HEROES IN THE SPORTS PAGESThe troubled road to victory for Belgian cyclist Tom

Boonen

Tim Hoebeke, Annelore Deprez and Karin Raeymaeckers

Concepts such as myth and archetype offer interesting opportunities for research onmedia content. Both concepts, however, have very diffuse definitions andoperationalizations stemming from specific fields of application. As a result, theconcepts of myth and archetype have proved to be difficult to translate into atransparent and replicable research design to study journalistic output. This paperaims at a thorough operationalization of the hero myth/archetype. The heroarchetype will be explored in detail as it is one of the most common archetypalnarratives. The archetypal hero journey is translated by developing an operationalhero grid in which the archetypal hero narrative is classified in nine sequences andthree constituent components. The Flemish press coverage of cycler Tom Boonen isanalyzed to test empirically the developed research tool. While the emphasis of thispaper lies on the empirical testing of the developed research tool, it also aims tobroaden empirical data on the coverage of sport figures in the press. Results clearlyshow myth at work in the newspaper reporting on Tom Boonen.

KEYWORDS content analysis; hero; methodology; myth; sportjournalism

Introduction

Contrary to the traditional journalistic paradigm as presentedby Reese (1997), research in storytelling claims that news is notdispassionately transmitted; it is a social process and an activelyconstructed reality (Berkowitz, 1997). Journalists seem to haveadopted the bardic function of the troubadours and minstrels of thepast (Aitchison, 2007; Barkin, 1984; Frank, 2000, pp. 200-201).

The concept of myth and archetypal stories offer interestingopportunities for media research on journalistic output. Narrativehas already received ample scholarly attention within journalismstudies. However, myth still deals with conceptual confusion. It isa rather vague, complex and provocative concept defined withindifferent research domains, e.g. anthropology, linguistics,sociology, philosophy, psychology, history (Coman, 2005, p. 112). The objective of this study is to clarify the concept of myth inorder to make one of the common myths, the hero myth, operationalfor empirical research. By identifying various devices the studytries to anticipate the shortcomings within this established fieldof narrative research. The study stresses the necessity of a

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narrative structure in myth and the social values it is supposed tocommunicate. As the etymology of the word ‘narrative’ means‘knowing’ as well as ‘telling’ (White, 1990, p. 215), myth is astandardized way of telling tales in order to give meaning tocertain events. Aristotle’s description of mythos as plot structure(Abbott, 2002, p. 16), emphasizes the importance of the narrativestructure underlying myths.

Inspired by Russian formalist Propp (1998), we also focus onthe main sequences of a traditional hero myth (cf. infra). On thebasis of groundbreaking work by Campbell (1993), Williams (1994),and Lule (2001), a unique hero ‘morphology’ is constructed (cf.Propp, 1998).

Finally, the developed research tool is empirically tested bystudying the case of cycler Tom Boonen in the Flemish press. Thepublic platform of sport is an exquisite subject for the hero myth:it involves drama, conflict, and binary oppositions and it usesrepetition, to retell the hero myth.

Identification of Narratives, Myths and Archetypes

Based on the etymology of the word narrative as presented byWhite (1990, p. 215), narrative “is a universal tool for knowing aswell as telling, for absorbing knowledge as well as expressing it”(Abbott, 2002, p. 11). MacIntyre (2007, p. 216) subscribes himselfin this point of view, stating that “man is in his actions andpractice, as well as in his fictions, essentially a story-tellinganimal”. This storytelling practice is not the exclusive right ofjournalists, but is a universal human condition. Therefore manyresearchers used the term ‘homo narrans’, a phrase that wasintroduced by Fisher (1985; see also Bennett and Edelman, 1985;Caldiero, 2004; Maines, 1993). Analogous with this narrativecondition, Barthes pointed out that narrative is omnipresent. “Allclasses, all human groups, have their narratives … narrative isinternational, transhistorical, transcultural: It is simply there,like life itself…” (Barthes, 1983, pp. 251-252).

The universal and timeless phenomena of narrative andstorytelling, is one of the foundations of the journalisticprofession. It follows that the narrative approach is very usefulwithin journalism studies. Zelizer (1993, p. 83) already pointed outthat “[n]arrative helps us explain journalism by stressing elementsthat are formulaic, patterned, finite, yet mutable over time”.Kennedy and Hills (2009, p. 43) elucidate that “narrative does notsimply recount what happens, but in so doing actively constructsmeaning”. Myth elevates this meaning to a social concept. Accordingto Barthes (1983), this social meaning is central for myth. Myth andvalues form an inseparable pair.

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Hence there is no way to give us an understanding of anysociety, including our own, except through the stock of storieswhich constitute its initial dramatic resources. Mythology, inits original sense, is at the heart of things. (MacIntyre,2007, p. 216)

Myth and the news are symbiotic. Both are kept alive byrepetition and both tell stories about what has always happened,although they are contextually bound to recent events. News and mythboth live on ‘real’ stories and both tell public stories to a socialgroup. Both myth and news stories can be considered moral tales, inwhich the public is instructed and informed; they are societalstories with a sacred status, consisting of shared beliefs, valuesand ideals (Lule, 2001).

Myths are standardized narrations and expressions of culturalvalues, which make them both universal and cultural at the sametime. They are universal stories that are crammed with social valuesand beliefs. Myth is a collective narrative that represents a matrixof stories, with both explaining and interpretive functions. Thismatrix of stories resembles the fairytales Propp (1998) (cf. infra)analyzed. Similarly, Lévi-Strauss considers myth to be “always allof its versions and none of its particular manifestations” (Lozano,1992, p. 209).

Of the innumerable definitions of myth (e.g. Barnett, 2005,2006; Barthes, 2009; Car, 2008; Eliade, 1998; Lévi-Strauss, 2001;Lozano, 1992; Lule, 2001; Knight and Dean, 1982), Bird andDardenne’s (2009, p. 206) metadefinition is the most comprehensive.

Myth has been defined in hundreds of ways, although alldefinitions address the functional role of myth in providingenduring narratives that help maintain a sense of continuityand order in the world, regardless of whether these narrativesdescribe fantastical gods and creatures, or ‘real’ people.(Bird and Dardenne, 2009, p. 206)

This implies that journalists not only use culturallyestablished definitions, but also have to mould new events into olddefinitions.

Myth is both a contextual story (the news) and an archetypalstory; contextual narrations are built upon archetypal narratives.Archetypes, therefore, create a perfect breeding ground for myth.Psychoanalysts introduced and explored the concept of archetype.Jung described archetypes as instinctive and primordial images inour collective subconscious. They are proto-images and residuals ofour pre-human ancestors (Williams, 1994). Archetypes are ideal

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stories, spanning time and culture, that are often recuperated butare not definitive. Williams (1994) describes five different kindsof archetypes: archetypal figures (anthropomorphic gods and heroes),archetypal narratives (plot of the myth), archetypal agons(conflict), archetypal places (settings such as Arcadia, Utopia,Walhalla and the Underworld), and archetypal means (physical orconceptual). This study focuses on the archetypal narrative of thehero story.

The Archetypal Hero Myth Operationalised

The hero is one of the most common archetypes in myth. Theprocess of deifying the hero transforms historical figures into heroarchetypes that function as role models in our society (Eliade,1998). Campbell (1993) broke fresh ground by introducing the termmonomyth with respect to the hero narrative. The monomyth is anarrative divided into three main components, the departure, theinitiation and the return, signifying the hero’s quest. Based onCampbell’s monomyth narrative, Williams (1994) and Lule (2001)introduced their own mythic structure of the hero narrative.Williams reduced it to two main elements, the journey outward(innocence, departure, and abandonment) and the trip back(experience and wisdom, reunion, and absolution), and Lule expandedit to four: humble descent, the quest, triumph, and return. Thesethree subdivisions form the basis of this research.

A transparent and replicable hero grid is created in order tooperationalise the hero myth. This hero grid contains twelvecomponents that should be present during the coverage (cf. table 1).These twelve components contain nine narrative sequences of the herojourney, two status elements and the social values the hero needs torepresent.

[Insert table 1: The hero narrative]

Heroes-to-be mostly originate from humble descent; theirchildhood can range from happy but modest (Arcadian) to verymiserable. Their chances to become a great hero are not very high,which improves identification by the public. This is what Kitch(2000, p. 190) calls the creation of a ‘one-of-us story’. On theother hand, the hero is also superior to us, mentally and/orphysically. These mental and/or physical strengths are the socialvalues and positive features that teach and inspire society and theywill help the hero on his quest, filled with obstacles and ordeals.By removing these obstacles and enduring terrible ordeals, the herogains important victories and shows he is worthy of admiration(Campbell, 1993; Lule, 2001; Williams, 1994).

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However, the hero is not infallible and he can yield totemptation or face a defeat. This causes a temporary fall from graceduring which the hero is seen as a trickster. Lule (2001) paved theway for analyzing this trickster archetype by splitting thisarchetype up in two: the savage and the victim. “Almost always, theTrickster is driven by physical appetites, lust, and desire. He hasno control over his impulses” (Lule, 2001, p. 124). The mediademonstrate this by listing chronologies as condemnations,testimonies of a life of mistakes. They also anticipate hishumiliation by speculating on possible punishments. The trickster isdumb and naïve causing damage to himself and others, but he is alsoan unfinished person, a child, a victim of himself and otherexternal conditions who needs counseling. The media seize thisnarrative opportunity to explain societal rules by contextualizingthe trickster’s mistakes. While a hero serves as a role model forsociety; the trickster is a role model in reverse.

Still, heroes are given the opportunity to publicly defend orexplain their mistakes. They are forgiven; their penance isaccepted. Society reembraces the hero, he gains new victories and heis welcomed back. During this last sequence, the hero can trulyclaim his hero status, having sacrificed his innocence to conquerobstacles on behalf of the public (Campbell, 1993; Lule, 2001;Williams, 1994).

During the 20th century, different types of heroes entered thestage, like superheroes, antiheroes, but also sport heroes (Whannel,2002). Athletic heroes were also subject of the ‘celebrification’process of modern mass media and had to deal with a growing interestin their private lives. This made Smith (1973) wonder “[w]hether thetraditional sport hero simply is undergoing a metamorphosis, tolater emerge in a new and vital cultural role, or indeed has reachedthe end of his usefulness and is doomed to extinction” (p. 70).Drucker (2008) states that: “[i]f athletes are actually heroes […]they have increasingly been revealed as flawed” (p. 416). Becauseof the focus on their salary, media attention and marketability,Drucker and Cathcart (1994) claim that sport heroes are actuallypseudo heroes and should be regarded as sport celebrities (cfr.Boorstin’s human pseudo events). However, we believe that thisblack-and-white vision misses the nuances of the “hero intransition” (Browne and Fishwick, 1983) and agree with Rollin (1983)that “[a]lthough all heroes are celebrities, not all celebrities ofcourse are heroes” (p. 15).

Even though they often look alike, there is a distinct differencebetween heroes and celebrities. North, Bland and Ellis (2005)pointed out that heroes should be larger than life, whereascelebrities are often pulled down by the paparazzi:

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- Celebrities: “[Those] who are well-known, but who are perceivedas producing ideas or objects that have had less (or no) impacton society for a shorter period of time”.

- Heroes: “[Those] having produced ideas or objects ofconsiderable and lasting importance to society, and who may ormay not be well known” (North, Bland and Ellis, 2005, p. 40).

Although their distinction between heroes and celebrities is veryclear, this study agrees with other researchers who thought ofcelebrity as a condition for heroism (e.g. Campbell, 1993). Becausefame is a condition sine qua non of mythical status, unsung heroesare an oxymoron (Drucker and Cathcart, 1994, p. 10). Heroes are menand women who “transcend ordinary human qualities embodying thedivine, the ideal, the quest, the courageous, the virtuous, thesuperior” (Drucker and Cathcart, 1994, p. 1).

Heroes can have a thousand faces (Campbell, 1993) but athletesespecially are very suitable for the portrayal of heroism. This iswhy Steen (2008) considers sport journalists to be “the chroniclersof the hero business” (p. 22). According to Kennedy and Hills (2009,pp. 47-48) sport heroes protect their country’s way of life andpersevere in spite of obstacles. They have a purity of focus and aconviction to succeed. They are also naïve, inexperienced, talented,and enthusiastic rookies who have to overcome temptations andproblems on their way to the top. The central motive of sport heroesis attaining or (re)acquiring the love for their sport. Central inthe hero narrative is his quest for success. “The game is theultimate test for the hero, and success may represent the reward ofhard work or perseverance as well as the fulfillment of the hero’sdreams” (Kennedy and Hills, 2009, p. 48).

Methodological Aspects

This study opted for a qualitative content analysis to study thenarrative capacities and mythical power of the press . Since Belgiumhas a long tradition of famous cyclers, the reporting on a favoriteBelgium national sport, cycling, was examined using the twelvecomponents of the hero myth . In our research we focus on the careerof Tom Boonen, the most successful contemporary Belgian cycler witha prominent record of achievements. These victories gained a lot ofattention in the media. However, not only these successes made TomBoonen a favorite of the Flemish press. His private life was oftenas bumpy as the cobblestones of Roubaix, with excesses that wereirresistible to the media. Boonen’s amorous life has been debated indetail, as were his social life, his car accidents, and his drugabuse. This combination of an absolutely great athlete with atumultuous private life, makes Tom Boonen a perfect case to studymyth in the Flemish press.

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We analyzed one year in the career of Tom Boonen by purposivesampling techniques, starting with his second victory in Paris-Roubaix and ending one year later with his third victory in Paris-Roubaix. In between we selected one week, in which he testedpositive for drug abuse. Three periods of the year were selected:Saturday, 04-12-2008 (the day before Paris-Roubaix) to Wednesday,04-16-2008, Tuesday, 06-10-2008 (the day that rumors appeared aboutthe positive drug test) to Monday, 06-16-2008, and Saturday, 04-11-2009 (a day before Paris-Roubaix) to Wednesday, 04-15-2009. The twoFlemish newspapers with the highest circulation in Belgium and withunrelated publishers, were analyzed: Het Laatste Nieuws, a moredown-market tabloid, and Het Nieuwsblad, a midmarket newspaper.Because both newspapers were so similar in their media portrayal ofBoonen, there are no explicit comparisons between them in ourresults section.

Our total sample amounted to 157 newspaper articles. During thefirst period, 40 articles were selected (25,5%), the second periodconsisted of 84 articles (53,5%), and in the third period 33articles were selected (21%). Boonen’s third victory in Paris-Roubaix gained less attention, but this has a methodological linksince that particular week newspapers only had a day less to writetheir articles because of Easter Monday,.

Results

The Hero Journey: Narrative Sequences in the Coverage of Sports Figure Tom Boonen

Rise: humble descent. During all three periods, references to hishometown Mol-Balen provided proof of Tom Boonen’s humble descent.Balen is his “home base”, and even though he has won a great raceand he now lives in Monaco, Boonen is cited: “I am and I will stay aboy from La Campania (the region of his birthplace)”. Residents ofMol-Balen were often quoted. Especially during the cocaine-period,his fellow-villagers were a central element in the press coverage.“Boonen disappoints Balen” was the central tenor. Balen was also seenas a pars pro toto, representing the Flemish people. By emphasizinghis hometown during the drug-period, newspapers contrasted hislifestyle with “home-town values”; in a lesser way, they alsofocused on his simple family and his old love. “For an ordinary sonof La Campania, this was not to be his part”.

Rise: Quest. Heroes have to go on a quest in their archetypaljourney. This quest revealed itself in two ways. First, competitiveexpectations for the future were imposed concerning record- breakinggoals in the Tour of Flanders and Paris-Roubaix. When he won histhird Paris-Roubaix, the press focused on attaining or breaking the

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mythical record of four victories. Second, comparisons were madewith legendary predecessors. Boonen was compared to his directpredecessor, Johan Museeuw, and other legends like Eddy Merckx; hewas destined to follow in their footsteps, showing the process ofmyth making fully at work. All parallels existed on a competitivelevel. When Boonen was caught for drug abuse, however, othercyclers with drug problems were mentioned (Marco Pantani and JanUllrich) as well as examples from other sports (Diego Maradona andMartina Hingis).

Rise: Obstacles and ordeals. Tom Boonen had to conquer both competitiveand non-competitive obstacles. The most important competitiveobstacles were, of course, his adversaries, but injuries, pile-upsand doping were also mentioned. In a lesser way, the pressureimposed by the press, broken-down bicycles and racing fatigue cameup as possible obstacles.

His main non-competitive obstacle was his drug abuse. Althoughcocaine is considered to be a party drug (“Is Boonen a drug addict?Probably not, because cocaine is in a competitive way senseless andin the first place a party drug”), the reader was warned that drugsand sportsmanship are not complementary (“He who snorts cocaine on adaily basis, can scarcely succeed as top class sportsman”). His drugabuse was regarded as a prolongation of his alcohol abuse (“Drugshave replaced alcohol, but more often than not they go hand inhand”) and the cocktail of cocaine and alcohol were seen in directrelation with his reckless driving behavior. One journalist stated:

When Tom Boonen ran into an electricity pole with his yellowLamborghini because he tried to evade a cat after his own saying,that still sounded as an expensive slip from a rich brat.Meanwhile, we know that Boonen – a child of almost 28 – regularlydrives twice as hard as allowed, until 180km/h where only 90km/his allowed. And that he does these things under influence, drinkand drugs.

Fans of Tom Boonen said they had more trouble with his drivingbehavior than with his cocaine abuse. Papers mentioned his affairwith a 16-year old girl, his move to Monaco and his relationshipsplit as well as wild parties and his weakness for the other sex ingeneral. His fame became an obstacle which had caused his retreatinto drugs: “You have to deal with everything on your own: fame, thebig gain, and the female beauty. If you’re young, it’s hard to dealwith”.

The highest peaks in discussing the many obstacles, especially thenon-competitive ones, were, of course, during the second period ofour sample. During the third period, it was very striking that

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newspapers barely mentioned any non-competitive obstacles. Thissilence of the media showed that they considered Boonen’s drug abusehistory, a conquered obstacle. This is very plausible, certainlyconsidering the fact that media framed his drug abuse as a non-competitive obstacle. Because drug abuse and competitive victoriesexclude each other in this narrative, it was made impossible for thepress to continue portraying him as a drug addict.

Rise: important victories. Heroes have to obtain important victories and,in the case of Tom Boonen, this meant winning Paris-Roubaix for thesecond and third time. His second win in Paris-Roubaix was also avictory over the pressure imposed by the media because he hadn’t wona big race in a long time. The press quoted “Answer from a bigchampion”. Boonen confirmed that the pressure was high shortly afterthe race: “A weight has fallen off my shoulders… Glorious! (smiles)In that way it was fun, yes, to win ‘under pressure’”. Still, Boonendid not want his victory to be framed this way: “This is no answerto the criticism. I am realistic enough to realize that you can’talways come up to one’s expectations” and “I do not regard thisvictory as an answer to the doubters, but as a reward for myself”.Boonen did let the media know that he didn’t understand the negativepressure the media imposed on him: “I try to understand, but Ican’t. What’s so funny about covering something negatively, while itis actually very good” and “If lots of people would look at lifemore positively, the planet would be a nicer place to stay”. Thisposture was lauded by the press: “That serene way of reacting didmore good to his image than his victory”. After all, Boonen provedhimself in a competitive way, not with big words and withoutfeelings of revenge: “We answered with the pedals. That’s the onlything that counts”.

Temporary Fall from Grace: Trickster. When Tom Boonen was caught for cocaineabuse, the press described him as someone who wears a mask, apersona non grata, even a plague sufferer. This change in languagegives a clear sign that the hero has fallen from grace. This is atemporary situation the hero has to go through. The hero isportrayed as a trickster in this stage; Tom Boonen became asavage/victim.

1. Savage: Boonen’s mishaps were contextualized as a series ofmistakes, citing chronologies as a form of condemnation.Newspapers referred to past problems and showed that Boonen’s drugabuse was not a solitary incident, but rather an exponent of aseries of mistakes; his drug abuse was the culmination point. “[…]that things went wrong, you could see for quite some time. Asweetheart of 16 years old, speeding, drunkenness behind the

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wheel. What’s happening now, is just an accumulation of thatturbulent private life”.

The trickster’s actions have an impact on his surroundings; welearned that Boonen caused damage to his family and friends (“Thisis a disaster, in the first place for himself, his parents, hisfamily”), his team (”[we] hoped to present the name of a newsponsor before the beginning of the Tour. Possibly, Boonen putsthat at risk also”), the sponsor Quick-Step (“They are ravingabout damage on the image. Don’t we have damage”), cycling ingeneral (“The top sprinter did not take doping, but he does burden himself, his team,and cycling with an image problem”), and his fans (“Regrettable for thefans of Belgium cycling”).

Anticipating his humiliation, speculations on the consequencesof his drug abuse were threefold. First, the press focused onpossible competitive sanctions, especially the prohibition tostart in the Tour of Switzerland or the Tour de France. As cocaineis a doping product, they speculated that Boonen could also besanctioned by the national and international cycling federations.Second, possible judicial penalties were mentioned. Third, thepress wrote about the loss of faith from the fans (“I have aposter of Tom in his green jersey in my room. I’m not saying Iwill throw it away, but I do feel some disillusionment”) and thedamage on his image (“Even though strictly speaking Tom Boonen perpetratednothing on a competitive basis, he did make quite an image blunder”).

Boonen was also portrayed as dumb and naïve (“Dumber than theasphalt he’s driving on”, “I think he doesn’t realize yet whathe’s throwing away”, and “As dumb as an ox”), and as a highlysexed person who was unable to control his own impulses,considering his relationship with a sixteen year old girl andbeing described as a “debauchee”.

2. Victim: Boonen was also portrayed as a victim of externalconditions. These external conditions can be summed up as hisyoung age (“[…] as a young chap, halfway twenty, you want to goout. But you have to know there is a limit. Then you are a greatchampion”), pressure (“And that everyone can collapse underpressure. Boonen also”), fame (“You think you have thousands offriends around you, but in the end you’re on your own”), wealth(“You have to know how to deal with luxury”) and his fasttransition from a simple boy to a superstar (“In a few years time,Boonen is pitchforked from an ordinary boy from La Campania intoGod”, and “They didn’t learn how to deal with celebrity inschool”). His status as an athlete, society in general, the media,hypocrisy and bad friends were also cited as external conditionscausing his lapses.

The press made it clear that Boonen needed better counselingand guidance: “He needs people who can help him”. Boonen was

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advised to invest in better guidance: “Maybe it is necessary toprune away a part of his exuberant wages and invest that part in apersonal counselor, coach, or psychologist”. His move to Monacowas considered as a cause for this lack of control. The need formore guidance is imperative, because Boonen was portrayed as animmature person, a man-child: “A child of almost 28 years old”,and “You have to be mature to party. Obviously, Tom Boonen isn’t”.Although the lack of guidance may not have been his mistake, hewas given the following urgent advice: “Even so, grow up, TomBoonen”.The newspapers seized the opportunity to contextualize his drug

abuse as a social problem. “Cocaine is becoming more and moretrendier, cheaper, more current: one and a half kilo a day is usedin Brussels, 60 grams on a Thursday night in Leuven, yes even inGingelom and Balen cocaine is sniffed. Students do it, models do it,top-class sportsmen do it”. For the press, “[t]his is a case out ofa society broken adrift that transcends the sport”. They spoke aboutthe infiltration of drugs in celebrity culture (“Not only TomBoonen, but about half of the celebrities is using coke”) and sportsculture (“He’s not the only one who gets to know the mundane life,Martina Hingis also belongs to that list”). Interestingly, theproblem of doping in the world of sports received much lessattention. This again shows that Boonen’s problems were consideredto be non-competitive.

During Boonen’s third victory in Paris-Roubaix, the pressradically changed its discourse and kept silent about his mistakes.This indicates that the press had forgiven Boonen’s mistakes andthat his fall from grace was temporary. His mistakes were in thepast, the hero has conquered them and should not be portrayed as atrickster anymore.

Resurrection: chance to defend or explain mistakes. Boonen asked forforgiveness in a public statement after the commotion about his drugabuse. However, some criticized the content of his speech and somereactions in the press were downright negative: “A public mea culpa,paired with a promise to never fall again in the sins of his youth,would have been a more powerful signal than this halfheartedconfession that was dished up”. His public apology was alsodescribed as an orchestrated publicity stunt: “But the former worldchampion did not mention a single word about his cocaine test. Andso we ask ourselves if the press conference was nothing more than acarefully directed communication move. The silence seems part of alegal strategy”. There were positive reactions as well: “On hispress conference, you could tell from the expression on his facethat he felt sorry”, and “Visibly affected he excused himself on thepress conference towards his family, friends, team, and fans for his

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committed lapses”. The media also saw his confession as the startingpoint of his comeback: “That Tom Boonen showed regret, can be a signthat he has taken the first step to recovery”. The first steptowards a public penance was taken.

Resurrection: penance accepted. Despite some criticism of his apology,his penance was rather quickly accepted. Competitive achievementswere not needed for Tom Boonen to be excused. Two main factorsemerged: (1) the press had already conducted his case and there wasno need for further punishment, and (2) Boonen’s fans said they hadnot lost faith and wanted to be there for him.

The first factor is obvious in following statements: “A sanction?Tom Boonen has already suffered enough, his case is alreadyconducted in the press”, and “Punishment and suspension is alreadydone publicly in our place”. Many fans were also quoted, making itclear that they had already forgiven Tom Boonen and wanted to moveon to other victories: “I will stay a big fan of him”, and “We keepon supporting him. We give him a second chance”. As one journaliststated: “Fans are conspicuously mild for the cycler Tom Boonen”. Thereason for this, could be found in another article: “We have alreadyso little stars, let us please cherish them. It’s just an unhappytrifle”.

Resurrection: return. After the process of forgiving, Boonen beganwinning important races. Again, his achievements were compared tolegendary predecessors. The link was made between a renewed focus inhis professional life and his competitive victory. “He got himselfback on track and came back as a chastened cycler who knows how toappreciate a victory”. For the press: “This was again the realBoonen”. However, Boonen had pointed out that this angle wasnonsense: “’Boonen’s Holy Fire is burning again’, they say. Restassured: that fire has never gone out”.

Interestingly, when Tom Boonen won his second victory in Paris-Roubaix, the press already described this victory as his bigcomeback, after two years without a big victory (“Boonen is againamidst his colleagues”, “King Tom is nestling himself back on histhrone” or simply put: “He’s back”). The media also applauded TomBoonen for his reunion with his girlfriend and linked these eventswith each other. As a consequence, the reunion with his old love wasseen as a precondition for his competitive victory: “The victory inParis-Roubaix is a nice ending of a turbulent period for Tom Boonen.His reunion with his old love Lore is also very positive for Tom. Ithink it’s a new beginning in his life”, and “Suddenly, Boonen isback in a flow of positive news, the picture around him completeagain: as top class athlete, a popular world star, an ideal son inlaw […]”.

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Social Values and Positive Features

Heroes possess positive features and radiate social values.Particularly for athletes, they divide into physical or mentalcharacteristics. When the press bestowed positive features after hisdrug period, journalists had forgiven his sins; he had conquered animportant obstacle.

Tom Boonen himself, his competitors, and journalists emphasizedhis physical strength. In a “survival of the strongest” during hissecond victory in Paris-Roubaix, his rivals made it clear that theystumbled across a Tom Boonen “strong as a lion”. During his thirdvictory in Paris-Roubaix, his physical strength was even moreaccentuated: “The tougher the race got, the stronger Tom Boonengot”. “Nobody was capable of beating Tom Boonen Sunday”, it was “asplain as a pikestaff who were the strongest”, and again his mainrivals had to “admit that Tom Boonen was the strongest”. He wasdescribed as “a paragon of power”, “muscleman Boonen”. A day beforethe race, Tom Boonen himself said that he was “certainly as strongas last year. In any case, strong enough to win Paris-Roubaix”.Expectations were created and he fulfilled them with force. Hisphysical power was also a reason for assuming that Boonen was not adrug addict. “Boonen a drug addict? Probably not, or else he wouldnot succeed competitively as he is doing now”. Another centralelement in the physical capacities of Tom Boonen was his ability tosuffer. This characteristic was almost exclusively emphasized duringthe third period. Quotes by Tom Boonen illustrate this: “I was atthe end of my tether”, “I have never suffered this much”, and “I’mtotally worn out”. Newspapers confirmed that “[i]t had cost himblood, sweat, and tears”.

His mental assets also played an important part. Boonen was a teamplayer who was willing to efface himself for the benefit of theteam: “My legs were fine, but you don’t have to question the team’stactics. It just doesn’t work with a bunch of ego trippers in oneteam”. This also causes some internal conflict: “Without begrudgingit to a teammate, I can’t be satisfied with anything less than avictory”. Another mental asset was his sense of perspective. As anexperienced cycler, he claimed that “[a]s years go by, it’s growingeasier on me to put things into perspective and to cope with thepressure of having to win”. Boonen was portrayed as a smart person(“intelligent cycler”, “sensible talk”), someone who was very self-assured (“The only one who didn’t doubt Tom Boonen, was Tom Boonenhimself”), and as a very composed person (“I’m seldom uptight”,“I’ve known many champions, but Boonen towers all others as fortranquility”). His will power and perseverance were also revered.Next to all this, Boonen was depicted as spontaneous, immune to

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stress, sympathetic, determined, a leader, sober minded, caring,realistic and combative.

Status Elements

Celebrity status. Tom Boonen became a true star in Belgium; articlesfocused on his private life and he was literally called a celebrity.That Tom Boonen transcends his status as a sportsman, becomesevident when we learn that “Boonen played a leading part in atelevision commercial” and that “[h]e became the standard bearer ofLifeline [a fund raiser] and got his own comic strip”.

Most of the discussion over his private life occurred during theweek of his drug abuse when everything from his drug problems to hisnightlife and his love life were heavily discussed. The denial ofhis private life during his third victory in Paris-Roubaix isextremely revealing. To repair the hero myth, his private life wastotally cast aside. Only his competitive achievements werementioned. As indicated earlier, his private life is not compatiblewith his competitive life, so journalists did not pay any attentionto it. This clearly shows myth at work in a very significant manner.

The focus on his private life during the second period is alsovery revealing of how the press interpreted his drug abuse. Althoughthere was a dissident voice (“Boonen deserves no respect. Are yousure that he only used cocaine in his private life, and not as asportsman?”), his cocaine abuse was considered a problem locatedwithin his private sphere. “Boonen’s offence situates itself in hisprivate sphere and we must forgive him for his mistake”. Judgmentsfluctuated between indifference (“I’m not going to lose any sleepover it. It’s his life, not mine. In the end Tom Boonen has todecide for himself what he’s up to in his free time”) andcondemnation (“We don’t want any cyclers behaving like this, being aworld star or not”).

Role model. Tom Boonen is perceived as a role model for society. Thepress focused on his exemplary role and some articles suggested thatpeople could learn from his mistakes. Especially during the periodof his drug abuse, Boonen was reminded by the press of hisobligations as a role model. “As a top sportsman it is his duty toserve as an example to society”, “Boonen not only has to set a goodexample on his bike, but also off his bike”, “Thousands of Belgianare doing it, but Tom can’t as a top sportsman. Sorry. He has acertain responsibility and he gets paid for it. He is an icon in hisown land, in fact in the whole cycling world. That createsobligations”, “Tom Boonen is a great champion, but a great championalso has an exemplary role”.

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If Tom Boonen had to serve as an example to others, who were thosepeople? The study’s analyses made it clear that he had an exemplaryrole towards two groups: the youth and the Flemish people. Youthwere affected the most by his cocaine exploit. “A great cyclingchampion like Tom Boonen is supposed to be an example for theyouth”. A young kid is quoted: “Tom was my model, this won’t be soeasy anymore”, and one journalist asks himself “What are you goingto tell as a father to your son who has a poster of Tom Boonen inhis bedroom?”. It is clear that for a little while, Boonen served asan inverse role model.

On a second level, Boonen was also a role model for the Flemishpeople. Cycling is a true national sport in Belgium (Flanders) andthe champions represent the people. As one journalist says: “Sportis emotion, sir, and cycling is the national sport par excellence”.To prove this statement, another article quotes a Dutch journalist:“The Church, the King… They don’t count for you. You only havebicycle racing […] Cyclers are worshipped in Flanders, by the pressas well as by the people”. Boonen illustrated that he is a Flemish“common world star” by claiming after his third victory in Paris-Roubaix: “And now it’s time for fries”, a favorite Belgian dish.

Conclusions and Discussion

This paper focused on the study of hero myths in media content.The main objective was to develop a research method based on adetailed operationalization of the hero myth. A transparent andreplicable hero grid containing three main components was developed.These components contain three narrative sequences divided into ninesubsequences of the hero journey, two status elements and the socialvalues the hero needs to represent. The study then focused on theexecution of the proposed research method in the coverage of cyclerTom Boonen. The course of Tom Boonen’s life received a good deal ofattention in the Belgian newspapers. Both Het Laatste Nieuws and HetNieuwsblad dedicated many articles to his triumphs as well as hismistakes. Although the more downmarket oriented Het Laatste Nieuwspaid more attention to his non-competitive obstacles and coveredBoonen’s tribulations more on the frontpage than Het Nieuwsblad,there were no real differences between these newspapers. Thepurposefulness of the selected periods may be a target for criticismand it is true that a more longitudinal approach covering the wholecareer of Tom Boonen should provide even more insight into the heroportrayal of Tom Boonen in the Belgian press and the mythicalcapacities of sport journalism. However, the focus of this paper wasto develop and test a replicable hero grid for the traditional sporthero and by focusing on three decisive moments in the career ofBoonen we were able to show the hero myth at work. Future research

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will be needed to clarify the mythical functions on a morelongitudinal scale.

In this research, the story of Tom Boonen clearly took the shapeof the archetypal hero quest, in which the hero is predestined toachieve great victories (Paris-Roubaix). However, the road tovictory is beset with obstacles and ordeals (of both a competitiveand non-competitive nature). Heroes can be misguided and temporarilyfall from grace. When Boonen was caught for drug abuse, the presschanged its narrative from the hero to the trickster myth, grabbingthe opportunity to teach us a lesson about our social values andcertain societal problems. However, this trickster archetype wasmomentary and the hero archetype was the dominant factor. Like atrue hero, Tom Boonen overcame these momentary lapses and was againembraced by the public, the press and his fans. As Williams (1994)would say: the hero (Tom Boonen) has left the innocent Arcadia(Campania) and returned to Utopia, a more mature and experiencedplace. To get back on track, our hero first had to ask forforgiveness and get a chance to explain or defend his mistakes. Hispenance was of course accepted. The silence of the press about hispast mistakes during the week when he won Paris-Roubaix for thethird time, validates this statement. After all, “[t]he game is theultimate test for the hero” (Kennedy and Hills 2009, p. 48). All thewhile, Tom Boonen is portrayed as a role model, who personifies manysocial values (physically as well as mentally). He is also treatedas a celebrity, with a focus on his private life and commercialvalue. Although cocaine is a prohibited substance in-competition,his drug abuse was situated in his private life. This created anopportunity for the press to welcome Boonen back as a hero, becauseafter all he did not violate the rules of the game.

Introducing segments of the trickster archetype into the heroarchetype could be a potential source for future research. It couldexpand our knowledge of how myth and archetype work within thecontemporary press (see for instance the media portrayal of TigerWoods). It can add extra value and bring more insight into theconstruction of reality and mythical storytelling in the press. Thisis also partly an answer to Coman (2005) and Bird and Dardenne(2009) who questioned the one-dimensional view of Lule (2001) onarchetypal myths in the news. It is clear in this study that TomBoonen can be regarded as a hero as well as a trickster, dependingon the selection of data and the archetype one is focusing on. Byintroducing the trickster archetype in the hero narrative, we notonly prove their point by showing that press coverage is not boundto one archetype only, but also add an extra dimension to the fallfrom grace of heroes. We have also proven that the age-old herostoryline is still relevant within sports journalism. This studyanswers Smith’s (1973) question and shows that the hero indeed

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underwent a metamorphosis as a celebrity and can thus be consideredto be a flawed and weaker hero, but is far from being extinct.

Still, we believe that research into myth has a need for a moremanifest structural approach, so we can study the hero narrative ineach particular case from an objective hero grid. This should bringan extra dimension to this domain of research and this paper is afirst step in this direction.

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Authors Contact Details:

Tim Hoebeke:Department: Department of Communication Studies (Center for Journalism Studies)Institution: Ghent UniversityPostal Address: Korte Meer 7-9-11, Gent 9000, Belgium. Email: Tim.Hoebeke@UGent.be

Annelore Deprez:Department: Department of Communication Studies (Center for Journalism Studies)Institution: Ghent UniversityPostal Address: Korte Meer 7-9-11, Gent 9000, Belgium. Email: Annelore.Deprez@UGent.be

Karin Raeymaeckers:Department: Department of Communication Studies (Center for Journalism Studies)Institution: Ghent UniversityPostal Address: Korte Meer 7-9-11, Gent 9000, Belgium. Email: Karin.Raeymaeckers@UGent.be

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Table 1: The hero narrative

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Notes on contributorsTim Hoebeke is a researcher and teaching assistant at the Departmentof Communication Studies, Ghent University. He is also a member ofthe Center for Journalism Studies (www.cjs.ugent.be). His researchinterests include journalism studies, journalistic storytelling, theeducation of journalists and newspapers in education.Annelore Deprez is as a senior researcher connected to the GhentUniversity at the Department of Communication Studies. She is also amember of the Center for Journalism Studies (www.cjs.ugent.be). Herresearch interests include journalism studies, news analysis,political and international communication. Karin Raeymaeckers is professor of politics and mass media, mediastructures and journalism at the Department of CommunicationSciences, Ghent University. She is also the director of the Centerfor Journalism Studies (www.cjs.ugent.be). She is a member ofseveral international research groups like the Euromedia ResearchGroup. She has published on a broad range of topics like citizenjournalism, EU communication and newspapers in education.

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