosphorus

Bridge and how, by using design ideas of the previously planned light rail route the standard

of the Metro Bus will emulate light rail. Overall, the ANT approach provided an ethnographic

lens to analyse the existence of non-human actors who create changes in network

associations like the influence of technology, the resemblance of infrastructure design and the

implementation of an elevated route in all BRT projects of Pakistan to create a similar

symbolism in all the cities. Using a conventional policy transfer analysis would not have

allowed to identify the influential, inspirational, and symbolic role of mass transit technology

and infrastructure design in BRT transfer, which ANT has done in this study.

Therefore, using ANT approach in policy transfer analysis can assist in examining the impacts

of small or even arbitrary actions as a part of policy transfer process. From the experience of

the policy transfer analysis in this study, the use of ANT approach is recommended to study

transport policy transfer process particularly in cases with multiple actors where instead of

hierarchy the connections between actors are important.

The findings of this research have practical as well theoretical implications. In practical terms,

the research has identified the roles of actors and the local-level variations in the transferred

concept of BRT. This provides lessons for the policymakers of other cities who are interested

in implementing the concept of BRT in future. Although the results of policy transfer case

studies are highly contextualised, many cities in developing countries can learn from the

experience of Lahore due to similar socio-economic conditions. In addition to the conventional

policy transfer approach the use of ANT as an ethnographic approach has been used,

which broadens the analysis to non-human actors which is a new dimension in transport policy

transfer studies of global south.

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Policy recommendations

Based on the research findings this study presents the following policy recommendations to

be considered while transferring transport policy solutions from one place to another.

1. During policy transfer process instead of focusing merely on physical features of

transport infrastructure, the institutional, cultural, political, and social considerations

need to be focused as well. Because reliance only on physical planning approach can

lead towards biased decision making and may impact the outcomes of transferred

policy concepts as well such as found in the case of Lahore metro bus transfer.

2. The presence of comprehensive transport policy guidance at local level is a key

requirement to identify the local needs before importing any foreign transport policy

solution. Therefore, to achieve long term implications of any foreign transport policy it

must be locally contextualized.

3. Transport policy transfer is not always a democratic process of decision making

instead it can be an outcome of a some highly influential group of actors making an

intact network but of few actors. Therefore, the public participation should be more

involved to make it as a democratic process of policy transfer. Furthermore, the roles

of actors in policy transfer need to be analyzed in relation with each other but not in

isolation as individual actors and ANT can be used as an extended analytical approach

in policy transfer studies.

Research limitations

While this research has contributed to knowledge by analyzing how the policy transfer of BRT

took place in Lahore, it is always difficult to generalize findings from a single case study.

However, the case study approach provides an opportunity to analyze in-depth details and to

develop a deep understanding with thick descriptions of selected research aspects. The

approach of detailed description is particularly suitable in policy transfer analysis, where the

researcher focuses on the detailed roles of various actors and the changes in mutual

connections and their implications for policy outcomes. Previous policy transfer studies have

202

also applied the case study approach and shared their findings, assuming that cities with

similar socio-economic conditions can learn from each other (Marsden et al., 2011; Pojani &

Stead, 2015; A. Wood, 2020). The findings from this case study of Lahore provide a deep

understanding of the roles of actors not as individuals but in the form of actor networks as part

of the transfer process. This perspective on policy transfer can be relevant to other developing

cities with similar socio-economic conditions where international actors, political leaders and

local experts are engaged as part of transferring foreign transport policy concepts to the local

context.

Another limitation of the study is the limited access to JICA and the international officials of

Turkey who were important actors in this actor network. Furthermore, the technical and

financial aspects of the BRT concept and its impact on policy outcomes are not part of the

analysis in this study. As I wanted to focus on the understanding of policy actors which I believe

are particularly important for developing countries, when introducing BRT as a foreign

transport policy solution. Furthermore, the financial and technical aspects of BRT have been

examined by many studies while studies of transport policy transfer in developing countries

are very few. Therefore, this study is based on a qualitative methodology and data collection,

and uses semi-structured interviews, focus groups and personal field observation notes as the

main data sources. There is a risk for misinterpretation of data in the interview analysis, but to

minimize this risk I triangulated and verified interview results through document analysis where

possible.

Implications for future research

This research highlights that in an international transport policy transfer process, the transfer

of a transport technology such as BRT is not merely a neutral exchange of transport

infrastructure between two countries. Instead, the universal understanding of a foreign policy

concept can be changed in the local context depending upon the culture, engagement of local

actors and local socio-political conditions in a country. Therefore, future research needs to

203

analyse in more detail the local variations, cultural connections, political strategies, and their

implications for policy transfer.

The consideration of local-level variations in transport policy transfer is very important and

helpful to policy transfer cases in developing countries, where often foreign options are

preferred as proposed by international policy proponents without analysing the implications

for the local context. In future studies, the relationships between new transport policy concepts

and local conditions can be explored in relation to each other to enhance the outcomes of

transferred policies.

This study also presents the use of ANT approach in policy transfer studies as an opportunity

to explore the relations between various actors and describe the roles of non-human actors.

Contemporary policy transfer studies argue that the outcomes of the transfer of similar policy

concepts differ between different places due to contextual, cultural, social, administrative and

political changes (Pojani, 2020b; A. Wood, 2014). This research shows how the ANT approach

can explore relations between human and non-human actors as part of the policy transfer.

The consideration of both people and technology as actors in relation to each other in policy

transfer networks can provide useful insights for policy transfer scholarship. Future research

could explore the reasons for the changing roles of non-human actors and their implications

for the transferred policy concepts as part of transport policy transfer.

Outlook

The empirical findings of this thesis show that the transfer of a transport policy concept is not

merely a neutral exchange of transport technology or modern transport infrastructure to

enhance mobility options. Instead, it is a heterogenous process and the outcome of an intact

network of policymakers, transport technology and transport planning institutions. To restrict

or support the transfer process, these actors develop mutual connections. However, without

clear policy and planning guidelines, the actual outcomes of policy transfer can differ from the

expected outcomes. In the absence of clear policy guidelines, quick, easy-to-implement and

politically convenient planning decisions can develop long-lasting, expensive, and unexpected

204

planning outcomes, as observed in this study. In contrast, a comprehensive policy framework

with clearly defined objectives and roles for actors can minimise the implications of symbolism

in planning and enhance the outcomes of implementing a foreign transport policy concept into

a local context.

This study has also shown that based on symbolism, BRT has been transformed into a more

expensive version not only in the case study, but also in five further cities in Pakistan. The

implementation of such high-cost mega transport projects based on symbolism or physical

appearance in a developing country like Pakistan with limited financial resources raises the

question of whether there were additional geopolitical reasons behind the transfer and

eventual design of BRT in Lahore: was it to provide low-cost transit mobility in the country or

to compete with the neighbouring countries of India, Iran and China where some cities had

already implemented modern mass transit systems? The rivalry between different political

parties and significant political influence on transport projects also impacted on the rationality

of the transport planning process. Overall, the research findings show that BRT transfer in

Pakistan was based on symbolism and modernism and seen as a chance to impress the local

voters for election benefits. The following interview quote from a local planner expresses this

finding in a fitting metaphor: ‘BRT in our city is just an artificial jewel worn over shabby attire’.

205

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Appendix

human actors in the transfer of Bus Rapid Transit to Lahore, P

Documents

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