Neue Studien zur Sachsenforschung 3

Neu

e St

udie

n zu

r Sa

chse

nfor

schu

ng 3

In Kommission bei

978-3-8062-2576-1

Transformations in North-WesternEurope (AD 300-1000)

Transformations in North-WesternEurope (AD 300-1000)

Proceedings of the 60th Sachsensymposion19.-23. September 2009 Maastricht

Neue Studien zur SachsenforschungBand 3

herausgegeben vomNiedersächsischen Landesmuseum Hannover

in Verbindung mit demInternationalen Sachsensymposion

durchBabette Ludowici

Transformations in North-WesternEurope (AD 300-1000)

Proceedings of the 60th Sachsensymposion19.-23. September 2009 Maastricht

herausgegeben von

Titus A.S.M. Panhuysen

Umschlaggestaltung: Karl-Heinz PerschallSatz und Layout: Karl-Heinz Perschall

Redaktion: Titus A.S.M. Panhuysen, Babette Ludowici

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek:Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet überhttp://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.

© 2011 Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Hannover Alle Rechte vorbehaltenIn Kommission bei Konrad Theiss Verlag GmbH, Stuttgart

Abbildungsnachweise liegen in der Verantwortung der Autoren

Druck: BWH GmbH - Die Publishing Company, D 30457 Hannover

ISBN 978-3-8062-2576-1

Gedruckt mit Unterstützung von:

5

Der vorliegende Band führt die gemeinsam vom Niedersäch-sischen Landesmuseum Hannover und dem InternationalenSachsensymposion herausgegebene Reihe „Neue Studien zurSachsenforschung“ fort. Er umfasst die Beiträge zum 60. In-ternationalen Sachsensymposion, das vom 19. bis 23. Sep-tember 2009 in Maastricht stattfand. Im Mittelpunkt der Zusammenkunft stand das Thema „Transformations in North-Western Europe (AD 300-1000)“. In dieser Zeit vollzog sich inEuropa ein tiefgreifender Wandel: Auf der Grundlage der Kul-tur der Spätantike formierte sich die Welt des Mittelalters. Diehier in deutscher, englischer und französischer Sprache vor-gelegten Konferenzbeiträge gewähren breiten Einblick in dieaktuelle archäologische Forschung zu diesem Thema. Dabeiwird vor allem die enorme Vielschichtigkeit und regionale Va-riabilität der Jahrhunderte andauernden Transformation imNordwesten Europas deutlich. Die 24 Studien zeigen auf, dassdie sehr unterschiedlich geprägten Kulturlandschaften Nord-westeuropas und ihre Bevölkerung jeweils ganz eigene, kon-textspezifische Veränderungsprozesse durchliefen.

Für das mehrtägige Symposion waren in Maastricht mehr als100 Teilnehmer aus Belgien, Dänemark, Deutschland, Frank-reich, Großbritannien, Niederlande, Norwegen, Schweden undden USA zusammengetroffen. Die Organisation der Konferenzwurde von der Universität von Amsterdam und der Stadt Maas-tricht betreut (Prof. Dr. Frans Theuws und Dr. Titus Panhuysen).In seinem Festvortrag hat Frans Theuws auf die zentrale Be-deutung Maastrichts für die frühmittelalterliche Landschaft ander mittleren Maas hingewiesen, aus der heraus sich in karo-lingischer Zeit ein neues europäisches Imperium formiert hat.

Fragen nach der Rolle der weltlichen und der klerikalen Elite,der Bedeutung von Bestattungsritualen sowie der Funktion vonMachtzentren, Siedlungen und des Warenverkehrs in diesemProzess waren der Ausgangspunkt von mehreren Forschungs-projekten der Universität von Amsterdam, so beispielsweise dem"Sankt Servatius Projekt Maastricht" und dem "Anastasis Grä-berfeldprojekt der südlichen Niederlande". Am Beispiel ver-schiedener Studien zu Maastricht, Aachen, Tongeren und Lüttichkonnten im Rahmen der Konferenz aktuelle Erkenntnisse derFrühgeschichtsforschung in der „Euregio Maas-Rhein“ präsen-tiert werden. Die Gegenüberstellung dieser Forschungen mit ver-gleichbaren Vorhaben in anderen Ländern und LandschaftenNordwest-Europas, die in ganz unterschiedlichen historischenEntwicklungs- und auch Forschungstraditionen stehen, hat sich

als äußerst ertragreich erwiesen. Eine Reihe internationalerarchäologischer Fundorte von überregionaler Relevanz wieSpong Hill, Ipswich, Dunum, Krefeld-Gellep, Sorte Muld,Stavnsager, Uppåkra, Broechem und Bossut-Gottechain bilde-ten den weiteren Bezugsrahmen. Die Exkursion schließlichführte die Konferenzteilnehmer zu einigen archäologischenSpitzenfundorten im belgischen Maastal: Lüttich, Amay, Thierd'Olne und Namur.

Den Druck des Konferenzbandes haben die Koninklijke Neder-landse Akademie van Wetenschappen (Königliche Niederlän-dische Akademie der Wissenschaften) in Amsterdam, die Uni-versität von Amsterdam und die Gemeinde Maastricht finanziellunterstützt, wofür wir herzlich danken. Unser Dank gilt außer-dem unseren Kollegen Barry Ager (London), Diana Briscoe (Lon-don), Samantha Lucy (Cambridge), Leslie Webster (London) undMartin Welch (†) für die Durchsicht und sprachliche Betreuungder englischen Beiträge. Den Bibliographien liegen die in den Niederlanden üblichen Zitierregeln zu Grunde.

Wir möchten die Aufsatzsammlung dem Andenken anMartin Welch widmen, der im Februar 2011 verstorben ist.Sein zusammen mit Sue Harrington verfasster Beitrag zum 60.Internationalen Sachsensymposion ist seine letzte Veröf-fentlichung.

Titus A.S.M. PanhuysenUniversität von Amsterdam

Babette Ludowici Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Hannover,Arbeitsbereich „Sachsenforschung“

Claus von Carnap-Bornheim Leitender Direktor der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen, Vorsitzender des Internationalen Sachsensymposions

Vorwort

6

Frans TheuwsIntroduction: Transformations in North-Western Europe (AD 300-1000)

Part one: Transformations

Menno Dijkstra and Henk Van der VeldeHouse plots, pots and pins. Transformations in the Rhine estuary during the Early Middle Ages

Charlotte FabechWar and rituals. Changes in rituals and transformations of power

Julia GräfDie Entwicklung der Gerberei am Übergang von der Spätantike zum Frühen Mittelalter

Denis Henrard et Jean-Marc LéotardLiège au Haut Moyen Âge: un état de la question

Annet NieuwhofDiscontinuity in the Northern-Netherlands coastal area at the end of the Roman Period

Titus PanhuysenWendepunkte in der Frühgeschichte der Maastrichter Servatiusabtei

Alexandra PeschDie schwedischen Goldhalskragen. Germanische Bildersprache in antiker Techniktradition. Ein Vorbericht

Christoph ReichmannDie Anfänge des Kirchenbaus im Umfeld des fränkischen Fürstensitzes von Krefeld-Gellep

Andreas SchaubZur Siedlungskontinuität in Aachen zwischen römischer und karolingischer Zeit

Alain VanderhoevenChanging urban topography in late Roman and early medieval Tongeren

Margrethe WattSorte Muld, Bornholm, an example of transformation and regional contacts during the 5th to 7th centuries in the Baltic Sea area

Sue Harrington and Martin WelchThe archaeological evidence for state formation in southern England: a comparison of the early kingdoms of Kent, Sussex and Wessex

9

11

13

27

37

47

55

67

90

101

119

128

139

149

Contents

7

Part two: Central Places

Reno Fiedel, Karen Høilund Nielsen and Christopher LoveluckFrom hamlet, to central place, to manor. Social transformation of the settlement at Stavnsager, eastern Jutland, and its networks, AD 400-1100

Lars LarssonPower by fire. Transitions and continuity during the Migration and Merovingian periods at Uppåkra, southernmost part of Sweden

Ulf NäsmanCentral Places in South Scandinavia – A Transformation Twenty Years After

Martin RundkvistTransformations in the elite settlements of Östergötland, Sweden, 375-1000

Christopher ScullIpswich – Transformations of Community and Settlement in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries

Part three: Burial Customs

Rica Annaert, Koen Deforce and Marit VandenbruaeneThe cremation graves at the Broechem cemetery (prov. of Antwerp, Belgium)

Egge KnolThe first early medieval cemeteries along the northern Dutch coasts and their significance for Anglo-Saxon migration

Daniel PetersAm Vorabend der Sachsenkriege: Aufkommen und Abbruch der sogenannten sächsischen Gräber in Westfalen am Beispiel von Soest

Annette SiegmüllerLeichentücher und Federstreuungen. Das frühmittelalterliche Gräberfeld von Dunum als Spiegel politisch-religiöserWandlungen des 7.-10. Jahrhunderts im Küstenraum

Anne Birgitte SørensenChanges in Burial Custom seen from Østergård, Southern Jutland in the period from the Early Roman Iron Age to the Late Roman/Early Germanic Iron Age

Olivier VrielynckThe Merovingian cemetery of Bossut-Gottechain (Grez-Doiceau, Belgium)

Leslie WebsterThe Prittlewell (Essex) burial: a comparison with other Anglo-Saxon princely graves

Liste der Teilnehmer

159

161

177

185

194

200

205

207

218

228

239

251

259

266

273

As one of the gateways to the Northwest European hinterlandthe estuary of the Rhine, now part of the province of SouthHolland, has had a strategic position since Roman times. Dur-ing the Roman period the limes was located on the south bankof the river. Roman forts, connected by a military road areknown from Katwijk (Lugdunum), Valkenburg (PraetoriumAgrippinae) and Leiden (Matilo) (Figure1). This military infra-structure also became important during the Late Roman pe-riod and Early Middle Ages as a focal point for settlement. Theformer Roman frontier zone (including the Rhine estuary) wasdisputed by the Frisians and the Frankish Peppinids in the 7th

century. The later seized definite control over the area in theearly 8th century.

For a long time the archaeological evidence for early me-dieval habitation in the Rhine estuary was shrouded in scantypublications and dusty find depots. The Frisia Project, startedin 1997, took a first step in elaborating a coherent picture ofthe economical and political development in relation to thecoastal regions of the ‘Frisian Kingdom’.1 One of these regionswas the Rhine estuary, at the moment subject of a PhD-study.2

What was its position within the Frisian territories? What in-fluence had the landscape in the organisation of settlementand trade? Why do historical sources not mention a majorport-of-trade near the mouth of the Rhine? Furthermore, overthe last decade the archaeology of the Rhine estuary has wit-nessed several large scale excavations of early medieval set-tlements, which are most important for our understanding ofthis period.3 Most of these projects were commercial excava-tions made possible through the treaty of Malta.

This contribution deals with new evidence from settlementsand cemeteries. The topics discussed are:

• The possibilities of habitation in the Rhine estuary.• The layout and development of settlements from the 5th to

the 9th century.• The economy of the settlements.

• Burial practice and churches.• The main transformation processes during the 5th through

to the 8th century.

The estuary of the River Rhine

The availability of land suitable for occupation was stronglydependent on the development of the physical landscape,which was dominated by the delta of the River Oude Rijn.4 Insome periods (Bronze Age/Early Iron Age) only the high partsof the landscape (such as coastal barriers) were suitable for oc-cupation, but from the Iron Age onwards larger expanses ofland became available at a high rate, in particular in theRoman period and the Early Middle Ages. This was to a largeextent determined by the amount of water carried by the OudeRijn, which until the Iron Age was one of the central rivers ofthe Rhine system. During the Roman and Early Medieval Pe-riod the importance of the Rhine slowly diminished, but highwater rates, due to deforestation in the hinterland led to newactivity. In the 12th century the river was dammed at Wijk bijDuurstede and the mouth at Katwijk silted up.

The long held opinion that a large part of the estuary wasuninhabitable in the Late Roman Period due to flooding hasbeen proved wrong. Overexploitation of land and political un-rest are more likely reasons why the coastal region suffered asevere population drain during the 4th and a greater part of the5th century.5 It seems that the remaining habitation was con-centrated around the limes forts along the river. The horrea atValkenburg (and probably also at Lugdunum near Katwijk) ful-filled an important function as distribution centres for the lateRoman army quartered along the limes of Germania secunda.6

Around the year 500 habitation can be found again in twotypes of landscape: the coastal dunes and the stream ridgesalongside the river. The vast peat beds were only settled fromthe 10th century onwards.

13

House plots, pots and pins. Transformations in the Rhine estuary during the Early Middle Ages

Menno Dijkstra and Henk van der Velde

1 Heidinga 1997. We would like to thank Prof. Dr. H.A. Heidinga for his comment on a draft version of this publication.2 Funded by The Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO), Dijkstra forthcoming; Bazelmans et al. 2004.3 Katwijk Zanderij (Van der Velde 2008) and Oegstgeest-Nieuw Rhijngeest (Hemminga/Hamburg 2006; Hemminga et al. 2008; Jezeer 2010).4 Van Dinther 2010.5 Groenman-Waateringe 1986.6 Groenman-Waateringe 1986.

14

Almere

OOSTER

GO

WESTE

RGO

Meuse

Oude Rijn

Rhine

WES

TFR

I SI A

CENT

RAL FR I S I

A

IJ ssel

1

2

3

WALCHEREN

NORT

HSEA

TEXEL

WIERINGEN

KENNEM

ERLA

ND

Vecht

BETUWE

DRENTHE

VELUWE

NOORD-HOLLAND

ZUID-HOLLAND

ZEELAND

Lauwers

Vlie

0 50 km

Rijnsburg

Utrecht

Dorestad

OegstgeestLeiden

KatwijkValkenburg

Solleveld

Witla?

Domburg

Figure 1. Part of Frisia in the Early Middle Ages with places mentioned in the text. 1: Frisian habitation area or kerngewest (nuclear region); 2: The sandy pleis-tocene hinterland; 3: The (mainly) holocene coastal plain.

Settlements in the estuary of the river Rhine

The number of identified settlements has grown dramatically.In fact nowadays it is hard to define the structure of the indi-vidual settlements because one witnesses a kind of ribbon-like development along the banks of the river and itstributaries. This occurred not only in the estuary itself, directlywest of Dorestad (the vicinity of Utrecht) the same settlementstructure was found.7 This contribution deals with the settle-ments of Katwijk (Zanderij), Rijnsburg (Abbey), Valkenburg (DeWoerd) and Oegstgeest (Nieuw Rijngeest Zuid) lying in closeproximity to each other.

Katwijk-Zanderij

The Zanderij lay once in a marsh plain close to the Oude Rijn.8

For some time (Bronze Age/Early Iron Age) De Zanderij wassubmerged. When the marine and fluvial influence began todecrease, a landscape dominated by gullies and associatedridges gradually evolved. For at least part of the period con-sidered here, there was a freshwater landscape. There are in-dications suggesting that the region was occupied at this time.

Analysis of macro remains from wells dating from the 1st

century AD revealed an open, treeless salt-marsh vegetationdominated by sedges and rushes. This was the landscape thatthe occupants of De Zanderij (once again) made suitable forhabitation. Ditches in the central part of De Zanderij representattempts to divide the land into plots and/or drain it. An im-portant structuring element may well have been a north-south-oriented road that seems to have intersected De Zanderij.Major changes took place towards the end of the Roman pe-riod. Although they cannot be dated with certainty, the ab-sence of evidence of large-scale occupation suggests that theytook place in the 4th/early 5th century. Evidence of floods andthe clay fill of what was probably the drainage ditch of aRoman road suggest that the Oude Rijn became more active,and around the same time the sand drifts intensified. Withina short space of time the entire landscape was buried beneathdrift sand. In the resulting landscape the large drift-sand dunein the northeast again afforded favorable conditions for oc-cupation, but so did many smaller dunes, which were occupiedby farmers who practiced arable farming here from the secondhalf of the 5th until the end of the 8th century. The excavationthat was carried out in the central part of De Zanderij in 2005yielded a large amount of information on how these sites wereexploited. We now know that there were a few occupationsites on the small dunes, which were linked by paths androads. This period likewise seems to have been characterizedby small-scale sand drifts under the influence of arable farm-ing and land-reclamation through deforestation.

From the distribution of finds we may infer that a new pe-riod of dune formation started in the 9th/10th century. Finds ofKugeltöpfe and Pingsdorf pottery from the eastern part of DeZanderij show that there was still some farming activity in the12th and the first half of the13th century. In the Late MiddleAges the coastal dunes (‘de Jonge Duinen’) migrated furthereastwards across our research area.

The earliest settlement traces date probably from the se-cond half of the 5th century. These are to be found in the north(Figure 2). From that time on, settlement development can betraced through until the 9th century. It is striking to notice thetopography of the settlements. The landscape must have beenan influential factor in this respect. There seem to have beenhamlets comprising at least two or three contemporary farm-steads in the northeast, where the large drift-sand dune was.The farmsteads consisted of a longhouse with a well and vari-ous outbuildings. Only a few sunken huts were found. Thewattle-work fence enclosing the farmyard probably measuredaround 50 by 50 metres. The fences also partly lined the roadsthat passed through the hamlets. In the northern settlement,which lay on a large elongated dune, the roads intersectedone another at right angles, resulting in an irregular chess-board-pattern. An interesting aspect of the northern settle-ment is a number of plans of small longhouses or shorthouses.

A large number of smaller dunes had evolved in the otherparts of the site (except maybe in the southwest, which is stilllargely terra incognita). On many dune tops lay a farmstead,resulting in a kind of ribbon occupation linked by a path, asshown by the settlement traces excavated in the central partof De Zanderij (Figure 3). The farms in this part were replacedby a new building erected in the same place on a regular basis.A second interesting characteristic of the central zone, is theintroduction of large two-aisled barns in the second half ofthe 6th century. The way they are constructed suggests theywere built for storage. From this time on, a large barn can befound in almost every farmstead.

The finds of timber parts derived from ships (and reusedas well linings) was of special importance for the interpreta-tion of trade networks in the Rhine estuary. Also in Oegstgeesta large number of boat planks were identified. These plankshave been identified as originating from riverine ships, sug-gesting the inhabitants used this type of boats for riverinetrade only.

Noteworthy is also the evidence for arable lands lying in thelower areas between the dunes.

The Merovingian farms at De Zanderij show a certain co-herence in orientation: to the east of the northern and centralsites it was west-southwest/east-northeast and to the west ofthe central site it bore off to the southwest, coinciding with theorientation of the settlement remains in the southwest. This in-

15

7 Nokkert et al. 2010.8 Van der Velde 2008.

16

dicates a somewhat systematic approach in the organizationof the landscape and suggests that large areas of land weremore or less simultaneously in use, as living areas, fields orpastures. The layout of the settlement in the north differs dis-tinctly from the Roman orientation, due to the large-scale sanddrifts that had taken place in the intervening period. Thesedrifts will have also covered the Roman cemetery making thisunrecognizable.

The occupation seems to have decreased in intensity afterthe mid-8th century. This is for example evident from the num-ber of coins found. The amounts of Carolingian pottery found

at the individual settlements, especially pottery dating beyond750, are also small. It would seem that in this period the set-tlements will probably no longer have been hamlets compris-ing several farms, but single farmsteads (Einzelhöfe) scatteredacross the area.

Rijnsburg-Abbey

This excavation was conducted between 1949 and 1966 andled to the discovery of the first early medieval house plans in

Legend

House

Side building

Well

Pit

Ditch

Property boundry

Phase 9 Phase 10

Phase 11 Phase 12

Phase 13 Overview

10m

�

10m

�10m

�

10m

�

10m

�25m

�

Figure 2. Katwijk-Zanderij. Phases of the early medieval settlement in the northern part, datable between c. AD 475 and 700.

17

Figure 3. Katwijk-Zanderij. Plan showing all the excavated structures of the central settlement (c. AD 550-750) and a reconstruction of the differences in height in the dune landscape.

18

Figure 4. Oegstgeest-Nieuw Rhijngeest. Plan showing the excavated structures of the settlement (c. AD 525-700).

19

the Western Netherlands. Although the excavated area wasrather small, it produced a large amount of information due tothe fact that the remains were protected by the Abbey thatwas built over it.

The first phase of the settlement dates to the late Merovin-gian period. It was situated in a tidal salt marsh at the south-ern bank of a creek (the Vliet), near the former mouth of theOude Rijn. Some time around AD 600 the southern bank ofthe Vliet was divided with wattle fences into small north-southoriented plots, where several longhouses and secondary build-ings were built. These can be associated to three or four gen-erations of occupation. The economy was not confined tofarming alone. Evidence of oven- or furnace-like structures,outdoor hearths, slags and a few tuyères point to smithing ac-tivities. A special find was a furnace-like structure for makingopaque glass beads, used by a travelling bead maker.9 One ofthe smaller buildings close to the creek is believed to be a pos-sible home of a smith. The settlement was restructured into a(new?) manorial centre in the second quarter of the 8th century.The excavated part shows only one main building, built in adifferent tradition. This sudden change in settlement layoutmay have been prompted by the growing Frankish influenceafter the conquest of the Frisian coastal lands after 719 .

By chance, we know the original name of the settlement ofRijnsburg from a list of properties of the church of Utrechtdated to c. 900. This list was created in order to reclaim all ofthe church’s possessions in the coastal area after the Vikingshad left. In the list the settlement is mentioned as ‘Hrothal-fuashem, which is now called Rinasburg’. A second time it ismentioned as Rothulfuashem.10 Radulfus and Aldburga be-stowed about threequarters of the villa of 26 mansi, to theUtrecht church of St. Martins. For the sake of clarity, it is alsostated that the ‘fields [mansi] are situated to the north of theFlieta, but the farmsteads [sedilia] called ofstedi in vernacularlie south of the Flieta, in which the aforementioned also lived.’This geographical situation still applied to the borders of thesettlement later in the Middle Ages. Because of the similarities,we can almost certainly identify the restructured manorial cen-tre with (a part of) ‘Rodulfushem’. Shortly afterward, probablyin the second half of the 8th century, a small memorial chapelwas added to the manor house. In the late 9th century thechapel was incorporated in the fortress of Rinasburg, built asa refuge against Viking attacks.11

Oegstgeest-Nieuw Rhijngeest

On the northern levee of a side channel of the Rhine lies thesettlement of Oegstgeest-Nieuw Rhijngeest, datable between

the early 6th and 7th century. It extends over an area of 10 ha,of which 3 ha have been excavated since 2004.12 The site fol-lows a similar layout to Rijnsburg: farm plots at a right angleto the river, divided by a smaller creek with revetments. Thebuildings consist of longhouses, small outhouses and two-aisled barns (Figure 4).

Until now several farmsteads have been excavated. Theyare situated on a stream ridge. Most of the houses date fromthe 7th century. Of special interest are the heavy revetmentsalong the side channel, interrupted with slips for ships. Partsof these ships ended up in the lining of wells. A first inspec-tion of the wooden remains shows them to be flat river barges.

Between the revetments and the farmsteads a low-lyingzone was situated in which several wells and concentrationsof pits were situated. These pits and a modest amount of pro-duction waste of artisanal activities – such as amber working,comb making and even shoemaking (Figure 5) – points toworking zones with a road alongside the smaller creek. In thisrespect the high percentage of bones of slaughtered pigs isinteresting, which is 20% (the same as in Rijnsburg). This ‘fastmeat’ animal may indicate the presence of concentrations ofpeople, for instance during the high season of trade. Future ex-cavations by the University of Leiden will reveal more aboutthis highly interesting settlement.

Valkenburg-De Woerd

The settlement De Woerd – almost opposite the Oegstgeestsite – was partly excavated in 1972 and 1987.13 Neither ex-cavation is yet published apart from a ground plan from the1987 campaign. The settlement is situated on the southernbank of the Oude Rijn and dates from the early 6th to early

9 Dijkstra et al. 2010.10 Henderikx 1998, 260-261.11 Dijkstra/Ridder 2009.12 Hemminga/Hamburg 2006; Hemminga et al. 2008; Jezeer 2010.13 Bult et al. 1990.

Figure 5. Oegstgeest-Nieuw Rhijngeest. Two shoe-lasts made from maplewood (Acer) (Photograph reproduced by courtesy of Archol, Leiden).

20

10th century on the basis of the pottery. The excavated partmainly consists of structures which can probably be dated tothe 7th-8th century.

It is striking to note the absence of regular longhouses witha byre section. Only two-aisled buildings are present, which wehave interpreted as barns. Several explanations for the lack oflonghouses are possible. It was suggested that the houseplans did not survive an erosion of the top of the stream ridge,because the upright posts were less deeply dug in. This seemsrather odd however, since longhouses were found at the sitein Oegstgeest, opposite the Valkenburg site. Maybe long-houses can be found in the southwestern, less excavated partof the settlement?14 It is possible that the excavated two-aisledbuildings can be interpreted as being part of a special pur-pose area (seasonal trade or crafts). There is also evidence fora jetty extending into the Rhine.

The economy of the settlements

The mainstays of the occupants’ subsistence system were cropcultivation and stock keeping. The botanical remains repre-sent cereals such as barley, emmer wheat, rye and oats.15

Some sites yielded indications of the import of grain from areasfurther south in the Carolingian period.16 Whether such im-ports were incidental in the event of, for example, famine, ormore structural we cannot say. It is hard to estimate to whatextent people made efforts to ensure crop surplus for reserves,payments or commercial purposes due to the many factors in-volved. The two-aisled barns suggest that such efforts may in-deed have been made.

The composition of the livestock consisted mainly of cowsand to a lesser extent sheep, goat and pigs.17 As mentionedabove, Rijnsburg and Oegstgeest are exceptional in theamount of pigs (about 20 %). Does this indicate somethingabout status or a trading function?

It was clearly no problem to produce a certain surplus forexchange purposes, as villages of the 6th-early 8th century showa wide range of imports from the German Rhineland, such aswheel-thrown pottery, quern stones, metal, glass, grain andwooden barrels with wine. The widespread distribution showsthat the exchange network was widely accessible. The abun-dance of imported wheel-thrown pottery from the GermanRhineland and Eifel region emphasises the merits of thefavourable geographical position on one of the major Euro-pean rivers. The portion of imported pottery is above 80% inthe Merovingian, and around 60-80% in the Carolingian pe-

riod. The abundance of pottery does not however give a trueimpression of the range of commodities that were traded, aspottery is mass produced and relatively cheap.

We can suppose that the products that were exchanged inreturn were organic: woollen and linen cloth, cattle, animalskins, meat, butter, cheese, fish, salt and slaves. A few tracesof artisanal activities have been found in the excavated set-tlements. This consists mainly of comb-making (Katwijk, Oegst-geest, Valkenburg), some shoemaking (Oegstgeest), amberbead making (Rijnsburg en Oegstgeest) and glass bead mak-ing (Rijnsburg).18 Although the scale at which this was carriedout is difficult to assess, it does seem that it was carried outon a small scale. Did people do this largely for their ownhousehold and not for a commercial market? It may well bethat the exclusivity and the monopoly of specific knowledgeneeded to make these objects were more important than theprocurement of a surplus, as Johan Callmer has indeed sug-gested.19

Problematic in this respect is the interpretation of the rela-tively short houses, found in Katwijk, Rijnsburg and Oegst-geest, These houses with no or little room for stalling cattle,are often associated with craft activities performed by a sep-arate group of specialists or traders. In the German literaturesuch structures are therefore called Handwerkerhäuser (‘crafts-men’s houses’).20 This interpretation is largely based on theresults of the excavations at Feddersen Wierde, where remainsof such structures had survived in better condition than atmost other sites. Hiddink pointed out that this interpretationis however open to discussion: evidence of craft activities hasalso been found in large longhouses, some of the smallerbuildings are associated with large longhouses, and iron work-ing took place in a different part of the settlement. The socialorganization is not indicative of full-time craftsmen either.Buildings without an incorporated byre (insofar as this is ar-chaeologically visible) are in an agricultural settlement morelikely to have been outhouses or – if they occur combined witha large longhouse – a separate dwelling for certain membersof a family, guests or special events.

How this trade was organised and controlled is a problemof its own. Part of the Frisian entrepreneurs mentioned in his-torical sources from the late 7th century onwards could havebeen free proprietors, active in the spring and early summerwhen work at the farm could be left in the hands of theirhousewives, but some of them would be tied to state struc-tures of the elite. In the Carolingian period, Dorestad musthave become a new focal point in the trade network.

It is almost impossible to discern any settlement hierarchy

14 The campaign of 1972 is still unpublished.15 Van der Velde 2008, 442; Hemminga/Hamburg 2006, 112-115; Hemminga et al. 2008, 83-84.16 Zeist 1990, 335-348.17 Van der Velde 2008, 442-443; Hemminga/Hamburg 2006, 73-81; Hemminga et al. 2008, 59-67.18 Pal 1990; Hemminga/Hamburg 2006, 79; Van der Velde 2008, 213; Dijkstra et al. 2010.19 Callmer 2003.20 Haarnagel 1979, 133-138.

21

between the settlements and elite within. The house plots withfarmsteads look almost the same and are also based on agri-cultural subsistence. Great feasting halls and prestigiousgolden or silver objects are lacking. The handful of notewor-thy metal adornments usually considered to be of high status,like a gilt saucer brooch and two bronze sword pyramids fromKatwijk, only belongs to the lower ranges. But maybe it is timeto reconsider the inflated criteria for status objects and the‘productive sites’ they are found in, as Theuws suggested, be-cause nowadays they are found almost everywhere.21 The dis-covery of a small bronze plate with a trial mintage of apseudo-Madelinus coin and some touchstones – found in anisolated corner of the Katwijk settlement – are the only indi-cation for the presence of a minting goldsmith, who was prob-ably employed by the local elite. Most of the elite activity doeshowever escape the tools of the archaeologist.

The process of Frankification: the ‘Carolingian shuffle’

In the 8th century the settlements declined in size and althoughthe property list of the church of Utrecht proves that they ex-isted, through place name evidence, the location of the set-tlements is unknown. The reasons behind the abandonment(or possible relocation) of most of the earlier, Merovingian set-tlements is not yet fully understood.

Although some side channels were silted up, we assumethat natural causes were not the main trigger. Two importantdevelopments must be taken into account. The first is theprocess of Frankification. During the early 8th century theFranks seized definitive control of the Rhine estuary. This ledto differences in the organisation of the rural economy. By in-troducing the domanial structure and the Christian faith, thelandscape transformed due to the development of royal andecclesiastic villas. Their administrative centres were probablylocated at the places where we can find the oldest churches(the present day villages). The dependent farms lay scatteredthroughout the region, mostly at different locations as did theirpredecessors in the Merovingian period. The second is therapid growth of emporia such as Dorestad witnessed duringthe 8th century.22 It seems that the old order of individual farm-steads in the commercial system was partly replaced by a sys-tem of bigger and smaller emporia. Within the Rhine estuaryno such emporium has until now been identified. If there everexisted one the shores near the former Roman forts of the Brit-tenburg (Katwijk) or Valkenburg are the most likely candidates.

The world of the dead

The information that we have about how people in this pe-riod dealt with their dead, comes from five cemeteries, datingto the Merovingian Period (Rijnsburg, Katwijk, Solleveld,Naaldwijk and Koudekerk aan den Rijn).23 Most of these were(partially) excavated in the period between 1906-1954, some-times by the owner of the land itself and therefore, the scien-tific value of the data is limited. The number of graves is rathermodest: between circa 50 and 200. A mix of cremation and in-humation is the norm.24 About 33-60 % of the cremationscontain one or more gravegoods, compared to between 20-33% of the inhumations. Based on the little information avail-able, one can infer that in these cemeteries there is a relationbetween gender, age and the selected gravegoods. Weapongraves with at least a sax or spatha are known from three ofthe five sites, with Katwijk and (probably) Rijnsburg on top ofthe list. Other features worth mentioning are ring ditches inboth aforementioned sites and evidence for crouched inhu-mation graves in Rijnsburg and Solleveld. Evidence for a horseburial was found in Rijnsburg. Most cemeteries were used byonly a handful of families at the same time, with Rijnsburg ontop with about ten.

Three exceptional graves from three different cemeteriesare worth elaborating upon, as they illustrate a link with theAnglo-Saxon and Northern world. The first contains a gilt rec-tangular buckle with gold filigree and garnet decoration inSalin style II from Rijnsburg, dating to the first half of the 7th

century, or possibly the end of the 6th century. Artistically it be-longs to a Frisian-Kentish style, but as it lacks typical Frisiancharacteristics a direct influence from England is more proba-ble. The buckle was allegedly found together with a buckleplate with a garnet stone, blue opaque glass and white Meer-schaum (?) decoration and a Byzantine coin with a weight ofone ounce.25 Unfortunately the grave was dug up by work-men, so the sex of the person it belonged to and whether ornot a spatha was part of the grave inventory remains un-known. What is clear is that this person, who was turned intoa powerful ancestor, was clearly involved in interregional ex-change and trade.

Another example of cross-cultural ties is the gilt terminal ofa drinking horn in the shape of a bird-of-prey, also dating fromthe late 6th to first half of the 7th century.26 It was found in ahandmade urn of the Katwijk cemetery. What makes this findso interesting is not so much the use of a decorated drinkinghorn as a gravegood, but the fact that it is the only knownspecimen from a grave with a bird’s head terminal on the Con-

21 Concluding remarks on the 2009 Sachsensymposium by Prof. Dr. F. Theuws, University of Amsterdam.22 Also in Dorestad results of recent excavations (Wijk bij Duurstede-Veilingterrein) indicate that the structure of the 7th century settlement resembles that of

Oegstgeest and Katwijk. During the 8th century major transformations took place (J. Dijkstra forthcoming)23 See for more details of these cemeteries Bazelmans et al.; Dijkstra forthcoming.24 Naaldwijk seems an exception, but here workmen only handed over some urns and loose finds to the National Museum of Antiquities (RMO, Leiden).25 Bazelmans et al. 2004, fig. 9.26 Bazelmans et al. 2004, fig. 8.

22

tinent so far. All the others are known from Anglo-Saxon Eng-land and one from Valsgärde (Sweden). This again shows theaffinities with the opposing shores of the North Sea. Behindthe use of a drinking horn and the bird’s head lies a world ofsymbolism. It could be a symbol of power and authority, hos-pitality and/or fertility. The bird’s head could also representthe gods Freya or Wodan, who could shape shift themselvesinto a bird-of-prey when travelling.27 If the drinking horn be-longed to a woman’s grave, it could point to her role of wel-coming honoured guests to the hall or as a peace maker in amarriage alliance.28 The importance of this grave for theyounger generations who were also buried here can be inter-preted from the fact that two out of three weapon graves fromthe late 7th to first half of the 8th century are situated close by.

The last grave to be dealt with is boat-shaped, and wasdiscovered when an additional part of the cemetery ofSolleveld (formerly known as Monster) was excavated in 2004(Figure 6).29 The grave narrowly escaped destruction by a post-medieval ditch and was possibly covered by a mound. It wassituated near an earlier weapon grave from the second half ofthe 6th century.

The remains consisted of rows of rivets and a boat-shapedsoil feature with a length of five metres. Because the rivets areall in a flat position and do not follow the shape of an intactvessel, it is clear that the grave diggers only used large sectionsof a demolished boat. It is possible that the size of the com-plete boat and the comparatively long distance to the nearestshore (about 2-3 km) can explain this deconstructed version ofa boat grave. The symbolic impact it had for the mourners(and modern archaeologists) remained the same.

Remains of a body were not found, due to the fact that inthe dune sand all the bones dissolved, except for a number ofteeth. These teeth were found in a pit which the excavators in-terpreted as a later, secondary burial. However, an interpreta-tion as a so called ‘robbing pit’ seems far more likely, as thisexplains the dispersion of the gravegoods in the boat grave.These goods consist of a bronze counterplate of a belt buckle,an equal-arm brooch, seven glass beads, two knives and akind of ‘awl’. In combination, these finds point to a woman’sgrave, dating to the (first half of the) 7th century.30 The reli-gious and symbolic meaning behind the use of a boat-shapedgrave is difficult to assess. Could it be a statement of the per-son’s religious belief in a heathen fertility cult? Or was it (also)chosen because of the roots this woman had in the Scandi-navian world? The bronze equal-armed brooch – which some

would think of as typically Scandinavian – is not a sound ar-gument for these northern roots, since these kind of broochesseem to be more widespread: they are also known from theterpen region of Frisia.31

Martin Carver considers the East Anglian ship or boat buri-als a southern exception and prefers to view them as explicitpolitical, heathen statements in front of an expanding Chris-tian world.32 The second half of the 7th century certainly wasan age of expansion of the Christian religion in West-Frisia,but could an anti-Christian statement find its way to a mod-est boat grave in Solleveld too? Smaller boat graves or graveswith wooden, clinker-built parts along the shores of the south-ern North Sea suggest that boat associations in the burial rit-ual were actually more widespread.33 So we should thereforebe cautious with interpreting every boat grave as an explicitpolitical statement.

It seems unlikely that cemeteries were the only places peo-ple buried their dead at this time. The amount of discoveredsites is quite low in comparison with the calculated populationfigures, even if one takes into account the areas that wereeroded by the sea, built over by modern towns or used forcommercial sand digging. In the province of North Hollandthe situation is even worse, since no early medieval cemeter-ies are known there at all. Occasional stray finds of humanbones near early medieval settlements may indicate that othercemeteries did exist, but these bones have not yet been ra-diocarbon dated to confirm a positive link. The lack of graves– actually a problem from the Iron Age on – can be explainedby the use of alternative grave rituals and/or locations.34

Firstly a percentage of the dead may well have been buriedoutside the region. Secondly small cemeteries with only a fewcremations or inhumations easily escape the eye of workmen,especially when no urns or other grave finds were used. Thesame goes for singular inhumations, often next to ditches orthe boundaries of house plots, which are known from theprovince of North-Holland.35

The fact that the known cemeteries were used by only ahandful of people at the same time must mean that only a se-lection of the total population were buried here. This could befamilies from a single village but also a single family from mul-tiple villages in the same region. Maybe membership of a spe-cific leading lineage, cult group or Gefolgschaft was a reasonto be buried at one of the communal cemeteries of the region.

It is interesting that of the oldest churches known to us,founded in the 8th-9th century, almost all can be found nearby

27 See et al. 1997, 532-534; Poetic Edda, Þrymskviða 3, 5 and 9; Snorri Sturluson’s Prose Edda, Skáldskaparmál 3, 6, 27 and 28.28 Steuer 2006, 256, 258.29 See Waasdorp/Eimermann 2008 for the excavation report.30 Counterplate cf. type Niederrhein Gür 3.3, dated mainly in 610-640 (Siegmund 1998, 27); fibula type Bos 1.3.1, dated 625-750 (Bos 2005/2006, 459); beads

datable in the (late) 6th-7th century (Koch 1977, type 2,5 and M67).31 Bos 2005/2006, 459 (type 1.3.1).32 Carver 1995, 122.33 Snape, Caister-on-Sea and possibly Ipswich in East Anglia (Carver 1995); Wremen-Fallward in Northwest Germany (Schön 1999, 76-79).34 Theuws 1999, 345-355; Panhuysen 2005, 282-283.35 Bazelmans et al. 2004, 26-27.

23

the aforementioned cemeteries (at a distance between c. 1,2and 4 km). This correlation shows in our opinion that thefounders of these churches – the Peppinides or pro-Frankishelite families – did not break with the past completely butchose a new religious point of focus in the same ‘folk district’

(Northgo and ‘Suthgo’ on both sides of the Rhine).In the centre of Valkenburg – a former Roman castellum of

the limes – there was a rare but welcome opportunity to ex-cavate one of these early churches of the region. Underneaththe first stone church (built in tuff) Van Giffen found a weapon

Figure 6. Den Haag-Solleveld. Overview of the boat-shaped grave and its contents (after Waasdorp/Eimermann 2008, afb. 5.25).

24

grave, datable to around 700.36 Could this be the foundinggrave of the Christian cemetery? The (supposedly wooden)church building belonging to this period has not been foundbut could have been situated close by (for instance in the fort’sprincipia).

In the beginning the early churches must have served onlyas a burial place for part of the population, not the wholeparish. In other words: the invisibility of the burial ritual of agreater part of the inhabitants continues into the CarolingianPeriod. One expects that at least a part of the dead wereburied at additional Christian cemeteries without a church orchapel, but examples of this have not been found in the Rhineestuary. However, in the province of North Holland there is anindication of burial at a chapel site which is much older thanthe chapel itself.37 Does this mean that we can find the miss-ing early medieval dead underneath the graveyards of the vil-lage churches? A question which is of course difficult toanswer, because these cemeteries are still in use.

Transformation processes

To conclude, it can be said that over the centuries one can seedifferent transformations at work, depending on the availablearchaeological and historical material.

The 6th century was characterized by a steady growth inpopulation (after a severe Late Roman decline), consisting ofa variety of peoples: a small indigenous group with additionsfrom the neighbouring regions (Franks from the centralNetherlands and ‘Saxons’ from the other Frisian coastal re-gions). The somewhat isolated geography seems to have ledrather quickly to a north-western coastal identity in materialculture. An indication of this is the interregional distribution ofDomburg-type brooches and a regional, ‘West-Frisian’ housetype. The distribution of the Domburg-type is very typical. It isconfined to the Dutch coastal area with only a few outliers. Be-cause of this distribution it has been called a Frisian type, asit coincides with the borders of the Frisian area mentioned inlater sources.38 Whether or not the distribution of the broochescan be viewed as a Frisian ethnic marker is a matter of dis-cussion, because it is questionable if a person’s ethnicity de-pended on this. The brooch distribution certainly shows anetwork of coastal contacts and relationships, which does notnecessarily coincide with the ethnic membership of the personwearing it.

An equation of this coastal network (so not the broochesthemselves) with Frisia and the Frisians is problematic, be-cause it is uncertain whether the Frisian tribe of Roman timessurvived the profound changes of the Migration Period. Be-

sides some anachronistic cases dating to the 6th century, theFrisians are only mentioned again in Frankish sources from theearly 7th century onward, after ages of silence. Bazelmans sug-gested that either these ‘new Frisians’ named themselves afterthe almost empty region they once colonized, or that the namewas reintroduced by outsiders who were familiar with the clas-sic ethnographic tradition, i.e. by the Franks.39 The dating ofDomburg type brooches in the 6th –early 7th century may leadto the conclusion that the regional identity of the inhabitants– whether Frisians or not – actually goes back to the 6th century.

The internal partition of Frisia in the Lex Frisionum in threeparts highlights that there were also regional differences. Anindication that these differences went beyond legal matters isthe distribution of a ‘West-Frisian’ type of longhouse in theMerovingian period, which seems to be confined to the west-ern side of the Vlie. The layout of house entrances differs fromthe house types in the Veluwe and Drenthe (Figure 7). In thewestern part of Frisia the separate room with only one en-trance in the gable end points to a special function of this partof the house.40

The 7th century was dominated by powerful ancestors. Elitelineages who took the lead in the Rhine estuary have shownaffiliations with the Anglo-Saxon world in their material cul-ture, especially in a few graves of the early 7th century. BothAnglo-Saxons and Frisians had much to gain through mutualcontact, because it was a lifeline to one of the major interna-tional exchange routes. The reason behind these more excep-

36 Giffen 1948-1953, 47-50. Van Giffen wrongly dated the remains to the early 9th century.37 Bazelmans et al. 2004, 26-27.38 Botman 1994; Koch 1999.39 Bazelmans 1992-1998.40 Dijkstra forthcoming.

Figure 7. Differences in the internal partition of longhouses in the Merovin-gian period in Drenthe, the Veluwe and West-Frisia.

25

tional graves might have been social stress. Maybe the cre-ation of a powerful ancestor would give support in claims overland or protect the mourners against other, hostile groups.

The third period of transformation concerns the incorpora-tion into the Frankish Empire in the 8th century. The foundingof churches, secular and ecclesiastic manors and the shift ofthe settlements to new locations are part of this transforma-tion. The three weapon graves found in the Katwijk cemeterygive an indication of the social stress that accompanied thechanges. Generally the archaeological picture of this period isunclear, due to the lack of excavated settlements dating to theCarolingian period. Trade must have flourished, but how it wasorganized at settlement level remains enigmatic. Part of it maywell have taken place under the supervision of the manors.

We hope that this overview of the early medieval history ofthe Rhine estuary, lying on the crossroads of different worlds,gives an impression of the richness of material that is avail-able, with many furthers questions to be answered.

Bibliography

Bazelmans, J., 1992-1998 [2000]: Het laat-Romeins bewoningshiaat in hetNederlandse kustgebied en het voortbestaan van de Friezennaam, Jaarver-slagen van de Vereniging voor Terpenonderzoek 76-82, 14-75.

Bazelmans, J./M. Dijkstra/J. de Koning, 2004: Holland during the first mille-nium, in: M. Lodewijckx (ed.), 2004: Bruc ealles well. Archaeological essaysconcerning the peoples of north-west Europe in the first millenium AD, Leu-ven (Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia Monographiae 15), 1-36.

Bos, J.M., 2005-2006: Medieval brooches from the Dutch province of Fries-land (Frisia). A regional perspective on the Wijnaldum brooches. Part I Smallequal-armed brooches, Palaeohistoria 47-48, 455-477.

Botman, A.E., 1994: De Domburgfibula. Een Fries type?, Amsterdam (un-published MA thesis Free University Amsterdam).

Bult, E.J./J. van Doesburg/D.P. Hallewas, 1990: De opgravingscampagne inde vroeg-middeleeuwse nederzetting op de Woerd bij Valkenburg (Z.H.) in1987 en 1988, in: E.J. Bult, E.J./D.P. Hallewas (eds.), 1990: Graven bij Val-kenburg III. Het archeologisch onderzoek in 1987 en 1988, Delft, 147-166.

Callmer, J., 2003: Wayland. An essay on craft production in the Early and HighMiddle Ages in Scandinavia, in: L. Larsson/B. Hårdh (eds.), 2003: Centrality-Regionality. The social stucture of southern Sweden during the Iron Age,Stockholm (Acta Archaeologica Lundensia series in 8° 40), 337-361.

Carver, M., 1995: Boat-burial at Britain. Ancient custom or political signal?,in: O. Crumlin-Pedersen/B. Munch Thye (eds.), 1995: The ship as a symbol inprehistoric and medieval Scandinavia. Papers from an International ResearchSeminar at the Danish National Museum, Copenhagen, 5th-7th May 1994,Copenhagen (Studies in Archaeology and History 1), 111-124.

Dijkstra, J. (ed.), in prep.: Archeologisch onderzoek op het veilingterrein teWijk bij Duurstede (Dorestad).

Dijkstra, M.F.P., in prep.: Rondom de mondingen van Rijn en Maas. Zuid-Hol-land, in het bijzonder de Rijnstreek, tussen de 3e en 9e eeuw, Amsterdam (PhDthesis University of Amsterdam).

Dijkstra, M.F.P./T. de Ridder, 2009: Circular fortresses in the provinces of Northand South Holland (West Frisia), in: M. Segschneider (ed.), 2009: Ringwälleund verwandte Strukturen des ersten Jahrtausends n. Chr. an Nord- und Ost-see, Neumünster, 201-218.

Dijkstra, M.F.P./Y. Sablerolles/J. Henderson, 2010: A traveller’s tale. Merovin-gian glass bead production at Rijnsburg, the Netherlands, in: C. Theune/F.Biermann/R. Struwe/G.H. Jeute (eds.), Zwischen Fjorden und Steppe, Fest-schrift für Johan Callmer zum 65. Geburtstag, Rahden/Westf. (Studia Honoraria31), 175-199.

Dinther, M. van, in prep.: Romans in the wetlands of the Rhine delta. Land-scape reconstruction of the Limes-area in the western part of the Netherlands,Utrecht (PhD thesis Faculty of Geosciences University of Utrecht).

Giffen, A.E. van, 1955: De Romeinse castella in de dorpsheuvel te Valken-burg aan de Rijn (Z.H.) (Praetorium Agrippinae), Deel II. De opgravingen in1942-1943 en 1946-1950, Jaarverslag van de Vereniging voor Terpenonder-zoek 33-37, 1948-1953, 1-209.

Groenman-van Waateringe, W., 1986: The horrea of Valkenburg ZH, in: C.Unz (ed.), Studien zu den Militärgrenzen Roms III, Stuttgart (Forschungen undBerichte zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Baden-Württemberg 20), 159-168.

Haarnagel, W., 1979: Die Grabung Feddersen Wierde. Methode, Hausbau,Siedlungs- und Wirtschaftsformen sowie Sozialstruktur, Wiesbaden (Fedder-sen Wierde 2).

Heidinga, H.A., 1997: Frisia in the first millenium. An outline, Utrecht.

Hemminga, M./T. Hamburg, 2006: Een Merovingische nederzetting op deoever van de Oude Rijn. Opgraving (DO) en Inventariserend Veldonderzoek(IVO) Oegstgeest – Rijnfront zuid 2004, Leiden (Archol Rapport 69).

Hemminga, M./T. Hamburg/M.Dijkstra/C. Cavallo/S. Knippenberg/S.M.E. vanLith/C.C. Bakels/C. Vermeeren, 2008: Vroeg Middeleeuwse nederzettingsspo-ren te Oegstgeest. Een Inventariserend Veldonderzoek en Opgraving langs deOude Rijn, Leiden (Archol Rapport 102).

Henderikx, P.A., 1998: Het cartularium van Radbod, in: D.P. Blok et al. (eds.),1998: Datum et actum. Opstellen aangeboden aan Jaap Kruisheer ter gele-genheid van zijn vijfenzestigste verjaardag, Amsterdam (Publicaties van hetMeertens Instituut 29), 231-264.

Jezeer, W. (ed.), 2010: Oegstgeest Nieuw Rhijngeest-Zuid, een Merovingischenederzetting aan de Rijnmonding. Een archeologische opgraving, Amersfoort(ADC Rapport 2054).

Koch, A., 1999: Friesisch-sächsische Beziehungen zur Merovingerzeit. ZumFund einer Bügelfibel von Typ Domburg auf dem sächsischen Gräberfeld vonLiebenau, Ldkr. Nienburg (Weser), Nachrichten aus Niedersächsens Urge-schichte 68, 67-87.

Koch, U., 1977: Das Reihengräberfeld bei Schretzheim, Berlin.

Nokkert, M./Aarts, A.C./Wynia, H.L., 2010: Vroegmiddeleeuwse bewoninglangs de A2. Een nederzetting uit de zevende en achtste eeuw in LeidscheRijn, Utrecht (Basisrapportage Archeologie 26).

Pal, T. van der, 1990: Hertshoornen kammen uit de vroeg middeleeuwse ne-derzetting op de Woerd te Valkenburg (Z.H), in: E.J. Bult/D.P. Hallewas (eds.),1990: Graven bij Valkenburg III. Het archeologisch onderzoek in 1987 en1988, Delft, 182-187.

26

Panhuysen, R.G.A.M., 2005: Demography and health in early medieval Maas-tricht. Prosopographical observations on two cemeteries, Maastricht (PhDthesis University of Maastricht).

Schön, M.D., 1999: Feddersen Wierde, Fallward, Flögeln. Archäologie im Mu-seum Burg Bederkesa, Landkreis Cuxhaven, Bremerhaven.

See, K. von/B. La Farge/E. Picard/I. Priebe/K. Schulz, 1997: Kommentar zu denLiedern der Edda. Vol. 2 Götterlieder, Heidelberg.

Siegmund, F., 1998: Merowingerzeit am Niederrhein. Die frühmittelalterli-chen Funde aus dem Regierungsbezirk Düsseldorf und dem Kreis Heinsberg,Köln (Rheinische Ausgrabungen 34).

Steuer, H., 2006: Trinkhorn, Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde31, 251-264.

Theuws, F., 1999: Changing settlement patterns, burial grounds and the sym-bolic construction of ancestors and communities in the late Merovingiansouthern Netherlands, in: Ch. Fabech/J. Ringtved (eds.), 1999: Settlement andLandscape. Proceedings of a conference in Århus (May 4-7 1998), Århus,337-349.

Velde, H.M. van der (ed.), 2008: Cananefaten en Friezen aan de mondingvan de Rijn. Tien jaar archeologisch onderzoek op de Zanderij-Westerbaan teKatwijk, Amersfoort (ADC Monografie 5). [with a synthesis in English]

Waasdorp, J.A./E. Eimermann, 2008: Solleveld. Een opgraving naar een Me-rovingisch grafveld aan de rand van Den Haag, Den Haag (Haagse Oudheid-kundige Publicaties 10).

Zeist, W. van., 1990: The palaeobotany of early-medieval Dorestad: evidenceof grain trade, Proceedings of the Koninklijke Nederlandse Academie van We-tenschappen 93,4, 335-348.

Menno F.P. Dijkstra University of AmsterdamAmsterdam Archaeological CentreTurfdraagsterpad 9NL 1012 XT Amsterdamm.f.p.dijkstra@uva.nl

Henk van der VeldeArcheologisch Diensten CentrumNijverheidsweg Noord 114NL 3812 PN Amersfoort h.vandervelde@archeologie.nl