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Getting It Right On The Burning Ring of Fire

Barry W. Bussey

December 9, 2014

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Contents Getting It Right On The Burning Ring of Fire ........................................................................................... 3

Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 3

Decolonization: The Failure To “Get it Right” ......................................................................................... 4

The Rhetoric ............................................................................................................................................. 5

The Failures: ............................................................................................................................................. 6

Cliffs Resources .................................................................................................................................... 6

Development Corporation ................................................................................................................. 10

Analysis .................................................................................................................................................. 11

Cultural Violence ................................................................................................................................ 11

Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment ............................................................................................. 11

Power Cube ........................................................................................................................................ 12

Place ............................................................................................................................................... 12

Space .............................................................................................................................................. 12

Power ............................................................................................................................................. 13

Building Strategy ................................................................................................................................ 14

Regional Strategic Environmental Assessment as the way forward? .................................................... 14

Conclusion .............................................................................................................................................. 16

Appendix 1 ............................................................................................................................................. 18

Bibliography ........................................................................................................................................... 19

End Notes ............................................................................................................................................... 22

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Getting It Right On The Burning Ring of Fire

Introduction In the boglands (or muskeg) of Northwestern Ontario lies a very rich deposit of minerals that rings

around McFaulds Lake. The mining district has become known as “The Ring of Fire.” Since 2002 various

metals1 have been discovered in the area but the one that has received the most press is chromite.

Chromite is refined to produce ferrochromium which is then used for making stainless steel. This is the

first significant find of the mineral in North America and it is so impressive some suggest that there is

enough mineral to warrant a mine for the next one hundred years.2 Some politicians have said that the

discovery is to Ontario what the oil sands is to Alberta.3 With only South Africa, Kazakhstan and India

producing 80% of the world’s supply and with India limiting its exports there is optimism that Ontario

has room to participate in the market.4 However, there are a number of challenges bringing the mineral

to market: first, McFaulds lake is some 400 km north of Thunder Bay. There is no infrastructure to the

site; second, the difficult terrain makes building a road, a rail line, or a slurry pipeline a very expensive

proposition and raises environmental concerns; third, consultation with Indigenous peoples5 has not

been successful despite a framework agreement that was signed in 2014.6

The Ring of Fire is but the latest chapter in the problematic relationship between Canadian

governments and Indigenous peoples. Though this mining district is at the very beginning stages already

familiar patterns of colonial attitudes and actions have occurred on the part of cash strapped

government colluding with multinational corporations at the expense of the First Nations people and

the environment. Even when the Ontario government tries to protect pristine wilderness as it did with

the passing of the Far North Act it does so with the attitude that it knows best and in the interests of

southern Ontario not in the interests of the Indigenous people of the affected region. A number of First

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Nations leaders were against the Act from the beginning as it violated their treaty rights and excluded

them from decisions on how their land would be developed.7

The two most striking incidents of government failure in the Ring of Fire are: first, the Ontario

government’s collusion with Cliff’s Natural Resources, a multinational iron ore producer operating out of

Cleveland, Ohio;8 second, the Ontario government’s announcement of a development corporation

consisting of a board of three bureaucrats with no First Nations representatives.9 This paper will provide

a brief conflict analysis of the Ring of Fire mining district and the failure of government to learn from its

failures. Greater attention is given to the first example than the second for several reasons: first, it is

one that has captured the imagination of what can and cannot be done in the district; two, it is a more

blatant example of colonial attitudes on the part of government and industry; three, it is the only one

that involves a large multinational corporation; and finally, it is the one experience that all other

decisions will be compared to going forward.

The paper ends with an introduction to a possible way forward – a Regional Strategic Environmental

Assessment.

Decolonization: The Failure To “Get it Right”

Rick Wallace’s work Merging Fires presented a number of case studies of grassroots action meant to

create decolonized relationships.10 Decolonization involves the “foregrounding” of First Nations voices

and epistemologies and simultaneously a divestment of colonial power on the part of government

bureaucracies and cultural elites that demand a new language of engagement free of inherent bias.

Wallace notes that it is a shedding of “those deleterious elements of (neo-)colonial rule and mindset,

culturally, economically, politically and linguistically.”11 It is an engagement of at least three parties –

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government, Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples who have responsibilities to ensure that treaties

are honoured, Indigenous people obtain self-determination, and there is solidarity with the struggles of

the Indigenous people. This will require “non-Indigenous people to decolonize ourselves and our own

behaviour.”12

The Ring of Fire is shaping up to be a prime example of a colossal misstep of the lingering colonial

attitudes that appears to still permeate the halls of Queen’s Park and its related bureaucracy. There is

an unwillingness to take the First Nations people as true partners in all phases of development. One is

left with the sense that the Indigenous people are looked down upon as if they are mere infants who

must be willing to wait and abide by what their fiduciaries decide is in their best interests. It smacks of

colonialism in the extreme. Government has shown itself to have been willing to sell its very soul for

development as was evident in its relationship with Ciff’s Resources, described in detail below. Unless

there is an awakening of government responsibility there is little hope that future decisions will be any

better. A brief review of official rhetoric will be made followed by the two glaring examples of

government and industry’s failure to respect the First Nations people and their goals.

.

The Rhetoric

“We have one chance to do this right,” Mike Schreiner, Ontario Green Party leader, said. “It’s

essential that First Nations have the full economic benefit of this resource.”13 “Getting it right,” is an

often used phrase of politicians, Ontario government officials, environmental activists and Indigenous

peoples when discussing the Ring of Fire. Unfortunately, both government and industry have so far

ignored their own rhetoric as will be discussed below. Christine Kaszycki, Ontario’s coordinator of the

Ring of Fire Secretariat, expresses the official rhetoric when she said:

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“This is not just about building mines or roads. The entire province will feel the positive

economic impact, especially the north with its mining consulting and equipment industries, as

well as its supply and service sectors. We have to get it right, especially for the Aboriginal

communities to ensure they have the tools to fully participate in the development.”14

Despite the rhetoric experience has shown it to be empty words – however well-meaning they may

have been.

The Failures:

Cliffs Resources

The American iron ore company Cliffs Resources was introduced to the Ring of Fire district by officials

from the Canadian company KWG Resources who along with other joint ventures had discovered the

chromite deposit. After some investigation into the find Cliffs decided it wanted in on the discovery.

While Cliffs had no experience with chromite it was attracted to the project because the discovery was

the only chromite find in North America and there was a ready market in the US that consumes 15% of

the world’s annual chromite production; and it wanted to diversify its iron ore operations. Cliffs bought

19% of KWG and was given seat at KWG’s board. Behind the scene Cliffs was negotiating with the

Ontario government two issues first, construction of an all-weather road from the mining site to the

railway hub at Nakina along the only esker (winding ridge of stratified sand and gravel) that snaked its

way north to the Ring of Fire. The problem for Cliff was that KWG had staked out that esker for a

railway; and second, was the matter of electricity generation for the mine site and for the smelter

location at a convenient location to a railway connection. In 2010 Cliffs made aggressive moves against

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a number of companies in the Ring. It bought out KWG’s partners Freewest Resources, and Spider

Resources. Though Cliffs had a 19% interest in KWG, Cliffs decided not to purchase KWG but tried to

force KWG to give up its surface rights to the esker for an all-weather road.

On May 9, 2012, Cliffs held a news conference with the Ontario government officials and the mayor

of Sudbury announcing Cliffs’ investment of $3.3 billion in the Ring of Fire.15 Missing from the officials

were representatives of the federal government and, most telling, there were no representatives from

the First Nations. The announcement set off a firestorm amongst the First Nations communities across

the North. It appears that neither the Ontario government nor Cliff’s felt it necessary to include the First

Nations until the last minute.

Aroland First Nation Chief Sonny Gagnon met with the CEO and president of Cliffs to know what was

happening on the project as he knew there were negotiations between the company and the

government but the First Nations were not involved. Gagnon was informed that there was “a

confidentiality agreement with the government” and nothing could be disclosed. ”I want to know what

was said, who said what, and who’s out there looking after the best interest of my First Nation.”16

The day before the announcement a hastily called meeting was held between Northern Development

and Mines Minister Rick Bartolucci and the Marten Falls First Nations Chief Eli Moonias. Moonias called

Gagnon to join him. At that meeting they were told that there would be a consultation framework,

training opportunities and funding. Gagnon and Moonias ask for time to review the offer before Cliff’s

made their announcement. However, they were told the Minister of Mines and Development had no

control over that. “My question is,” said Gagnon, “who has control over our lands? Is it the minister or a

Cleveland-based company?”17

Bartolucci felt that he had given the First Nations ample warning of the announcement. While there

was some consultation previous to the announcement the fact was Ontario and Cliffs were marching to

their own drummers and did not bring the First Nations along with the negotiations. Moonias said he

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was prepared to put his life on the line to protect his community. Moonias described the meeting this

way, “They (the province) didn’t tell us about the proposed framework. We should have been talking

about this months ago. Twenty-four hours before the announcement is not consultation. That’s an

ambush.”18

William Boor, of Cliffs said that the First Nations need to be “willing to work with us in this project.

We're not asking them to agree with the project, we're asking them to work with us to figure it out. And

we do need a bit of breakthrough there.”19 Such colonial attitudes in the corporate world are more than

willing to run roughshod over the rights of First Nations. That condescending attitude failed to win

support.

Gagnon was so (justifiably) angry that he announced his bands’ refusal to allow any trucks or land

surveying to commence over their territory. As it turned, his announcement was not necessary, as

events transpired to put everything on hold in any event.

KWG refused Cliffs demand for access over its esker claims for a road. Cliffs brought an action to the

Ontario Mining and Lands Commissioner which ruled in KWG’s favour on September 10, 2013.20 Cliffs

won its appeal of that decision in the Divisional Court in August 2014. And KWG has now appealed that

decision to the Ontario Court of Appeal.21 In the meantime Cliffs has been facing its own internal

problems. The Casablanca hedge fund has effectively taken over the company in retaliation for the loss

of shareholder value and has replaced those company actors who spent some $500 million in the Ring of

Fire. The new leadership has announced it is selling off its Ring of Fire assets. The irony is that KWG is

trying to buy them.22

Speaking of Cliffs recent fall from grace, Frank Smeenk, President of KWG, had this to say, “I thought

they deserved everything that befell them. They haven’t been easy to get along with at all.”23

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The willingness of Ontario Government to get into bed with Cliffs Resources at the expense of

maintaining a solid relationship with the First Nations has caused a terrible lack of trust amongst the

Indigenous peoples toward government.

Cliffs disrespect of the First Nations issues and their equal disregard of the small Canadian miners like

KWG demonstrates a problematic temperament. One that is ill-suited for the sensitive role necessary to

navigate the multiple interests in areas like the Ring of Fire. Cliffs was confident it had the Ontario

government on side to invest up to $1 billion in the construction of the all-weather road. Though

Ontario would have put the lion’s share of the money for the road Cliff’s was planning to charge a toll to

other mining companies that would seek to use it. Further, there was no guarantee that the road would

have benefited First Nations. It was not a forgone conclusion that an all-weather road would have been

the best option. One study suggested that rail was by far the cheaper option to operate on a costs per

tonne basis to as little as $6.33 per ton for rail but $59.28 per ton for trucking.24

On the matter of a road or a railway the First Nations main concern is that they be given the benefit

from the resources to end their isolation. Chief Moonias said it didn’t matter to him which one is built

as long as there is access to the First Nation communities. “If they are putting in the railway, we want to

be assured that access roads will be built so we can get out of this isolation.”25

The special electricity rates the government was willing to give Cliffs is still a matter of speculation.

“For the government to make such decisions with my money is the offensive part,” said Smeenk

speaking of the electricity deal. “Every other electrical user in Ontario would cry foul and run to Queen’s

Park to get the same rate.”26 The agreement between Ontario and Cliffs has never been released – and

now given the change of government under the leadership of Kathleen Wynne it is doubtful it will see

light of day anytime soon. However, it is fair to say the interests of the First Nations were not the top of

the priority list when Ontario and Cliffs were courting. Nor were the interests of Ontario a high priority

as Cliffs was planning to ship 40% of the mineral out of North America for processing.27

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As one commentator put it, “But both Cliffs and the McGuinty government have done a shockingly

bad job of meaningful consultations and most importantly listening to the profound concerns from the

First Nations communities and leadership.”28 The Cliffs fiasco should have given Ontario some pause

before making yet another major decision without the full cooperation of the First Nations communities.

Unfortunately, that was not to be.

Development Corporation

The leadership of Premier Kathleen Wynne promised to be a new era in the relationship between the

Ontario government and the First nations. With an election coming up Wynne worked diligently to

establish the right tone in the broken friendships. One achievement that looked promising was the

Framework agreement signed on March 26, 2014 between nine First Nations communities29 directly

affected by the Ring of Fire.

In the lead up to the June 2014 election, Premier Kathleen Wynne stated that within the first 60 days

of her new mandate she would set up a development corporation to oversee the Ring of Fire. True to

her campaign promise the government announced in August 2014 a development corporation – the

board of this new entity consisted of three bureaucrats. There were no federal representatives and

most importantly there were no First Nations representatives. This was the second time Ontario

government snubbed the First Nations in making important decisions for the Ring of Fire development.

The reaction from the Indigenous community was swift – because they were not consulted, yet

again, nor were they given any seats on the board. They have since demanded a moratorium on all

permits concerning the district.30 For the government it was a public relations disaster. For the First

Nations it was business as usual – the power brokers in Toronto were not listening despite the rhetoric.

Clearly the government did not get it right.

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Analysis In class we discussed a number of possible analytical tools to assist us in reviewing the experience, as

related above, to the Ring of Fire. For our purposes we will consider the following:

Cultural Violence Johan Galtung reminds us that “cultural violence” is used to that “makes direct and structural

violence look, even feel, right – or at least not wrong.”31 The violent structure leaves marks not only on

the human body but on the mind and spirit.32 This done by the means of penetration which implants the

“topdog” inside the “underdog” and then combined with segmentation that only allows a partial view of

what is going on to the underdog. By marginalization the underdogs are on the outside and when

combined with fragmentation the underdogs are kept from each other.33

This is what the First Nations were experiencing from both the Ontario government and Cliffs – they

were left outside of the process. It would appear that both Ontario and Cliffs felt they were in the right

to do so. However, it was culturally violent. They were keeping the First Nations at bay – not permitting

them to see what negotiations were going on. Attitudes expressed as, “We're not asking them to agree

with the project, we're asking them to work with us to figure it out,” only exhibits the blatant cultural

violence. The First Nations had no choice – but to accept what the topdogs – Ontario and Cliffs decided.

Therefore Galtung’s analytical frame is useful to understand the power dynamics.

Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment Kenneth Bush’s Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment34 (PCIA) is another possible candidate for our

analysis of the Ring of Fire. There would have to be some adjustments made to adjust for the fact that

we are not dealing strictly with a development project but a mining district. However, a case can be

made that in essence the development of a mine is, if it is done properly, a development project for

Indigenous people who live so remotely. Even with further adjustments the fact remains it is an

assessment after the project has been completed. That is not the case in the Ring of Fire. Therefore

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Bush’s program would not work. Yet, what is valuable to consider in the Ring of Fire context are the

following concepts that Bush raises: formal and informal impacts on political structures; policy content

and efficacy; decentralization/concentration of power; political ethnicization; representation;

transparency; accountability; democratic culture; dialogue; conflict mediation and reconciliation;

strengthening/weakening civil society actors; political mobilization; impact on the rule of law; human

rights conditions.35

Power Cube John Gaventa’s development of the “power cube” is another useful tool in analyzing what went on

with the relationship between Ontario, Cliffs and the First Nations.36

Place As to Place we see that there are local issues – the First Nations desire to be free from isolation

allowing access to the south which allows for personal amenities from food to clothing at affordable

prices; reliable electricity; protection of their environment; and access to jobs. Cliffs desires road or rail

access to enable them to deliver ore to the processing centres to the south; and Ontario is wanting to

have the wherewithal to provide the infrastructure to make the district a reality; The national issues for

the First Nations include the solidarity with other First Nations communities and with non-Indigenous

people who are supportive of their rights. Ontario and Cliffs would like to see the federal government

get involved with the infrastructure. On the Global level Cliffs has concerns with the international

market for chromite. It desired an international partner to bring the mine to production and to bring

the material for processing outside of Canada and to market.

Space Closed spaces that were closed for the First Nations was during the negotiations between Ontario

and Cliffs. While there were some consultation with the Indigenous people about their desires and

aspirations there was no willingness to allow the First Nations to have a seat at the table where

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decisions were made. Ontario and Cliffs clearly had the view that the First Nations were not entitled to

such space. The only invited space was within days or hours before the formal announcements were

made. Somehow the First Nations were to be happy that they were respected enough to be told before

the rest of the country found out on the news channels what was going to happen to their livelihood

and way of life. What this did was force the First Nations to claim and create their own space by setting

up blockades at the airstrip and prevent trucking and survey crews from carrying out the work on their

respective territories and their traditional lands.

Power The visible power evident in the Ring of Fire are the formal structures of the treaty and

constitutional obligations of government to consult with the First Nations. However, it is the hidden

power that is exhibited by the negotiations between Ontario and Cliffs that has created an injustice to

Indigenous people. Ontario has public purse to make deals with Cliffs on such matters as roads and

electricity – deals that were not at all sensitive to the needs of the local communities. The invisible

power of Ontario and industry to keep the First Nations from their minds when they negotiated and

then attempted to pass off their deals without giving proper notice and opportunity to participate show

a power ‘over’ attitude that did not generate any confidence amongst the First Nations that they were

being treated fairly. They were made to feel powerless – Ontario had “no control” over what Cliffs was

going to do – it was as Moonais said “an ambush.”

There has to be a better way to allow for greater participation and empowerment that allows for a

flowering of trust and cooperation. The reality is all parties – Ontario, industry and the First Nations

want the mining district to open. The issue comes down to trust and equity that all interests of the

affected parties will be justly treating. The power over trip is unsustainable. There must be a power

‘with’ that allows a proper synergy “which can emerge through partnerships and collaboration with

others, or through processes of collective action and alliance building.”37

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Building Strategy “Power is the currency of conflict,”38 noted Bernard Mayer, and it is necessary to know how much

power a party has and “how they choose to use it.”39 Understanding how requires a careful strategy.

The Strategy Circle, as noted in Fisher40 provides a host of possible combinations of actions that provides

a useful framework the First Nations in the Ring of Fire may use to bring about positive change.

However, as we discussed in class this is not something that can be accomplished in a short period of

time – there has to be a long term view taken. The struggle for the Ring of Fire is that there is an

enormous amount of pressures from the various interests to find a solution quickly. The government is

facing political pressure to increase revenue; industry is desperately looking for a return on their

exploration costs; the First Nations are anxious to be relieved of their isolation and access to jobs –

which parallels with the desire of non Indigenous people for greater employment opportunities.

However great such pressures are trying to take short cuts will prove to be disastrous as we have seen.

While Fish’s work has great potential to be used as a framework in this case I suggest that there is

already a framework that has been particularly geared to the Ring of Fire that merits closer attention. It

is that proposal we will consider next.

Regional Strategic Environmental Assessment as the way forward?

What then is a possible way forward out of the mess? There is one proposal that just may be the

way forward. Chetkiewicz and Lintner argue that ultimately it will take a “Regional Strategic

Environmental Assessment” (RSEA) to properly address the needs of the Ring of Fire. The RSEA looks to

the broader picture beyond the individual projects. It considers the broader contextual environment of

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the accumulative effect of all the mines.41 They point to 10 core principles that make RSEA relevant to

the Ring of Fire.42 They warn:

Ontario will have only one chance to get it right in the Far North. We simply will not be able to circle back and undo poorly considered decisions about development, infrastructure or ecological and social tradeoffs once plans are approved and shovels are in the ground. That is why it is so important to approach these decisions with a solid understanding of the ecological and social context, a strong consensus around economic and ecological objectives, and a commitment to our responsibilities in this globally significant region. The best way to do that is by rapidly developing a Regional Strategic Environmental Assessment approach before it is too late.43

Environmental damage has been shown to have a multiplier effect on conflict around the world.44

When the environment is compromised it not only affects the ecology but it increases social pressures

that contribute to conflict. The Ring of Fire is in a very sensitive ecosystem. The area is among the

world’s largest peatlands and wetlands home to millions of migratory birds and at-risk species such as

caribou, wolverine and lake sturgeon.45 Therefore careful analysis must be made on what effects

environmental damage would cause to the ecosystem and to the social realities of 24,000 aboriginals in

34 remote communities in the area.

Mining is a boom-and-bust phenomenon that wreaks havoc on one industry communities. This is

particularly difficult for Indigenous people.46 An environmental impact assessment is required to ensure

that allowances are made for equitable revenue sharing to provide investment in infrastructure, and

training to “build capacity and economic opportunities when these projects shut down.”47

Proper consideration will also be required for climate change. Historical data, for example, is no

longer reliable for infrastructure design.48 Infrastructure must be adaptable to the changing climate.

Otherwise it will be rendered unsafe as weather patterns change. Planners, owners and maintenance

operators face liability for failure of designs to take into account this risk.

Chetkiewicz and Lintner recognize that First Nations need capacity to participate in the decision

making, take advantage of the opportunities, and to deal with the expected adverse social and economic

stresses.49 That will require a robust engagement with the First Nations by government and industry

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actors. They need to be fully informed of the benefits and risks; understand the industrial process; be

involved in open and full dialogue with the various actors. Failure to so engage will only lead to

confrontation. While it is in the best interests of industry to engage directly with First Nations it is the

sole responsibility of both federal and provincial government to “discharge this duty to consult (and the

government cannot fully delegate this duty to the companies).”50

Chetkiewicz and Lintner’s RSEA proposal has gained attention in the press.51 It is perhaps the most

thorough analysis of environmental assessment necessary for the Ring of Fire. It envisions a rather

lengthy and involved process. Implementation of such a comprehensive plan may well face significant

headwinds from a government that is desperate to turn the struggling economy around and sees this

new mining district as instrumental in that quest; and mining executives who are impatient to get their

project started to recoup their investment and earn a profit for their shareholders. However, it is, in my

opinion, the best chance we have in salvaging a more productive relationship with the First Nations.

All actors in the Ring of Fire would do well to study the RSEA proposal. The RSEA is certainly worth a

close review given the failures of the Ontario government in making rash decisions with aggressive

multinationals that show very little sympathy to the Indigenous people or the natural environment. The

RSEA would go a long way in opening the door for Ontario and industry to see the cultural violence that

they have levelled at the First Nations in this whole development. It is not enough to just move on with

further projects until the cultural violence is recognized and there is a commitment to prevent it from

happening again.

Conclusion The story of the Ring of Fire has revealed a number of disquieting themes: we have surveyed the fact

that this potential mining district is following a familiar pattern of colonialism that is aptly described in

Wallaces’ work; the First Nations people have suffered cultural and structural violence by government

17

and industry; and what we have seen is an abrasive power ‘over’ the First Nations by those who claim to

have their best interests at heart.

The Ring of Fire is not simply a story of First Nations and Ontario but of our country. Canada is fast

becoming a nation that is dependent upon the extraction of natural resources. We are no longer an

industrial nation as we once were. The reliance on our natural resources is putting increased pressure

on the relationship between government, mining interests, and First Nations. As natural resources has

become a challenge for the European Union as Nicholas Garrett and Anna Piccinni point out,52 so too

Canada appears to be facing increased stress between natural resources and conflict. This is a national

problem that will require national solutions. It is not helpful to compartmentalize these issues to

matters solely between the provinces and the First Nations – rather it is an area of conflict the entire

country must become engaged with.

The First Nations in the Ring of Fire are faced with a potential mining district that will dramatically

alter their way of life – some of it very positive and some that will be negative. It is high time that the

governments take seriously their constitutional obligations to consult with the First Nations as a full

partner and further commit not to make decisions centred on the political whims of southern Ontario,

being colonial in nature, than on the needs and aspirations of the First Nations people who deserve to

benefit from the land that they occupy. In the end, the promise of a just Canada deserves nothing less.

18

Appendix 1 Location of the Ring of Fire and Nearby First Nations Communities

Source: http://www.parl.gc.ca/Content/LOP/ResearchPublications/images/2014-17-fig1-e.gif

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20

—. Ring of Fire Agreement Places Northern Ontario Project Step Closer To Reality. 03 26, 2014. http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2014/03/26/ring-of-fire-agreement-first-nations_n_5037568.html?utm_hp_ref=staking-claim (accessed 11 05, 2014).

—. Ring of Fire Project Progressing Despite Setbacks Says Mining Minister. 02 14, 2014. http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2014/02/14/ring-of-fire-mining-ontario_n_4791380.html?utm_hp_ref=staking-claim (accessed 11 05, 2014).

—. Ring of Fire Project: For First Nations, Disruption Is Certain, Profits Less So. 09 30, 2013. http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2013/09/30/staking-claim-2_n_4014036.html (accessed 11 05, 2014).

Galtung, Johan. "Cultural Violence." Journal of Peace Research 27, no. 3 (1990): 291-305. Garrett, Nicholas. "Natural Resources and Conflict: A New Security Challenge for the European

Union." SIPRI Policy Brief, June 2012. Garrick, Rick. Marten Falls, Webequie set up blockade in Ring of Fire. 02 04, 2010.

http://www.wawataynews.ca/archive/all/2010/2/4/marten-falls-webequie-set-up-blockade-in-ring-of-fire_19091 (accessed 11 05, 2014).

Gaventa, John. "Relflections on the Usues of the 'Power Cube' Approach for Analyzing the Spaces, Places and Dynamics of Civil Society Participation and Engagement." powercube.net. October 2005. http://www.powercube.net/wpcontent/uploads/2009/11/reflections_on_uses_powercube.pdf (accessed 09 24, 2014).

Gilbert, Richard. "KWG plans appeal of Ring of Fire court decision." dailycommercialnews.com. August 28, 2014. http://www.dailycommercialnews.com/Resource/News/2014/8/KWG-plans-appeal-of-Ring-of-Fire-court-decision-1001676W/ (accessed 12 08, 2014).

Koven, Peter. Ring of Fire development plans spurred by Ontario's outrageous energy prices. 09 16, 2014. http://business.financialpost.com/2014/09/16/ring-of-fire-development-plans-spurred-by-ontarios-outrageous-energy-prices/?_Isa=282c-870d (accessed 11 05, 2014).

Labine, Jeff. Rail or road: First Nation Chief wants Ring of Fire to connect his community. March 08, 2013. http://www.tbnewswatch.com/news/267884/Rail-or-road-First-Nation-chief-wants-Ring-of-Fire-to-connect-his-community (accessed 12 08, 2014).

Leahy, Derek. The Ring of Fire: Ontario's Mega Mining Project to be the "Next Fort McMurray". 08 27, 2013. http://www.desmog.ca/2013/08/27/ring-fire-ontario-mega-mining-project-next-fort-mcmurray (accessed 11 05, 2014).

Leslie, Keith. "Cliffs may export 40% of chromite from Ontario Ring of Fire for processing." winnipegfreepress.com. 05 10, 2012. http://www.winnipegfreepress.com/breakingnews/cliffs-may-export-40-per-cent-of-chromite-from-ont-ring-of-fire-for-processing-150978765.html (accessed 12 06, 2014).

MacDonald, Darren. Ring of Fire Plans burn First Nations: Greens. August 08, 2012. http://www.northernlife.ca/news/localNews/2012/08/08-green-party-ring-fire-sudbury.aspx (accessed 12 06, 2014).

Mayer, Bernard. The Dynamics of Conflict: A Guide To Engagement and Intervention. San Francisco: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2012.

McKie, David. Ring of Fire mining may not benefit First Nations as hoped. 06 27, 2013. http://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/ring-of-fire-mining-may-not-benefit-first-nations-as-hoped-1.1374849 (accessed 11 05, 2014).

Migneault, Jonathan. "Plan wouldn't cost taxpayers a dime: KWG." Sudbury Northern Life, June 04, 2014.

Millette, Rick. 'Enhanced airport:' Will Ring of Fire create new kind of community? 11 01, 2014. http://www.chroniclejournal.com/content/news/local/2014/11/01/enhanced-airport-will-ring-fire-create-new-kind-community (accessed 11 05, 2014).

21

Ministry of Northern Development and Mines. Ontario Establishes Ring of Fire Infrastructure Development Corporation. 08 28, 2014. http://news.ontario.ca/mndmf/en/2014/08/ontario-establishes-rof-infrastructure-development-corporation.html (accessed 11 05, 2014).

—. "Ontario, First Nations to Work Together on Ring of Fire: Historic Agreement to Move Ring of Fire Development Forward." news.ontario.ca. 03 26, 2014. http://news.ontario.ca/mndmf/en/2014/03/ontario-first-nations-to-work-together-on-ring-of-fire.html (accessed 12 08, 14).

Mohtadi, Shahrzad. "Climate Change and the Syrian Uprising." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, August 16, 2012.

NNL Staff. KWG Resources – Rail better than road for Ring of Fire. February 22, 2013. http://www.netnewsledger.com/2013/02/22/kwg-resources-rail-better-than-road-for-ring-of-fire/#sthash.Rq2TwJON.dpuf (accessed 12 08, 2014).

Northern Ontario Busines Staff. "First Nation leaders call for halt on Ring of Fire permits." Northern Ontario Business, 09 23, 2014.

Northern Ontario Business Staff. "Frank Smeenk: A vision for the Ring of Fire." Northern Ontario Business, February 2014.

Ontario Government. "Ring of Fire Lights up Northern Ontario's mining industry." www.mri.gov.on.ca. http://www.mri.gov.on.ca/obr?p=1529 (accessed 11 05, 2014).

Perkel, Colin. Ontario's Ring of Fire: No Going Back If Mistakes Are Made, Study Warns. 06 18, 2014. http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2014/06/18/ring-of-fire-study_n_5508360.html?utm_hp_ref=staking-claim (accessed 11 05, 2014).

Pickard, Arron. "Cliffs chooses Sudbury for $1.8B smelter." Sudbury Northern Life, May 9, 2012. Porter, Jody. Ring of Fire 'zero hope' comment 'startles' mining minister. 10 31, 2014.

http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/ring-of-fire-zero-hope-comment-startles-mining-minister-1.2818963 (accessed 11 05, 2014).

—. Ring of Fire: First Nations scold Mines Minister Michael Gravelle. 09 10, 2014. http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/ring-of-fire-first-nations-scold-mines-minister-michael-gravelle-1.2760725 (accessed 11 05, 2014).

—. Three big 'whoppers' told about the Ring of Fire. 10 15, 2014. http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/three-big-whoppers-told-about-the-ring-of-fire-1.2795449 (accessed 11 05, 2014).

Ross, Ian. "KWG, Noront react to Cliffs shakeup." Northern Ontario Business, October 3, 2014. Shufelt, Tim. "Ontario moves to open up Far North with $5.1-billion chromite deal." Financial Post, 05

09, 2012. Smith, Jamie. Noront says it needs the province to approve its permits if any work can get done in the

Ring of Fire. 10 31, 2014. http://www.tbnewswatch.com/news/364447/noront_says_it_needs_the_province_to_approve_its_permits_if_any_work_can_get_done_in_the_Ring_of_Fire (accessed 11 05, 2014).

Sudol, Stan. "The Ring of Fire Politics and Intrigue." Sudbury Star, October 15, 2012. Talaga, Tanya. Natives lift Ring of Fire blockake. 03 20, 2010.

http://www.thestar.com/news/ontario/2010/03/20/natives_lift_ring_of_fire_blockade.html (accessed 11 05, 2014).

—. "Tim Hudak: Ontario should develop Ring of Fire like oilsands." Toronto Star, 06 26, 2012. Wallace, Rick. Merging Fires: Grassroots Peacebuilding Between Indigenous and Non-indigenous

Peoples. Halifax & Winnipeg: Fernwood Publishing, 2013. Wright, Lisa. Ring of Fire must be a nationa priority: report. 02 20, 2014.

http://www.thestar.com/business/economy/2014/02/20/ring_of_fire_must_be_a_national_priority_report.html (accessed 11 05, 2014).

22

End Notes 1 Nickel, copper, platinum, palladium, chromite, vanadium, diamond and gold.

2 Tim Shufelt, “Ontario moves to open up Far North with $5.1-billion chromite deal,” Financial Post (May 9,

2012 8:01 PM ET), online: http://business.financialpost.com/2012/05/09/ontario-moves-to-open-up-far-north-with-5-1-billion-chromite-deal/

3 Tanya Talaga, “Tim Hudak: Ontario should develop Ring of Fire like oilsands,” Toronto Star (Tue Jun 26 2012),

online: http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/2012/06/26/tim_hudak_ontario_should_develop_ring_of_fire_like_oilsands.html. However, that claim is thought to be way overblown see: Jody Porter, “Three big 'whoppers' told about the Ring of Fire,” 10 15, 2014. http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/three-big-whoppers-told-about-the-ring-of-fire-1.2795449 (accessed 11 05, 2014).

4 Stan Sudol, “The Ring of Fire Politics and Intrigue,” Sudbury Star (July 14, 2012) Online:

http://www.thesudburystar.com/2012/07/14/the-ring-of-fire-politics-and-intrigue 5 In this paper “Indigenous peoples” is used interchangeably with “First Nations.” Legally in Canada, Aboriginal

Peoples include First Nations, Inuit, and Metis. First Nations include all bands defined under the Indian Act, RSC 1985, c I-5. (Available online at: http://laws.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/I-5/.)

6 Ministry of Northern Development and Mines, “Ontario, First Nations to Work Together on Ring of Fire:

Historic Agreement to Move Ring of Fire Development Forward, (March 26, 2014 3:00 P.M.) Online: http://news.ontario.ca/mndmf/en/2014/03/ontario-first-nations-to-work-together-on-ring-of-fire.html

7 Jonathan Migneault, “Plan wouldn't cost taxpayers a dime: KWG,” Sudbury Northern Life, (June 04, 2014),

online: http://www.northernlife.ca/news/localNews/2014/06/04-kwg-rail-plan-sudbury.aspx 8 http://www.cliffsnaturalresources.com

9 CBC, “Ring of Fire Development Corporation created in Thunder Bay,” CBC News (Aug 28, 2014 12:58 PM ET),

online: http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/ring-of-fire-development-corporation-created-in-thunder-bay-1.2749498

10 Rick Wallace, Merging Fires: Grassroots Peacebuilding Between Indigenous and Non-indigenous Peoples,”

(Halifax & Winnipeg: Fernwood Publishing, 2013), p. 191. 11

(Wallace 2013), p. 191. 12

(Wallace 2013), p. 191. 13

Darren MacDonald, “Ring of Fire plans burn First Nations: Greens,” Sudbury Northern Life, August 8, 2012, http://www.northernlife.ca/news/localNews/2012/08/08-green-party-ring-fire-sudbury.aspx

14 Ontario Government. "Ring of Fire Lights up Northern Ontario's mining industry." www.mri.gov.on.ca. n.d.

http://www.mri.gov.on.ca/obr?p=1529 (accessed 11 05, 2014). 15

Arron Pickard, “Cliffs chooses Sudbury for $1.8B smelter,” Sudbury Northern Life, May 9, 2012, http://www.northernlife.ca/news/localNews/2012/05/09-cliffs-ferrochrome-smelter-sudbury.aspx 16

Jennifer Ashawasegai, “Last-minute meeting stirs suspicions of First Nations,” Ontario Birchbark, 2012, Online: http://www.ammsa.com/publications/ontario-birchbark/last-minute-meeting-stirs-suspicions-first-nations

17 (Ashawasegai 2012)

18 (Ashawasegai 2012)

19 Northern Ontario Business Staff, “Cliffs still fuzzy on chromite timeline,” November 7, 2012, online:

http://www.northernlife.ca/news/localNews/2012/11/07-cliffs-bill-boor-sudbury.aspx 20

See a copy of the decision at: http://www.kwgresources.com/_resources/MA_005-12-FINAL-ORDER-SEPT10-2013.pdf

21 Richard Gilbert, “KWG plans appeal of Ring of Fire court decision,” (Aug 28, 2014), online:

http://www.dailycommercialnews.com/Resource/News/2014/8/KWG-plans-appeal-of-Ring-of-Fire-court-decision-1001676W/

23

22

CBC News, “KWG, Noront keen on buying Cliffs' Ring of Fire assets: Cliffs Natural Resources staying mum on what's happening with its northern Ontario chromite project,” Online: http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/thunder-bay/kwg-noront-keen-on-buying-cliffs-ring-of-fire-assets-1.2770699

23 Ian Ross, “KWG, Noront react to Cliffs shakeup,” Northern Ontario Business (October 3, 2014), Online:

http://www.northernontariobusiness.com/Industry-News/mining/2014/09/KWG,-Noront-react-to-Cliffs-shakeup.aspx

24 NNL Staff, “KWG Resources – Rail better than road for Ring of Fire,” (February 22, 2013). Online:

http://www.netnewsledger.com/2013/02/22/kwg-resources-rail-better-than-road-for-ring-of-fire/#sthash.Rq2TwJON.dpuf

25 Jeff Labine, “Rail or road: First Nation chief wants Ring of Fire to connect his community,” tbnewswatch.com,

(March 8, 2013), online: http://www.tbnewswatch.com/news/267884/Rail-or-road-First-Nation-chief-wants-Ring-of-Fire-to-connect-his-community

26 Northern Ontario Business Staff, “Frank Smeenk: A vision for the Ring of Fire,” Northern Ontario Business,

February 2014, p. 12. Online: http://www.northernontariobusiness.com/featured-profiles/2014/02/A-vision-for-the-Ring-of-Fire.aspx

27 Keith Leslie, “Cliffs may export 40% of chromite from Ontario Ring of Fire for processing,” The Canadian

Press, 05/10/2012, Online: http://www.winnipegfreepress.com/breakingnews/cliffs-may-export-40-per-cent-of-chromite-from-ont-ring-of-fire-for-processing-150978765.html

28 (Sudol 2012).

29 Aroland First Nation,Constance Lake First Nation, Eabametoong First Nation, Ginoogaming First Nation, Long Lake #58 First Nation, Marten Falls First Nation, Neskantaga First Nation, Nibinamik First Nation, and Webequie First Nation.

30 Northern Ontario Business staff, “First Nation leaders call for halt on Ring of Fire permits,” Northern Ontario

Business (September 23, 2014) online: http://www.northernontariobusiness.com/Industry-News/aboriginal-businesses/2014/09/First-Nation-leaders-call-for-halt-on-Ring-of-Fire-permits.aspx

31 Johan Galtung, “Cultural Violence,” Journal of Peace Research, vol. 27, no. 3, 1990, pp. 291-305, p. 291.

32 (Galtung 1990), p. 294.

33 (Galtung 1990), p. 294.

34 Kenneth Bush, “A Measure of Peace: Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment (PCIA) of Development Projects

in Conflict Zones. Ottawa, IDRC. pp. 1-42. Online: http://www.conflictsensitivity.org/sites/default/files/Measure_of_Peace.pdf

35 (Bush 1998), p. 25.

36 John Gaventa, “Reflections on the Uses of the ‘Power Cube’ Approach for Analyzing the Spaces, Places and

Dynamics of Civil Society Participation and Engagement,” CFP Evaluation Series, No 4. Randwijk, Netherlands: Learning by Design. Online: http://www.powercube.net/wpcontent/uploads/2009/11/reflections_on_uses_powercube.pdf

37 (Gaventa 2005), p. 9.

38 Bernard Mayer, The Dynamics of Conflict: A Guide To Engagement and Intervention (San Francisco: John

Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2012), p. 67. 39

(Mayer 2012), p. 79. 40

Simon Fisher, et.al. Working With Conflict: Skills and Strategies for Action (London: Zed Books Led., 2000), p. 73.

41 (Chetkiewicz and Lintner 2014), p. 66.

42 (Chetkiewicz and Lintner 2014), pp. 68-70. They are: 1. Strategic: identifies strategic initiatives, evaluates

alternatives, and formulates a strategy for moving forward; 2. Futures-oriented: focuses on identifying possible futures and the means to shape regional outcomes; 3. Early commencement: is undertaken at the earliest possible stages of decision making, to inform the

development of strategic initiatives, policies, plans, or programs; 4. Cumulative effects focused: identifies cumulative effects as the real effects of concern at the regional scale;

24

5. Multi-tiered: assessment informs, and is informed by, broader regional and multi-regional environmental

management and also downstream project assessment and decision making; 6. Multi-scaled: primary issues of cumulative effects can be revisited, where needed, not only at different tiers

but also at different spatial scales; 7. Multi-sectoral: encompasses the activities, policies and plans of multiple sectors that may exist in a region or

that may influence regional-based processes and decision making; 8. Participatory: ensures early an ongoing involvement of relevant stakeholders and interested parties in

assessment, monitoring and management; 9. Opportunistic: provides an opportunity to examine regional development through broader stakeholder

debate, and identifies the need to create or modify institutional arrangements for improved environmental management; and

10. Adaptive: treats strategies and relevant public-private partnerships as “experiments,” expecting to modify and adapt them as new knowledge is gained through implementation, monitoring, and feedback.

43 (Chetkiewicz and Lintner 2014), p. 6.

44 Shahrzad Mohtadi, “Climate Change and the Syrian Uprising,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, August 16,

2012. Online: http://www.thebuletin.org/web-edition/features/climate-change-and-the-syrian-uprising 45

Cheryl Chetkiewicz and Anastasia Lintner, Getting It Right In Ontario's Far North: The Need for a Regional Strategic Environmental Assessment in the Ring of Fire [Wawangajing], (Toronto & Thunder Bay: Wildlife Conservation Society Canada & EcoJustice, 2014), p. i.

46 (Chetkiewicz and Lintner 2014), p. 55.

47 (Chetkiewicz and Lintner 2014), p. 55.

48 (Chetkiewicz and Lintner 2014), p. 58.

49 (Chetkiewicz and Lintner 2014), p. 59.

50 (Chetkiewicz and Lintner 2014), p. 60.

51 Colin Perkel, “Ontario’s Ring Of Fire: No Going Back If Mistakes Are Made, Study Warns,” The Canadian

Press, June 18, 2014, Online: http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2014/06/18/ring-of-fire-study_n_5508360.html?utm_hp_ref=staking-claim

52 Nicholas Garrett and Anna Piccinni, Natural Resources and Conflict: A New Security Challenge for the

European Union (Stockholm, Sweden: SIPRI, June 2012). Online: http://books.sipri.org/product_info?c_product_id=445