Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

copy Koninklijke Brill NV Leiden 2009 DOI 101163138768009X12454916571760

wwwbrillnlnanu

N A N N Uuml

Gendering the Nation e Proliferation of Images of Zhen Fei (1876-1900) and Sai Jinhua (1872-1936)

in Late Qing and Republican China

Shengqing Wu(Wesleyan University)

Abstract

is paper analyzes the historical trajectories of the images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua who rose from an obscure royal concubine and an infamous prostitute respectively to become androgynous national heroines in wartime China e study exposes the construction and the fi ctional elements of these images thus providing concrete examples for establishing the interconnection between male fantasy and the invention of the modern national subject It argues that the female body became the contested site for predominantly male-led discourses on eroticism and politics and emphasizes that erotic desire may inform or enhance expressions and experiences of the formation of modern nationhood

Keywords

Gender genre nationalism eroticism Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua

I am deeply grateful to Nanxiu Qian Ellen Widmer Walter K Lew two anonymous readers for Nan Nuuml and Harriet Zurndorfer f or their insightful comments which helped me substantially reformulate some arguments I would also like to express my sincere thanks to Ted Huters David Der-wei Wang Peter Rutland Michelle Yeh Su Zheng Mingwei Song Leslie Kriesel Yang Yang Peifang Tan Yesong Zhang and Makiko Mori for their suggestions and editorial or other assistance Diff erent versions of this paper have been presented on numerous occasions and I would like to thank the audiences particularly those at the University of Kentucky and Wesleyan University for their questions and comments

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-642

Introduction

In July 1900 the Joint Forces of eight nations were approaching Beijing Empress Dowager Cixi (1835-1908) the matriarch of the imperial family was fully occupied with orchestrating the fl ight of the Guangxu

Emperor (1871-1908 reigned 1875-1908) and the rest of the family from the capital On the eve of their escape the Emperorrsquos beloved concubine an alluring young woman known as Zhen Fei

(Consort Zhen or Imperial Concubine Zhen) drowned under mysterious circumstances Later that same year in the besieged capital another women a well-known prostitute named Sai Jinhua rode a magnifi cent horse along with the German soldiers who roamed the city to curb the pillaging and looting ese two women whose fates were caught up in the national crisis in 1900 had strikingly similar trajectories one was an insignifi cant royal concubine and the other an infamous courtesan both rose to symbolize idealized femininity and nationalistic messages in the fi rst half of the twentieth century Eventually the legends and the myths associated with them assumed diff erent shapes and meanings widely circulated through countless writings produced in historical literary and visual genres contemporary tourist spots (Zhen Feirsquos well in the Forbidden City and the old residence of Sai Jinhua in Anhui province) collectible items or souvenirs numerous websites and kitschy interminable TV soap operas about late Qing history e goal of this paper is not to assert defi nitive versions of the ldquoreal liferdquo stories of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua but to unfold and analyze the historical construction and circulation of and cultural investment in images of these women about whom our knowledge even today remains entangled in posthumous legends Sifting through an array of sourcesmdashhistorical records anecdotal writings fi ction poetry drama and fi lmmdashthis study charts the ways the images of these two females have been either multiplied or contested in diff erent historical moments and refi gured through an intriguing process of selective remembrance in both elite and popular culture1

1 Due to considerations of space I will limit my survey to the fi rst half of the twentieth century I should stress that even within such boundaries my research does not come close to comprehensively covering any single one of the genres that are discussed

3S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

As some scholars have observed in cross-cultural contexts while womenrsquos exercise of agency in the political sphere during the nationalist period and modernization process was contested excluded or ignored women were paradoxically constructed as ldquothe symbolic bearers of the nationrdquo2 It has become a familiar strategy to subject femininity to the imperatives of larger causes and use women to personify the nation at its most sublime and to stand for its highest principles and values Is this just a matter of division of gender roles in the cultural political discourse Why do women without real political power assume so much representational power in the imagining of the nation Are there compelling intellectual cultural or personal reasons that lead to such mythologizing in times of cultural and political upheaval

is paper targets the crucial fi nal decade of the Qing dynasty and the Republican era to investigate how representations of women played a part in the emerging nation as it was imagined by male writers and their audiences Recent Chinese historiography has paid signifi cant attention to womenrsquos issues and the fi guration of women for example as ldquomothers of citizensrdquo (guomin zhi mu ) that were central to the process of national invention in this era3 However given the extensive dissemination of the images and metaphors of these two female personas (along with their dubious identities as a royal concubine and a prostitute) this particular form of gendering the nation in modernity has received much less scholarly interest

By tracing the metamorphosis of their respective images over four decades I will examine the intertwined relationship of nation gender and genre I will fi rst expose the imagesrsquo constructiveness and fi ctional elements thus demonstrating the interconnection between gendered fantasy and the invention of the modern national subject Second with a focus on how the images were invested with romantic or erotic signifi cance I will discuss how eroticism functions in relation to nationalism and how these female heroines asserted their emotional and sensuous appeal to the masses Last through investigating a range

2 Anne McClintock ldquo lsquoNo Longer in a Future Heavenrsquo Nationalism Gender and Racerdquo in Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny eds Becoming National A Reader (New York Ox-ford University Press 1996) 260-85 and see 261 for quote here3 See for instance Joan Judge e Precious Raft of History e Past the West and the Woman Question in China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 2008)

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-644

of literary and visual materials I will consider the role of diff erent genres in the process of articulating new nationalist discourses in which existing cultural and literary forms and new mass media (such as modern drama and fi lm) conjoined to widely disseminate these images as well as to perpetually eroticize them

Sacrifi cing for the Nation e Death of Zhen Fei and Its Narrative Reconstruction

We will begin our analysis with a search through historical records and anecdotal writings in order to document how the image of Zhen Fei as a moral exemplar and martyr at a time of national crisis gradually took shape Since many historical texts belonging to the Qing court were ransacked by the Joint Forces or obviously censored by the imperial family contemporary scholars were unable to reach a consensus about Zhen Feirsquos life particularly the circumstances of her tragic death e Qingshigao ( e draft history of the Qing dynasty) compiled in the Republican era provides rudimentary biographical and personal information on Zhen Fei (Figure 1)

e Sincere and Obedient (Keshun ) Imperial Precious Concubine surname Tatala was a younger sister of the Upright and Healthy Imperial Precious Concubine and the two were together selected [into the palace] She was fi rst titled Zhen Pin Zhen the Imperial Concubine of the Fourth Rank) and later promoted to the title of Zhen Fei (Zhen the Imperial Concubine of the ird Rank) Because she off ended the Empress Dowager she was castigated in a decree for her extravagant lifestyle and frequent requests [for promoting certain offi cials] and degraded to the title of Guiren (Imperial Concubine of the Fifth Rank) One year later she was restored to the original title Zhen Fei In the twenty-sixth year of the [Guangxu] reign [1900] when the Empress Dowager left the palace for an imperial inspection Zhen Fei drowned in a well In the twenty-seventh year after the Emperor returned to the capital he posthumously promoted her to the title of Huangguifei Imperial Concubine of the First Rank) She was buried outside the Xizhi City Gate and later moved to the Imperial Mausoleum She was posthumously conferred the honorable distinction [Keshun] 4

4 ldquoHoufei zhuanrdquo in Zhao Erxun et al Qingshigao 48 vols (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1977) 308932

5S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

As sketchy as this offi cial biography is it still makes evident Zhen Feirsquos personal character and her contentious relationship with the Empress Dowager Cixi Remarkably the entire incident of her death is treated in only a single sentence ldquodrowned in a wellrdquo (chen yu jing ) Although no motive is explicitly stated the sentence could also be interpreted as ldquo[Cixi] had Zhen Fei drowned in the wellrdquo is deliberate ambiguity follows one of the distinctive strategies employed in traditional historical writing using ldquofew words with much concealed meaningrdquo (weiyan dayi ) is ldquotip-of-the-icebergrdquo style of docketing the past indicates the historianrsquos inability to give a defi nitive account and leads to many subsequent and subjective retellings of the story After the Emperor returned to the capital he issued an edict honoring Zhen Fei and stated ldquoZhen Fei did not have enough time to fl ee with us and thus threw herself into the well to sacrifi ce herself for her countryrdquo (Zhen Fei congwang buji toujing xunguo

Figure 1 Zhen Fei Gugong bowuyuan yuan kan no 2 (1960) 102

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-646

)5 Making Zhen Feirsquos death sound like a suicide and linking it to Chinarsquos political crisis the imperial decree offi cially granted her near-martyr status Historians believe the purpose of this statement was ldquoto cover up the truth to maintain a respectable frontrdquo (wei zhunzhe hui )6 glorifying Zhen Feirsquos death by associating it with the loftiness of martyrdom rather than with petty interpersonal disputes

e collapse of the Qing dynasty created a cascade of writing about Zhen Fei in the form of anecdotes and unoffi cial histories among which a special memorial issue dedicated to Zhen Fei published by the renowned periodical Gugong zhoukan in 1930 is regarded as the most important7 (Figure 2) e publication of a special memorial issue on a minor concubine of the Qing dynasty shows that there were simmering scholarly interest and intellectual eff orts to bring her tale to light and to enshrine her in the countryrsquos historical memory e issue contained a short biography an anecdotal episode and a dozen poems about Zhen Fei It also included photographs of her golden seal the imperial documents conferring upon her the titles of Pin and later Fei her original home the well in which she perished the altar in her honor set up by her half-sister Jin (who was also an imperial concubine) in 1913 and a map of the route from her fi nal palace residence to the well

Perhaps the most valuable contribution of this special issue was a section called Gongzhong renyu (Words from the Palace people) including four eyewitness accounts of Zhen Feirsquos death related by the dismissed imperial palace maids Liu and Bai and the eunuch Tang Guanqing ey off er unparalleled access to intimate details of day-to-day life in the palace and personal glimpses of Zhen Fei information offi cial historiography tends to neglect8 e

5 ldquoBailianan tangurdquo cited in Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 193016 ldquoBailianan tangurdquo Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 193017 is magazine established in 1925 by a group of distinguished art historians archeolo-gists and scholars was devoted to the study of Qing history and art For more scholarly discussion on Zhen Fei in the Republican era see Bai Jiao ldquoZhen Fei zhi beiju

rdquo Renwen yuekan 6 no 6 (1935) 1-13 and 6 no 7 (1935) 13-23 Likan [Zhou Lian ] ldquoGuanyu Zhen Fei rdquo Gujin yuekan 4 (1942) 21-248 Nonetheless we should accept these oral accounts with caution for upon their docu-mentation around 1930 the cultural milieu was signifi cantly diff erent from the fi nal years

7S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

accounts of Bai and Liu provide amusing glimpses of Zhen Feirsquos daily life and her personality Both describe her penchant for fi ne clothes and her fondness of dressing herself as a man and posing for the camera9

of the Qing dynasty is was postrevolutionary China and the last Emperor Puyi had bestowed honors upon Zhen Fei in 1915mdasha fact not lost on the erstwhile palace

employees who were interviewed erefore we cannot rule out the possibility that their narratives were skewed by the particular contexts of their recollections9 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19303-4

Figure 2 Gugong zoukan May 3 1930 is picture of Zhen Fei was later proven to be of someone else

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-648

Liu mentions a related incident in the palace that brought the Empress Dowager and Zhen Fei into confl ict Zhen Fei disobeyed the Dowagerrsquos order that the palace women should not be photographed and covertly sent a eunuch named Dai to open a photography studio in the capital After Empress Longyu (1868-1914) Empress Cixirsquos niece reported this to the Dowager the eunuch was fl ogged to death in court10 is incident exacerbated by other actions resulted in the fi rst demotion in Zhenrsquos status Indeed many believe that her obsession with photography was the main reason she became a continual annoyance to the Empress Dowager

Lack of defi nitive evidence makes it hard to confi rm whether Zhen actually crossed the line between a normal interest in fashion and theatricality or pathological fi xation In its playful or naughty moments her enjoyment of playing dress-up can be understood as a reaction to the odious boredom born of enforced idleness in the palace and the stifl ing of her active nature Liu comments about Zhen Fei ldquohaving an honest and good-natured disposition enjoying having funrdquo (xing hanhou xi youxi )11 In its most subversive aspect cross-dressing could serve a useful function as an enticing yet forbidden alternative to the more traditional behavior of an imperial concubine allowing her to venture outside her circumscribed role as a female and fl out or even challenge entrenched gender boundaries It is plausible that Cixi disapproved of Zhen Feirsquos fondness for cross-dressing perceiving it as immoral and potentially subversive Unlike other types of female cross-dressing Zhen Feirsquos practice could be seen as extremely transgressive because she relished accoutering herself as the emperor the unique political role from which she as a woman was summarily excluded Later in this paper we shall see how some writers developed the political implications of her persistent cross-dressing and role-playing as a major story line attributing to Zhen Fei a desire to subvert entrenched gender boundaries and to create a new world of possibilities for herself

10 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304 Ironically Cixi herself became a great fan of photog-raphy in her later years at the beginning of the twentieth century See among others Wang Laiyin ldquoCixi de zuiai rdquo in Wang Laiyin ed Qinggong cangzhao tanmi

(Taibei Huangguan 1997) 58-6811 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304

9S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Generally speaking Zhen Fei is depicted by the aforementioned palace servants as a well-meaning benevolent yet willful opinionated and rebellious person Although we cannot be sure of the accuracy of these characterizations it remains a documented fact that in 1898 she was placed under house arrest and over the following two years was shoddily treated e accounts of why this fate befell Zhen Fei remain enigmatic or contradictory Some point out that she involved herself in scandals by meddling in official matters One instance is her orchestration of the promotion of her former teacher Wen Tingshi

(1856-1904)12 who later became an activist in the Emperorrsquos faction only to be dismissed from offi ce by the Empress Dowager in 189613 Because of the connection between Zhen Fei and Wen Tingshi many historians have assumed that Zhen Fei played a role perhaps even a crucial one in the reform movement14 We are expected to believe that she urged the Emperor to initiate political reform but there is no evidence whatsoever that she either shared the political views of Wen Tingshi or other reformists or participated in their actions In fact her support of Wen Tingshi appears to be no more than an instance of personal favoritism15 Judging by the accounts of the palace servants it seems that it was not her political involvement in the reform but other reasons such as her uncompromising and outrageous personality overbearing airs love of luxury repeated infringement of various palace rules troubled relationships with eunuchs and Empress Longyursquos envy of her that eventually led to her horrible demise Or it could simply be that as the Guangxu Emperorrsquos favorite she became a relatively powerless pawn in the escalating political struggles between the Empress Dowagerrsquos and the Emperorrsquos factions at the court

Clearly many details pertaining to Zhen Fei remain disputable and conjectural but the most mysterious are the circumstances surrounding

12 Qian Zhonglian comp ldquoWen Tingshi nianpu rdquo in Zhao Tiehan ed Wen Tingshi quanji 10 vols (Taibei Dahua 1969) vol1 1-58

Qian Zhonglian points out that Wen Tingshi taught the two Zhen sisters in Beijing in 1888 (page 17) Qian also cites several anecdotal writings in regard to the two sistersrsquo involvement with Wenrsquos fast promotion (page 26) 13 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 32-33 41-4414 See for instance Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo in his compilation Guchunfenglou suoji (Taibei Xinshengbao 1966) 309-1115 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 28

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6410

her death Because the incident took place in a secluded location at an extraordinary historical moment it became an enigma that will probably remain unsolved Nevertheless it led to the creation of much historical fantasy that strove to fi ll the gaps in popular knowledge ere are many ambiguous and confl icting accounts regarding the exact date location motivation for and method of Zhen Feirsquos death Some suppose she committed suicide when she was left behind by the royal family16 Others claim that Cui Yugui the second chief eunuch pushed her into the well on his own initiative with no authorization from Cixi17 ere are also those who swear Cixi forced her to commit ldquosuiciderdquo18 Tang Guanqing who was actually in the main palace when the incident took place provides a more detailed account of Zhen Feirsquos death19 Tang had been ordered to wait at Qihe Xuan a palace that was a hundred steps away from the site of the alleged murder20 If he had done so it would have been impossible for him to directly witness the incident us his account remains hearsay However it is convincing with regard to the images of Cixi and Zhen Fei Tang Guanqing states that Cixi did not inform Zhen Fei that the royal family was planning to fl ee the court Cixi characterized the extraordinary situation in such a way as to coax Zhen Fei to commit suicide rather than issuing an explicit order for her to be struck down Not until this strategy failed did Cixi issue the directive Her way of handling Zhen Fei here can be understood as ldquocourtesy before violencerdquo (xianli houbing

) a strategy consistent with Cixirsquos political sophistication21 A powerless Zhen Fei rather than facing death unfl inchingly (a popular

16 See Luo Dunrong Gengzi guobian ji in Zhongguo yeshi jicheng(1902 reprint Chengdu Bashu 1993) vol48 no7 1-10 and see page

8 Luo further writes that many palace people and Manchurian women living in the city committed suicide17 Xu Ke proposes that this was one possibility among others including suicide See Xu Ke

Qingbai leichao (1917 reprint Beijing Zhonghua 1984) 39218 For instance Hu Sijing Luumlbei Ji (1908 reprint Beijing Beijing guji 1990) 148 As Hu claimed in the preface his account of the whole Gengzi event was written right after it happened19 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 1930420 Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo 315 Gao Baishi contested the authenticity of Tang Guanqingrsquos account21 See also Lin Keguang Yidai mingfei de beiju (Beijing Zhong-guo renmin daxue 1991) 103

11S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image added to later reconstructions) cried and repeatedly begged the Dowager for mercy Another important fact portrayed diff erently in later versions is that according to this account the Guangxu Emperor was not present Cixi apparently showed a modicum of consideration she allowed the emperor to save face by sparing him the terrible experience

One famous text that I believe played a critical role in reconstructing the image of Zhen Fei is the Jingshan riji (Jingshan diary) which was allegedly authored by the retired offi cial Jingshan (1823-1900) e diary which runs from January 25 1900 to a few hours before the death of Jingshan seven months later allegedly provides a fi rsthand account of the Chinese imperial court during the Boxer Uprising and has been considered an essential source for elucidating daily court aff airs at the time It fi rst appeared as the seventeenth chapter in the extremely popular work China Under the Empress Dowager co-authored by JOP Bland and Edmund Backhouse in 191022 Although readers were mesmerized by detailed graphic descriptions of this most critical period of the Manchu court in turmoil we must be aware of the diaryrsquos diff erent levels of discursive manipulations by Jingshan (the alleged diarist) and Backhouse (the translatorauthor) which signifi cantly shaped the bookrsquos presentation of historical events As far as Zhen Feirsquos death is concerned Jingshanrsquos description given by Wen An Comptroller General of the royal household is at best a thrice-removed account Although the incident was dealt with only in passing in the diary the image of Zhen Fei underwent a major transformation from a submissive to a decisive courageous fi gure Zhen Feirsquos insistence on staying in Beijing in particular has been

22 JOP Bland and E Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager (Philadelphia J B Lippincott 1910) For the reception of the book see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diary A Clue to Its Historyrdquo East Asian History 1 (1991) 99-124 esp 103-10 Contemporary historians are now in consensus that the diary is a forgery but by whom and for what purpose remains a mystery For recent scholarship on its textual history see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diaryrdquo 99-124 Hung Wai Yee ldquolsquoYuan yu Zhongguorsquo de weiyi Jingshan riji jieshi de wenhua xianxiangrdquo

Xueren 13 (1998) 527-49 For a detailed biographical account of Edmund Backhouse see Hugh Trevor-Roper A Hidden Life e Enigma of Sir Edmund Backhouse (London Macmillan 1976)

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6412

integrated into many later versions of the story to highlight her patriotism

e Pearl Concubine [Zhen Fei] who had never been dutiful toward the Old Buddha [Cixi] now had the audacity to fall on her knees before the Old Buddha and implore her that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking [Beijing] and carry on the negotiations for peace e Old Buddha lifted up her voice like the sound of thunder and forthwith ordered the eunuch on duty to throw this obstinate and rebellious woman down a well At this the Emperor appeared deeply distressed for the Pearl Concubine was His Majestyrsquos chief favorite and kneeling down besought the Old Buddha to be merciful and pardon her from death But with deep anger depicted on her face she returned ldquoWho is willing to bandy words when we are hard-pressed for time Do as I have already ordered and kill the Pearl Concubine as a warning to the young owls who when they have grown wings peck out their motherrsquos eyesrdquo ereupon the two eunuchs Li and Sung threw the Pearl Concubine down the big well outside the Ning-shou-kung [Ningshou Gong ] en to the Emperor who was grieved and frightened beyond description the Old Buddha said ldquoGet into our carriage and be careful that the curtain is let down so that people may not see yourdquo23

is passage is especially signifi cant because it became the prototype for many future depictions of Zhen Feirsquos death following the publication of a Chinese translation of the diary in 1914 One of its crucial details is that Zhen Fei ldquoimplored [Cixi] that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking and carry on the negotiations for peacerdquo Her insistence upon the Emperor not to fl ee is believed by many of her contemporaries to have cost Zhen Fei her life24 ere could be various explanations for her risking her life this way if this particular account is true From a political perspective to stay in Peking could have been an astute move since it would wrest power from Cixi and reinstate the Emperorrsquos

23 e translation that I use here is a new one by J J L Duyvendak and is slightly diff er-ent in wording and expression from Backhousersquos e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan Being a Chinese Account of the Boxer Troubles trans J J L Duyvendak (Leiden E J Brill 1924) 72-7324 See for instance Huang Jun Huasuiren shengan zhiyi (1943 reprint Taiyuan Shanxi guji 1999) 160

13S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

supremacy25 Later interpretations of Zhen Feirsquos action however suggest that it was a heroic attempt to save the honor of the Qing empire Indeed this became a familiar moral point in retellings of her legend Her audacious confrontation with authority and her political vision in which national dignity was given ultimate priority were construed as the theme of a woman ldquosacrifi cing herself for the nationrdquo26 Her willingness to negotiate with the imperialists was subsumed but was highly contested later in the socialist China and reinterpreted as betrayal of the nation

It is important to note that the passage reveals that killing Zhen Fei was not Cixirsquos original plan but a consequence of her rage following Zhenrsquos plea is image of Cixi as prone to sudden fi ts of anger appears consistently throughout China Under the Empress Dowager In her speech she uses the vivid metaphor of the xiao a species of owl whose young reportedly devour their own mother to characterize Zhen Feirsquos supposedly malicious intent Rather than uncovering Zhen Feirsquos criminality as was the original purpose of Cixirsquos accusation the metaphor achieves the opposite It reveals Cixi herself to be cruel and paranoid at least as portrayed by the diarist ese embellishments and details of Zhen Feirsquos demise have captured the popular imagination and provided fertile ground for future writers who have developed them in varied ways27

25 As Huang Jun mentions in his entry in Wang Xiaohangrsquos Dezong Yishi there were some doubts among his friends as to the exact wording of Zhen Feirsquos state-

ment that the Guangxu Emperor should remain in the capital Huang Jun included several passages in anecdotal writings to support the claim that it was also Emperor Guangxursquos wish to stay and negotiate with the rebels Huang Jun Huashuiren shengan zhiyi 190-93 26 Elsewhere in e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan (1924) even Cixi states ldquo e Old Buddha is seriously considering sacrifi cing her life on the altar of the Soil and ordering the Emperor to do likewise at the same time She is strongly opposed to making a journey of inspectionrdquo (Laofo poyou xunshe zhiyi bingling Huangshang tongshi xunshe shengyi po buyi chuxun wei ran ) (pages 42 69) is detail was completely dropped in various later adaptations27 In China Under the Empress Dowager contradictory representations of Cixi coexist in an uneasy unexamined relationship On the one hand the two authors reveal her inexorable personality as imperious wrathful vindictive susceptible to manipulation or fl attery mur-derous and lascivious on the other hand Cixi is seen as ldquoa woman and an Orientalrdquo instead of as ldquoa savage monsterrdquo Bland and Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager 478- 79 For a nuanced discussion of Cixirsquos image in this book see Hu Ying ldquo e Proper Author in Translation Literary Property Across Bordersrdquo Tamkang Review 26 no 1-2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6414

Jingshan riji has been proven to be apocryphal but who wrote it and for what purpose remain unknown to this day Since I have been unable to locate earlier texts closer in time to the embellished scene of Zhen Feirsquos death as presented in the diary I provisionally propose that until further research is possible China Under the Empress Dowager translated into Chinese and published in 1914 under the title of Cixi waiji became the seminal text for retellings of the life or legend of Zhen Fei28 We may not be able to retrieve the original motivation for constructing such an image but its popularity and the inclination to reconstruct it along patriotic lines certainly speak to the collective imagination and psychological needs

Cai Dongfan (1877-1945) well-known for writing historical fi ction (yanyi ) in the early twentieth century published his Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Popular history of the Qing dynasty) in 1916 and Cixi taihou yanyi (Popular history of the Empress Dowager Cixi) in 191829 Although he expressed dissatisfaction with Cixi waiji he portrayed the death scene of Zhen Fei in the same vein as Jingshan riji albeit more poignantly Two crucial details prove that he borrowed from the diary One is that Zhen Fei displays courage and vision by insisting that the Emperor stay in the capital e other is that Cixi in the throes of her rage uses the metaphor of birds who devour their parents to describe Zhen Feirsquos wickedness It is clear that Cai Dongfan not only was infl uenced by but also used without signifi cant modifi cation some expressions from Cixi waiji It is plausible that this rendering of a valiant Zhen Fei was widely circulated because of the great popularity of Cai Dongfanrsquos fi ction especially his best-selling series of novels titled Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi

(Popular Chinese history)30 As a matter of fact the overriding

(1995)135-64 and especially 143-47 Hu points out that the construction of the image of Cixi is strongly couched in categories of race and gender and the discourse of orien -talism 28 Cixi waiji trans Chen Lengtai and Chen Yixian (1917 reprint Bei-jing Zhonghua shuju)29 Cai Dongfan Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Huiwentang 1916 reprint Shanghai Wenhua chubanshe 1981) 356-57 Cixi taihou yanyi (1918 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 248-4930 e fi rst edition of the whole 11-volume set of Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi sold more than 100000 copies By 1936 four editions of the series had already been published Mao

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

3S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

As some scholars have observed in cross-cultural contexts while womenrsquos exercise of agency in the political sphere during the nationalist period and modernization process was contested excluded or ignored women were paradoxically constructed as ldquothe symbolic bearers of the nationrdquo2 It has become a familiar strategy to subject femininity to the imperatives of larger causes and use women to personify the nation at its most sublime and to stand for its highest principles and values Is this just a matter of division of gender roles in the cultural political discourse Why do women without real political power assume so much representational power in the imagining of the nation Are there compelling intellectual cultural or personal reasons that lead to such mythologizing in times of cultural and political upheaval

is paper targets the crucial fi nal decade of the Qing dynasty and the Republican era to investigate how representations of women played a part in the emerging nation as it was imagined by male writers and their audiences Recent Chinese historiography has paid signifi cant attention to womenrsquos issues and the fi guration of women for example as ldquomothers of citizensrdquo (guomin zhi mu ) that were central to the process of national invention in this era3 However given the extensive dissemination of the images and metaphors of these two female personas (along with their dubious identities as a royal concubine and a prostitute) this particular form of gendering the nation in modernity has received much less scholarly interest

By tracing the metamorphosis of their respective images over four decades I will examine the intertwined relationship of nation gender and genre I will fi rst expose the imagesrsquo constructiveness and fi ctional elements thus demonstrating the interconnection between gendered fantasy and the invention of the modern national subject Second with a focus on how the images were invested with romantic or erotic signifi cance I will discuss how eroticism functions in relation to nationalism and how these female heroines asserted their emotional and sensuous appeal to the masses Last through investigating a range

2 Anne McClintock ldquo lsquoNo Longer in a Future Heavenrsquo Nationalism Gender and Racerdquo in Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny eds Becoming National A Reader (New York Ox-ford University Press 1996) 260-85 and see 261 for quote here3 See for instance Joan Judge e Precious Raft of History e Past the West and the Woman Question in China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 2008)

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-644

of literary and visual materials I will consider the role of diff erent genres in the process of articulating new nationalist discourses in which existing cultural and literary forms and new mass media (such as modern drama and fi lm) conjoined to widely disseminate these images as well as to perpetually eroticize them

Sacrifi cing for the Nation e Death of Zhen Fei and Its Narrative Reconstruction

We will begin our analysis with a search through historical records and anecdotal writings in order to document how the image of Zhen Fei as a moral exemplar and martyr at a time of national crisis gradually took shape Since many historical texts belonging to the Qing court were ransacked by the Joint Forces or obviously censored by the imperial family contemporary scholars were unable to reach a consensus about Zhen Feirsquos life particularly the circumstances of her tragic death e Qingshigao ( e draft history of the Qing dynasty) compiled in the Republican era provides rudimentary biographical and personal information on Zhen Fei (Figure 1)

e Sincere and Obedient (Keshun ) Imperial Precious Concubine surname Tatala was a younger sister of the Upright and Healthy Imperial Precious Concubine and the two were together selected [into the palace] She was fi rst titled Zhen Pin Zhen the Imperial Concubine of the Fourth Rank) and later promoted to the title of Zhen Fei (Zhen the Imperial Concubine of the ird Rank) Because she off ended the Empress Dowager she was castigated in a decree for her extravagant lifestyle and frequent requests [for promoting certain offi cials] and degraded to the title of Guiren (Imperial Concubine of the Fifth Rank) One year later she was restored to the original title Zhen Fei In the twenty-sixth year of the [Guangxu] reign [1900] when the Empress Dowager left the palace for an imperial inspection Zhen Fei drowned in a well In the twenty-seventh year after the Emperor returned to the capital he posthumously promoted her to the title of Huangguifei Imperial Concubine of the First Rank) She was buried outside the Xizhi City Gate and later moved to the Imperial Mausoleum She was posthumously conferred the honorable distinction [Keshun] 4

4 ldquoHoufei zhuanrdquo in Zhao Erxun et al Qingshigao 48 vols (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1977) 308932

5S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

As sketchy as this offi cial biography is it still makes evident Zhen Feirsquos personal character and her contentious relationship with the Empress Dowager Cixi Remarkably the entire incident of her death is treated in only a single sentence ldquodrowned in a wellrdquo (chen yu jing ) Although no motive is explicitly stated the sentence could also be interpreted as ldquo[Cixi] had Zhen Fei drowned in the wellrdquo is deliberate ambiguity follows one of the distinctive strategies employed in traditional historical writing using ldquofew words with much concealed meaningrdquo (weiyan dayi ) is ldquotip-of-the-icebergrdquo style of docketing the past indicates the historianrsquos inability to give a defi nitive account and leads to many subsequent and subjective retellings of the story After the Emperor returned to the capital he issued an edict honoring Zhen Fei and stated ldquoZhen Fei did not have enough time to fl ee with us and thus threw herself into the well to sacrifi ce herself for her countryrdquo (Zhen Fei congwang buji toujing xunguo

Figure 1 Zhen Fei Gugong bowuyuan yuan kan no 2 (1960) 102

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-646

)5 Making Zhen Feirsquos death sound like a suicide and linking it to Chinarsquos political crisis the imperial decree offi cially granted her near-martyr status Historians believe the purpose of this statement was ldquoto cover up the truth to maintain a respectable frontrdquo (wei zhunzhe hui )6 glorifying Zhen Feirsquos death by associating it with the loftiness of martyrdom rather than with petty interpersonal disputes

e collapse of the Qing dynasty created a cascade of writing about Zhen Fei in the form of anecdotes and unoffi cial histories among which a special memorial issue dedicated to Zhen Fei published by the renowned periodical Gugong zhoukan in 1930 is regarded as the most important7 (Figure 2) e publication of a special memorial issue on a minor concubine of the Qing dynasty shows that there were simmering scholarly interest and intellectual eff orts to bring her tale to light and to enshrine her in the countryrsquos historical memory e issue contained a short biography an anecdotal episode and a dozen poems about Zhen Fei It also included photographs of her golden seal the imperial documents conferring upon her the titles of Pin and later Fei her original home the well in which she perished the altar in her honor set up by her half-sister Jin (who was also an imperial concubine) in 1913 and a map of the route from her fi nal palace residence to the well

Perhaps the most valuable contribution of this special issue was a section called Gongzhong renyu (Words from the Palace people) including four eyewitness accounts of Zhen Feirsquos death related by the dismissed imperial palace maids Liu and Bai and the eunuch Tang Guanqing ey off er unparalleled access to intimate details of day-to-day life in the palace and personal glimpses of Zhen Fei information offi cial historiography tends to neglect8 e

5 ldquoBailianan tangurdquo cited in Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 193016 ldquoBailianan tangurdquo Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 193017 is magazine established in 1925 by a group of distinguished art historians archeolo-gists and scholars was devoted to the study of Qing history and art For more scholarly discussion on Zhen Fei in the Republican era see Bai Jiao ldquoZhen Fei zhi beiju

rdquo Renwen yuekan 6 no 6 (1935) 1-13 and 6 no 7 (1935) 13-23 Likan [Zhou Lian ] ldquoGuanyu Zhen Fei rdquo Gujin yuekan 4 (1942) 21-248 Nonetheless we should accept these oral accounts with caution for upon their docu-mentation around 1930 the cultural milieu was signifi cantly diff erent from the fi nal years

7S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

accounts of Bai and Liu provide amusing glimpses of Zhen Feirsquos daily life and her personality Both describe her penchant for fi ne clothes and her fondness of dressing herself as a man and posing for the camera9

of the Qing dynasty is was postrevolutionary China and the last Emperor Puyi had bestowed honors upon Zhen Fei in 1915mdasha fact not lost on the erstwhile palace

employees who were interviewed erefore we cannot rule out the possibility that their narratives were skewed by the particular contexts of their recollections9 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19303-4

Figure 2 Gugong zoukan May 3 1930 is picture of Zhen Fei was later proven to be of someone else

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-648

Liu mentions a related incident in the palace that brought the Empress Dowager and Zhen Fei into confl ict Zhen Fei disobeyed the Dowagerrsquos order that the palace women should not be photographed and covertly sent a eunuch named Dai to open a photography studio in the capital After Empress Longyu (1868-1914) Empress Cixirsquos niece reported this to the Dowager the eunuch was fl ogged to death in court10 is incident exacerbated by other actions resulted in the fi rst demotion in Zhenrsquos status Indeed many believe that her obsession with photography was the main reason she became a continual annoyance to the Empress Dowager

Lack of defi nitive evidence makes it hard to confi rm whether Zhen actually crossed the line between a normal interest in fashion and theatricality or pathological fi xation In its playful or naughty moments her enjoyment of playing dress-up can be understood as a reaction to the odious boredom born of enforced idleness in the palace and the stifl ing of her active nature Liu comments about Zhen Fei ldquohaving an honest and good-natured disposition enjoying having funrdquo (xing hanhou xi youxi )11 In its most subversive aspect cross-dressing could serve a useful function as an enticing yet forbidden alternative to the more traditional behavior of an imperial concubine allowing her to venture outside her circumscribed role as a female and fl out or even challenge entrenched gender boundaries It is plausible that Cixi disapproved of Zhen Feirsquos fondness for cross-dressing perceiving it as immoral and potentially subversive Unlike other types of female cross-dressing Zhen Feirsquos practice could be seen as extremely transgressive because she relished accoutering herself as the emperor the unique political role from which she as a woman was summarily excluded Later in this paper we shall see how some writers developed the political implications of her persistent cross-dressing and role-playing as a major story line attributing to Zhen Fei a desire to subvert entrenched gender boundaries and to create a new world of possibilities for herself

10 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304 Ironically Cixi herself became a great fan of photog-raphy in her later years at the beginning of the twentieth century See among others Wang Laiyin ldquoCixi de zuiai rdquo in Wang Laiyin ed Qinggong cangzhao tanmi

(Taibei Huangguan 1997) 58-6811 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304

9S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Generally speaking Zhen Fei is depicted by the aforementioned palace servants as a well-meaning benevolent yet willful opinionated and rebellious person Although we cannot be sure of the accuracy of these characterizations it remains a documented fact that in 1898 she was placed under house arrest and over the following two years was shoddily treated e accounts of why this fate befell Zhen Fei remain enigmatic or contradictory Some point out that she involved herself in scandals by meddling in official matters One instance is her orchestration of the promotion of her former teacher Wen Tingshi

(1856-1904)12 who later became an activist in the Emperorrsquos faction only to be dismissed from offi ce by the Empress Dowager in 189613 Because of the connection between Zhen Fei and Wen Tingshi many historians have assumed that Zhen Fei played a role perhaps even a crucial one in the reform movement14 We are expected to believe that she urged the Emperor to initiate political reform but there is no evidence whatsoever that she either shared the political views of Wen Tingshi or other reformists or participated in their actions In fact her support of Wen Tingshi appears to be no more than an instance of personal favoritism15 Judging by the accounts of the palace servants it seems that it was not her political involvement in the reform but other reasons such as her uncompromising and outrageous personality overbearing airs love of luxury repeated infringement of various palace rules troubled relationships with eunuchs and Empress Longyursquos envy of her that eventually led to her horrible demise Or it could simply be that as the Guangxu Emperorrsquos favorite she became a relatively powerless pawn in the escalating political struggles between the Empress Dowagerrsquos and the Emperorrsquos factions at the court

Clearly many details pertaining to Zhen Fei remain disputable and conjectural but the most mysterious are the circumstances surrounding

12 Qian Zhonglian comp ldquoWen Tingshi nianpu rdquo in Zhao Tiehan ed Wen Tingshi quanji 10 vols (Taibei Dahua 1969) vol1 1-58

Qian Zhonglian points out that Wen Tingshi taught the two Zhen sisters in Beijing in 1888 (page 17) Qian also cites several anecdotal writings in regard to the two sistersrsquo involvement with Wenrsquos fast promotion (page 26) 13 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 32-33 41-4414 See for instance Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo in his compilation Guchunfenglou suoji (Taibei Xinshengbao 1966) 309-1115 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 28

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6410

her death Because the incident took place in a secluded location at an extraordinary historical moment it became an enigma that will probably remain unsolved Nevertheless it led to the creation of much historical fantasy that strove to fi ll the gaps in popular knowledge ere are many ambiguous and confl icting accounts regarding the exact date location motivation for and method of Zhen Feirsquos death Some suppose she committed suicide when she was left behind by the royal family16 Others claim that Cui Yugui the second chief eunuch pushed her into the well on his own initiative with no authorization from Cixi17 ere are also those who swear Cixi forced her to commit ldquosuiciderdquo18 Tang Guanqing who was actually in the main palace when the incident took place provides a more detailed account of Zhen Feirsquos death19 Tang had been ordered to wait at Qihe Xuan a palace that was a hundred steps away from the site of the alleged murder20 If he had done so it would have been impossible for him to directly witness the incident us his account remains hearsay However it is convincing with regard to the images of Cixi and Zhen Fei Tang Guanqing states that Cixi did not inform Zhen Fei that the royal family was planning to fl ee the court Cixi characterized the extraordinary situation in such a way as to coax Zhen Fei to commit suicide rather than issuing an explicit order for her to be struck down Not until this strategy failed did Cixi issue the directive Her way of handling Zhen Fei here can be understood as ldquocourtesy before violencerdquo (xianli houbing

) a strategy consistent with Cixirsquos political sophistication21 A powerless Zhen Fei rather than facing death unfl inchingly (a popular

16 See Luo Dunrong Gengzi guobian ji in Zhongguo yeshi jicheng(1902 reprint Chengdu Bashu 1993) vol48 no7 1-10 and see page

8 Luo further writes that many palace people and Manchurian women living in the city committed suicide17 Xu Ke proposes that this was one possibility among others including suicide See Xu Ke

Qingbai leichao (1917 reprint Beijing Zhonghua 1984) 39218 For instance Hu Sijing Luumlbei Ji (1908 reprint Beijing Beijing guji 1990) 148 As Hu claimed in the preface his account of the whole Gengzi event was written right after it happened19 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 1930420 Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo 315 Gao Baishi contested the authenticity of Tang Guanqingrsquos account21 See also Lin Keguang Yidai mingfei de beiju (Beijing Zhong-guo renmin daxue 1991) 103

11S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image added to later reconstructions) cried and repeatedly begged the Dowager for mercy Another important fact portrayed diff erently in later versions is that according to this account the Guangxu Emperor was not present Cixi apparently showed a modicum of consideration she allowed the emperor to save face by sparing him the terrible experience

One famous text that I believe played a critical role in reconstructing the image of Zhen Fei is the Jingshan riji (Jingshan diary) which was allegedly authored by the retired offi cial Jingshan (1823-1900) e diary which runs from January 25 1900 to a few hours before the death of Jingshan seven months later allegedly provides a fi rsthand account of the Chinese imperial court during the Boxer Uprising and has been considered an essential source for elucidating daily court aff airs at the time It fi rst appeared as the seventeenth chapter in the extremely popular work China Under the Empress Dowager co-authored by JOP Bland and Edmund Backhouse in 191022 Although readers were mesmerized by detailed graphic descriptions of this most critical period of the Manchu court in turmoil we must be aware of the diaryrsquos diff erent levels of discursive manipulations by Jingshan (the alleged diarist) and Backhouse (the translatorauthor) which signifi cantly shaped the bookrsquos presentation of historical events As far as Zhen Feirsquos death is concerned Jingshanrsquos description given by Wen An Comptroller General of the royal household is at best a thrice-removed account Although the incident was dealt with only in passing in the diary the image of Zhen Fei underwent a major transformation from a submissive to a decisive courageous fi gure Zhen Feirsquos insistence on staying in Beijing in particular has been

22 JOP Bland and E Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager (Philadelphia J B Lippincott 1910) For the reception of the book see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diary A Clue to Its Historyrdquo East Asian History 1 (1991) 99-124 esp 103-10 Contemporary historians are now in consensus that the diary is a forgery but by whom and for what purpose remains a mystery For recent scholarship on its textual history see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diaryrdquo 99-124 Hung Wai Yee ldquolsquoYuan yu Zhongguorsquo de weiyi Jingshan riji jieshi de wenhua xianxiangrdquo

Xueren 13 (1998) 527-49 For a detailed biographical account of Edmund Backhouse see Hugh Trevor-Roper A Hidden Life e Enigma of Sir Edmund Backhouse (London Macmillan 1976)

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6412

integrated into many later versions of the story to highlight her patriotism

e Pearl Concubine [Zhen Fei] who had never been dutiful toward the Old Buddha [Cixi] now had the audacity to fall on her knees before the Old Buddha and implore her that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking [Beijing] and carry on the negotiations for peace e Old Buddha lifted up her voice like the sound of thunder and forthwith ordered the eunuch on duty to throw this obstinate and rebellious woman down a well At this the Emperor appeared deeply distressed for the Pearl Concubine was His Majestyrsquos chief favorite and kneeling down besought the Old Buddha to be merciful and pardon her from death But with deep anger depicted on her face she returned ldquoWho is willing to bandy words when we are hard-pressed for time Do as I have already ordered and kill the Pearl Concubine as a warning to the young owls who when they have grown wings peck out their motherrsquos eyesrdquo ereupon the two eunuchs Li and Sung threw the Pearl Concubine down the big well outside the Ning-shou-kung [Ningshou Gong ] en to the Emperor who was grieved and frightened beyond description the Old Buddha said ldquoGet into our carriage and be careful that the curtain is let down so that people may not see yourdquo23

is passage is especially signifi cant because it became the prototype for many future depictions of Zhen Feirsquos death following the publication of a Chinese translation of the diary in 1914 One of its crucial details is that Zhen Fei ldquoimplored [Cixi] that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking and carry on the negotiations for peacerdquo Her insistence upon the Emperor not to fl ee is believed by many of her contemporaries to have cost Zhen Fei her life24 ere could be various explanations for her risking her life this way if this particular account is true From a political perspective to stay in Peking could have been an astute move since it would wrest power from Cixi and reinstate the Emperorrsquos

23 e translation that I use here is a new one by J J L Duyvendak and is slightly diff er-ent in wording and expression from Backhousersquos e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan Being a Chinese Account of the Boxer Troubles trans J J L Duyvendak (Leiden E J Brill 1924) 72-7324 See for instance Huang Jun Huasuiren shengan zhiyi (1943 reprint Taiyuan Shanxi guji 1999) 160

13S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

supremacy25 Later interpretations of Zhen Feirsquos action however suggest that it was a heroic attempt to save the honor of the Qing empire Indeed this became a familiar moral point in retellings of her legend Her audacious confrontation with authority and her political vision in which national dignity was given ultimate priority were construed as the theme of a woman ldquosacrifi cing herself for the nationrdquo26 Her willingness to negotiate with the imperialists was subsumed but was highly contested later in the socialist China and reinterpreted as betrayal of the nation

It is important to note that the passage reveals that killing Zhen Fei was not Cixirsquos original plan but a consequence of her rage following Zhenrsquos plea is image of Cixi as prone to sudden fi ts of anger appears consistently throughout China Under the Empress Dowager In her speech she uses the vivid metaphor of the xiao a species of owl whose young reportedly devour their own mother to characterize Zhen Feirsquos supposedly malicious intent Rather than uncovering Zhen Feirsquos criminality as was the original purpose of Cixirsquos accusation the metaphor achieves the opposite It reveals Cixi herself to be cruel and paranoid at least as portrayed by the diarist ese embellishments and details of Zhen Feirsquos demise have captured the popular imagination and provided fertile ground for future writers who have developed them in varied ways27

25 As Huang Jun mentions in his entry in Wang Xiaohangrsquos Dezong Yishi there were some doubts among his friends as to the exact wording of Zhen Feirsquos state-

ment that the Guangxu Emperor should remain in the capital Huang Jun included several passages in anecdotal writings to support the claim that it was also Emperor Guangxursquos wish to stay and negotiate with the rebels Huang Jun Huashuiren shengan zhiyi 190-93 26 Elsewhere in e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan (1924) even Cixi states ldquo e Old Buddha is seriously considering sacrifi cing her life on the altar of the Soil and ordering the Emperor to do likewise at the same time She is strongly opposed to making a journey of inspectionrdquo (Laofo poyou xunshe zhiyi bingling Huangshang tongshi xunshe shengyi po buyi chuxun wei ran ) (pages 42 69) is detail was completely dropped in various later adaptations27 In China Under the Empress Dowager contradictory representations of Cixi coexist in an uneasy unexamined relationship On the one hand the two authors reveal her inexorable personality as imperious wrathful vindictive susceptible to manipulation or fl attery mur-derous and lascivious on the other hand Cixi is seen as ldquoa woman and an Orientalrdquo instead of as ldquoa savage monsterrdquo Bland and Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager 478- 79 For a nuanced discussion of Cixirsquos image in this book see Hu Ying ldquo e Proper Author in Translation Literary Property Across Bordersrdquo Tamkang Review 26 no 1-2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6414

Jingshan riji has been proven to be apocryphal but who wrote it and for what purpose remain unknown to this day Since I have been unable to locate earlier texts closer in time to the embellished scene of Zhen Feirsquos death as presented in the diary I provisionally propose that until further research is possible China Under the Empress Dowager translated into Chinese and published in 1914 under the title of Cixi waiji became the seminal text for retellings of the life or legend of Zhen Fei28 We may not be able to retrieve the original motivation for constructing such an image but its popularity and the inclination to reconstruct it along patriotic lines certainly speak to the collective imagination and psychological needs

Cai Dongfan (1877-1945) well-known for writing historical fi ction (yanyi ) in the early twentieth century published his Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Popular history of the Qing dynasty) in 1916 and Cixi taihou yanyi (Popular history of the Empress Dowager Cixi) in 191829 Although he expressed dissatisfaction with Cixi waiji he portrayed the death scene of Zhen Fei in the same vein as Jingshan riji albeit more poignantly Two crucial details prove that he borrowed from the diary One is that Zhen Fei displays courage and vision by insisting that the Emperor stay in the capital e other is that Cixi in the throes of her rage uses the metaphor of birds who devour their parents to describe Zhen Feirsquos wickedness It is clear that Cai Dongfan not only was infl uenced by but also used without signifi cant modifi cation some expressions from Cixi waiji It is plausible that this rendering of a valiant Zhen Fei was widely circulated because of the great popularity of Cai Dongfanrsquos fi ction especially his best-selling series of novels titled Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi

(Popular Chinese history)30 As a matter of fact the overriding

(1995)135-64 and especially 143-47 Hu points out that the construction of the image of Cixi is strongly couched in categories of race and gender and the discourse of orien -talism 28 Cixi waiji trans Chen Lengtai and Chen Yixian (1917 reprint Bei-jing Zhonghua shuju)29 Cai Dongfan Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Huiwentang 1916 reprint Shanghai Wenhua chubanshe 1981) 356-57 Cixi taihou yanyi (1918 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 248-4930 e fi rst edition of the whole 11-volume set of Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi sold more than 100000 copies By 1936 four editions of the series had already been published Mao

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-644

of literary and visual materials I will consider the role of diff erent genres in the process of articulating new nationalist discourses in which existing cultural and literary forms and new mass media (such as modern drama and fi lm) conjoined to widely disseminate these images as well as to perpetually eroticize them

Sacrifi cing for the Nation e Death of Zhen Fei and Its Narrative Reconstruction

We will begin our analysis with a search through historical records and anecdotal writings in order to document how the image of Zhen Fei as a moral exemplar and martyr at a time of national crisis gradually took shape Since many historical texts belonging to the Qing court were ransacked by the Joint Forces or obviously censored by the imperial family contemporary scholars were unable to reach a consensus about Zhen Feirsquos life particularly the circumstances of her tragic death e Qingshigao ( e draft history of the Qing dynasty) compiled in the Republican era provides rudimentary biographical and personal information on Zhen Fei (Figure 1)

e Sincere and Obedient (Keshun ) Imperial Precious Concubine surname Tatala was a younger sister of the Upright and Healthy Imperial Precious Concubine and the two were together selected [into the palace] She was fi rst titled Zhen Pin Zhen the Imperial Concubine of the Fourth Rank) and later promoted to the title of Zhen Fei (Zhen the Imperial Concubine of the ird Rank) Because she off ended the Empress Dowager she was castigated in a decree for her extravagant lifestyle and frequent requests [for promoting certain offi cials] and degraded to the title of Guiren (Imperial Concubine of the Fifth Rank) One year later she was restored to the original title Zhen Fei In the twenty-sixth year of the [Guangxu] reign [1900] when the Empress Dowager left the palace for an imperial inspection Zhen Fei drowned in a well In the twenty-seventh year after the Emperor returned to the capital he posthumously promoted her to the title of Huangguifei Imperial Concubine of the First Rank) She was buried outside the Xizhi City Gate and later moved to the Imperial Mausoleum She was posthumously conferred the honorable distinction [Keshun] 4

4 ldquoHoufei zhuanrdquo in Zhao Erxun et al Qingshigao 48 vols (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1977) 308932

5S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

As sketchy as this offi cial biography is it still makes evident Zhen Feirsquos personal character and her contentious relationship with the Empress Dowager Cixi Remarkably the entire incident of her death is treated in only a single sentence ldquodrowned in a wellrdquo (chen yu jing ) Although no motive is explicitly stated the sentence could also be interpreted as ldquo[Cixi] had Zhen Fei drowned in the wellrdquo is deliberate ambiguity follows one of the distinctive strategies employed in traditional historical writing using ldquofew words with much concealed meaningrdquo (weiyan dayi ) is ldquotip-of-the-icebergrdquo style of docketing the past indicates the historianrsquos inability to give a defi nitive account and leads to many subsequent and subjective retellings of the story After the Emperor returned to the capital he issued an edict honoring Zhen Fei and stated ldquoZhen Fei did not have enough time to fl ee with us and thus threw herself into the well to sacrifi ce herself for her countryrdquo (Zhen Fei congwang buji toujing xunguo

Figure 1 Zhen Fei Gugong bowuyuan yuan kan no 2 (1960) 102

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-646

)5 Making Zhen Feirsquos death sound like a suicide and linking it to Chinarsquos political crisis the imperial decree offi cially granted her near-martyr status Historians believe the purpose of this statement was ldquoto cover up the truth to maintain a respectable frontrdquo (wei zhunzhe hui )6 glorifying Zhen Feirsquos death by associating it with the loftiness of martyrdom rather than with petty interpersonal disputes

e collapse of the Qing dynasty created a cascade of writing about Zhen Fei in the form of anecdotes and unoffi cial histories among which a special memorial issue dedicated to Zhen Fei published by the renowned periodical Gugong zhoukan in 1930 is regarded as the most important7 (Figure 2) e publication of a special memorial issue on a minor concubine of the Qing dynasty shows that there were simmering scholarly interest and intellectual eff orts to bring her tale to light and to enshrine her in the countryrsquos historical memory e issue contained a short biography an anecdotal episode and a dozen poems about Zhen Fei It also included photographs of her golden seal the imperial documents conferring upon her the titles of Pin and later Fei her original home the well in which she perished the altar in her honor set up by her half-sister Jin (who was also an imperial concubine) in 1913 and a map of the route from her fi nal palace residence to the well

Perhaps the most valuable contribution of this special issue was a section called Gongzhong renyu (Words from the Palace people) including four eyewitness accounts of Zhen Feirsquos death related by the dismissed imperial palace maids Liu and Bai and the eunuch Tang Guanqing ey off er unparalleled access to intimate details of day-to-day life in the palace and personal glimpses of Zhen Fei information offi cial historiography tends to neglect8 e

5 ldquoBailianan tangurdquo cited in Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 193016 ldquoBailianan tangurdquo Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 193017 is magazine established in 1925 by a group of distinguished art historians archeolo-gists and scholars was devoted to the study of Qing history and art For more scholarly discussion on Zhen Fei in the Republican era see Bai Jiao ldquoZhen Fei zhi beiju

rdquo Renwen yuekan 6 no 6 (1935) 1-13 and 6 no 7 (1935) 13-23 Likan [Zhou Lian ] ldquoGuanyu Zhen Fei rdquo Gujin yuekan 4 (1942) 21-248 Nonetheless we should accept these oral accounts with caution for upon their docu-mentation around 1930 the cultural milieu was signifi cantly diff erent from the fi nal years

7S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

accounts of Bai and Liu provide amusing glimpses of Zhen Feirsquos daily life and her personality Both describe her penchant for fi ne clothes and her fondness of dressing herself as a man and posing for the camera9

of the Qing dynasty is was postrevolutionary China and the last Emperor Puyi had bestowed honors upon Zhen Fei in 1915mdasha fact not lost on the erstwhile palace

employees who were interviewed erefore we cannot rule out the possibility that their narratives were skewed by the particular contexts of their recollections9 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19303-4

Figure 2 Gugong zoukan May 3 1930 is picture of Zhen Fei was later proven to be of someone else

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-648

Liu mentions a related incident in the palace that brought the Empress Dowager and Zhen Fei into confl ict Zhen Fei disobeyed the Dowagerrsquos order that the palace women should not be photographed and covertly sent a eunuch named Dai to open a photography studio in the capital After Empress Longyu (1868-1914) Empress Cixirsquos niece reported this to the Dowager the eunuch was fl ogged to death in court10 is incident exacerbated by other actions resulted in the fi rst demotion in Zhenrsquos status Indeed many believe that her obsession with photography was the main reason she became a continual annoyance to the Empress Dowager

Lack of defi nitive evidence makes it hard to confi rm whether Zhen actually crossed the line between a normal interest in fashion and theatricality or pathological fi xation In its playful or naughty moments her enjoyment of playing dress-up can be understood as a reaction to the odious boredom born of enforced idleness in the palace and the stifl ing of her active nature Liu comments about Zhen Fei ldquohaving an honest and good-natured disposition enjoying having funrdquo (xing hanhou xi youxi )11 In its most subversive aspect cross-dressing could serve a useful function as an enticing yet forbidden alternative to the more traditional behavior of an imperial concubine allowing her to venture outside her circumscribed role as a female and fl out or even challenge entrenched gender boundaries It is plausible that Cixi disapproved of Zhen Feirsquos fondness for cross-dressing perceiving it as immoral and potentially subversive Unlike other types of female cross-dressing Zhen Feirsquos practice could be seen as extremely transgressive because she relished accoutering herself as the emperor the unique political role from which she as a woman was summarily excluded Later in this paper we shall see how some writers developed the political implications of her persistent cross-dressing and role-playing as a major story line attributing to Zhen Fei a desire to subvert entrenched gender boundaries and to create a new world of possibilities for herself

10 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304 Ironically Cixi herself became a great fan of photog-raphy in her later years at the beginning of the twentieth century See among others Wang Laiyin ldquoCixi de zuiai rdquo in Wang Laiyin ed Qinggong cangzhao tanmi

(Taibei Huangguan 1997) 58-6811 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304

9S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Generally speaking Zhen Fei is depicted by the aforementioned palace servants as a well-meaning benevolent yet willful opinionated and rebellious person Although we cannot be sure of the accuracy of these characterizations it remains a documented fact that in 1898 she was placed under house arrest and over the following two years was shoddily treated e accounts of why this fate befell Zhen Fei remain enigmatic or contradictory Some point out that she involved herself in scandals by meddling in official matters One instance is her orchestration of the promotion of her former teacher Wen Tingshi

(1856-1904)12 who later became an activist in the Emperorrsquos faction only to be dismissed from offi ce by the Empress Dowager in 189613 Because of the connection between Zhen Fei and Wen Tingshi many historians have assumed that Zhen Fei played a role perhaps even a crucial one in the reform movement14 We are expected to believe that she urged the Emperor to initiate political reform but there is no evidence whatsoever that she either shared the political views of Wen Tingshi or other reformists or participated in their actions In fact her support of Wen Tingshi appears to be no more than an instance of personal favoritism15 Judging by the accounts of the palace servants it seems that it was not her political involvement in the reform but other reasons such as her uncompromising and outrageous personality overbearing airs love of luxury repeated infringement of various palace rules troubled relationships with eunuchs and Empress Longyursquos envy of her that eventually led to her horrible demise Or it could simply be that as the Guangxu Emperorrsquos favorite she became a relatively powerless pawn in the escalating political struggles between the Empress Dowagerrsquos and the Emperorrsquos factions at the court

Clearly many details pertaining to Zhen Fei remain disputable and conjectural but the most mysterious are the circumstances surrounding

12 Qian Zhonglian comp ldquoWen Tingshi nianpu rdquo in Zhao Tiehan ed Wen Tingshi quanji 10 vols (Taibei Dahua 1969) vol1 1-58

Qian Zhonglian points out that Wen Tingshi taught the two Zhen sisters in Beijing in 1888 (page 17) Qian also cites several anecdotal writings in regard to the two sistersrsquo involvement with Wenrsquos fast promotion (page 26) 13 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 32-33 41-4414 See for instance Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo in his compilation Guchunfenglou suoji (Taibei Xinshengbao 1966) 309-1115 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 28

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6410

her death Because the incident took place in a secluded location at an extraordinary historical moment it became an enigma that will probably remain unsolved Nevertheless it led to the creation of much historical fantasy that strove to fi ll the gaps in popular knowledge ere are many ambiguous and confl icting accounts regarding the exact date location motivation for and method of Zhen Feirsquos death Some suppose she committed suicide when she was left behind by the royal family16 Others claim that Cui Yugui the second chief eunuch pushed her into the well on his own initiative with no authorization from Cixi17 ere are also those who swear Cixi forced her to commit ldquosuiciderdquo18 Tang Guanqing who was actually in the main palace when the incident took place provides a more detailed account of Zhen Feirsquos death19 Tang had been ordered to wait at Qihe Xuan a palace that was a hundred steps away from the site of the alleged murder20 If he had done so it would have been impossible for him to directly witness the incident us his account remains hearsay However it is convincing with regard to the images of Cixi and Zhen Fei Tang Guanqing states that Cixi did not inform Zhen Fei that the royal family was planning to fl ee the court Cixi characterized the extraordinary situation in such a way as to coax Zhen Fei to commit suicide rather than issuing an explicit order for her to be struck down Not until this strategy failed did Cixi issue the directive Her way of handling Zhen Fei here can be understood as ldquocourtesy before violencerdquo (xianli houbing

) a strategy consistent with Cixirsquos political sophistication21 A powerless Zhen Fei rather than facing death unfl inchingly (a popular

16 See Luo Dunrong Gengzi guobian ji in Zhongguo yeshi jicheng(1902 reprint Chengdu Bashu 1993) vol48 no7 1-10 and see page

8 Luo further writes that many palace people and Manchurian women living in the city committed suicide17 Xu Ke proposes that this was one possibility among others including suicide See Xu Ke

Qingbai leichao (1917 reprint Beijing Zhonghua 1984) 39218 For instance Hu Sijing Luumlbei Ji (1908 reprint Beijing Beijing guji 1990) 148 As Hu claimed in the preface his account of the whole Gengzi event was written right after it happened19 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 1930420 Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo 315 Gao Baishi contested the authenticity of Tang Guanqingrsquos account21 See also Lin Keguang Yidai mingfei de beiju (Beijing Zhong-guo renmin daxue 1991) 103

11S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image added to later reconstructions) cried and repeatedly begged the Dowager for mercy Another important fact portrayed diff erently in later versions is that according to this account the Guangxu Emperor was not present Cixi apparently showed a modicum of consideration she allowed the emperor to save face by sparing him the terrible experience

One famous text that I believe played a critical role in reconstructing the image of Zhen Fei is the Jingshan riji (Jingshan diary) which was allegedly authored by the retired offi cial Jingshan (1823-1900) e diary which runs from January 25 1900 to a few hours before the death of Jingshan seven months later allegedly provides a fi rsthand account of the Chinese imperial court during the Boxer Uprising and has been considered an essential source for elucidating daily court aff airs at the time It fi rst appeared as the seventeenth chapter in the extremely popular work China Under the Empress Dowager co-authored by JOP Bland and Edmund Backhouse in 191022 Although readers were mesmerized by detailed graphic descriptions of this most critical period of the Manchu court in turmoil we must be aware of the diaryrsquos diff erent levels of discursive manipulations by Jingshan (the alleged diarist) and Backhouse (the translatorauthor) which signifi cantly shaped the bookrsquos presentation of historical events As far as Zhen Feirsquos death is concerned Jingshanrsquos description given by Wen An Comptroller General of the royal household is at best a thrice-removed account Although the incident was dealt with only in passing in the diary the image of Zhen Fei underwent a major transformation from a submissive to a decisive courageous fi gure Zhen Feirsquos insistence on staying in Beijing in particular has been

22 JOP Bland and E Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager (Philadelphia J B Lippincott 1910) For the reception of the book see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diary A Clue to Its Historyrdquo East Asian History 1 (1991) 99-124 esp 103-10 Contemporary historians are now in consensus that the diary is a forgery but by whom and for what purpose remains a mystery For recent scholarship on its textual history see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diaryrdquo 99-124 Hung Wai Yee ldquolsquoYuan yu Zhongguorsquo de weiyi Jingshan riji jieshi de wenhua xianxiangrdquo

Xueren 13 (1998) 527-49 For a detailed biographical account of Edmund Backhouse see Hugh Trevor-Roper A Hidden Life e Enigma of Sir Edmund Backhouse (London Macmillan 1976)

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6412

integrated into many later versions of the story to highlight her patriotism

e Pearl Concubine [Zhen Fei] who had never been dutiful toward the Old Buddha [Cixi] now had the audacity to fall on her knees before the Old Buddha and implore her that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking [Beijing] and carry on the negotiations for peace e Old Buddha lifted up her voice like the sound of thunder and forthwith ordered the eunuch on duty to throw this obstinate and rebellious woman down a well At this the Emperor appeared deeply distressed for the Pearl Concubine was His Majestyrsquos chief favorite and kneeling down besought the Old Buddha to be merciful and pardon her from death But with deep anger depicted on her face she returned ldquoWho is willing to bandy words when we are hard-pressed for time Do as I have already ordered and kill the Pearl Concubine as a warning to the young owls who when they have grown wings peck out their motherrsquos eyesrdquo ereupon the two eunuchs Li and Sung threw the Pearl Concubine down the big well outside the Ning-shou-kung [Ningshou Gong ] en to the Emperor who was grieved and frightened beyond description the Old Buddha said ldquoGet into our carriage and be careful that the curtain is let down so that people may not see yourdquo23

is passage is especially signifi cant because it became the prototype for many future depictions of Zhen Feirsquos death following the publication of a Chinese translation of the diary in 1914 One of its crucial details is that Zhen Fei ldquoimplored [Cixi] that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking and carry on the negotiations for peacerdquo Her insistence upon the Emperor not to fl ee is believed by many of her contemporaries to have cost Zhen Fei her life24 ere could be various explanations for her risking her life this way if this particular account is true From a political perspective to stay in Peking could have been an astute move since it would wrest power from Cixi and reinstate the Emperorrsquos

23 e translation that I use here is a new one by J J L Duyvendak and is slightly diff er-ent in wording and expression from Backhousersquos e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan Being a Chinese Account of the Boxer Troubles trans J J L Duyvendak (Leiden E J Brill 1924) 72-7324 See for instance Huang Jun Huasuiren shengan zhiyi (1943 reprint Taiyuan Shanxi guji 1999) 160

13S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

supremacy25 Later interpretations of Zhen Feirsquos action however suggest that it was a heroic attempt to save the honor of the Qing empire Indeed this became a familiar moral point in retellings of her legend Her audacious confrontation with authority and her political vision in which national dignity was given ultimate priority were construed as the theme of a woman ldquosacrifi cing herself for the nationrdquo26 Her willingness to negotiate with the imperialists was subsumed but was highly contested later in the socialist China and reinterpreted as betrayal of the nation

It is important to note that the passage reveals that killing Zhen Fei was not Cixirsquos original plan but a consequence of her rage following Zhenrsquos plea is image of Cixi as prone to sudden fi ts of anger appears consistently throughout China Under the Empress Dowager In her speech she uses the vivid metaphor of the xiao a species of owl whose young reportedly devour their own mother to characterize Zhen Feirsquos supposedly malicious intent Rather than uncovering Zhen Feirsquos criminality as was the original purpose of Cixirsquos accusation the metaphor achieves the opposite It reveals Cixi herself to be cruel and paranoid at least as portrayed by the diarist ese embellishments and details of Zhen Feirsquos demise have captured the popular imagination and provided fertile ground for future writers who have developed them in varied ways27

25 As Huang Jun mentions in his entry in Wang Xiaohangrsquos Dezong Yishi there were some doubts among his friends as to the exact wording of Zhen Feirsquos state-

ment that the Guangxu Emperor should remain in the capital Huang Jun included several passages in anecdotal writings to support the claim that it was also Emperor Guangxursquos wish to stay and negotiate with the rebels Huang Jun Huashuiren shengan zhiyi 190-93 26 Elsewhere in e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan (1924) even Cixi states ldquo e Old Buddha is seriously considering sacrifi cing her life on the altar of the Soil and ordering the Emperor to do likewise at the same time She is strongly opposed to making a journey of inspectionrdquo (Laofo poyou xunshe zhiyi bingling Huangshang tongshi xunshe shengyi po buyi chuxun wei ran ) (pages 42 69) is detail was completely dropped in various later adaptations27 In China Under the Empress Dowager contradictory representations of Cixi coexist in an uneasy unexamined relationship On the one hand the two authors reveal her inexorable personality as imperious wrathful vindictive susceptible to manipulation or fl attery mur-derous and lascivious on the other hand Cixi is seen as ldquoa woman and an Orientalrdquo instead of as ldquoa savage monsterrdquo Bland and Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager 478- 79 For a nuanced discussion of Cixirsquos image in this book see Hu Ying ldquo e Proper Author in Translation Literary Property Across Bordersrdquo Tamkang Review 26 no 1-2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6414

Jingshan riji has been proven to be apocryphal but who wrote it and for what purpose remain unknown to this day Since I have been unable to locate earlier texts closer in time to the embellished scene of Zhen Feirsquos death as presented in the diary I provisionally propose that until further research is possible China Under the Empress Dowager translated into Chinese and published in 1914 under the title of Cixi waiji became the seminal text for retellings of the life or legend of Zhen Fei28 We may not be able to retrieve the original motivation for constructing such an image but its popularity and the inclination to reconstruct it along patriotic lines certainly speak to the collective imagination and psychological needs

Cai Dongfan (1877-1945) well-known for writing historical fi ction (yanyi ) in the early twentieth century published his Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Popular history of the Qing dynasty) in 1916 and Cixi taihou yanyi (Popular history of the Empress Dowager Cixi) in 191829 Although he expressed dissatisfaction with Cixi waiji he portrayed the death scene of Zhen Fei in the same vein as Jingshan riji albeit more poignantly Two crucial details prove that he borrowed from the diary One is that Zhen Fei displays courage and vision by insisting that the Emperor stay in the capital e other is that Cixi in the throes of her rage uses the metaphor of birds who devour their parents to describe Zhen Feirsquos wickedness It is clear that Cai Dongfan not only was infl uenced by but also used without signifi cant modifi cation some expressions from Cixi waiji It is plausible that this rendering of a valiant Zhen Fei was widely circulated because of the great popularity of Cai Dongfanrsquos fi ction especially his best-selling series of novels titled Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi

(Popular Chinese history)30 As a matter of fact the overriding

(1995)135-64 and especially 143-47 Hu points out that the construction of the image of Cixi is strongly couched in categories of race and gender and the discourse of orien -talism 28 Cixi waiji trans Chen Lengtai and Chen Yixian (1917 reprint Bei-jing Zhonghua shuju)29 Cai Dongfan Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Huiwentang 1916 reprint Shanghai Wenhua chubanshe 1981) 356-57 Cixi taihou yanyi (1918 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 248-4930 e fi rst edition of the whole 11-volume set of Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi sold more than 100000 copies By 1936 four editions of the series had already been published Mao

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

5S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

As sketchy as this offi cial biography is it still makes evident Zhen Feirsquos personal character and her contentious relationship with the Empress Dowager Cixi Remarkably the entire incident of her death is treated in only a single sentence ldquodrowned in a wellrdquo (chen yu jing ) Although no motive is explicitly stated the sentence could also be interpreted as ldquo[Cixi] had Zhen Fei drowned in the wellrdquo is deliberate ambiguity follows one of the distinctive strategies employed in traditional historical writing using ldquofew words with much concealed meaningrdquo (weiyan dayi ) is ldquotip-of-the-icebergrdquo style of docketing the past indicates the historianrsquos inability to give a defi nitive account and leads to many subsequent and subjective retellings of the story After the Emperor returned to the capital he issued an edict honoring Zhen Fei and stated ldquoZhen Fei did not have enough time to fl ee with us and thus threw herself into the well to sacrifi ce herself for her countryrdquo (Zhen Fei congwang buji toujing xunguo

Figure 1 Zhen Fei Gugong bowuyuan yuan kan no 2 (1960) 102

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-646

)5 Making Zhen Feirsquos death sound like a suicide and linking it to Chinarsquos political crisis the imperial decree offi cially granted her near-martyr status Historians believe the purpose of this statement was ldquoto cover up the truth to maintain a respectable frontrdquo (wei zhunzhe hui )6 glorifying Zhen Feirsquos death by associating it with the loftiness of martyrdom rather than with petty interpersonal disputes

e collapse of the Qing dynasty created a cascade of writing about Zhen Fei in the form of anecdotes and unoffi cial histories among which a special memorial issue dedicated to Zhen Fei published by the renowned periodical Gugong zhoukan in 1930 is regarded as the most important7 (Figure 2) e publication of a special memorial issue on a minor concubine of the Qing dynasty shows that there were simmering scholarly interest and intellectual eff orts to bring her tale to light and to enshrine her in the countryrsquos historical memory e issue contained a short biography an anecdotal episode and a dozen poems about Zhen Fei It also included photographs of her golden seal the imperial documents conferring upon her the titles of Pin and later Fei her original home the well in which she perished the altar in her honor set up by her half-sister Jin (who was also an imperial concubine) in 1913 and a map of the route from her fi nal palace residence to the well

Perhaps the most valuable contribution of this special issue was a section called Gongzhong renyu (Words from the Palace people) including four eyewitness accounts of Zhen Feirsquos death related by the dismissed imperial palace maids Liu and Bai and the eunuch Tang Guanqing ey off er unparalleled access to intimate details of day-to-day life in the palace and personal glimpses of Zhen Fei information offi cial historiography tends to neglect8 e

5 ldquoBailianan tangurdquo cited in Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 193016 ldquoBailianan tangurdquo Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 193017 is magazine established in 1925 by a group of distinguished art historians archeolo-gists and scholars was devoted to the study of Qing history and art For more scholarly discussion on Zhen Fei in the Republican era see Bai Jiao ldquoZhen Fei zhi beiju

rdquo Renwen yuekan 6 no 6 (1935) 1-13 and 6 no 7 (1935) 13-23 Likan [Zhou Lian ] ldquoGuanyu Zhen Fei rdquo Gujin yuekan 4 (1942) 21-248 Nonetheless we should accept these oral accounts with caution for upon their docu-mentation around 1930 the cultural milieu was signifi cantly diff erent from the fi nal years

7S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

accounts of Bai and Liu provide amusing glimpses of Zhen Feirsquos daily life and her personality Both describe her penchant for fi ne clothes and her fondness of dressing herself as a man and posing for the camera9

of the Qing dynasty is was postrevolutionary China and the last Emperor Puyi had bestowed honors upon Zhen Fei in 1915mdasha fact not lost on the erstwhile palace

employees who were interviewed erefore we cannot rule out the possibility that their narratives were skewed by the particular contexts of their recollections9 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19303-4

Figure 2 Gugong zoukan May 3 1930 is picture of Zhen Fei was later proven to be of someone else

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-648

Liu mentions a related incident in the palace that brought the Empress Dowager and Zhen Fei into confl ict Zhen Fei disobeyed the Dowagerrsquos order that the palace women should not be photographed and covertly sent a eunuch named Dai to open a photography studio in the capital After Empress Longyu (1868-1914) Empress Cixirsquos niece reported this to the Dowager the eunuch was fl ogged to death in court10 is incident exacerbated by other actions resulted in the fi rst demotion in Zhenrsquos status Indeed many believe that her obsession with photography was the main reason she became a continual annoyance to the Empress Dowager

Lack of defi nitive evidence makes it hard to confi rm whether Zhen actually crossed the line between a normal interest in fashion and theatricality or pathological fi xation In its playful or naughty moments her enjoyment of playing dress-up can be understood as a reaction to the odious boredom born of enforced idleness in the palace and the stifl ing of her active nature Liu comments about Zhen Fei ldquohaving an honest and good-natured disposition enjoying having funrdquo (xing hanhou xi youxi )11 In its most subversive aspect cross-dressing could serve a useful function as an enticing yet forbidden alternative to the more traditional behavior of an imperial concubine allowing her to venture outside her circumscribed role as a female and fl out or even challenge entrenched gender boundaries It is plausible that Cixi disapproved of Zhen Feirsquos fondness for cross-dressing perceiving it as immoral and potentially subversive Unlike other types of female cross-dressing Zhen Feirsquos practice could be seen as extremely transgressive because she relished accoutering herself as the emperor the unique political role from which she as a woman was summarily excluded Later in this paper we shall see how some writers developed the political implications of her persistent cross-dressing and role-playing as a major story line attributing to Zhen Fei a desire to subvert entrenched gender boundaries and to create a new world of possibilities for herself

10 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304 Ironically Cixi herself became a great fan of photog-raphy in her later years at the beginning of the twentieth century See among others Wang Laiyin ldquoCixi de zuiai rdquo in Wang Laiyin ed Qinggong cangzhao tanmi

(Taibei Huangguan 1997) 58-6811 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304

9S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Generally speaking Zhen Fei is depicted by the aforementioned palace servants as a well-meaning benevolent yet willful opinionated and rebellious person Although we cannot be sure of the accuracy of these characterizations it remains a documented fact that in 1898 she was placed under house arrest and over the following two years was shoddily treated e accounts of why this fate befell Zhen Fei remain enigmatic or contradictory Some point out that she involved herself in scandals by meddling in official matters One instance is her orchestration of the promotion of her former teacher Wen Tingshi

(1856-1904)12 who later became an activist in the Emperorrsquos faction only to be dismissed from offi ce by the Empress Dowager in 189613 Because of the connection between Zhen Fei and Wen Tingshi many historians have assumed that Zhen Fei played a role perhaps even a crucial one in the reform movement14 We are expected to believe that she urged the Emperor to initiate political reform but there is no evidence whatsoever that she either shared the political views of Wen Tingshi or other reformists or participated in their actions In fact her support of Wen Tingshi appears to be no more than an instance of personal favoritism15 Judging by the accounts of the palace servants it seems that it was not her political involvement in the reform but other reasons such as her uncompromising and outrageous personality overbearing airs love of luxury repeated infringement of various palace rules troubled relationships with eunuchs and Empress Longyursquos envy of her that eventually led to her horrible demise Or it could simply be that as the Guangxu Emperorrsquos favorite she became a relatively powerless pawn in the escalating political struggles between the Empress Dowagerrsquos and the Emperorrsquos factions at the court

Clearly many details pertaining to Zhen Fei remain disputable and conjectural but the most mysterious are the circumstances surrounding

12 Qian Zhonglian comp ldquoWen Tingshi nianpu rdquo in Zhao Tiehan ed Wen Tingshi quanji 10 vols (Taibei Dahua 1969) vol1 1-58

Qian Zhonglian points out that Wen Tingshi taught the two Zhen sisters in Beijing in 1888 (page 17) Qian also cites several anecdotal writings in regard to the two sistersrsquo involvement with Wenrsquos fast promotion (page 26) 13 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 32-33 41-4414 See for instance Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo in his compilation Guchunfenglou suoji (Taibei Xinshengbao 1966) 309-1115 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 28

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6410

her death Because the incident took place in a secluded location at an extraordinary historical moment it became an enigma that will probably remain unsolved Nevertheless it led to the creation of much historical fantasy that strove to fi ll the gaps in popular knowledge ere are many ambiguous and confl icting accounts regarding the exact date location motivation for and method of Zhen Feirsquos death Some suppose she committed suicide when she was left behind by the royal family16 Others claim that Cui Yugui the second chief eunuch pushed her into the well on his own initiative with no authorization from Cixi17 ere are also those who swear Cixi forced her to commit ldquosuiciderdquo18 Tang Guanqing who was actually in the main palace when the incident took place provides a more detailed account of Zhen Feirsquos death19 Tang had been ordered to wait at Qihe Xuan a palace that was a hundred steps away from the site of the alleged murder20 If he had done so it would have been impossible for him to directly witness the incident us his account remains hearsay However it is convincing with regard to the images of Cixi and Zhen Fei Tang Guanqing states that Cixi did not inform Zhen Fei that the royal family was planning to fl ee the court Cixi characterized the extraordinary situation in such a way as to coax Zhen Fei to commit suicide rather than issuing an explicit order for her to be struck down Not until this strategy failed did Cixi issue the directive Her way of handling Zhen Fei here can be understood as ldquocourtesy before violencerdquo (xianli houbing

) a strategy consistent with Cixirsquos political sophistication21 A powerless Zhen Fei rather than facing death unfl inchingly (a popular

16 See Luo Dunrong Gengzi guobian ji in Zhongguo yeshi jicheng(1902 reprint Chengdu Bashu 1993) vol48 no7 1-10 and see page

8 Luo further writes that many palace people and Manchurian women living in the city committed suicide17 Xu Ke proposes that this was one possibility among others including suicide See Xu Ke

Qingbai leichao (1917 reprint Beijing Zhonghua 1984) 39218 For instance Hu Sijing Luumlbei Ji (1908 reprint Beijing Beijing guji 1990) 148 As Hu claimed in the preface his account of the whole Gengzi event was written right after it happened19 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 1930420 Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo 315 Gao Baishi contested the authenticity of Tang Guanqingrsquos account21 See also Lin Keguang Yidai mingfei de beiju (Beijing Zhong-guo renmin daxue 1991) 103

11S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image added to later reconstructions) cried and repeatedly begged the Dowager for mercy Another important fact portrayed diff erently in later versions is that according to this account the Guangxu Emperor was not present Cixi apparently showed a modicum of consideration she allowed the emperor to save face by sparing him the terrible experience

One famous text that I believe played a critical role in reconstructing the image of Zhen Fei is the Jingshan riji (Jingshan diary) which was allegedly authored by the retired offi cial Jingshan (1823-1900) e diary which runs from January 25 1900 to a few hours before the death of Jingshan seven months later allegedly provides a fi rsthand account of the Chinese imperial court during the Boxer Uprising and has been considered an essential source for elucidating daily court aff airs at the time It fi rst appeared as the seventeenth chapter in the extremely popular work China Under the Empress Dowager co-authored by JOP Bland and Edmund Backhouse in 191022 Although readers were mesmerized by detailed graphic descriptions of this most critical period of the Manchu court in turmoil we must be aware of the diaryrsquos diff erent levels of discursive manipulations by Jingshan (the alleged diarist) and Backhouse (the translatorauthor) which signifi cantly shaped the bookrsquos presentation of historical events As far as Zhen Feirsquos death is concerned Jingshanrsquos description given by Wen An Comptroller General of the royal household is at best a thrice-removed account Although the incident was dealt with only in passing in the diary the image of Zhen Fei underwent a major transformation from a submissive to a decisive courageous fi gure Zhen Feirsquos insistence on staying in Beijing in particular has been

22 JOP Bland and E Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager (Philadelphia J B Lippincott 1910) For the reception of the book see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diary A Clue to Its Historyrdquo East Asian History 1 (1991) 99-124 esp 103-10 Contemporary historians are now in consensus that the diary is a forgery but by whom and for what purpose remains a mystery For recent scholarship on its textual history see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diaryrdquo 99-124 Hung Wai Yee ldquolsquoYuan yu Zhongguorsquo de weiyi Jingshan riji jieshi de wenhua xianxiangrdquo

Xueren 13 (1998) 527-49 For a detailed biographical account of Edmund Backhouse see Hugh Trevor-Roper A Hidden Life e Enigma of Sir Edmund Backhouse (London Macmillan 1976)

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6412

integrated into many later versions of the story to highlight her patriotism

e Pearl Concubine [Zhen Fei] who had never been dutiful toward the Old Buddha [Cixi] now had the audacity to fall on her knees before the Old Buddha and implore her that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking [Beijing] and carry on the negotiations for peace e Old Buddha lifted up her voice like the sound of thunder and forthwith ordered the eunuch on duty to throw this obstinate and rebellious woman down a well At this the Emperor appeared deeply distressed for the Pearl Concubine was His Majestyrsquos chief favorite and kneeling down besought the Old Buddha to be merciful and pardon her from death But with deep anger depicted on her face she returned ldquoWho is willing to bandy words when we are hard-pressed for time Do as I have already ordered and kill the Pearl Concubine as a warning to the young owls who when they have grown wings peck out their motherrsquos eyesrdquo ereupon the two eunuchs Li and Sung threw the Pearl Concubine down the big well outside the Ning-shou-kung [Ningshou Gong ] en to the Emperor who was grieved and frightened beyond description the Old Buddha said ldquoGet into our carriage and be careful that the curtain is let down so that people may not see yourdquo23

is passage is especially signifi cant because it became the prototype for many future depictions of Zhen Feirsquos death following the publication of a Chinese translation of the diary in 1914 One of its crucial details is that Zhen Fei ldquoimplored [Cixi] that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking and carry on the negotiations for peacerdquo Her insistence upon the Emperor not to fl ee is believed by many of her contemporaries to have cost Zhen Fei her life24 ere could be various explanations for her risking her life this way if this particular account is true From a political perspective to stay in Peking could have been an astute move since it would wrest power from Cixi and reinstate the Emperorrsquos

23 e translation that I use here is a new one by J J L Duyvendak and is slightly diff er-ent in wording and expression from Backhousersquos e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan Being a Chinese Account of the Boxer Troubles trans J J L Duyvendak (Leiden E J Brill 1924) 72-7324 See for instance Huang Jun Huasuiren shengan zhiyi (1943 reprint Taiyuan Shanxi guji 1999) 160

13S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

supremacy25 Later interpretations of Zhen Feirsquos action however suggest that it was a heroic attempt to save the honor of the Qing empire Indeed this became a familiar moral point in retellings of her legend Her audacious confrontation with authority and her political vision in which national dignity was given ultimate priority were construed as the theme of a woman ldquosacrifi cing herself for the nationrdquo26 Her willingness to negotiate with the imperialists was subsumed but was highly contested later in the socialist China and reinterpreted as betrayal of the nation

It is important to note that the passage reveals that killing Zhen Fei was not Cixirsquos original plan but a consequence of her rage following Zhenrsquos plea is image of Cixi as prone to sudden fi ts of anger appears consistently throughout China Under the Empress Dowager In her speech she uses the vivid metaphor of the xiao a species of owl whose young reportedly devour their own mother to characterize Zhen Feirsquos supposedly malicious intent Rather than uncovering Zhen Feirsquos criminality as was the original purpose of Cixirsquos accusation the metaphor achieves the opposite It reveals Cixi herself to be cruel and paranoid at least as portrayed by the diarist ese embellishments and details of Zhen Feirsquos demise have captured the popular imagination and provided fertile ground for future writers who have developed them in varied ways27

25 As Huang Jun mentions in his entry in Wang Xiaohangrsquos Dezong Yishi there were some doubts among his friends as to the exact wording of Zhen Feirsquos state-

ment that the Guangxu Emperor should remain in the capital Huang Jun included several passages in anecdotal writings to support the claim that it was also Emperor Guangxursquos wish to stay and negotiate with the rebels Huang Jun Huashuiren shengan zhiyi 190-93 26 Elsewhere in e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan (1924) even Cixi states ldquo e Old Buddha is seriously considering sacrifi cing her life on the altar of the Soil and ordering the Emperor to do likewise at the same time She is strongly opposed to making a journey of inspectionrdquo (Laofo poyou xunshe zhiyi bingling Huangshang tongshi xunshe shengyi po buyi chuxun wei ran ) (pages 42 69) is detail was completely dropped in various later adaptations27 In China Under the Empress Dowager contradictory representations of Cixi coexist in an uneasy unexamined relationship On the one hand the two authors reveal her inexorable personality as imperious wrathful vindictive susceptible to manipulation or fl attery mur-derous and lascivious on the other hand Cixi is seen as ldquoa woman and an Orientalrdquo instead of as ldquoa savage monsterrdquo Bland and Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager 478- 79 For a nuanced discussion of Cixirsquos image in this book see Hu Ying ldquo e Proper Author in Translation Literary Property Across Bordersrdquo Tamkang Review 26 no 1-2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6414

Jingshan riji has been proven to be apocryphal but who wrote it and for what purpose remain unknown to this day Since I have been unable to locate earlier texts closer in time to the embellished scene of Zhen Feirsquos death as presented in the diary I provisionally propose that until further research is possible China Under the Empress Dowager translated into Chinese and published in 1914 under the title of Cixi waiji became the seminal text for retellings of the life or legend of Zhen Fei28 We may not be able to retrieve the original motivation for constructing such an image but its popularity and the inclination to reconstruct it along patriotic lines certainly speak to the collective imagination and psychological needs

Cai Dongfan (1877-1945) well-known for writing historical fi ction (yanyi ) in the early twentieth century published his Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Popular history of the Qing dynasty) in 1916 and Cixi taihou yanyi (Popular history of the Empress Dowager Cixi) in 191829 Although he expressed dissatisfaction with Cixi waiji he portrayed the death scene of Zhen Fei in the same vein as Jingshan riji albeit more poignantly Two crucial details prove that he borrowed from the diary One is that Zhen Fei displays courage and vision by insisting that the Emperor stay in the capital e other is that Cixi in the throes of her rage uses the metaphor of birds who devour their parents to describe Zhen Feirsquos wickedness It is clear that Cai Dongfan not only was infl uenced by but also used without signifi cant modifi cation some expressions from Cixi waiji It is plausible that this rendering of a valiant Zhen Fei was widely circulated because of the great popularity of Cai Dongfanrsquos fi ction especially his best-selling series of novels titled Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi

(Popular Chinese history)30 As a matter of fact the overriding

(1995)135-64 and especially 143-47 Hu points out that the construction of the image of Cixi is strongly couched in categories of race and gender and the discourse of orien -talism 28 Cixi waiji trans Chen Lengtai and Chen Yixian (1917 reprint Bei-jing Zhonghua shuju)29 Cai Dongfan Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Huiwentang 1916 reprint Shanghai Wenhua chubanshe 1981) 356-57 Cixi taihou yanyi (1918 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 248-4930 e fi rst edition of the whole 11-volume set of Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi sold more than 100000 copies By 1936 four editions of the series had already been published Mao

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-646

)5 Making Zhen Feirsquos death sound like a suicide and linking it to Chinarsquos political crisis the imperial decree offi cially granted her near-martyr status Historians believe the purpose of this statement was ldquoto cover up the truth to maintain a respectable frontrdquo (wei zhunzhe hui )6 glorifying Zhen Feirsquos death by associating it with the loftiness of martyrdom rather than with petty interpersonal disputes

e collapse of the Qing dynasty created a cascade of writing about Zhen Fei in the form of anecdotes and unoffi cial histories among which a special memorial issue dedicated to Zhen Fei published by the renowned periodical Gugong zhoukan in 1930 is regarded as the most important7 (Figure 2) e publication of a special memorial issue on a minor concubine of the Qing dynasty shows that there were simmering scholarly interest and intellectual eff orts to bring her tale to light and to enshrine her in the countryrsquos historical memory e issue contained a short biography an anecdotal episode and a dozen poems about Zhen Fei It also included photographs of her golden seal the imperial documents conferring upon her the titles of Pin and later Fei her original home the well in which she perished the altar in her honor set up by her half-sister Jin (who was also an imperial concubine) in 1913 and a map of the route from her fi nal palace residence to the well

Perhaps the most valuable contribution of this special issue was a section called Gongzhong renyu (Words from the Palace people) including four eyewitness accounts of Zhen Feirsquos death related by the dismissed imperial palace maids Liu and Bai and the eunuch Tang Guanqing ey off er unparalleled access to intimate details of day-to-day life in the palace and personal glimpses of Zhen Fei information offi cial historiography tends to neglect8 e

5 ldquoBailianan tangurdquo cited in Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 193016 ldquoBailianan tangurdquo Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 193017 is magazine established in 1925 by a group of distinguished art historians archeolo-gists and scholars was devoted to the study of Qing history and art For more scholarly discussion on Zhen Fei in the Republican era see Bai Jiao ldquoZhen Fei zhi beiju

rdquo Renwen yuekan 6 no 6 (1935) 1-13 and 6 no 7 (1935) 13-23 Likan [Zhou Lian ] ldquoGuanyu Zhen Fei rdquo Gujin yuekan 4 (1942) 21-248 Nonetheless we should accept these oral accounts with caution for upon their docu-mentation around 1930 the cultural milieu was signifi cantly diff erent from the fi nal years

7S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

accounts of Bai and Liu provide amusing glimpses of Zhen Feirsquos daily life and her personality Both describe her penchant for fi ne clothes and her fondness of dressing herself as a man and posing for the camera9

of the Qing dynasty is was postrevolutionary China and the last Emperor Puyi had bestowed honors upon Zhen Fei in 1915mdasha fact not lost on the erstwhile palace

employees who were interviewed erefore we cannot rule out the possibility that their narratives were skewed by the particular contexts of their recollections9 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19303-4

Figure 2 Gugong zoukan May 3 1930 is picture of Zhen Fei was later proven to be of someone else

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-648

Liu mentions a related incident in the palace that brought the Empress Dowager and Zhen Fei into confl ict Zhen Fei disobeyed the Dowagerrsquos order that the palace women should not be photographed and covertly sent a eunuch named Dai to open a photography studio in the capital After Empress Longyu (1868-1914) Empress Cixirsquos niece reported this to the Dowager the eunuch was fl ogged to death in court10 is incident exacerbated by other actions resulted in the fi rst demotion in Zhenrsquos status Indeed many believe that her obsession with photography was the main reason she became a continual annoyance to the Empress Dowager

Lack of defi nitive evidence makes it hard to confi rm whether Zhen actually crossed the line between a normal interest in fashion and theatricality or pathological fi xation In its playful or naughty moments her enjoyment of playing dress-up can be understood as a reaction to the odious boredom born of enforced idleness in the palace and the stifl ing of her active nature Liu comments about Zhen Fei ldquohaving an honest and good-natured disposition enjoying having funrdquo (xing hanhou xi youxi )11 In its most subversive aspect cross-dressing could serve a useful function as an enticing yet forbidden alternative to the more traditional behavior of an imperial concubine allowing her to venture outside her circumscribed role as a female and fl out or even challenge entrenched gender boundaries It is plausible that Cixi disapproved of Zhen Feirsquos fondness for cross-dressing perceiving it as immoral and potentially subversive Unlike other types of female cross-dressing Zhen Feirsquos practice could be seen as extremely transgressive because she relished accoutering herself as the emperor the unique political role from which she as a woman was summarily excluded Later in this paper we shall see how some writers developed the political implications of her persistent cross-dressing and role-playing as a major story line attributing to Zhen Fei a desire to subvert entrenched gender boundaries and to create a new world of possibilities for herself

10 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304 Ironically Cixi herself became a great fan of photog-raphy in her later years at the beginning of the twentieth century See among others Wang Laiyin ldquoCixi de zuiai rdquo in Wang Laiyin ed Qinggong cangzhao tanmi

(Taibei Huangguan 1997) 58-6811 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304

9S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Generally speaking Zhen Fei is depicted by the aforementioned palace servants as a well-meaning benevolent yet willful opinionated and rebellious person Although we cannot be sure of the accuracy of these characterizations it remains a documented fact that in 1898 she was placed under house arrest and over the following two years was shoddily treated e accounts of why this fate befell Zhen Fei remain enigmatic or contradictory Some point out that she involved herself in scandals by meddling in official matters One instance is her orchestration of the promotion of her former teacher Wen Tingshi

(1856-1904)12 who later became an activist in the Emperorrsquos faction only to be dismissed from offi ce by the Empress Dowager in 189613 Because of the connection between Zhen Fei and Wen Tingshi many historians have assumed that Zhen Fei played a role perhaps even a crucial one in the reform movement14 We are expected to believe that she urged the Emperor to initiate political reform but there is no evidence whatsoever that she either shared the political views of Wen Tingshi or other reformists or participated in their actions In fact her support of Wen Tingshi appears to be no more than an instance of personal favoritism15 Judging by the accounts of the palace servants it seems that it was not her political involvement in the reform but other reasons such as her uncompromising and outrageous personality overbearing airs love of luxury repeated infringement of various palace rules troubled relationships with eunuchs and Empress Longyursquos envy of her that eventually led to her horrible demise Or it could simply be that as the Guangxu Emperorrsquos favorite she became a relatively powerless pawn in the escalating political struggles between the Empress Dowagerrsquos and the Emperorrsquos factions at the court

Clearly many details pertaining to Zhen Fei remain disputable and conjectural but the most mysterious are the circumstances surrounding

12 Qian Zhonglian comp ldquoWen Tingshi nianpu rdquo in Zhao Tiehan ed Wen Tingshi quanji 10 vols (Taibei Dahua 1969) vol1 1-58

Qian Zhonglian points out that Wen Tingshi taught the two Zhen sisters in Beijing in 1888 (page 17) Qian also cites several anecdotal writings in regard to the two sistersrsquo involvement with Wenrsquos fast promotion (page 26) 13 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 32-33 41-4414 See for instance Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo in his compilation Guchunfenglou suoji (Taibei Xinshengbao 1966) 309-1115 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 28

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6410

her death Because the incident took place in a secluded location at an extraordinary historical moment it became an enigma that will probably remain unsolved Nevertheless it led to the creation of much historical fantasy that strove to fi ll the gaps in popular knowledge ere are many ambiguous and confl icting accounts regarding the exact date location motivation for and method of Zhen Feirsquos death Some suppose she committed suicide when she was left behind by the royal family16 Others claim that Cui Yugui the second chief eunuch pushed her into the well on his own initiative with no authorization from Cixi17 ere are also those who swear Cixi forced her to commit ldquosuiciderdquo18 Tang Guanqing who was actually in the main palace when the incident took place provides a more detailed account of Zhen Feirsquos death19 Tang had been ordered to wait at Qihe Xuan a palace that was a hundred steps away from the site of the alleged murder20 If he had done so it would have been impossible for him to directly witness the incident us his account remains hearsay However it is convincing with regard to the images of Cixi and Zhen Fei Tang Guanqing states that Cixi did not inform Zhen Fei that the royal family was planning to fl ee the court Cixi characterized the extraordinary situation in such a way as to coax Zhen Fei to commit suicide rather than issuing an explicit order for her to be struck down Not until this strategy failed did Cixi issue the directive Her way of handling Zhen Fei here can be understood as ldquocourtesy before violencerdquo (xianli houbing

) a strategy consistent with Cixirsquos political sophistication21 A powerless Zhen Fei rather than facing death unfl inchingly (a popular

16 See Luo Dunrong Gengzi guobian ji in Zhongguo yeshi jicheng(1902 reprint Chengdu Bashu 1993) vol48 no7 1-10 and see page

8 Luo further writes that many palace people and Manchurian women living in the city committed suicide17 Xu Ke proposes that this was one possibility among others including suicide See Xu Ke

Qingbai leichao (1917 reprint Beijing Zhonghua 1984) 39218 For instance Hu Sijing Luumlbei Ji (1908 reprint Beijing Beijing guji 1990) 148 As Hu claimed in the preface his account of the whole Gengzi event was written right after it happened19 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 1930420 Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo 315 Gao Baishi contested the authenticity of Tang Guanqingrsquos account21 See also Lin Keguang Yidai mingfei de beiju (Beijing Zhong-guo renmin daxue 1991) 103

11S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image added to later reconstructions) cried and repeatedly begged the Dowager for mercy Another important fact portrayed diff erently in later versions is that according to this account the Guangxu Emperor was not present Cixi apparently showed a modicum of consideration she allowed the emperor to save face by sparing him the terrible experience

One famous text that I believe played a critical role in reconstructing the image of Zhen Fei is the Jingshan riji (Jingshan diary) which was allegedly authored by the retired offi cial Jingshan (1823-1900) e diary which runs from January 25 1900 to a few hours before the death of Jingshan seven months later allegedly provides a fi rsthand account of the Chinese imperial court during the Boxer Uprising and has been considered an essential source for elucidating daily court aff airs at the time It fi rst appeared as the seventeenth chapter in the extremely popular work China Under the Empress Dowager co-authored by JOP Bland and Edmund Backhouse in 191022 Although readers were mesmerized by detailed graphic descriptions of this most critical period of the Manchu court in turmoil we must be aware of the diaryrsquos diff erent levels of discursive manipulations by Jingshan (the alleged diarist) and Backhouse (the translatorauthor) which signifi cantly shaped the bookrsquos presentation of historical events As far as Zhen Feirsquos death is concerned Jingshanrsquos description given by Wen An Comptroller General of the royal household is at best a thrice-removed account Although the incident was dealt with only in passing in the diary the image of Zhen Fei underwent a major transformation from a submissive to a decisive courageous fi gure Zhen Feirsquos insistence on staying in Beijing in particular has been

22 JOP Bland and E Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager (Philadelphia J B Lippincott 1910) For the reception of the book see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diary A Clue to Its Historyrdquo East Asian History 1 (1991) 99-124 esp 103-10 Contemporary historians are now in consensus that the diary is a forgery but by whom and for what purpose remains a mystery For recent scholarship on its textual history see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diaryrdquo 99-124 Hung Wai Yee ldquolsquoYuan yu Zhongguorsquo de weiyi Jingshan riji jieshi de wenhua xianxiangrdquo

Xueren 13 (1998) 527-49 For a detailed biographical account of Edmund Backhouse see Hugh Trevor-Roper A Hidden Life e Enigma of Sir Edmund Backhouse (London Macmillan 1976)

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6412

integrated into many later versions of the story to highlight her patriotism

e Pearl Concubine [Zhen Fei] who had never been dutiful toward the Old Buddha [Cixi] now had the audacity to fall on her knees before the Old Buddha and implore her that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking [Beijing] and carry on the negotiations for peace e Old Buddha lifted up her voice like the sound of thunder and forthwith ordered the eunuch on duty to throw this obstinate and rebellious woman down a well At this the Emperor appeared deeply distressed for the Pearl Concubine was His Majestyrsquos chief favorite and kneeling down besought the Old Buddha to be merciful and pardon her from death But with deep anger depicted on her face she returned ldquoWho is willing to bandy words when we are hard-pressed for time Do as I have already ordered and kill the Pearl Concubine as a warning to the young owls who when they have grown wings peck out their motherrsquos eyesrdquo ereupon the two eunuchs Li and Sung threw the Pearl Concubine down the big well outside the Ning-shou-kung [Ningshou Gong ] en to the Emperor who was grieved and frightened beyond description the Old Buddha said ldquoGet into our carriage and be careful that the curtain is let down so that people may not see yourdquo23

is passage is especially signifi cant because it became the prototype for many future depictions of Zhen Feirsquos death following the publication of a Chinese translation of the diary in 1914 One of its crucial details is that Zhen Fei ldquoimplored [Cixi] that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking and carry on the negotiations for peacerdquo Her insistence upon the Emperor not to fl ee is believed by many of her contemporaries to have cost Zhen Fei her life24 ere could be various explanations for her risking her life this way if this particular account is true From a political perspective to stay in Peking could have been an astute move since it would wrest power from Cixi and reinstate the Emperorrsquos

23 e translation that I use here is a new one by J J L Duyvendak and is slightly diff er-ent in wording and expression from Backhousersquos e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan Being a Chinese Account of the Boxer Troubles trans J J L Duyvendak (Leiden E J Brill 1924) 72-7324 See for instance Huang Jun Huasuiren shengan zhiyi (1943 reprint Taiyuan Shanxi guji 1999) 160

13S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

supremacy25 Later interpretations of Zhen Feirsquos action however suggest that it was a heroic attempt to save the honor of the Qing empire Indeed this became a familiar moral point in retellings of her legend Her audacious confrontation with authority and her political vision in which national dignity was given ultimate priority were construed as the theme of a woman ldquosacrifi cing herself for the nationrdquo26 Her willingness to negotiate with the imperialists was subsumed but was highly contested later in the socialist China and reinterpreted as betrayal of the nation

It is important to note that the passage reveals that killing Zhen Fei was not Cixirsquos original plan but a consequence of her rage following Zhenrsquos plea is image of Cixi as prone to sudden fi ts of anger appears consistently throughout China Under the Empress Dowager In her speech she uses the vivid metaphor of the xiao a species of owl whose young reportedly devour their own mother to characterize Zhen Feirsquos supposedly malicious intent Rather than uncovering Zhen Feirsquos criminality as was the original purpose of Cixirsquos accusation the metaphor achieves the opposite It reveals Cixi herself to be cruel and paranoid at least as portrayed by the diarist ese embellishments and details of Zhen Feirsquos demise have captured the popular imagination and provided fertile ground for future writers who have developed them in varied ways27

25 As Huang Jun mentions in his entry in Wang Xiaohangrsquos Dezong Yishi there were some doubts among his friends as to the exact wording of Zhen Feirsquos state-

ment that the Guangxu Emperor should remain in the capital Huang Jun included several passages in anecdotal writings to support the claim that it was also Emperor Guangxursquos wish to stay and negotiate with the rebels Huang Jun Huashuiren shengan zhiyi 190-93 26 Elsewhere in e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan (1924) even Cixi states ldquo e Old Buddha is seriously considering sacrifi cing her life on the altar of the Soil and ordering the Emperor to do likewise at the same time She is strongly opposed to making a journey of inspectionrdquo (Laofo poyou xunshe zhiyi bingling Huangshang tongshi xunshe shengyi po buyi chuxun wei ran ) (pages 42 69) is detail was completely dropped in various later adaptations27 In China Under the Empress Dowager contradictory representations of Cixi coexist in an uneasy unexamined relationship On the one hand the two authors reveal her inexorable personality as imperious wrathful vindictive susceptible to manipulation or fl attery mur-derous and lascivious on the other hand Cixi is seen as ldquoa woman and an Orientalrdquo instead of as ldquoa savage monsterrdquo Bland and Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager 478- 79 For a nuanced discussion of Cixirsquos image in this book see Hu Ying ldquo e Proper Author in Translation Literary Property Across Bordersrdquo Tamkang Review 26 no 1-2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6414

Jingshan riji has been proven to be apocryphal but who wrote it and for what purpose remain unknown to this day Since I have been unable to locate earlier texts closer in time to the embellished scene of Zhen Feirsquos death as presented in the diary I provisionally propose that until further research is possible China Under the Empress Dowager translated into Chinese and published in 1914 under the title of Cixi waiji became the seminal text for retellings of the life or legend of Zhen Fei28 We may not be able to retrieve the original motivation for constructing such an image but its popularity and the inclination to reconstruct it along patriotic lines certainly speak to the collective imagination and psychological needs

Cai Dongfan (1877-1945) well-known for writing historical fi ction (yanyi ) in the early twentieth century published his Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Popular history of the Qing dynasty) in 1916 and Cixi taihou yanyi (Popular history of the Empress Dowager Cixi) in 191829 Although he expressed dissatisfaction with Cixi waiji he portrayed the death scene of Zhen Fei in the same vein as Jingshan riji albeit more poignantly Two crucial details prove that he borrowed from the diary One is that Zhen Fei displays courage and vision by insisting that the Emperor stay in the capital e other is that Cixi in the throes of her rage uses the metaphor of birds who devour their parents to describe Zhen Feirsquos wickedness It is clear that Cai Dongfan not only was infl uenced by but also used without signifi cant modifi cation some expressions from Cixi waiji It is plausible that this rendering of a valiant Zhen Fei was widely circulated because of the great popularity of Cai Dongfanrsquos fi ction especially his best-selling series of novels titled Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi

(Popular Chinese history)30 As a matter of fact the overriding

(1995)135-64 and especially 143-47 Hu points out that the construction of the image of Cixi is strongly couched in categories of race and gender and the discourse of orien -talism 28 Cixi waiji trans Chen Lengtai and Chen Yixian (1917 reprint Bei-jing Zhonghua shuju)29 Cai Dongfan Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Huiwentang 1916 reprint Shanghai Wenhua chubanshe 1981) 356-57 Cixi taihou yanyi (1918 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 248-4930 e fi rst edition of the whole 11-volume set of Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi sold more than 100000 copies By 1936 four editions of the series had already been published Mao

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

7S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

accounts of Bai and Liu provide amusing glimpses of Zhen Feirsquos daily life and her personality Both describe her penchant for fi ne clothes and her fondness of dressing herself as a man and posing for the camera9

of the Qing dynasty is was postrevolutionary China and the last Emperor Puyi had bestowed honors upon Zhen Fei in 1915mdasha fact not lost on the erstwhile palace

employees who were interviewed erefore we cannot rule out the possibility that their narratives were skewed by the particular contexts of their recollections9 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19303-4

Figure 2 Gugong zoukan May 3 1930 is picture of Zhen Fei was later proven to be of someone else

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-648

Liu mentions a related incident in the palace that brought the Empress Dowager and Zhen Fei into confl ict Zhen Fei disobeyed the Dowagerrsquos order that the palace women should not be photographed and covertly sent a eunuch named Dai to open a photography studio in the capital After Empress Longyu (1868-1914) Empress Cixirsquos niece reported this to the Dowager the eunuch was fl ogged to death in court10 is incident exacerbated by other actions resulted in the fi rst demotion in Zhenrsquos status Indeed many believe that her obsession with photography was the main reason she became a continual annoyance to the Empress Dowager

Lack of defi nitive evidence makes it hard to confi rm whether Zhen actually crossed the line between a normal interest in fashion and theatricality or pathological fi xation In its playful or naughty moments her enjoyment of playing dress-up can be understood as a reaction to the odious boredom born of enforced idleness in the palace and the stifl ing of her active nature Liu comments about Zhen Fei ldquohaving an honest and good-natured disposition enjoying having funrdquo (xing hanhou xi youxi )11 In its most subversive aspect cross-dressing could serve a useful function as an enticing yet forbidden alternative to the more traditional behavior of an imperial concubine allowing her to venture outside her circumscribed role as a female and fl out or even challenge entrenched gender boundaries It is plausible that Cixi disapproved of Zhen Feirsquos fondness for cross-dressing perceiving it as immoral and potentially subversive Unlike other types of female cross-dressing Zhen Feirsquos practice could be seen as extremely transgressive because she relished accoutering herself as the emperor the unique political role from which she as a woman was summarily excluded Later in this paper we shall see how some writers developed the political implications of her persistent cross-dressing and role-playing as a major story line attributing to Zhen Fei a desire to subvert entrenched gender boundaries and to create a new world of possibilities for herself

10 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304 Ironically Cixi herself became a great fan of photog-raphy in her later years at the beginning of the twentieth century See among others Wang Laiyin ldquoCixi de zuiai rdquo in Wang Laiyin ed Qinggong cangzhao tanmi

(Taibei Huangguan 1997) 58-6811 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304

9S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Generally speaking Zhen Fei is depicted by the aforementioned palace servants as a well-meaning benevolent yet willful opinionated and rebellious person Although we cannot be sure of the accuracy of these characterizations it remains a documented fact that in 1898 she was placed under house arrest and over the following two years was shoddily treated e accounts of why this fate befell Zhen Fei remain enigmatic or contradictory Some point out that she involved herself in scandals by meddling in official matters One instance is her orchestration of the promotion of her former teacher Wen Tingshi

(1856-1904)12 who later became an activist in the Emperorrsquos faction only to be dismissed from offi ce by the Empress Dowager in 189613 Because of the connection between Zhen Fei and Wen Tingshi many historians have assumed that Zhen Fei played a role perhaps even a crucial one in the reform movement14 We are expected to believe that she urged the Emperor to initiate political reform but there is no evidence whatsoever that she either shared the political views of Wen Tingshi or other reformists or participated in their actions In fact her support of Wen Tingshi appears to be no more than an instance of personal favoritism15 Judging by the accounts of the palace servants it seems that it was not her political involvement in the reform but other reasons such as her uncompromising and outrageous personality overbearing airs love of luxury repeated infringement of various palace rules troubled relationships with eunuchs and Empress Longyursquos envy of her that eventually led to her horrible demise Or it could simply be that as the Guangxu Emperorrsquos favorite she became a relatively powerless pawn in the escalating political struggles between the Empress Dowagerrsquos and the Emperorrsquos factions at the court

Clearly many details pertaining to Zhen Fei remain disputable and conjectural but the most mysterious are the circumstances surrounding

12 Qian Zhonglian comp ldquoWen Tingshi nianpu rdquo in Zhao Tiehan ed Wen Tingshi quanji 10 vols (Taibei Dahua 1969) vol1 1-58

Qian Zhonglian points out that Wen Tingshi taught the two Zhen sisters in Beijing in 1888 (page 17) Qian also cites several anecdotal writings in regard to the two sistersrsquo involvement with Wenrsquos fast promotion (page 26) 13 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 32-33 41-4414 See for instance Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo in his compilation Guchunfenglou suoji (Taibei Xinshengbao 1966) 309-1115 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 28

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6410

her death Because the incident took place in a secluded location at an extraordinary historical moment it became an enigma that will probably remain unsolved Nevertheless it led to the creation of much historical fantasy that strove to fi ll the gaps in popular knowledge ere are many ambiguous and confl icting accounts regarding the exact date location motivation for and method of Zhen Feirsquos death Some suppose she committed suicide when she was left behind by the royal family16 Others claim that Cui Yugui the second chief eunuch pushed her into the well on his own initiative with no authorization from Cixi17 ere are also those who swear Cixi forced her to commit ldquosuiciderdquo18 Tang Guanqing who was actually in the main palace when the incident took place provides a more detailed account of Zhen Feirsquos death19 Tang had been ordered to wait at Qihe Xuan a palace that was a hundred steps away from the site of the alleged murder20 If he had done so it would have been impossible for him to directly witness the incident us his account remains hearsay However it is convincing with regard to the images of Cixi and Zhen Fei Tang Guanqing states that Cixi did not inform Zhen Fei that the royal family was planning to fl ee the court Cixi characterized the extraordinary situation in such a way as to coax Zhen Fei to commit suicide rather than issuing an explicit order for her to be struck down Not until this strategy failed did Cixi issue the directive Her way of handling Zhen Fei here can be understood as ldquocourtesy before violencerdquo (xianli houbing

) a strategy consistent with Cixirsquos political sophistication21 A powerless Zhen Fei rather than facing death unfl inchingly (a popular

16 See Luo Dunrong Gengzi guobian ji in Zhongguo yeshi jicheng(1902 reprint Chengdu Bashu 1993) vol48 no7 1-10 and see page

8 Luo further writes that many palace people and Manchurian women living in the city committed suicide17 Xu Ke proposes that this was one possibility among others including suicide See Xu Ke

Qingbai leichao (1917 reprint Beijing Zhonghua 1984) 39218 For instance Hu Sijing Luumlbei Ji (1908 reprint Beijing Beijing guji 1990) 148 As Hu claimed in the preface his account of the whole Gengzi event was written right after it happened19 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 1930420 Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo 315 Gao Baishi contested the authenticity of Tang Guanqingrsquos account21 See also Lin Keguang Yidai mingfei de beiju (Beijing Zhong-guo renmin daxue 1991) 103

11S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image added to later reconstructions) cried and repeatedly begged the Dowager for mercy Another important fact portrayed diff erently in later versions is that according to this account the Guangxu Emperor was not present Cixi apparently showed a modicum of consideration she allowed the emperor to save face by sparing him the terrible experience

One famous text that I believe played a critical role in reconstructing the image of Zhen Fei is the Jingshan riji (Jingshan diary) which was allegedly authored by the retired offi cial Jingshan (1823-1900) e diary which runs from January 25 1900 to a few hours before the death of Jingshan seven months later allegedly provides a fi rsthand account of the Chinese imperial court during the Boxer Uprising and has been considered an essential source for elucidating daily court aff airs at the time It fi rst appeared as the seventeenth chapter in the extremely popular work China Under the Empress Dowager co-authored by JOP Bland and Edmund Backhouse in 191022 Although readers were mesmerized by detailed graphic descriptions of this most critical period of the Manchu court in turmoil we must be aware of the diaryrsquos diff erent levels of discursive manipulations by Jingshan (the alleged diarist) and Backhouse (the translatorauthor) which signifi cantly shaped the bookrsquos presentation of historical events As far as Zhen Feirsquos death is concerned Jingshanrsquos description given by Wen An Comptroller General of the royal household is at best a thrice-removed account Although the incident was dealt with only in passing in the diary the image of Zhen Fei underwent a major transformation from a submissive to a decisive courageous fi gure Zhen Feirsquos insistence on staying in Beijing in particular has been

22 JOP Bland and E Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager (Philadelphia J B Lippincott 1910) For the reception of the book see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diary A Clue to Its Historyrdquo East Asian History 1 (1991) 99-124 esp 103-10 Contemporary historians are now in consensus that the diary is a forgery but by whom and for what purpose remains a mystery For recent scholarship on its textual history see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diaryrdquo 99-124 Hung Wai Yee ldquolsquoYuan yu Zhongguorsquo de weiyi Jingshan riji jieshi de wenhua xianxiangrdquo

Xueren 13 (1998) 527-49 For a detailed biographical account of Edmund Backhouse see Hugh Trevor-Roper A Hidden Life e Enigma of Sir Edmund Backhouse (London Macmillan 1976)

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6412

integrated into many later versions of the story to highlight her patriotism

e Pearl Concubine [Zhen Fei] who had never been dutiful toward the Old Buddha [Cixi] now had the audacity to fall on her knees before the Old Buddha and implore her that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking [Beijing] and carry on the negotiations for peace e Old Buddha lifted up her voice like the sound of thunder and forthwith ordered the eunuch on duty to throw this obstinate and rebellious woman down a well At this the Emperor appeared deeply distressed for the Pearl Concubine was His Majestyrsquos chief favorite and kneeling down besought the Old Buddha to be merciful and pardon her from death But with deep anger depicted on her face she returned ldquoWho is willing to bandy words when we are hard-pressed for time Do as I have already ordered and kill the Pearl Concubine as a warning to the young owls who when they have grown wings peck out their motherrsquos eyesrdquo ereupon the two eunuchs Li and Sung threw the Pearl Concubine down the big well outside the Ning-shou-kung [Ningshou Gong ] en to the Emperor who was grieved and frightened beyond description the Old Buddha said ldquoGet into our carriage and be careful that the curtain is let down so that people may not see yourdquo23

is passage is especially signifi cant because it became the prototype for many future depictions of Zhen Feirsquos death following the publication of a Chinese translation of the diary in 1914 One of its crucial details is that Zhen Fei ldquoimplored [Cixi] that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking and carry on the negotiations for peacerdquo Her insistence upon the Emperor not to fl ee is believed by many of her contemporaries to have cost Zhen Fei her life24 ere could be various explanations for her risking her life this way if this particular account is true From a political perspective to stay in Peking could have been an astute move since it would wrest power from Cixi and reinstate the Emperorrsquos

23 e translation that I use here is a new one by J J L Duyvendak and is slightly diff er-ent in wording and expression from Backhousersquos e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan Being a Chinese Account of the Boxer Troubles trans J J L Duyvendak (Leiden E J Brill 1924) 72-7324 See for instance Huang Jun Huasuiren shengan zhiyi (1943 reprint Taiyuan Shanxi guji 1999) 160

13S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

supremacy25 Later interpretations of Zhen Feirsquos action however suggest that it was a heroic attempt to save the honor of the Qing empire Indeed this became a familiar moral point in retellings of her legend Her audacious confrontation with authority and her political vision in which national dignity was given ultimate priority were construed as the theme of a woman ldquosacrifi cing herself for the nationrdquo26 Her willingness to negotiate with the imperialists was subsumed but was highly contested later in the socialist China and reinterpreted as betrayal of the nation

It is important to note that the passage reveals that killing Zhen Fei was not Cixirsquos original plan but a consequence of her rage following Zhenrsquos plea is image of Cixi as prone to sudden fi ts of anger appears consistently throughout China Under the Empress Dowager In her speech she uses the vivid metaphor of the xiao a species of owl whose young reportedly devour their own mother to characterize Zhen Feirsquos supposedly malicious intent Rather than uncovering Zhen Feirsquos criminality as was the original purpose of Cixirsquos accusation the metaphor achieves the opposite It reveals Cixi herself to be cruel and paranoid at least as portrayed by the diarist ese embellishments and details of Zhen Feirsquos demise have captured the popular imagination and provided fertile ground for future writers who have developed them in varied ways27

25 As Huang Jun mentions in his entry in Wang Xiaohangrsquos Dezong Yishi there were some doubts among his friends as to the exact wording of Zhen Feirsquos state-

ment that the Guangxu Emperor should remain in the capital Huang Jun included several passages in anecdotal writings to support the claim that it was also Emperor Guangxursquos wish to stay and negotiate with the rebels Huang Jun Huashuiren shengan zhiyi 190-93 26 Elsewhere in e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan (1924) even Cixi states ldquo e Old Buddha is seriously considering sacrifi cing her life on the altar of the Soil and ordering the Emperor to do likewise at the same time She is strongly opposed to making a journey of inspectionrdquo (Laofo poyou xunshe zhiyi bingling Huangshang tongshi xunshe shengyi po buyi chuxun wei ran ) (pages 42 69) is detail was completely dropped in various later adaptations27 In China Under the Empress Dowager contradictory representations of Cixi coexist in an uneasy unexamined relationship On the one hand the two authors reveal her inexorable personality as imperious wrathful vindictive susceptible to manipulation or fl attery mur-derous and lascivious on the other hand Cixi is seen as ldquoa woman and an Orientalrdquo instead of as ldquoa savage monsterrdquo Bland and Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager 478- 79 For a nuanced discussion of Cixirsquos image in this book see Hu Ying ldquo e Proper Author in Translation Literary Property Across Bordersrdquo Tamkang Review 26 no 1-2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6414

Jingshan riji has been proven to be apocryphal but who wrote it and for what purpose remain unknown to this day Since I have been unable to locate earlier texts closer in time to the embellished scene of Zhen Feirsquos death as presented in the diary I provisionally propose that until further research is possible China Under the Empress Dowager translated into Chinese and published in 1914 under the title of Cixi waiji became the seminal text for retellings of the life or legend of Zhen Fei28 We may not be able to retrieve the original motivation for constructing such an image but its popularity and the inclination to reconstruct it along patriotic lines certainly speak to the collective imagination and psychological needs

Cai Dongfan (1877-1945) well-known for writing historical fi ction (yanyi ) in the early twentieth century published his Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Popular history of the Qing dynasty) in 1916 and Cixi taihou yanyi (Popular history of the Empress Dowager Cixi) in 191829 Although he expressed dissatisfaction with Cixi waiji he portrayed the death scene of Zhen Fei in the same vein as Jingshan riji albeit more poignantly Two crucial details prove that he borrowed from the diary One is that Zhen Fei displays courage and vision by insisting that the Emperor stay in the capital e other is that Cixi in the throes of her rage uses the metaphor of birds who devour their parents to describe Zhen Feirsquos wickedness It is clear that Cai Dongfan not only was infl uenced by but also used without signifi cant modifi cation some expressions from Cixi waiji It is plausible that this rendering of a valiant Zhen Fei was widely circulated because of the great popularity of Cai Dongfanrsquos fi ction especially his best-selling series of novels titled Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi

(Popular Chinese history)30 As a matter of fact the overriding

(1995)135-64 and especially 143-47 Hu points out that the construction of the image of Cixi is strongly couched in categories of race and gender and the discourse of orien -talism 28 Cixi waiji trans Chen Lengtai and Chen Yixian (1917 reprint Bei-jing Zhonghua shuju)29 Cai Dongfan Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Huiwentang 1916 reprint Shanghai Wenhua chubanshe 1981) 356-57 Cixi taihou yanyi (1918 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 248-4930 e fi rst edition of the whole 11-volume set of Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi sold more than 100000 copies By 1936 four editions of the series had already been published Mao

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-648

Liu mentions a related incident in the palace that brought the Empress Dowager and Zhen Fei into confl ict Zhen Fei disobeyed the Dowagerrsquos order that the palace women should not be photographed and covertly sent a eunuch named Dai to open a photography studio in the capital After Empress Longyu (1868-1914) Empress Cixirsquos niece reported this to the Dowager the eunuch was fl ogged to death in court10 is incident exacerbated by other actions resulted in the fi rst demotion in Zhenrsquos status Indeed many believe that her obsession with photography was the main reason she became a continual annoyance to the Empress Dowager

Lack of defi nitive evidence makes it hard to confi rm whether Zhen actually crossed the line between a normal interest in fashion and theatricality or pathological fi xation In its playful or naughty moments her enjoyment of playing dress-up can be understood as a reaction to the odious boredom born of enforced idleness in the palace and the stifl ing of her active nature Liu comments about Zhen Fei ldquohaving an honest and good-natured disposition enjoying having funrdquo (xing hanhou xi youxi )11 In its most subversive aspect cross-dressing could serve a useful function as an enticing yet forbidden alternative to the more traditional behavior of an imperial concubine allowing her to venture outside her circumscribed role as a female and fl out or even challenge entrenched gender boundaries It is plausible that Cixi disapproved of Zhen Feirsquos fondness for cross-dressing perceiving it as immoral and potentially subversive Unlike other types of female cross-dressing Zhen Feirsquos practice could be seen as extremely transgressive because she relished accoutering herself as the emperor the unique political role from which she as a woman was summarily excluded Later in this paper we shall see how some writers developed the political implications of her persistent cross-dressing and role-playing as a major story line attributing to Zhen Fei a desire to subvert entrenched gender boundaries and to create a new world of possibilities for herself

10 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304 Ironically Cixi herself became a great fan of photog-raphy in her later years at the beginning of the twentieth century See among others Wang Laiyin ldquoCixi de zuiai rdquo in Wang Laiyin ed Qinggong cangzhao tanmi

(Taibei Huangguan 1997) 58-6811 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 19304

9S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Generally speaking Zhen Fei is depicted by the aforementioned palace servants as a well-meaning benevolent yet willful opinionated and rebellious person Although we cannot be sure of the accuracy of these characterizations it remains a documented fact that in 1898 she was placed under house arrest and over the following two years was shoddily treated e accounts of why this fate befell Zhen Fei remain enigmatic or contradictory Some point out that she involved herself in scandals by meddling in official matters One instance is her orchestration of the promotion of her former teacher Wen Tingshi

(1856-1904)12 who later became an activist in the Emperorrsquos faction only to be dismissed from offi ce by the Empress Dowager in 189613 Because of the connection between Zhen Fei and Wen Tingshi many historians have assumed that Zhen Fei played a role perhaps even a crucial one in the reform movement14 We are expected to believe that she urged the Emperor to initiate political reform but there is no evidence whatsoever that she either shared the political views of Wen Tingshi or other reformists or participated in their actions In fact her support of Wen Tingshi appears to be no more than an instance of personal favoritism15 Judging by the accounts of the palace servants it seems that it was not her political involvement in the reform but other reasons such as her uncompromising and outrageous personality overbearing airs love of luxury repeated infringement of various palace rules troubled relationships with eunuchs and Empress Longyursquos envy of her that eventually led to her horrible demise Or it could simply be that as the Guangxu Emperorrsquos favorite she became a relatively powerless pawn in the escalating political struggles between the Empress Dowagerrsquos and the Emperorrsquos factions at the court

Clearly many details pertaining to Zhen Fei remain disputable and conjectural but the most mysterious are the circumstances surrounding

12 Qian Zhonglian comp ldquoWen Tingshi nianpu rdquo in Zhao Tiehan ed Wen Tingshi quanji 10 vols (Taibei Dahua 1969) vol1 1-58

Qian Zhonglian points out that Wen Tingshi taught the two Zhen sisters in Beijing in 1888 (page 17) Qian also cites several anecdotal writings in regard to the two sistersrsquo involvement with Wenrsquos fast promotion (page 26) 13 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 32-33 41-4414 See for instance Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo in his compilation Guchunfenglou suoji (Taibei Xinshengbao 1966) 309-1115 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 28

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6410

her death Because the incident took place in a secluded location at an extraordinary historical moment it became an enigma that will probably remain unsolved Nevertheless it led to the creation of much historical fantasy that strove to fi ll the gaps in popular knowledge ere are many ambiguous and confl icting accounts regarding the exact date location motivation for and method of Zhen Feirsquos death Some suppose she committed suicide when she was left behind by the royal family16 Others claim that Cui Yugui the second chief eunuch pushed her into the well on his own initiative with no authorization from Cixi17 ere are also those who swear Cixi forced her to commit ldquosuiciderdquo18 Tang Guanqing who was actually in the main palace when the incident took place provides a more detailed account of Zhen Feirsquos death19 Tang had been ordered to wait at Qihe Xuan a palace that was a hundred steps away from the site of the alleged murder20 If he had done so it would have been impossible for him to directly witness the incident us his account remains hearsay However it is convincing with regard to the images of Cixi and Zhen Fei Tang Guanqing states that Cixi did not inform Zhen Fei that the royal family was planning to fl ee the court Cixi characterized the extraordinary situation in such a way as to coax Zhen Fei to commit suicide rather than issuing an explicit order for her to be struck down Not until this strategy failed did Cixi issue the directive Her way of handling Zhen Fei here can be understood as ldquocourtesy before violencerdquo (xianli houbing

) a strategy consistent with Cixirsquos political sophistication21 A powerless Zhen Fei rather than facing death unfl inchingly (a popular

16 See Luo Dunrong Gengzi guobian ji in Zhongguo yeshi jicheng(1902 reprint Chengdu Bashu 1993) vol48 no7 1-10 and see page

8 Luo further writes that many palace people and Manchurian women living in the city committed suicide17 Xu Ke proposes that this was one possibility among others including suicide See Xu Ke

Qingbai leichao (1917 reprint Beijing Zhonghua 1984) 39218 For instance Hu Sijing Luumlbei Ji (1908 reprint Beijing Beijing guji 1990) 148 As Hu claimed in the preface his account of the whole Gengzi event was written right after it happened19 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 1930420 Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo 315 Gao Baishi contested the authenticity of Tang Guanqingrsquos account21 See also Lin Keguang Yidai mingfei de beiju (Beijing Zhong-guo renmin daxue 1991) 103

11S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image added to later reconstructions) cried and repeatedly begged the Dowager for mercy Another important fact portrayed diff erently in later versions is that according to this account the Guangxu Emperor was not present Cixi apparently showed a modicum of consideration she allowed the emperor to save face by sparing him the terrible experience

One famous text that I believe played a critical role in reconstructing the image of Zhen Fei is the Jingshan riji (Jingshan diary) which was allegedly authored by the retired offi cial Jingshan (1823-1900) e diary which runs from January 25 1900 to a few hours before the death of Jingshan seven months later allegedly provides a fi rsthand account of the Chinese imperial court during the Boxer Uprising and has been considered an essential source for elucidating daily court aff airs at the time It fi rst appeared as the seventeenth chapter in the extremely popular work China Under the Empress Dowager co-authored by JOP Bland and Edmund Backhouse in 191022 Although readers were mesmerized by detailed graphic descriptions of this most critical period of the Manchu court in turmoil we must be aware of the diaryrsquos diff erent levels of discursive manipulations by Jingshan (the alleged diarist) and Backhouse (the translatorauthor) which signifi cantly shaped the bookrsquos presentation of historical events As far as Zhen Feirsquos death is concerned Jingshanrsquos description given by Wen An Comptroller General of the royal household is at best a thrice-removed account Although the incident was dealt with only in passing in the diary the image of Zhen Fei underwent a major transformation from a submissive to a decisive courageous fi gure Zhen Feirsquos insistence on staying in Beijing in particular has been

22 JOP Bland and E Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager (Philadelphia J B Lippincott 1910) For the reception of the book see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diary A Clue to Its Historyrdquo East Asian History 1 (1991) 99-124 esp 103-10 Contemporary historians are now in consensus that the diary is a forgery but by whom and for what purpose remains a mystery For recent scholarship on its textual history see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diaryrdquo 99-124 Hung Wai Yee ldquolsquoYuan yu Zhongguorsquo de weiyi Jingshan riji jieshi de wenhua xianxiangrdquo

Xueren 13 (1998) 527-49 For a detailed biographical account of Edmund Backhouse see Hugh Trevor-Roper A Hidden Life e Enigma of Sir Edmund Backhouse (London Macmillan 1976)

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6412

integrated into many later versions of the story to highlight her patriotism

e Pearl Concubine [Zhen Fei] who had never been dutiful toward the Old Buddha [Cixi] now had the audacity to fall on her knees before the Old Buddha and implore her that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking [Beijing] and carry on the negotiations for peace e Old Buddha lifted up her voice like the sound of thunder and forthwith ordered the eunuch on duty to throw this obstinate and rebellious woman down a well At this the Emperor appeared deeply distressed for the Pearl Concubine was His Majestyrsquos chief favorite and kneeling down besought the Old Buddha to be merciful and pardon her from death But with deep anger depicted on her face she returned ldquoWho is willing to bandy words when we are hard-pressed for time Do as I have already ordered and kill the Pearl Concubine as a warning to the young owls who when they have grown wings peck out their motherrsquos eyesrdquo ereupon the two eunuchs Li and Sung threw the Pearl Concubine down the big well outside the Ning-shou-kung [Ningshou Gong ] en to the Emperor who was grieved and frightened beyond description the Old Buddha said ldquoGet into our carriage and be careful that the curtain is let down so that people may not see yourdquo23

is passage is especially signifi cant because it became the prototype for many future depictions of Zhen Feirsquos death following the publication of a Chinese translation of the diary in 1914 One of its crucial details is that Zhen Fei ldquoimplored [Cixi] that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking and carry on the negotiations for peacerdquo Her insistence upon the Emperor not to fl ee is believed by many of her contemporaries to have cost Zhen Fei her life24 ere could be various explanations for her risking her life this way if this particular account is true From a political perspective to stay in Peking could have been an astute move since it would wrest power from Cixi and reinstate the Emperorrsquos

23 e translation that I use here is a new one by J J L Duyvendak and is slightly diff er-ent in wording and expression from Backhousersquos e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan Being a Chinese Account of the Boxer Troubles trans J J L Duyvendak (Leiden E J Brill 1924) 72-7324 See for instance Huang Jun Huasuiren shengan zhiyi (1943 reprint Taiyuan Shanxi guji 1999) 160

13S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

supremacy25 Later interpretations of Zhen Feirsquos action however suggest that it was a heroic attempt to save the honor of the Qing empire Indeed this became a familiar moral point in retellings of her legend Her audacious confrontation with authority and her political vision in which national dignity was given ultimate priority were construed as the theme of a woman ldquosacrifi cing herself for the nationrdquo26 Her willingness to negotiate with the imperialists was subsumed but was highly contested later in the socialist China and reinterpreted as betrayal of the nation

It is important to note that the passage reveals that killing Zhen Fei was not Cixirsquos original plan but a consequence of her rage following Zhenrsquos plea is image of Cixi as prone to sudden fi ts of anger appears consistently throughout China Under the Empress Dowager In her speech she uses the vivid metaphor of the xiao a species of owl whose young reportedly devour their own mother to characterize Zhen Feirsquos supposedly malicious intent Rather than uncovering Zhen Feirsquos criminality as was the original purpose of Cixirsquos accusation the metaphor achieves the opposite It reveals Cixi herself to be cruel and paranoid at least as portrayed by the diarist ese embellishments and details of Zhen Feirsquos demise have captured the popular imagination and provided fertile ground for future writers who have developed them in varied ways27

25 As Huang Jun mentions in his entry in Wang Xiaohangrsquos Dezong Yishi there were some doubts among his friends as to the exact wording of Zhen Feirsquos state-

ment that the Guangxu Emperor should remain in the capital Huang Jun included several passages in anecdotal writings to support the claim that it was also Emperor Guangxursquos wish to stay and negotiate with the rebels Huang Jun Huashuiren shengan zhiyi 190-93 26 Elsewhere in e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan (1924) even Cixi states ldquo e Old Buddha is seriously considering sacrifi cing her life on the altar of the Soil and ordering the Emperor to do likewise at the same time She is strongly opposed to making a journey of inspectionrdquo (Laofo poyou xunshe zhiyi bingling Huangshang tongshi xunshe shengyi po buyi chuxun wei ran ) (pages 42 69) is detail was completely dropped in various later adaptations27 In China Under the Empress Dowager contradictory representations of Cixi coexist in an uneasy unexamined relationship On the one hand the two authors reveal her inexorable personality as imperious wrathful vindictive susceptible to manipulation or fl attery mur-derous and lascivious on the other hand Cixi is seen as ldquoa woman and an Orientalrdquo instead of as ldquoa savage monsterrdquo Bland and Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager 478- 79 For a nuanced discussion of Cixirsquos image in this book see Hu Ying ldquo e Proper Author in Translation Literary Property Across Bordersrdquo Tamkang Review 26 no 1-2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6414

Jingshan riji has been proven to be apocryphal but who wrote it and for what purpose remain unknown to this day Since I have been unable to locate earlier texts closer in time to the embellished scene of Zhen Feirsquos death as presented in the diary I provisionally propose that until further research is possible China Under the Empress Dowager translated into Chinese and published in 1914 under the title of Cixi waiji became the seminal text for retellings of the life or legend of Zhen Fei28 We may not be able to retrieve the original motivation for constructing such an image but its popularity and the inclination to reconstruct it along patriotic lines certainly speak to the collective imagination and psychological needs

Cai Dongfan (1877-1945) well-known for writing historical fi ction (yanyi ) in the early twentieth century published his Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Popular history of the Qing dynasty) in 1916 and Cixi taihou yanyi (Popular history of the Empress Dowager Cixi) in 191829 Although he expressed dissatisfaction with Cixi waiji he portrayed the death scene of Zhen Fei in the same vein as Jingshan riji albeit more poignantly Two crucial details prove that he borrowed from the diary One is that Zhen Fei displays courage and vision by insisting that the Emperor stay in the capital e other is that Cixi in the throes of her rage uses the metaphor of birds who devour their parents to describe Zhen Feirsquos wickedness It is clear that Cai Dongfan not only was infl uenced by but also used without signifi cant modifi cation some expressions from Cixi waiji It is plausible that this rendering of a valiant Zhen Fei was widely circulated because of the great popularity of Cai Dongfanrsquos fi ction especially his best-selling series of novels titled Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi

(Popular Chinese history)30 As a matter of fact the overriding

(1995)135-64 and especially 143-47 Hu points out that the construction of the image of Cixi is strongly couched in categories of race and gender and the discourse of orien -talism 28 Cixi waiji trans Chen Lengtai and Chen Yixian (1917 reprint Bei-jing Zhonghua shuju)29 Cai Dongfan Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Huiwentang 1916 reprint Shanghai Wenhua chubanshe 1981) 356-57 Cixi taihou yanyi (1918 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 248-4930 e fi rst edition of the whole 11-volume set of Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi sold more than 100000 copies By 1936 four editions of the series had already been published Mao

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

9S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Generally speaking Zhen Fei is depicted by the aforementioned palace servants as a well-meaning benevolent yet willful opinionated and rebellious person Although we cannot be sure of the accuracy of these characterizations it remains a documented fact that in 1898 she was placed under house arrest and over the following two years was shoddily treated e accounts of why this fate befell Zhen Fei remain enigmatic or contradictory Some point out that she involved herself in scandals by meddling in official matters One instance is her orchestration of the promotion of her former teacher Wen Tingshi

(1856-1904)12 who later became an activist in the Emperorrsquos faction only to be dismissed from offi ce by the Empress Dowager in 189613 Because of the connection between Zhen Fei and Wen Tingshi many historians have assumed that Zhen Fei played a role perhaps even a crucial one in the reform movement14 We are expected to believe that she urged the Emperor to initiate political reform but there is no evidence whatsoever that she either shared the political views of Wen Tingshi or other reformists or participated in their actions In fact her support of Wen Tingshi appears to be no more than an instance of personal favoritism15 Judging by the accounts of the palace servants it seems that it was not her political involvement in the reform but other reasons such as her uncompromising and outrageous personality overbearing airs love of luxury repeated infringement of various palace rules troubled relationships with eunuchs and Empress Longyursquos envy of her that eventually led to her horrible demise Or it could simply be that as the Guangxu Emperorrsquos favorite she became a relatively powerless pawn in the escalating political struggles between the Empress Dowagerrsquos and the Emperorrsquos factions at the court

Clearly many details pertaining to Zhen Fei remain disputable and conjectural but the most mysterious are the circumstances surrounding

12 Qian Zhonglian comp ldquoWen Tingshi nianpu rdquo in Zhao Tiehan ed Wen Tingshi quanji 10 vols (Taibei Dahua 1969) vol1 1-58

Qian Zhonglian points out that Wen Tingshi taught the two Zhen sisters in Beijing in 1888 (page 17) Qian also cites several anecdotal writings in regard to the two sistersrsquo involvement with Wenrsquos fast promotion (page 26) 13 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 32-33 41-4414 See for instance Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo in his compilation Guchunfenglou suoji (Taibei Xinshengbao 1966) 309-1115 Qian Zhonglian ldquoWen Tingshi nianpurdquo 28

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6410

her death Because the incident took place in a secluded location at an extraordinary historical moment it became an enigma that will probably remain unsolved Nevertheless it led to the creation of much historical fantasy that strove to fi ll the gaps in popular knowledge ere are many ambiguous and confl icting accounts regarding the exact date location motivation for and method of Zhen Feirsquos death Some suppose she committed suicide when she was left behind by the royal family16 Others claim that Cui Yugui the second chief eunuch pushed her into the well on his own initiative with no authorization from Cixi17 ere are also those who swear Cixi forced her to commit ldquosuiciderdquo18 Tang Guanqing who was actually in the main palace when the incident took place provides a more detailed account of Zhen Feirsquos death19 Tang had been ordered to wait at Qihe Xuan a palace that was a hundred steps away from the site of the alleged murder20 If he had done so it would have been impossible for him to directly witness the incident us his account remains hearsay However it is convincing with regard to the images of Cixi and Zhen Fei Tang Guanqing states that Cixi did not inform Zhen Fei that the royal family was planning to fl ee the court Cixi characterized the extraordinary situation in such a way as to coax Zhen Fei to commit suicide rather than issuing an explicit order for her to be struck down Not until this strategy failed did Cixi issue the directive Her way of handling Zhen Fei here can be understood as ldquocourtesy before violencerdquo (xianli houbing

) a strategy consistent with Cixirsquos political sophistication21 A powerless Zhen Fei rather than facing death unfl inchingly (a popular

16 See Luo Dunrong Gengzi guobian ji in Zhongguo yeshi jicheng(1902 reprint Chengdu Bashu 1993) vol48 no7 1-10 and see page

8 Luo further writes that many palace people and Manchurian women living in the city committed suicide17 Xu Ke proposes that this was one possibility among others including suicide See Xu Ke

Qingbai leichao (1917 reprint Beijing Zhonghua 1984) 39218 For instance Hu Sijing Luumlbei Ji (1908 reprint Beijing Beijing guji 1990) 148 As Hu claimed in the preface his account of the whole Gengzi event was written right after it happened19 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 1930420 Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo 315 Gao Baishi contested the authenticity of Tang Guanqingrsquos account21 See also Lin Keguang Yidai mingfei de beiju (Beijing Zhong-guo renmin daxue 1991) 103

11S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image added to later reconstructions) cried and repeatedly begged the Dowager for mercy Another important fact portrayed diff erently in later versions is that according to this account the Guangxu Emperor was not present Cixi apparently showed a modicum of consideration she allowed the emperor to save face by sparing him the terrible experience

One famous text that I believe played a critical role in reconstructing the image of Zhen Fei is the Jingshan riji (Jingshan diary) which was allegedly authored by the retired offi cial Jingshan (1823-1900) e diary which runs from January 25 1900 to a few hours before the death of Jingshan seven months later allegedly provides a fi rsthand account of the Chinese imperial court during the Boxer Uprising and has been considered an essential source for elucidating daily court aff airs at the time It fi rst appeared as the seventeenth chapter in the extremely popular work China Under the Empress Dowager co-authored by JOP Bland and Edmund Backhouse in 191022 Although readers were mesmerized by detailed graphic descriptions of this most critical period of the Manchu court in turmoil we must be aware of the diaryrsquos diff erent levels of discursive manipulations by Jingshan (the alleged diarist) and Backhouse (the translatorauthor) which signifi cantly shaped the bookrsquos presentation of historical events As far as Zhen Feirsquos death is concerned Jingshanrsquos description given by Wen An Comptroller General of the royal household is at best a thrice-removed account Although the incident was dealt with only in passing in the diary the image of Zhen Fei underwent a major transformation from a submissive to a decisive courageous fi gure Zhen Feirsquos insistence on staying in Beijing in particular has been

22 JOP Bland and E Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager (Philadelphia J B Lippincott 1910) For the reception of the book see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diary A Clue to Its Historyrdquo East Asian History 1 (1991) 99-124 esp 103-10 Contemporary historians are now in consensus that the diary is a forgery but by whom and for what purpose remains a mystery For recent scholarship on its textual history see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diaryrdquo 99-124 Hung Wai Yee ldquolsquoYuan yu Zhongguorsquo de weiyi Jingshan riji jieshi de wenhua xianxiangrdquo

Xueren 13 (1998) 527-49 For a detailed biographical account of Edmund Backhouse see Hugh Trevor-Roper A Hidden Life e Enigma of Sir Edmund Backhouse (London Macmillan 1976)

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6412

integrated into many later versions of the story to highlight her patriotism

e Pearl Concubine [Zhen Fei] who had never been dutiful toward the Old Buddha [Cixi] now had the audacity to fall on her knees before the Old Buddha and implore her that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking [Beijing] and carry on the negotiations for peace e Old Buddha lifted up her voice like the sound of thunder and forthwith ordered the eunuch on duty to throw this obstinate and rebellious woman down a well At this the Emperor appeared deeply distressed for the Pearl Concubine was His Majestyrsquos chief favorite and kneeling down besought the Old Buddha to be merciful and pardon her from death But with deep anger depicted on her face she returned ldquoWho is willing to bandy words when we are hard-pressed for time Do as I have already ordered and kill the Pearl Concubine as a warning to the young owls who when they have grown wings peck out their motherrsquos eyesrdquo ereupon the two eunuchs Li and Sung threw the Pearl Concubine down the big well outside the Ning-shou-kung [Ningshou Gong ] en to the Emperor who was grieved and frightened beyond description the Old Buddha said ldquoGet into our carriage and be careful that the curtain is let down so that people may not see yourdquo23

is passage is especially signifi cant because it became the prototype for many future depictions of Zhen Feirsquos death following the publication of a Chinese translation of the diary in 1914 One of its crucial details is that Zhen Fei ldquoimplored [Cixi] that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking and carry on the negotiations for peacerdquo Her insistence upon the Emperor not to fl ee is believed by many of her contemporaries to have cost Zhen Fei her life24 ere could be various explanations for her risking her life this way if this particular account is true From a political perspective to stay in Peking could have been an astute move since it would wrest power from Cixi and reinstate the Emperorrsquos

23 e translation that I use here is a new one by J J L Duyvendak and is slightly diff er-ent in wording and expression from Backhousersquos e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan Being a Chinese Account of the Boxer Troubles trans J J L Duyvendak (Leiden E J Brill 1924) 72-7324 See for instance Huang Jun Huasuiren shengan zhiyi (1943 reprint Taiyuan Shanxi guji 1999) 160

13S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

supremacy25 Later interpretations of Zhen Feirsquos action however suggest that it was a heroic attempt to save the honor of the Qing empire Indeed this became a familiar moral point in retellings of her legend Her audacious confrontation with authority and her political vision in which national dignity was given ultimate priority were construed as the theme of a woman ldquosacrifi cing herself for the nationrdquo26 Her willingness to negotiate with the imperialists was subsumed but was highly contested later in the socialist China and reinterpreted as betrayal of the nation

It is important to note that the passage reveals that killing Zhen Fei was not Cixirsquos original plan but a consequence of her rage following Zhenrsquos plea is image of Cixi as prone to sudden fi ts of anger appears consistently throughout China Under the Empress Dowager In her speech she uses the vivid metaphor of the xiao a species of owl whose young reportedly devour their own mother to characterize Zhen Feirsquos supposedly malicious intent Rather than uncovering Zhen Feirsquos criminality as was the original purpose of Cixirsquos accusation the metaphor achieves the opposite It reveals Cixi herself to be cruel and paranoid at least as portrayed by the diarist ese embellishments and details of Zhen Feirsquos demise have captured the popular imagination and provided fertile ground for future writers who have developed them in varied ways27

25 As Huang Jun mentions in his entry in Wang Xiaohangrsquos Dezong Yishi there were some doubts among his friends as to the exact wording of Zhen Feirsquos state-

ment that the Guangxu Emperor should remain in the capital Huang Jun included several passages in anecdotal writings to support the claim that it was also Emperor Guangxursquos wish to stay and negotiate with the rebels Huang Jun Huashuiren shengan zhiyi 190-93 26 Elsewhere in e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan (1924) even Cixi states ldquo e Old Buddha is seriously considering sacrifi cing her life on the altar of the Soil and ordering the Emperor to do likewise at the same time She is strongly opposed to making a journey of inspectionrdquo (Laofo poyou xunshe zhiyi bingling Huangshang tongshi xunshe shengyi po buyi chuxun wei ran ) (pages 42 69) is detail was completely dropped in various later adaptations27 In China Under the Empress Dowager contradictory representations of Cixi coexist in an uneasy unexamined relationship On the one hand the two authors reveal her inexorable personality as imperious wrathful vindictive susceptible to manipulation or fl attery mur-derous and lascivious on the other hand Cixi is seen as ldquoa woman and an Orientalrdquo instead of as ldquoa savage monsterrdquo Bland and Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager 478- 79 For a nuanced discussion of Cixirsquos image in this book see Hu Ying ldquo e Proper Author in Translation Literary Property Across Bordersrdquo Tamkang Review 26 no 1-2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6414

Jingshan riji has been proven to be apocryphal but who wrote it and for what purpose remain unknown to this day Since I have been unable to locate earlier texts closer in time to the embellished scene of Zhen Feirsquos death as presented in the diary I provisionally propose that until further research is possible China Under the Empress Dowager translated into Chinese and published in 1914 under the title of Cixi waiji became the seminal text for retellings of the life or legend of Zhen Fei28 We may not be able to retrieve the original motivation for constructing such an image but its popularity and the inclination to reconstruct it along patriotic lines certainly speak to the collective imagination and psychological needs

Cai Dongfan (1877-1945) well-known for writing historical fi ction (yanyi ) in the early twentieth century published his Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Popular history of the Qing dynasty) in 1916 and Cixi taihou yanyi (Popular history of the Empress Dowager Cixi) in 191829 Although he expressed dissatisfaction with Cixi waiji he portrayed the death scene of Zhen Fei in the same vein as Jingshan riji albeit more poignantly Two crucial details prove that he borrowed from the diary One is that Zhen Fei displays courage and vision by insisting that the Emperor stay in the capital e other is that Cixi in the throes of her rage uses the metaphor of birds who devour their parents to describe Zhen Feirsquos wickedness It is clear that Cai Dongfan not only was infl uenced by but also used without signifi cant modifi cation some expressions from Cixi waiji It is plausible that this rendering of a valiant Zhen Fei was widely circulated because of the great popularity of Cai Dongfanrsquos fi ction especially his best-selling series of novels titled Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi

(Popular Chinese history)30 As a matter of fact the overriding

(1995)135-64 and especially 143-47 Hu points out that the construction of the image of Cixi is strongly couched in categories of race and gender and the discourse of orien -talism 28 Cixi waiji trans Chen Lengtai and Chen Yixian (1917 reprint Bei-jing Zhonghua shuju)29 Cai Dongfan Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Huiwentang 1916 reprint Shanghai Wenhua chubanshe 1981) 356-57 Cixi taihou yanyi (1918 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 248-4930 e fi rst edition of the whole 11-volume set of Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi sold more than 100000 copies By 1936 four editions of the series had already been published Mao

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6410

her death Because the incident took place in a secluded location at an extraordinary historical moment it became an enigma that will probably remain unsolved Nevertheless it led to the creation of much historical fantasy that strove to fi ll the gaps in popular knowledge ere are many ambiguous and confl icting accounts regarding the exact date location motivation for and method of Zhen Feirsquos death Some suppose she committed suicide when she was left behind by the royal family16 Others claim that Cui Yugui the second chief eunuch pushed her into the well on his own initiative with no authorization from Cixi17 ere are also those who swear Cixi forced her to commit ldquosuiciderdquo18 Tang Guanqing who was actually in the main palace when the incident took place provides a more detailed account of Zhen Feirsquos death19 Tang had been ordered to wait at Qihe Xuan a palace that was a hundred steps away from the site of the alleged murder20 If he had done so it would have been impossible for him to directly witness the incident us his account remains hearsay However it is convincing with regard to the images of Cixi and Zhen Fei Tang Guanqing states that Cixi did not inform Zhen Fei that the royal family was planning to fl ee the court Cixi characterized the extraordinary situation in such a way as to coax Zhen Fei to commit suicide rather than issuing an explicit order for her to be struck down Not until this strategy failed did Cixi issue the directive Her way of handling Zhen Fei here can be understood as ldquocourtesy before violencerdquo (xianli houbing

) a strategy consistent with Cixirsquos political sophistication21 A powerless Zhen Fei rather than facing death unfl inchingly (a popular

16 See Luo Dunrong Gengzi guobian ji in Zhongguo yeshi jicheng(1902 reprint Chengdu Bashu 1993) vol48 no7 1-10 and see page

8 Luo further writes that many palace people and Manchurian women living in the city committed suicide17 Xu Ke proposes that this was one possibility among others including suicide See Xu Ke

Qingbai leichao (1917 reprint Beijing Zhonghua 1984) 39218 For instance Hu Sijing Luumlbei Ji (1908 reprint Beijing Beijing guji 1990) 148 As Hu claimed in the preface his account of the whole Gengzi event was written right after it happened19 Gugong zhoukan May 3rd 1930420 Gao Baishi ldquoYanzhi gongjin hua Zhen Feirdquo 315 Gao Baishi contested the authenticity of Tang Guanqingrsquos account21 See also Lin Keguang Yidai mingfei de beiju (Beijing Zhong-guo renmin daxue 1991) 103

11S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image added to later reconstructions) cried and repeatedly begged the Dowager for mercy Another important fact portrayed diff erently in later versions is that according to this account the Guangxu Emperor was not present Cixi apparently showed a modicum of consideration she allowed the emperor to save face by sparing him the terrible experience

One famous text that I believe played a critical role in reconstructing the image of Zhen Fei is the Jingshan riji (Jingshan diary) which was allegedly authored by the retired offi cial Jingshan (1823-1900) e diary which runs from January 25 1900 to a few hours before the death of Jingshan seven months later allegedly provides a fi rsthand account of the Chinese imperial court during the Boxer Uprising and has been considered an essential source for elucidating daily court aff airs at the time It fi rst appeared as the seventeenth chapter in the extremely popular work China Under the Empress Dowager co-authored by JOP Bland and Edmund Backhouse in 191022 Although readers were mesmerized by detailed graphic descriptions of this most critical period of the Manchu court in turmoil we must be aware of the diaryrsquos diff erent levels of discursive manipulations by Jingshan (the alleged diarist) and Backhouse (the translatorauthor) which signifi cantly shaped the bookrsquos presentation of historical events As far as Zhen Feirsquos death is concerned Jingshanrsquos description given by Wen An Comptroller General of the royal household is at best a thrice-removed account Although the incident was dealt with only in passing in the diary the image of Zhen Fei underwent a major transformation from a submissive to a decisive courageous fi gure Zhen Feirsquos insistence on staying in Beijing in particular has been

22 JOP Bland and E Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager (Philadelphia J B Lippincott 1910) For the reception of the book see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diary A Clue to Its Historyrdquo East Asian History 1 (1991) 99-124 esp 103-10 Contemporary historians are now in consensus that the diary is a forgery but by whom and for what purpose remains a mystery For recent scholarship on its textual history see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diaryrdquo 99-124 Hung Wai Yee ldquolsquoYuan yu Zhongguorsquo de weiyi Jingshan riji jieshi de wenhua xianxiangrdquo

Xueren 13 (1998) 527-49 For a detailed biographical account of Edmund Backhouse see Hugh Trevor-Roper A Hidden Life e Enigma of Sir Edmund Backhouse (London Macmillan 1976)

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6412

integrated into many later versions of the story to highlight her patriotism

e Pearl Concubine [Zhen Fei] who had never been dutiful toward the Old Buddha [Cixi] now had the audacity to fall on her knees before the Old Buddha and implore her that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking [Beijing] and carry on the negotiations for peace e Old Buddha lifted up her voice like the sound of thunder and forthwith ordered the eunuch on duty to throw this obstinate and rebellious woman down a well At this the Emperor appeared deeply distressed for the Pearl Concubine was His Majestyrsquos chief favorite and kneeling down besought the Old Buddha to be merciful and pardon her from death But with deep anger depicted on her face she returned ldquoWho is willing to bandy words when we are hard-pressed for time Do as I have already ordered and kill the Pearl Concubine as a warning to the young owls who when they have grown wings peck out their motherrsquos eyesrdquo ereupon the two eunuchs Li and Sung threw the Pearl Concubine down the big well outside the Ning-shou-kung [Ningshou Gong ] en to the Emperor who was grieved and frightened beyond description the Old Buddha said ldquoGet into our carriage and be careful that the curtain is let down so that people may not see yourdquo23

is passage is especially signifi cant because it became the prototype for many future depictions of Zhen Feirsquos death following the publication of a Chinese translation of the diary in 1914 One of its crucial details is that Zhen Fei ldquoimplored [Cixi] that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking and carry on the negotiations for peacerdquo Her insistence upon the Emperor not to fl ee is believed by many of her contemporaries to have cost Zhen Fei her life24 ere could be various explanations for her risking her life this way if this particular account is true From a political perspective to stay in Peking could have been an astute move since it would wrest power from Cixi and reinstate the Emperorrsquos

23 e translation that I use here is a new one by J J L Duyvendak and is slightly diff er-ent in wording and expression from Backhousersquos e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan Being a Chinese Account of the Boxer Troubles trans J J L Duyvendak (Leiden E J Brill 1924) 72-7324 See for instance Huang Jun Huasuiren shengan zhiyi (1943 reprint Taiyuan Shanxi guji 1999) 160

13S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

supremacy25 Later interpretations of Zhen Feirsquos action however suggest that it was a heroic attempt to save the honor of the Qing empire Indeed this became a familiar moral point in retellings of her legend Her audacious confrontation with authority and her political vision in which national dignity was given ultimate priority were construed as the theme of a woman ldquosacrifi cing herself for the nationrdquo26 Her willingness to negotiate with the imperialists was subsumed but was highly contested later in the socialist China and reinterpreted as betrayal of the nation

It is important to note that the passage reveals that killing Zhen Fei was not Cixirsquos original plan but a consequence of her rage following Zhenrsquos plea is image of Cixi as prone to sudden fi ts of anger appears consistently throughout China Under the Empress Dowager In her speech she uses the vivid metaphor of the xiao a species of owl whose young reportedly devour their own mother to characterize Zhen Feirsquos supposedly malicious intent Rather than uncovering Zhen Feirsquos criminality as was the original purpose of Cixirsquos accusation the metaphor achieves the opposite It reveals Cixi herself to be cruel and paranoid at least as portrayed by the diarist ese embellishments and details of Zhen Feirsquos demise have captured the popular imagination and provided fertile ground for future writers who have developed them in varied ways27

25 As Huang Jun mentions in his entry in Wang Xiaohangrsquos Dezong Yishi there were some doubts among his friends as to the exact wording of Zhen Feirsquos state-

ment that the Guangxu Emperor should remain in the capital Huang Jun included several passages in anecdotal writings to support the claim that it was also Emperor Guangxursquos wish to stay and negotiate with the rebels Huang Jun Huashuiren shengan zhiyi 190-93 26 Elsewhere in e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan (1924) even Cixi states ldquo e Old Buddha is seriously considering sacrifi cing her life on the altar of the Soil and ordering the Emperor to do likewise at the same time She is strongly opposed to making a journey of inspectionrdquo (Laofo poyou xunshe zhiyi bingling Huangshang tongshi xunshe shengyi po buyi chuxun wei ran ) (pages 42 69) is detail was completely dropped in various later adaptations27 In China Under the Empress Dowager contradictory representations of Cixi coexist in an uneasy unexamined relationship On the one hand the two authors reveal her inexorable personality as imperious wrathful vindictive susceptible to manipulation or fl attery mur-derous and lascivious on the other hand Cixi is seen as ldquoa woman and an Orientalrdquo instead of as ldquoa savage monsterrdquo Bland and Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager 478- 79 For a nuanced discussion of Cixirsquos image in this book see Hu Ying ldquo e Proper Author in Translation Literary Property Across Bordersrdquo Tamkang Review 26 no 1-2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6414

Jingshan riji has been proven to be apocryphal but who wrote it and for what purpose remain unknown to this day Since I have been unable to locate earlier texts closer in time to the embellished scene of Zhen Feirsquos death as presented in the diary I provisionally propose that until further research is possible China Under the Empress Dowager translated into Chinese and published in 1914 under the title of Cixi waiji became the seminal text for retellings of the life or legend of Zhen Fei28 We may not be able to retrieve the original motivation for constructing such an image but its popularity and the inclination to reconstruct it along patriotic lines certainly speak to the collective imagination and psychological needs

Cai Dongfan (1877-1945) well-known for writing historical fi ction (yanyi ) in the early twentieth century published his Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Popular history of the Qing dynasty) in 1916 and Cixi taihou yanyi (Popular history of the Empress Dowager Cixi) in 191829 Although he expressed dissatisfaction with Cixi waiji he portrayed the death scene of Zhen Fei in the same vein as Jingshan riji albeit more poignantly Two crucial details prove that he borrowed from the diary One is that Zhen Fei displays courage and vision by insisting that the Emperor stay in the capital e other is that Cixi in the throes of her rage uses the metaphor of birds who devour their parents to describe Zhen Feirsquos wickedness It is clear that Cai Dongfan not only was infl uenced by but also used without signifi cant modifi cation some expressions from Cixi waiji It is plausible that this rendering of a valiant Zhen Fei was widely circulated because of the great popularity of Cai Dongfanrsquos fi ction especially his best-selling series of novels titled Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi

(Popular Chinese history)30 As a matter of fact the overriding

(1995)135-64 and especially 143-47 Hu points out that the construction of the image of Cixi is strongly couched in categories of race and gender and the discourse of orien -talism 28 Cixi waiji trans Chen Lengtai and Chen Yixian (1917 reprint Bei-jing Zhonghua shuju)29 Cai Dongfan Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Huiwentang 1916 reprint Shanghai Wenhua chubanshe 1981) 356-57 Cixi taihou yanyi (1918 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 248-4930 e fi rst edition of the whole 11-volume set of Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi sold more than 100000 copies By 1936 four editions of the series had already been published Mao

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

11S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image added to later reconstructions) cried and repeatedly begged the Dowager for mercy Another important fact portrayed diff erently in later versions is that according to this account the Guangxu Emperor was not present Cixi apparently showed a modicum of consideration she allowed the emperor to save face by sparing him the terrible experience

One famous text that I believe played a critical role in reconstructing the image of Zhen Fei is the Jingshan riji (Jingshan diary) which was allegedly authored by the retired offi cial Jingshan (1823-1900) e diary which runs from January 25 1900 to a few hours before the death of Jingshan seven months later allegedly provides a fi rsthand account of the Chinese imperial court during the Boxer Uprising and has been considered an essential source for elucidating daily court aff airs at the time It fi rst appeared as the seventeenth chapter in the extremely popular work China Under the Empress Dowager co-authored by JOP Bland and Edmund Backhouse in 191022 Although readers were mesmerized by detailed graphic descriptions of this most critical period of the Manchu court in turmoil we must be aware of the diaryrsquos diff erent levels of discursive manipulations by Jingshan (the alleged diarist) and Backhouse (the translatorauthor) which signifi cantly shaped the bookrsquos presentation of historical events As far as Zhen Feirsquos death is concerned Jingshanrsquos description given by Wen An Comptroller General of the royal household is at best a thrice-removed account Although the incident was dealt with only in passing in the diary the image of Zhen Fei underwent a major transformation from a submissive to a decisive courageous fi gure Zhen Feirsquos insistence on staying in Beijing in particular has been

22 JOP Bland and E Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager (Philadelphia J B Lippincott 1910) For the reception of the book see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diary A Clue to Its Historyrdquo East Asian History 1 (1991) 99-124 esp 103-10 Contemporary historians are now in consensus that the diary is a forgery but by whom and for what purpose remains a mystery For recent scholarship on its textual history see Lo Hui-min ldquo e Ching-shan Diaryrdquo 99-124 Hung Wai Yee ldquolsquoYuan yu Zhongguorsquo de weiyi Jingshan riji jieshi de wenhua xianxiangrdquo

Xueren 13 (1998) 527-49 For a detailed biographical account of Edmund Backhouse see Hugh Trevor-Roper A Hidden Life e Enigma of Sir Edmund Backhouse (London Macmillan 1976)

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6412

integrated into many later versions of the story to highlight her patriotism

e Pearl Concubine [Zhen Fei] who had never been dutiful toward the Old Buddha [Cixi] now had the audacity to fall on her knees before the Old Buddha and implore her that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking [Beijing] and carry on the negotiations for peace e Old Buddha lifted up her voice like the sound of thunder and forthwith ordered the eunuch on duty to throw this obstinate and rebellious woman down a well At this the Emperor appeared deeply distressed for the Pearl Concubine was His Majestyrsquos chief favorite and kneeling down besought the Old Buddha to be merciful and pardon her from death But with deep anger depicted on her face she returned ldquoWho is willing to bandy words when we are hard-pressed for time Do as I have already ordered and kill the Pearl Concubine as a warning to the young owls who when they have grown wings peck out their motherrsquos eyesrdquo ereupon the two eunuchs Li and Sung threw the Pearl Concubine down the big well outside the Ning-shou-kung [Ningshou Gong ] en to the Emperor who was grieved and frightened beyond description the Old Buddha said ldquoGet into our carriage and be careful that the curtain is let down so that people may not see yourdquo23

is passage is especially signifi cant because it became the prototype for many future depictions of Zhen Feirsquos death following the publication of a Chinese translation of the diary in 1914 One of its crucial details is that Zhen Fei ldquoimplored [Cixi] that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking and carry on the negotiations for peacerdquo Her insistence upon the Emperor not to fl ee is believed by many of her contemporaries to have cost Zhen Fei her life24 ere could be various explanations for her risking her life this way if this particular account is true From a political perspective to stay in Peking could have been an astute move since it would wrest power from Cixi and reinstate the Emperorrsquos

23 e translation that I use here is a new one by J J L Duyvendak and is slightly diff er-ent in wording and expression from Backhousersquos e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan Being a Chinese Account of the Boxer Troubles trans J J L Duyvendak (Leiden E J Brill 1924) 72-7324 See for instance Huang Jun Huasuiren shengan zhiyi (1943 reprint Taiyuan Shanxi guji 1999) 160

13S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

supremacy25 Later interpretations of Zhen Feirsquos action however suggest that it was a heroic attempt to save the honor of the Qing empire Indeed this became a familiar moral point in retellings of her legend Her audacious confrontation with authority and her political vision in which national dignity was given ultimate priority were construed as the theme of a woman ldquosacrifi cing herself for the nationrdquo26 Her willingness to negotiate with the imperialists was subsumed but was highly contested later in the socialist China and reinterpreted as betrayal of the nation

It is important to note that the passage reveals that killing Zhen Fei was not Cixirsquos original plan but a consequence of her rage following Zhenrsquos plea is image of Cixi as prone to sudden fi ts of anger appears consistently throughout China Under the Empress Dowager In her speech she uses the vivid metaphor of the xiao a species of owl whose young reportedly devour their own mother to characterize Zhen Feirsquos supposedly malicious intent Rather than uncovering Zhen Feirsquos criminality as was the original purpose of Cixirsquos accusation the metaphor achieves the opposite It reveals Cixi herself to be cruel and paranoid at least as portrayed by the diarist ese embellishments and details of Zhen Feirsquos demise have captured the popular imagination and provided fertile ground for future writers who have developed them in varied ways27

25 As Huang Jun mentions in his entry in Wang Xiaohangrsquos Dezong Yishi there were some doubts among his friends as to the exact wording of Zhen Feirsquos state-

ment that the Guangxu Emperor should remain in the capital Huang Jun included several passages in anecdotal writings to support the claim that it was also Emperor Guangxursquos wish to stay and negotiate with the rebels Huang Jun Huashuiren shengan zhiyi 190-93 26 Elsewhere in e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan (1924) even Cixi states ldquo e Old Buddha is seriously considering sacrifi cing her life on the altar of the Soil and ordering the Emperor to do likewise at the same time She is strongly opposed to making a journey of inspectionrdquo (Laofo poyou xunshe zhiyi bingling Huangshang tongshi xunshe shengyi po buyi chuxun wei ran ) (pages 42 69) is detail was completely dropped in various later adaptations27 In China Under the Empress Dowager contradictory representations of Cixi coexist in an uneasy unexamined relationship On the one hand the two authors reveal her inexorable personality as imperious wrathful vindictive susceptible to manipulation or fl attery mur-derous and lascivious on the other hand Cixi is seen as ldquoa woman and an Orientalrdquo instead of as ldquoa savage monsterrdquo Bland and Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager 478- 79 For a nuanced discussion of Cixirsquos image in this book see Hu Ying ldquo e Proper Author in Translation Literary Property Across Bordersrdquo Tamkang Review 26 no 1-2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6414

Jingshan riji has been proven to be apocryphal but who wrote it and for what purpose remain unknown to this day Since I have been unable to locate earlier texts closer in time to the embellished scene of Zhen Feirsquos death as presented in the diary I provisionally propose that until further research is possible China Under the Empress Dowager translated into Chinese and published in 1914 under the title of Cixi waiji became the seminal text for retellings of the life or legend of Zhen Fei28 We may not be able to retrieve the original motivation for constructing such an image but its popularity and the inclination to reconstruct it along patriotic lines certainly speak to the collective imagination and psychological needs

Cai Dongfan (1877-1945) well-known for writing historical fi ction (yanyi ) in the early twentieth century published his Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Popular history of the Qing dynasty) in 1916 and Cixi taihou yanyi (Popular history of the Empress Dowager Cixi) in 191829 Although he expressed dissatisfaction with Cixi waiji he portrayed the death scene of Zhen Fei in the same vein as Jingshan riji albeit more poignantly Two crucial details prove that he borrowed from the diary One is that Zhen Fei displays courage and vision by insisting that the Emperor stay in the capital e other is that Cixi in the throes of her rage uses the metaphor of birds who devour their parents to describe Zhen Feirsquos wickedness It is clear that Cai Dongfan not only was infl uenced by but also used without signifi cant modifi cation some expressions from Cixi waiji It is plausible that this rendering of a valiant Zhen Fei was widely circulated because of the great popularity of Cai Dongfanrsquos fi ction especially his best-selling series of novels titled Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi

(Popular Chinese history)30 As a matter of fact the overriding

(1995)135-64 and especially 143-47 Hu points out that the construction of the image of Cixi is strongly couched in categories of race and gender and the discourse of orien -talism 28 Cixi waiji trans Chen Lengtai and Chen Yixian (1917 reprint Bei-jing Zhonghua shuju)29 Cai Dongfan Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Huiwentang 1916 reprint Shanghai Wenhua chubanshe 1981) 356-57 Cixi taihou yanyi (1918 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 248-4930 e fi rst edition of the whole 11-volume set of Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi sold more than 100000 copies By 1936 four editions of the series had already been published Mao

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6412

integrated into many later versions of the story to highlight her patriotism

e Pearl Concubine [Zhen Fei] who had never been dutiful toward the Old Buddha [Cixi] now had the audacity to fall on her knees before the Old Buddha and implore her that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking [Beijing] and carry on the negotiations for peace e Old Buddha lifted up her voice like the sound of thunder and forthwith ordered the eunuch on duty to throw this obstinate and rebellious woman down a well At this the Emperor appeared deeply distressed for the Pearl Concubine was His Majestyrsquos chief favorite and kneeling down besought the Old Buddha to be merciful and pardon her from death But with deep anger depicted on her face she returned ldquoWho is willing to bandy words when we are hard-pressed for time Do as I have already ordered and kill the Pearl Concubine as a warning to the young owls who when they have grown wings peck out their motherrsquos eyesrdquo ereupon the two eunuchs Li and Sung threw the Pearl Concubine down the big well outside the Ning-shou-kung [Ningshou Gong ] en to the Emperor who was grieved and frightened beyond description the Old Buddha said ldquoGet into our carriage and be careful that the curtain is let down so that people may not see yourdquo23

is passage is especially signifi cant because it became the prototype for many future depictions of Zhen Feirsquos death following the publication of a Chinese translation of the diary in 1914 One of its crucial details is that Zhen Fei ldquoimplored [Cixi] that the Emperor should not be obliged to go on the Western tour of inspection but should remain in Peking and carry on the negotiations for peacerdquo Her insistence upon the Emperor not to fl ee is believed by many of her contemporaries to have cost Zhen Fei her life24 ere could be various explanations for her risking her life this way if this particular account is true From a political perspective to stay in Peking could have been an astute move since it would wrest power from Cixi and reinstate the Emperorrsquos

23 e translation that I use here is a new one by J J L Duyvendak and is slightly diff er-ent in wording and expression from Backhousersquos e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan Being a Chinese Account of the Boxer Troubles trans J J L Duyvendak (Leiden E J Brill 1924) 72-7324 See for instance Huang Jun Huasuiren shengan zhiyi (1943 reprint Taiyuan Shanxi guji 1999) 160

13S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

supremacy25 Later interpretations of Zhen Feirsquos action however suggest that it was a heroic attempt to save the honor of the Qing empire Indeed this became a familiar moral point in retellings of her legend Her audacious confrontation with authority and her political vision in which national dignity was given ultimate priority were construed as the theme of a woman ldquosacrifi cing herself for the nationrdquo26 Her willingness to negotiate with the imperialists was subsumed but was highly contested later in the socialist China and reinterpreted as betrayal of the nation

It is important to note that the passage reveals that killing Zhen Fei was not Cixirsquos original plan but a consequence of her rage following Zhenrsquos plea is image of Cixi as prone to sudden fi ts of anger appears consistently throughout China Under the Empress Dowager In her speech she uses the vivid metaphor of the xiao a species of owl whose young reportedly devour their own mother to characterize Zhen Feirsquos supposedly malicious intent Rather than uncovering Zhen Feirsquos criminality as was the original purpose of Cixirsquos accusation the metaphor achieves the opposite It reveals Cixi herself to be cruel and paranoid at least as portrayed by the diarist ese embellishments and details of Zhen Feirsquos demise have captured the popular imagination and provided fertile ground for future writers who have developed them in varied ways27

25 As Huang Jun mentions in his entry in Wang Xiaohangrsquos Dezong Yishi there were some doubts among his friends as to the exact wording of Zhen Feirsquos state-

ment that the Guangxu Emperor should remain in the capital Huang Jun included several passages in anecdotal writings to support the claim that it was also Emperor Guangxursquos wish to stay and negotiate with the rebels Huang Jun Huashuiren shengan zhiyi 190-93 26 Elsewhere in e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan (1924) even Cixi states ldquo e Old Buddha is seriously considering sacrifi cing her life on the altar of the Soil and ordering the Emperor to do likewise at the same time She is strongly opposed to making a journey of inspectionrdquo (Laofo poyou xunshe zhiyi bingling Huangshang tongshi xunshe shengyi po buyi chuxun wei ran ) (pages 42 69) is detail was completely dropped in various later adaptations27 In China Under the Empress Dowager contradictory representations of Cixi coexist in an uneasy unexamined relationship On the one hand the two authors reveal her inexorable personality as imperious wrathful vindictive susceptible to manipulation or fl attery mur-derous and lascivious on the other hand Cixi is seen as ldquoa woman and an Orientalrdquo instead of as ldquoa savage monsterrdquo Bland and Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager 478- 79 For a nuanced discussion of Cixirsquos image in this book see Hu Ying ldquo e Proper Author in Translation Literary Property Across Bordersrdquo Tamkang Review 26 no 1-2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6414

Jingshan riji has been proven to be apocryphal but who wrote it and for what purpose remain unknown to this day Since I have been unable to locate earlier texts closer in time to the embellished scene of Zhen Feirsquos death as presented in the diary I provisionally propose that until further research is possible China Under the Empress Dowager translated into Chinese and published in 1914 under the title of Cixi waiji became the seminal text for retellings of the life or legend of Zhen Fei28 We may not be able to retrieve the original motivation for constructing such an image but its popularity and the inclination to reconstruct it along patriotic lines certainly speak to the collective imagination and psychological needs

Cai Dongfan (1877-1945) well-known for writing historical fi ction (yanyi ) in the early twentieth century published his Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Popular history of the Qing dynasty) in 1916 and Cixi taihou yanyi (Popular history of the Empress Dowager Cixi) in 191829 Although he expressed dissatisfaction with Cixi waiji he portrayed the death scene of Zhen Fei in the same vein as Jingshan riji albeit more poignantly Two crucial details prove that he borrowed from the diary One is that Zhen Fei displays courage and vision by insisting that the Emperor stay in the capital e other is that Cixi in the throes of her rage uses the metaphor of birds who devour their parents to describe Zhen Feirsquos wickedness It is clear that Cai Dongfan not only was infl uenced by but also used without signifi cant modifi cation some expressions from Cixi waiji It is plausible that this rendering of a valiant Zhen Fei was widely circulated because of the great popularity of Cai Dongfanrsquos fi ction especially his best-selling series of novels titled Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi

(Popular Chinese history)30 As a matter of fact the overriding

(1995)135-64 and especially 143-47 Hu points out that the construction of the image of Cixi is strongly couched in categories of race and gender and the discourse of orien -talism 28 Cixi waiji trans Chen Lengtai and Chen Yixian (1917 reprint Bei-jing Zhonghua shuju)29 Cai Dongfan Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Huiwentang 1916 reprint Shanghai Wenhua chubanshe 1981) 356-57 Cixi taihou yanyi (1918 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 248-4930 e fi rst edition of the whole 11-volume set of Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi sold more than 100000 copies By 1936 four editions of the series had already been published Mao

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

13S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

supremacy25 Later interpretations of Zhen Feirsquos action however suggest that it was a heroic attempt to save the honor of the Qing empire Indeed this became a familiar moral point in retellings of her legend Her audacious confrontation with authority and her political vision in which national dignity was given ultimate priority were construed as the theme of a woman ldquosacrifi cing herself for the nationrdquo26 Her willingness to negotiate with the imperialists was subsumed but was highly contested later in the socialist China and reinterpreted as betrayal of the nation

It is important to note that the passage reveals that killing Zhen Fei was not Cixirsquos original plan but a consequence of her rage following Zhenrsquos plea is image of Cixi as prone to sudden fi ts of anger appears consistently throughout China Under the Empress Dowager In her speech she uses the vivid metaphor of the xiao a species of owl whose young reportedly devour their own mother to characterize Zhen Feirsquos supposedly malicious intent Rather than uncovering Zhen Feirsquos criminality as was the original purpose of Cixirsquos accusation the metaphor achieves the opposite It reveals Cixi herself to be cruel and paranoid at least as portrayed by the diarist ese embellishments and details of Zhen Feirsquos demise have captured the popular imagination and provided fertile ground for future writers who have developed them in varied ways27

25 As Huang Jun mentions in his entry in Wang Xiaohangrsquos Dezong Yishi there were some doubts among his friends as to the exact wording of Zhen Feirsquos state-

ment that the Guangxu Emperor should remain in the capital Huang Jun included several passages in anecdotal writings to support the claim that it was also Emperor Guangxursquos wish to stay and negotiate with the rebels Huang Jun Huashuiren shengan zhiyi 190-93 26 Elsewhere in e Diary of His Excellency Ching-shan (1924) even Cixi states ldquo e Old Buddha is seriously considering sacrifi cing her life on the altar of the Soil and ordering the Emperor to do likewise at the same time She is strongly opposed to making a journey of inspectionrdquo (Laofo poyou xunshe zhiyi bingling Huangshang tongshi xunshe shengyi po buyi chuxun wei ran ) (pages 42 69) is detail was completely dropped in various later adaptations27 In China Under the Empress Dowager contradictory representations of Cixi coexist in an uneasy unexamined relationship On the one hand the two authors reveal her inexorable personality as imperious wrathful vindictive susceptible to manipulation or fl attery mur-derous and lascivious on the other hand Cixi is seen as ldquoa woman and an Orientalrdquo instead of as ldquoa savage monsterrdquo Bland and Backhouse China Under the Empress Dowager 478- 79 For a nuanced discussion of Cixirsquos image in this book see Hu Ying ldquo e Proper Author in Translation Literary Property Across Bordersrdquo Tamkang Review 26 no 1-2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6414

Jingshan riji has been proven to be apocryphal but who wrote it and for what purpose remain unknown to this day Since I have been unable to locate earlier texts closer in time to the embellished scene of Zhen Feirsquos death as presented in the diary I provisionally propose that until further research is possible China Under the Empress Dowager translated into Chinese and published in 1914 under the title of Cixi waiji became the seminal text for retellings of the life or legend of Zhen Fei28 We may not be able to retrieve the original motivation for constructing such an image but its popularity and the inclination to reconstruct it along patriotic lines certainly speak to the collective imagination and psychological needs

Cai Dongfan (1877-1945) well-known for writing historical fi ction (yanyi ) in the early twentieth century published his Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Popular history of the Qing dynasty) in 1916 and Cixi taihou yanyi (Popular history of the Empress Dowager Cixi) in 191829 Although he expressed dissatisfaction with Cixi waiji he portrayed the death scene of Zhen Fei in the same vein as Jingshan riji albeit more poignantly Two crucial details prove that he borrowed from the diary One is that Zhen Fei displays courage and vision by insisting that the Emperor stay in the capital e other is that Cixi in the throes of her rage uses the metaphor of birds who devour their parents to describe Zhen Feirsquos wickedness It is clear that Cai Dongfan not only was infl uenced by but also used without signifi cant modifi cation some expressions from Cixi waiji It is plausible that this rendering of a valiant Zhen Fei was widely circulated because of the great popularity of Cai Dongfanrsquos fi ction especially his best-selling series of novels titled Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi

(Popular Chinese history)30 As a matter of fact the overriding

(1995)135-64 and especially 143-47 Hu points out that the construction of the image of Cixi is strongly couched in categories of race and gender and the discourse of orien -talism 28 Cixi waiji trans Chen Lengtai and Chen Yixian (1917 reprint Bei-jing Zhonghua shuju)29 Cai Dongfan Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Huiwentang 1916 reprint Shanghai Wenhua chubanshe 1981) 356-57 Cixi taihou yanyi (1918 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 248-4930 e fi rst edition of the whole 11-volume set of Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi sold more than 100000 copies By 1936 four editions of the series had already been published Mao

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6414

Jingshan riji has been proven to be apocryphal but who wrote it and for what purpose remain unknown to this day Since I have been unable to locate earlier texts closer in time to the embellished scene of Zhen Feirsquos death as presented in the diary I provisionally propose that until further research is possible China Under the Empress Dowager translated into Chinese and published in 1914 under the title of Cixi waiji became the seminal text for retellings of the life or legend of Zhen Fei28 We may not be able to retrieve the original motivation for constructing such an image but its popularity and the inclination to reconstruct it along patriotic lines certainly speak to the collective imagination and psychological needs

Cai Dongfan (1877-1945) well-known for writing historical fi ction (yanyi ) in the early twentieth century published his Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Popular history of the Qing dynasty) in 1916 and Cixi taihou yanyi (Popular history of the Empress Dowager Cixi) in 191829 Although he expressed dissatisfaction with Cixi waiji he portrayed the death scene of Zhen Fei in the same vein as Jingshan riji albeit more poignantly Two crucial details prove that he borrowed from the diary One is that Zhen Fei displays courage and vision by insisting that the Emperor stay in the capital e other is that Cixi in the throes of her rage uses the metaphor of birds who devour their parents to describe Zhen Feirsquos wickedness It is clear that Cai Dongfan not only was infl uenced by but also used without signifi cant modifi cation some expressions from Cixi waiji It is plausible that this rendering of a valiant Zhen Fei was widely circulated because of the great popularity of Cai Dongfanrsquos fi ction especially his best-selling series of novels titled Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi

(Popular Chinese history)30 As a matter of fact the overriding

(1995)135-64 and especially 143-47 Hu points out that the construction of the image of Cixi is strongly couched in categories of race and gender and the discourse of orien -talism 28 Cixi waiji trans Chen Lengtai and Chen Yixian (1917 reprint Bei-jing Zhonghua shuju)29 Cai Dongfan Qingshi tongsu yanyi (Huiwentang 1916 reprint Shanghai Wenhua chubanshe 1981) 356-57 Cixi taihou yanyi (1918 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 248-4930 e fi rst edition of the whole 11-volume set of Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyi sold more than 100000 copies By 1936 four editions of the series had already been published Mao

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

15S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

tendencies in portrayals of Zhen Fei from the 1910s onward in both historical fi ction and anecdotal writing have been much the same Her wordsmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashhave been echoed in many texts such as Huang Hongshou rsquos Qingshi jishi benmo

(Synopsis of accounts of the Qing history 1915) Xu Zhiyan rsquos (-1923)Shiye yewen (Hundred thousand words of anecdotes 1917) Xu Muxi rsquos Qinggong lishi yanyi

(Popular history of the Qing court 1924) and Wang Haoyuan rsquos Qinggong shisanchao ( irteen rulers of the Qing court 1948)31 Cai Dongfanrsquos and other historical fi ction writersrsquo perspectives and details are worthy of scholarly attention because all of them contributed to the popularization of Zhen Fei as a historical fi gure and her widespread image as an intelligent resolutely determined and patriotic victim

As the modern scholar Frank Lentricchia points out in another cultural context an anecdote in the life of a famous person generally ldquostands in for a bigger story a socially pivotal and pervasive biography which illuminatesmdashin an anecdotal fl ash the small story reveals the essence of the larger story and in that very moment becomes the exegesis of a public textrdquo32 Lentricchia believes that this powerful function is political in the sense that the person recounting the anecdote desires to plant a seed in the imagination and memory of a people to create a sense of community is may help to explain why one particular aspect of Zhen Feirsquos story has remained constant in diff erent renderings regardless of how other details vary e exemplariness of Zhen Feirsquos life is magnifi ed by her alleged statement of protestmdashldquothe Emperor should stay in the capitalrdquomdashwhich purportedly led to her tragic death

Zedong asked to buy two sets in January 1937 when he was in Yanrsquoan See Cai Fuyuan ldquoQijuyoufang Danxinwuxian Cai Dongfan he ta de Zhongguo lishi tongsu yanyirdquo

Jianghuai wenshi 2 (2000) 91-103 and see page 92 31 Huang Hongshou Qingshi jishi benmo (1915 reprint Taibei Sanmin 1959) 504 Shiye yewen in Shishuo Cixi (1917 reprint Shenyang Liaoshen shushe 1994) 86-87 Qinggong lishi yanyi (1924 reprint Wuhan Wuhan guji 1988) vol 14 chapter 119 34 Qinggong shisanchao (1948 reprint Hong Kong Xinghui 1987) 58732 Frank Lentriccia ldquoIn Place of an AfterwordmdashSomeone Readingrdquo in Frank Lentricchia and omas McLaughlin eds Critical Terms for Literary Study (second edition Chicago University of Chicago Press 1995) 429-46 and see 429

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6416

is idealization of Zhen Fei as a female martyr of grit selfl essness and patriotism suggests that she thoroughly deserves the honor granted by the court after the royal family returned to the capital A closer examination reveals that ldquosacrifi cing (herself ) for the countryrdquo is no perfunctory tribute but rather a politically and socially charged signifi er is label not only expresses the widespread political sentiment aligning with the reformist-minded Emperor in particular but also refl ects a romantic longing for martyrdom and dedication in the popular imagination in general Zhen Feirsquos willingness to die for the nation her self-sacrifi ce became the most heroic and heartfelt symbol for the formation of ldquothe imagined communityrdquo is powerful and concentrated representation installed Zhen Fei in the nationrsquos recent historical memory suturing the individual and the nation together in an idealized image e fact that this story of martyrdom formed around the female body suggests that sensual pleasure and emotional appeal capture the imagination of a national or ethnic community a point more extensively and potently illustrated by the literary and visual representations to be discussed in the next two sections

Falling Leaves and Grieving Cicadas Zhen Fei in Poetry

e catastrophic events of the year of Gengzi (1900) became a major wellspring for literary creativity and inspired a large body of poetic writing33 Among the fi gures featured in long narrative poems describing the 1900 incident Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua and Nie Shicheng

(1836-1900) a Qing general and patriotic hero who died battling the invading forces are the most popular34 Zhen Feirsquos death was actually a minor incident during the cataclysm yet it sparked unprecedented interest among the Chinese elite during the autumn of 1900 and in subsequent years It may be claimed that the untimely demise of a lovely young woman has universally served as a catalyst for literary creativity is is certainly the case in Chinese poetry where

33 e pioneering work Genzi shibian wenxue ji compiled by A Ying contains nearly 900 poems by 85 poets Originally published in 1959 the edition

I have used in this study was published in 1982 (Taibei Guangya)34 Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 1982) 38

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

17S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

dead or dying women have invariably been thematic and aesthetic favorites Even so at the turn of the century intellectuals made extraordinarily extensive use of the dead female fi gure to give voice to multilayered political and cultural meanings and shape to their profound sense of loss35 Elsewhere I have discussed the short lyric shi and ci poetry on Zhen Fei and argue that her death revived the long-established tradition of ldquothe beauty and the fragrant plantrdquo (meiren xiangcao )36 In this section I briefl y discuss Zhen Feirsquos image in long narrative poetry exploring how she is represented and in what ways the construction of the female image was directly linked to the national and cultural crisis faced by an entire generation of intelligentsia

Narratives on Zhen Feirsquos death can be found in long poem sequences such as Hu Sijing rsquos (1869-1922) Luumlbei ji (Collected poems on the donkeyrsquos back) Wang Zhao rsquos (1859-1935) Fangjiayuan zayong jishi ( e Fang family gardenrsquos miscellaneous poems of events) and Gao Shu rsquos Jinluan suoji

(Anthology of poems about the imperial palace) all of which use the linked verse form to extensively and panoramically document the Gengzi incident37 ese poets occupied a privileged position as commentators on the vicissitudes of history Although they depict the Zhen Fei incident in a rather sympathetic tone they only mention it in passing However in gexing poems (a seven-character ballad-style verse form) such as Luoye ci ( e song of fallen leaves) by Zeng Guangjun (1866-1929) Gongjing pian ( e song of the palace well) by Jin Zhaofan (1867-1938) Gongjing ci (Lyric verses about the palace well) by Wang Jingxi (also known as Maiyuan Laoren ) (1867-1932) and Jinjing

35 See discussions relating to Zhen Feirsquos death in literature such as Huang Jun Huasurien shengan zhiyi 158-61 Guo Zeyun Shichao shisheng in Zhang Yanpeng

comp Minguo shihua congbian 6 vols (Shanghai Shanghai shudian 2002) 4791-93 various entries of individual authors in Qian Zhonglian ed Qingshi jishi (Nanjing Jiangsu guji 1987) vols 18-21 36 See Shengqing Wu ldquoClassical Lyric Modernities Poetics Gender and Politics in Mod-ern China (1900-1937)rdquo (PhD diss University of California Los Angeles 2004) 151-6137 is linked verse form documented the history in detail and was very popular at the time it deserves more scholarly attention For a brief discussion of poems written in this form see Ying-ho Chiang ldquoLiterary Reactions to the Keng-Tzu Incident (1900)rdquo 31-37

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6418

qu ( e song of the golden well) by Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) Zhen Fei is given exclusive attention as both a narrative pivot and an interpretative key38 ese four poems are modeled after Bai Juyi rsquos (772-846) long ballad Changhen ge (Song of everlasting sorrow) arguably Chinarsquos most famous love poem39 Each poem provides a detailed biographical account of Zhen Fei beginning with her admission to the palace and passionate romantic relationship with the Emperor and continuing through her assistance in his eff orts at governmental reform her loss of the Empress Dowagerrsquos favor the foreign invasion Zhen Feirsquos self-abnegating love and heroism and fi nally the Emperorrsquos poignant memory of and longing for her40

Jin Zhaofanrsquos Gongjing pian shows ldquounparalleled craft and beautyrdquo ( gongli wupi ) in contemporary scholar Qian Zhonglian

(1908-2003)rsquos words41 Jin Zhaofan interweaves a conventional story of a youthful daughter-in-lawrsquos confl ict with her mother-in-law reminiscent of the poem Kongque dongnan fei (Southeast the peacock fl ies) and a romantic love story modeled after Changhen ge against a backdrop of political crisis e poem sustains traditional literaturersquos depiction of the long-suff ering virtuous beauty ( jiaren

) Zhen Fei is a paradigm of female perfection yet she is star-crossed a hapless victim of destiny Relying on outrageous female suff ering and carrying strong melodramatic overtones the poet inserts this interior monologue generating potent sentimental eff ect

My mind is as determined as still water in the well My body willingly becomes the scent of the soil in the well e sun is setting with lingering light My humble body is reduced to fi ne powder indeed with no regret

38 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 105-07 268-71 Xue Shaohui Xue Shaohui ji (Beijing Fangzhi 2003) 51-5239 In prefaces to the poems both Zeng and Maiyuan Laoren mention that their poems are modeled after Bai Juyirsquos and Wu Weiyersquos ldquoYonghegong qurdquo or ldquoXiaoshi Qingmen qurdquo Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 104 26840 In the romanticized retelling of Zhen Feirsquos life story these poems also depict the Guangxu Emperor as wise and diligent41 Qian Zhonglian Qingshi jishi vol 19 13383 It is said that Qian Zhonglian also wrote a gexing-style poem on Zhen Fei with which he himself was not satisfi ed Qian Zhonglian express his admiration of Jinrsquos craft in this poem (page 13383)

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

19S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Shooting toward the sun how to deal with the murderer Turning into a rainbow I am looking forwardhellip Over the cliff I am determined to go to the Yellow Spring My soul will return to the highest heaven e tragedy is as shameful as the deformed torso of the Han e lingering spirit would become a cuckoo of Shu to express grief42

e importance of this moment is that it stages a recognition of the virtue of self-sacrifi ce and moral strength by paralleling Zhen Feirsquos suff ering with past tragedies At the same time the Empress Dowager Cixi who is never explicitly named is portrayed as a vicious woman like the Empress Luuml in the Han dynasty (in line 9) who was solely responsible for Lady Qi rsquos death e image of Zhen Fei as a representative of femininity and as a victim is consistent with that of various anecdotal writings of the time but is charged with more emotion to captivate the readerrsquos imagination is process of idealization is aided by the sensual feeling imagined from the male authorrsquos perspective is excerpt from Jinrsquos poem is revealing in this regard

Standing in the courtyard for a long time e parasol followers are gone the slender shoots cut off Isnrsquot that her beautiful shadow moving along jangling pendants How could traces of blood ever replace her rouge If delicate waves could transmit sentimental attachment e dream of Gaotang is also the emperorrsquos wish In vain the imperial decree issued in honor of her death Hard to relieve the Southern Quarter lament over the ringing bells43

Eroticism is introduced through the allusion to Gaotang meng (Dream of Gaotang)mdasha hackneyed euphemism for lovemakingmdashin line 6 Speaking from the Emperorrsquos perspective the poetic voice expresses his never-fading memory of the concubine his wish to cross the boundaries of life and death by resurrecting the deceased lover

42 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine43 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1107 Trans mine

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6420

through the dream e series of allusions and metaphors such as bloody fl owers rouge and the fantasy of Gaotang are all loci of barely disguised and repressed emotional and erotic desire e death of a female fi gure provides the malemourner a starting point for fantasy

Zeng Guangjunrsquos Luoye ci narrates a similar story with the details generally circulated around this time further idealizing those virtuous and feminine qualities

A half flow of autumn water freezes cold green The bloody flower still floats the color of rouge My humble heart like water in the well is without a rippleNo news from the royal family once they left Who composes poetry to summon the soul along the waterWhen did Goddess Magu see dust whirling on the oceanOn the jade pond playing music to toast the Queen Mother Treading over waves in silk stockings a bewildered Luo Goddess hellip hellip e white-haired palace maid chatting about the Bronze Statue Seems to say the concubine is buried in the Xiang River e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of ldquogrieving cicadasrdquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirds e autumn wind blows the leaves spreading the fragrance over stepsUnder the moon at night a soul returning the jade pendants jangle Holding a stone in the mouth makes it diffi cult to fi ll the sorrowful sea Turning into the stone of looking for her husband and following the bird of Jingwei44

In the fi rst two lines of this excerpt the poet describes Zhen Feirsquos death in terms of a fetishistic fantasy ldquohellipthe bloody fl ower still fl oats the color of rougerdquo is image functions as a synecdoche and metaphor for the dead female body yet there is an undeniable sexual infl ection

44 A Ying Gengzi shibian wenxue ji 1106 Trans mine

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

21S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

as well It reminds the reader not only of her ill-fated death but also of her sensuality suggested by the phrase ldquothe color of rougerdquo e poem is also suff used with an elegiac mood nostalgic longing for romantic love and sensuous craving Near the end the poet reveals his purpose in writing it ldquo e Emperor has not yet composed the melody of lsquogrieving cicadasrsquo e poets compete to spread the song of the pair of lovebirdsrdquo e song Luoye aichan qu (Falling leaves and grieving cicadas) was supposedly written by Emperor Wu

of the Han dynasty to express his grief over the loss of his beloved Lady Li 45 e phrase ldquofalling leaves and grieving cicadasrdquo was widely used in almost all poetry about Zhen Fei revealing the third-person narrator to be masculine in voice romantic in sensibility and sometimes even assuming the emperorrsquos identity and emotions Claiming that the song was being written for the emperor or assuming his voice also granted the poet a perspective from which to indulge his fascination with the concubinersquos death and its symbolic meaning

In narrative poems about Zhen Fei obsession with her fate physicality and death are couched within her elevation to mythical status as beautiful perfect and unattainable In this matrix eroticism is transformed and sublimated Death or loss creates distance and mythologizing her further secures this remoteness In the above-quoted excerpt from Zeng Guangjunrsquos poem a series of relationships with female fi gures such as the Goddess of the Luo River (Luo shen ) in line 7 and the Goddess of the Xiang River (Xiang jun ) in line 10 is established and culminates in the death of Zhen Fei e ostensible reason for these mythological allusions is to evoke the woe of conventional doomed damsels in distress but the analogies inhere in the male gaze upon these fi guresrsquo shared sensuality and elusiveness e object of desire is imaginatively made present again but at a great distance e elusiveness of the legendary goddess fi gures like that of the dead concubine creates an aesthetic space that stresses their loftiness and inaccessibility

Malleable eroticism has been well used in Chinarsquos imperial past to mobilize political agendas e image of Zhen Fei is to a large extent

45 e original poem by the Emperor Wu is in Shen Deqian ed Gu shi yuan (Beijing Zhonghua shuju 1963) 26-7

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6422

reminiscent of the romanticized courtesans caught in the historical crisis of the late Ming era As Wai-yee Li perceptively points out the abiding fascination with such tragic fi gures in later periods and the projection of cultural ideals onto them is often ldquoa function of [the male literatusrsquos] own sense of inadequacy and failurerdquo and a temporary escape from social and political constraints46 She argues that these idealized images always relate to the perception of contemporary historical crises in general and the predicament of male subjectivities in particular e repetitive pattern of male authors confronting heroic female characters refl ects two discursive movements their cultural anxiety amid political and cultural turmoil and identifi cation with the idealized mirror image of heroic women and their masochistic thrill in creating writing reading and circulating vibrant audacious and self-sacrifi cing female characters When writing about Zhen Fei many Chinese literati at the turn of the century redirected their mundane desire and sensuous pleasures to create an elegiac ambience that highlights sacrifi ce and suff ering channeling the erotic perturbation into a productive poetic displacement

e creation of the poetic image of Zhen Fei certainly put her in the same league as the heroic courtesans in the late Ming era and this image also acquired new symbolic meaning for the emerging national consciousness In all three of the narrative poems by Jin Zhaofan Zeng Guangjun and Wang Jingxi a main strategy for idealizing Zhen Fei is to link her fate with the loss of the nation and the dynastyrsquos downfall Both Zeng Guanjunrsquos and Wang Jinxirsquos poems explicitly invoke a very familiar if not clicheacuted allusionmdashldquothe Bronze Statue among the bramblesrdquo (tongtuo jingji )mdashto capture the sense of a shattered subjugated nation Another poet Jin Zhaofan writes ldquothe heart-wrenching song of lsquojade treesrsquo laments the loss of the nationrdquo (duanchang yushu bei wangguo )47 describing a nation faced with

46 Wai-yee Li ldquo e Late Ming Courtesan Invention of a Cultural Idealrdquo in Ellen Widmer and Kang-I Sun Chang eds Writing Women in Late Imperial China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 46-73 and see 72 See also Lirsquos ldquoHeroic Transformations Women and National Trauma in Early Qing Literaturerdquo Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 59 (1999) 363-44347 e song of ldquojade treesrdquo referring to the melody of ldquoJade trees and fl owers in the court -yardrdquo (yushu houting hua ) associated with Chen Shubao the last

23S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

the grim prospect of being invaded e Emperorrsquos lament over the loss of his lover converges with sorrow over the loss of the nation All these writers belonged to the reformist camp in the late Qing era they conjured sentiments both as a critique of the Empress Dowager and in sympathy with the reform-minded Emperor Meanwhile with the presence of the Joint Forces of eight foreign nations in a drastically changing reality the poets (and arguably by extension the entire literati class) were also forced painfully to acknowledge the newly emerged still vague sense of the nation-state and modern political system Writing in a traditional genre using familiar feminine tropes they expressed their political visions and elegiac mood hinged upon romantic sentiment and gendered fantasy

is case study of constructing Zhen Fei as an icon for the nation reaffi rms Benedict Andersonrsquos infl uential idea of the inventedness and contingency of nations48 Scholars further point out that ldquoit was a complicated dialectic of political innovation and actually existing cultures that provided the key to the particular histories that nation building involvedrdquo49 e sense of national identity is not a ldquonaturalrdquo result of a political or social process but requires repetitive hard eff orts from intellectuals and nationalists On the one hand the sense of the nation revealed in these poems displays ldquoa temporality of culture and social consciousnessrdquo50 that is more in tune with the patriarchal context in which they were written and with the signifi ers from a bygone literati culture than with the modern nationalism understood by contemporary readers On the other hand this emergence of the sense of the nation at the beginning of the century was exactly articulated through shared language the existing cultural forms literary tropes and rhetoric e cultural and emotional attachment to the literati tradition built upon

emperor of the South dynasty It is regarded as giving voice to the loss of the country (wangguo zhiyin ) 48 Benedict Anderson Imagined Communities Refl ections on the Origin and Spread of Na-tionalism (London Verso 1991)49 Geoff Eley ldquoCulture Nation and Genderrdquo in Ida Blom Karen Hagemann Catherine Hall eds Gendered Nation (Oxford Berg 2000) 27-40 and see page 3150 Homi K Bhabha ldquoIntroduction Narrating the Nationrdquo in Homi K Bhabha ed Nation and Narration (London Routledge 1990) 1-7 and see page 2 Italics added Bhabha points out this sense of belonging is articulated through language signifi ers textu-ality rhetoric or ldquoa system of cultural signifi cationrdquo ( page 1)

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6424

poetic diction and images understood within the community played a role in formulating this conservative idea of the Chinese nation From our contemporary viewpoint whether the alleged loyalty to the emperor (and by extension the empire) of Zhen Fei (a Manchurian royal concubine) can be readily translated into her love for the Han Chinese--based nation-state is doubtful but these confl icting messages and value systems were temporarily repressed or incorporated into the narrative of the nation e high sentiment associated with jiaren conveyed through the traditional poetic genre could serve as a powerful expression facilitating collective identifi cation with a new political consciousness e particular sense of national and cultural belonging among the elite class expressed by investing such values in a royal concubine and utilizing long-standing cultural forms and vocabularies accounts to a great extent for the popularity of Zhen Fei as a poetic image at the beginning of the twentieth century

In a Happy Evening of Blooming Flowers and the Full Moon Zhen Fei on the Silver Screen

Cinematic and dramatic representations of Zhen Fei provided another type of eroticism for mass consumption further complicating the constitutive relationship between national discourse and eroticism Zhen Fei was further established in the patriotic context during the era of political instability and became a principal character and object of reverence and adoration in both traditional and modern theater such as Ye Chucang rsquos (1883-1946) Zhongcui gong chuanqi

( e romance of the Zhongcui Palace) Zhao Xiangyuan rsquos (1899-1993) and Wu Mei rsquos (1884-1939) Kujing lei zaju

( e play of tears shed over the dried well) and Bao Tianxiao rsquos (1876-1973) Yanzhi jing ( e Yanzhi well)51 e most celebrated of these plays is Qinggong yuan ( e sorrow of the Qing court or the malice of empire) written by Yao Ke

51 Zhongcui gong chuanqi is in the traditional chuanqi form and fi rst appeared in Funuuml zazhi 1 no 2 (1915) 6-8 no 3 9-11 no 4 8-9 no 5 4-6 Kujing lei zaju is in the traditional zaju form and was fi rst published in Xue heng 33 (1924 reprint 1999) 4595-99 Yanzhi jing is in the new modern drama form and was fi rst published in Xiaoshuo daguan 1 (1915) 1-31

25S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

(1905-91 also known as Yao Hsin-nung [Xinnong] ) and directed by Fei Mu (1906-51) e play debuted in Japanese-occupied Shanghai on July 15 1941 and achieved immediate success52 It was frequently staged throughout the 1940s53 In 1942 the play was staged by a northern Chinese troupe in occupied Tianjin and was immediately banned by the Japanese for its reference to the Sino-Japanese war of 1894-9554 Yao Ke went on to write the screenplay for the fi lm Qinggong mishi (Sorrows of the Forbidden City) directed by Zhu Shilin (1899-1967) It was one of the major high-budget fi lms made by the ambitious Yonghua Film Company during its fl edging days in 194855 Qinggong mishi became a sensational

52 Qing Gong Yuan (1944 reprint Hong Kong Hong Kong Juyishe rev version 1957) For the performance and reception of the play see Yao Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire trans and intro Jeremy Ingalls (Berkeley University of California Press 1970) 13-23 Some scholars point out that Fei Mu who later became a distinguished modernist fi lm director utilized cinematic approaches in his direction of the play See for instance Zhu Weihuarsquos preface in Qian Liqun ed Zhongguo lunxianqu wenxue daxi xijujuan (Nanning Guangxi jiaoyu 1998) 1-30 53 For a discussion of Chinese theater in the Japanese-occupied regions during World War II see the preface written by Zhu Weihua Zhongguo lunxianqu wenxue daxi xijujuan 1-30 All major city theater troupes offi cially ceased staging the play under pressure from the Communist Party after 1949 see Jeremy Ingallsrsquos introduction to Yao Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 14 For other adaptations of the play see Yao Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 14-1554 Yao Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 13 In Yao Kersquos play Zhen Fei is portrayed as an energetic wise romantic and courageous woman engaged in a fi erce struggle against the ldquodarkrdquo political forces represented by Cixi In contrast Zhen Fei remains a minor fi gure a good-hearted but timid submissive lady who constantly falls prey to palace intrigues and jealousy in Yang Cunbinrsquos equally successful series of modern plays Qinggong wai-shi staged from 1942 to 1944 in the Chinese wartime capital Chongqing is contrast between Yao Kersquos and Yang Cunbinrsquos treatments of similar subject matter further proves that the metaphorical or rhetorical deployment of a strong female image in Yao Kersquos version is a deliberate discursive construction Yang Cunbin planned to write a series of three plays on late Qing history but only fi nished two Guangxu qinzheng ji (Chongqing Guoxun shudian 1943) and Guangxu zhengbian ji (1944) e film Qingguo qingcheng created by the Shaoshi (Shaw Bros) Company in Hong Kong in 1975 is based on Yang Cunbinrsquos play It is said that in the projected third play of the series Yang intended to focus on Zhen Feirsquos drowning in the well See Yang Cunbin Qinggong waishi (Beijing Zhongguo xiju chubanshe 1982) 24555 e Yonghua Film Company in Hong Kong was established by Li Zuyong and planned to achieve prominence through large-scale feature fi lms Early that year they produced another fi lm Guohun which told the story of Wen Tianxiang (1236-83) a Southern Song (1127-1279) loyalist and martyr e subject matter of these fi lms refl ects ideological and cultural preferences as well as commercial concern about

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6426

box-offi ce success in Hong Kong Shanghai and Southeast Asia enjoying great popularity there and elsewhere from the end of 1948 to 1950 It is now considered one of the classics of Chinese fi lm In the interest of brevity I will confi ne my discussion to this fi lm alone

e fi lm had an all-star cast and recreated an impressive array of spectacles covering all the watershed moments of the late Qing era such as the 1894 Sino-Japanese war the 1898 Reform Movement and the 1900 Boxer Rebellion56 The film presents a comprehensive reconstruction of the image of Zhen Fei and consciously deploys gender relations for ideological eff ect It produces a signifying framework within which the two ldquophallicrdquo women Zhen Fei and the Empress Dowager are juxtaposed as competitive and radically incompatible ey are pitted against each other as a suff ering yet honorable victim versus a monstrous victimizer a lsquogood girlrsquo versus a lsquobad womanrsquo In contrast the Guangxu Emperor is gullible submissive having the right vision but lacking the strength to manifest it good-hearted but incapable of protecting his people and his woman He is consistently on the sidelines while Zhen Fei occupies center stage

Given cross-dressingrsquos explicit connection with the representation of gender relations its role becomes all the more intriguing in the fi lm version of the story Some of the above-mentioned anecdotal accounts by palace ladies revealed Zhen Feirsquos love of costumes photography and performing While her playfulness is apparent in these accounts her cross-dressing acquires serious symbolic and political meanings in the fi lm In an important early scene Zhen Feirsquos older sister Jin Fei pays her a visit Two palace girls excitedly introduce Jin to a large box camera set on a tripod explaining that ldquolooking through a camera is certainly very odd Everything is upside downrdquo When Jin Fei dives under the black cloth of the camera and looks through the lens an upside-down image of a woman in male attire gradually moves e

attracting large audiences When the nation was still in ruins after World War II adaptations of such subjects could be marketed not only as entertaining but also as spiritually uplifting and educational with the company profi ting from both popular needs See Du Yunzhi

Zhongguo minguo dianying shi (Taibei Xinzhenyuan wenhua jianshe wenyuan hui 1988) 405-1656 Ng Ho ldquo e Cinema of Turbulence e Emotional State of Shanghai Film Talents Working in Hong Kong in the Period 1946-50rdquo in Cinema of Two Cities Hong Kong-Shanghai (Hong Kong Urban Council 1994) 30-36 and see page 33

27S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

scene not only shows Zhen Feirsquos love of male attire but also suggests that she may be assuming the emperorrsquos manner and voice As the narrative progresses we learn that this is one of the main reasons she has become a target of Cixirsquos disapproval and detestation e scene that follows is a dramatic confl ict among an uncompromising Zhen Fei an irascible Cixi and a submissive Guangxu Emperor e upside-down shot of Zhen Fei dressed as a man acquires narrative and rhetorical import and indeed becomes the pivot around which the story revolves By donning male clothes the central character apparently accomplishes a sexual role reversal that arises from her particular portrayal in the fi lm and highlights her masculinity (Figure 3)

e cross-dressing attributed to the image of Zhen Fei is a fundamental aspect of her free-spiritedness her courage in confronting authority and her subversion of conventional boundaries e fi lm also extensively depicts Zhen Feirsquos spiritual and practical support of the Guangxu

Figure 3 e upside-down image of Zhen Fei in male attire Film image from Qinggong mishi

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6428

Emperorrsquos political reforms While such reversal of gendered tropes does signal a feminist message Zhen Fei was rebelling primarily against the irrational manic domination of another woman the Empress Dowager Cixi Zhen Feirsquos characterization is in fact in compliance with the various codes of patriarchal society most important of which is loyalty to the male authority although the emperor the traditional masculine icon is portrayed as ineff ectual and pushed to the background It is also interesting that in the fi lm both women characterized in masculine terms adopt the same cultural logic legitimized by the patriarchal system to accuse each other From Cixirsquos point of view Zhen Fei is a femme fatale who uses her sexuality and feminine charm to cloud the emperorrsquos good judgment thereby precipitating catastrophic decisions on his part Using the same rationale Zhen Fei believes that it is the dowager who has brought the nation to its present crisis So both women use the conventional invidious notion of women as interfering and malevolent against each other and hold their gendered identity responsible for menrsquos misfortunes

Furthermore this depiction of Zhen Fei is not lsquobutchrsquo or genderless in any sense In fact various cinematic codes of costume gesture voice and the framing and composition of her body accentuate and eroticize her femininity Originally a major selling point of the fi lm was the actress who played the role of Zhen Fei Zhou Xuan (1918-57) one of the most popular movie stars and singers of the 1930s and rsquo40s Zhou presents a beautiful woman endowed with lsquomasculinersquo talents virtues and vision who also actively participates in political discourse courageously confronts authority and transgresses conventional gender-based boundaries us the question that immediately arises is in regard to the androgyny of this image of Zhen Fei As mentioned earlier the original theatrical production was staged in Japanese-occupied Shanghai in 1941 and 1942 e fi lm was made in 1948 when China was still in the throes of civil war It was a time when positive heroic images of women were considered important to foster politically progressive identities for both genders Given what were then perceived as the masculine attributes of her fi lm image the recasting of Zhen Fei in a heroic mold amply shows that masculinity and femininity are fl uid concepts created and rearticulated through representational conventions However we must bear in mind that this strong colorful

29S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image of a woman was instigated mostly by male-driven historical events national politics and military campaigns In other words I understand this image not as a fl uid practice of gender so much as a thinly veiled masculine fantasy Specifi cally the female subjectivity represented in the fi lm is marked by a duality or a rhetorical paradox a female character constructed as masculine yet with her eroticized femininity underlined On the one hand she emphatically bears traits conventionally attributed to men or to be more specifi c a masculine image desirable in wartime the cross-dressing could facilitate the identifi cation by male authors and viewers with valiant females On the other hand through various cinematic methods the fi lm idealizes and eroticizes her image us Zhen Fei embodies a certain tension or complexity between the fi lm based on a moral and lofty subject empowered by the national discourse and the market-oriented exploitation of overtly sensuous themes

In order to dissect the intertwined relationship among national allegiance gender politics and mass consumption we must further situate the visual and acoustic image of Zhen Fei in terms of the specifi c eff ects generated by cinematic techniques Her body which carries signifi cant political meaning is also a spectacle part of a ritual of seduction to lure (presumably male) spectators In the fi lm there are two long musical sequences sung by Zhou Xuan e melodies were composed by Zhoursquos longtime collaborator popular musician Chen Gexin (1914-61) with the lyrics written by Li Junqing

(1897-1966) One scene where she is on display in a courtyard setting burning incense sticks and praying is a moment secretly spied on by the Guangxu Emperor and more extensively by the fi lm audience Zhen Fei is in mid-frame kneeling before the lit incense when she begins to sing Yuxiang piaomiao qu ( e tune of lingering imperial scent) in a mellifl uous voice57 Just then the Emperor appears in the frame He gradually moves closer and stands behind Zhen Fei who remains completely unaware of his presence e Emperorrsquos gaze trails down her back e camerarsquos caressing shots of her body and

57 Another song Zhou sings in the fi lm is Leng gongyuan Because of its negative portrayal of the Boxer Rebellion the song is still censored in the currently released VCD version from mainland China

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6430

Zhou Xuanrsquos lsquogolden-voicedrsquo rendition temporarily interrupt the fl ow of the narrative making this one of the fetishistic moments in the fi lm (Figure 4) e scriptwriter Yao Ke pointed out later in the 1950s that it was the director Zhu Shilin who insisted on adding these two musical sequences over the protests of Yao who believed they were mere ldquotricks to cater to the audiencerdquo (xutou )58 e audiovisual techniques of fi lmmaking focus on and enhance the female protagonistrsquos desirability and eroticism If we agree that the voyeuristic gaze is intrinsic to the cinematic experience as Laura Mulvey has insisted59 then in the specifi c narrative context of this scene the Guangxu Emperorrsquos gaze roving over the back of Zhen Feirsquos body is literally performing such voyeurism His perspective angled from a higher position on the screen also acts out an uneven gender structure Furthermore the

58 Yao Ke ldquo e Confession of the Author of The Sorrow of the Forbidden Cityrdquo in Qinggong mishi (Dianyin shezhiben shooting script) (Hong Kong Hong Kong Zhengwen chubanshe 1967) 188 Yao points out there is another version called Duibaiben by the director Zhu Shilin 59 Laura Mulvey ldquoVisual Pleasure and Narrative Cinemardquo Screen 163 (1975) 6-18

Figure 4 Zhen Fei is singing in the courtyard Film image from Qinggong mishi

31S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

female singing is replete with erotic and ideological connotations and like the female body functions as a cynosure of the male gaze into what Kaja Silverman has called the ldquoacoustic mirrorrdquo60 Zhou Xuanrsquos voice was often described as ldquogoldenrdquo and the Emperor the listener in the scene may be seen as possessing both the femalersquos body and her voice

e melody that Zhou Xuan sings known as xiaodiao (a popular folk melody) from the Jiangnan area usually conveys the amorous light feeling for which Zhou Xuan was famous e traditional musical instruments the melody and the alluring voice create a cozy private ambience that corresponds to the beautiful traditional courtyard design of the scene all of which give the audience the sense of familiarity and intimacy e lyrics clearly reveal that this fetishized female imagevoice is fi rst subjected to a larger national and political discourse while the real-life identities of the fi lm stardiva and the imperial concubine she plays converge By analyzing musical sequences in other fi lms such as Malu tianshi ( e street angel) in which the main role is also played by Zhou Xuan Andrew F Jones provides an astute under-standing of the complex process of voyeurism melding with nation-alism61 Jones argues that the larger national and political themes of the fi lm revolve around both the star system and the female body In the specifi c scene I have described from Qinggong mishi through the ideologically charged lyrics and fetishistic elements (voice face expression gesture costume and setting) the fi lm literally enacts how fetishism (in the Freudian sense of the term) voyeurism and nationalism interpenetrate one another and foist themselves onto the female body On the one hand the scene is a perfect example of how the female body is subjected to mass consumption by a gendered gaze on the other hand the expression of political discourse is signifi cantly enhanced through a combination of sentiment and spectacle e lyrics of the song merit some discussion

60 For a feminist critique of the sound regime of Hollywood fi lms see among others Kaja Silverman e Acoustic Mirror e Female Voice in Psychoanalysis and Cinema (Blooming-ton Indiana University Press 1988)61 Andrew F Jones Yellow Music Media Culture and Colonial Modernity in the Chinese Jazz Age (Durham Duke University Press 2001) 133-36

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6432

One after another wisps of lingering fragrance disperse one after another imperial lanterns glittering In a happy evening of blooming fl owers and the full moon to Heaven I pray for the fulfi llment of my secret wishes First that the wise Son of Heaven will achieve great longevity and fortune I hope that while receiving his generosity and kindness we may grow old together Second that the masses will have no worries be well-fed and -clothed and enjoy their lives ird that all the ministers and generals of the court will defend the country dedicating their hearts and souls without any reservation By then the world will know the wealth of our nation and the strength of our people the world will lower its head and pay honor to the court (

)62

e initial setting is traditionally romanticmdashldquoa happy evening of the full moon and blooming fl owersrdquo ( yueyuan huahao )mdashevoking a mood of harmony and love through the use of familiar terms that invariably suggest the conjugal happiness of newlyweds e speakerrsquos love for the Emperor and the empire once again merge fusing private passion and the collective discourse and drawing an allegorical parallel between heterosexual union and political unity Some fundamental rifts or ironies are completely obscured including between the imperial and modern political systems between traditional love and modern romanticism and between the Manchurian royal couple and the modern nation Zhen Feirsquos dream of a common couple leading an ordinary happy life gives a domestic and sensuous cast to the ldquoimagined communityrdquo is mutually allegorizing relationship between the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality and the familial form provides a model for political action In the name of love sacrifi ce and the conventional ideal of family life the hegemonic ideas of nation could be conveyed to the masses in a more acceptable manner with amorous overtones and the growing tensions of contested political sectors and tensions between classes could be temporarily alleviated

In addition an extraordinary investment of authority and potency in the female fi gure creates contrasting eff ects On the one hand the image-making of Zhen Fei is a typical example of male appropriation

62 Qinggong mishi 1948 2003

33S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of the female body to articulate political matters On the other hand Zhen Fei often engages in self-revealing songs assertive actions and heroic speeches is process of creating an interior life for the image in the fi lm runs parallel to Zhen Feirsquos use of nationalism as an authorizing discourse to recreate herself as a political subject is confl icting subjection to the appropriative male gaze and reinvention of herself as a political subject onscreen requires some further explanation While this paper has focused on the male-dominated authorreaderviewership given the increasing presence of female readers and viewers in the era we must consider what womenrsquos spectacular presence on the stage meant to the female audience Challenging the rigid paradigm of gaze-as-male and image-as-female established by Laura Mulvey Teresa de Lauretis argues that the woman on the screen is not only a visual image but also a ldquonarrative imagerdquo which refers to ldquothe joining of image and story the interlocking of visual and narrative registers eff ected by the cinematic of the lookrdquo63 Although I have previously argued that the eroticism is induced by the masculine active identifi cation with the gaze the process of the narration also shapes her characterization e Zhen Fei character is obviously a product of gendered fantasy in both the spiritual and the sexual realms but she is not entirely a passive object controlled by the gazeonlooker In many scenes her active triumphant participation in politics has a rather diff erent eff ect than described by Mulveyrsquos account of sadistic audience pleasure Using national discourse this character takes advantage of the power of cinematic spectacle and returns the male gaze to assert female authority thereby claiming to be a political subject e complex image of Zhen Fei registers a highly ambivalent process of desire and identifi cation from both genders By identifying with the ldquonarrative imagerdquo of Zhen Fei female spectators could keep in mind the values of the nation while being well encouraged to assume such a feminine-heroic subject position to empower themselves

Overall the screen image of Zhen Fei may be seen as yet another example of the mediarsquos exploitative gaze directed at the female body

63 Teresa de Lauretis Alice Doesnrsquot Feminism Semiotics Cinema (Bloomington Indiana University Press 1984) 140 See Rey Chowrsquos discussion on De Lauretisrsquos contribution to the issue of the female spectator in Women and Chinese Modernity (Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1991) 19-21

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6434

or the sensual desire it generates may be perceived as conducive to spiritual elevation64 Following the actual loss of national territory from the nineteenth century onward and the loss of national pride and identity many sought partial compensation or consolation in overinvesting the female with power as a fetish object65 Further to the male writers and audiences the erotic allure of ldquomasculinizedrdquo beauty underlay the construction and circulation of the image of the national heroine in which heterosexual love and familial and domestic space were equated with the nation and private passions merged with public discourse elevating both to a more rarefi ed state Scholars have reminded us that ldquopeoplersquos connection to nation is emotional not rationalrdquo66 Tapping into symbols and images can establish shape and consolidate the emotional attachment to the nation

Unlike the investment in and circulation of the female image through historiography or poetry when fi lm is the medium sentiment and spectacle prevail over the visual representation of this female body e cinematic space can be seen as effective in eliciting empathetic identifi cation that can strengthen sentimental communal feelings to foster nationalism us the political iconography of the modern nation personified by the female image was disseminated in a distinctively new way to a much wider audience e fi lm successfully fashioned Zhen Fei into a quintessential symbol of martyrdom in the interest of national salvation during an era of political and cultural turmoil67

64 Because of a lack documentation of the actual performance and the audiencesrsquo re-sponses some arguments can only remain speculative 65 In his discussion of the linkage of fetishism and patriotism in late nineteenth-century France Jeff rey Mehlman off ers an interesting explanation by using Freudian concepts and argues that the similarity lies in the disavowal of amputation (ie castration and the loss of territory) and an overvaluation of the object Jeff rey Mehlman ldquoRemy de Gourmont with Freud Fetishism and Patriotismrdquo in Emily Apter and William Pietz eds Fetishism as Cultural Discourse (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1993) 84-91 and see page 85 In light of his arguments we may suggest that China was similarly obsessed with a denial of amputation or an ldquoopen woundrdquo and the loss of the nation is may be considered a psychological attempt to adjust to a new historical situation66 Ruth Raoch Pierson ldquoNations Gendered Racialized Crossed With Empirerdquo in Blom Hagemann Hall eds Gendered Nations 41-61 and see page 4267 What makes this fi lm even more intriguing is that it was at the center of heated political struggles and cultural debates in Communist China In March 1950 Mao Zedong asserted that ldquoit is a fi lm of treason and should be criticizedrdquo and banned any screening of it In

35S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Engulfed in Flames Sai Jinhua and Her Profane Body

In the following two sections I pursue a parallel case study of Sai Jinhua68 e metamorphosis of Sai Jinhua from an infamous prostitute into a national heroine reveals a trajectory similar to that of Zhen Fei further illustrating that the invention of a national myth and the male imagination are inextricably linked Both individuals have been constructed to be heroic androgynous women who sacrifi ce either life or sexuality for the sake of the nation However the issues of class and promiscuity fi gured prominently in Sairsquos case and there is a fundamental diff erence between the constructions of these two images Zhen Feirsquos representation from its very beginning associated with the empire and literati culture always hinged upon gendered romantic longing the sense of loss or political visions e sensuous pleasure of creating and circulating this image is sometimes subsumed under and eff ectively incorporated into a narrative of the moral and spiritual tale of the nation In contrast the overall image of Sai Jinhua before the 1930s though occasionally carrying a subtext of nationalism was an erotic caricature voraciously consumed by the public as such Used mainly for entertainment or marketable fantasy with few nationalistic overtones the representation of Sai Jinhua was connected with farce and subject to ridicule e misogynistic elements expressed refl ected the entrenched

March 1967 Qi Benyu in his widely disseminated essay ldquoAiguo zhuyi haishi mai-guo zhuyi ping fandong yinpian Qinggong mishirdquo mdash

launched a full-scale attack on the fi lm signaling the beginning of a new stage in the Cultural Revolutionrsquos assault on Liu Shaoqi who allegedly praised the fi lm as ldquopatrioticrdquo See Qi Benyursquos essay in Chedi pipan maiguo zhuyi yingpian Qinggong mishi (Hong Kong Hong Kong Sanlian shudian 1967) Originally published in Hongqi 5 (1967) For a discussion in English see Yang Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 15-23 e familiar anecdotal detail of Zhen Feirsquos state-ment that the Emperor should stay in the capital to negotiate with the Joint Forces was as discussed in the previous section responsible for her popularity as a larger-than-life ideal of patriotic fervor However in Qi Benyursquos reading it was reinterpreted as compromising with the imperialists and Zhen Fei was deemed an ldquoagent for imperialismrdquo (diguo zhuyi de daili-ren ) (12)68 I acknowledge works by two contemporary scholars from which my research on Sai Ji-nhua has greatly benefi tted ey are the carefully compiled and useful bibliography on Sai by Stephen von Minden in his Die Merkwuumlrdige Geschichte der Sai Jinhua (Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 1994) 325-45 and Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo Zhuanji wenxue 253 (1987) 58-64

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6424

poetic diction and images understood within the community played a role in formulating this conservative idea of the Chinese nation From our contemporary viewpoint whether the alleged loyalty to the emperor (and by extension the empire) of Zhen Fei (a Manchurian royal concubine) can be readily translated into her love for the Han Chinese--based nation-state is doubtful but these confl icting messages and value systems were temporarily repressed or incorporated into the narrative of the nation e high sentiment associated with jiaren conveyed through the traditional poetic genre could serve as a powerful expression facilitating collective identifi cation with a new political consciousness e particular sense of national and cultural belonging among the elite class expressed by investing such values in a royal concubine and utilizing long-standing cultural forms and vocabularies accounts to a great extent for the popularity of Zhen Fei as a poetic image at the beginning of the twentieth century

In a Happy Evening of Blooming Flowers and the Full Moon Zhen Fei on the Silver Screen

Cinematic and dramatic representations of Zhen Fei provided another type of eroticism for mass consumption further complicating the constitutive relationship between national discourse and eroticism Zhen Fei was further established in the patriotic context during the era of political instability and became a principal character and object of reverence and adoration in both traditional and modern theater such as Ye Chucang rsquos (1883-1946) Zhongcui gong chuanqi

( e romance of the Zhongcui Palace) Zhao Xiangyuan rsquos (1899-1993) and Wu Mei rsquos (1884-1939) Kujing lei zaju

( e play of tears shed over the dried well) and Bao Tianxiao rsquos (1876-1973) Yanzhi jing ( e Yanzhi well)51 e most celebrated of these plays is Qinggong yuan ( e sorrow of the Qing court or the malice of empire) written by Yao Ke

51 Zhongcui gong chuanqi is in the traditional chuanqi form and fi rst appeared in Funuuml zazhi 1 no 2 (1915) 6-8 no 3 9-11 no 4 8-9 no 5 4-6 Kujing lei zaju is in the traditional zaju form and was fi rst published in Xue heng 33 (1924 reprint 1999) 4595-99 Yanzhi jing is in the new modern drama form and was fi rst published in Xiaoshuo daguan 1 (1915) 1-31

25S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

(1905-91 also known as Yao Hsin-nung [Xinnong] ) and directed by Fei Mu (1906-51) e play debuted in Japanese-occupied Shanghai on July 15 1941 and achieved immediate success52 It was frequently staged throughout the 1940s53 In 1942 the play was staged by a northern Chinese troupe in occupied Tianjin and was immediately banned by the Japanese for its reference to the Sino-Japanese war of 1894-9554 Yao Ke went on to write the screenplay for the fi lm Qinggong mishi (Sorrows of the Forbidden City) directed by Zhu Shilin (1899-1967) It was one of the major high-budget fi lms made by the ambitious Yonghua Film Company during its fl edging days in 194855 Qinggong mishi became a sensational

52 Qing Gong Yuan (1944 reprint Hong Kong Hong Kong Juyishe rev version 1957) For the performance and reception of the play see Yao Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire trans and intro Jeremy Ingalls (Berkeley University of California Press 1970) 13-23 Some scholars point out that Fei Mu who later became a distinguished modernist fi lm director utilized cinematic approaches in his direction of the play See for instance Zhu Weihuarsquos preface in Qian Liqun ed Zhongguo lunxianqu wenxue daxi xijujuan (Nanning Guangxi jiaoyu 1998) 1-30 53 For a discussion of Chinese theater in the Japanese-occupied regions during World War II see the preface written by Zhu Weihua Zhongguo lunxianqu wenxue daxi xijujuan 1-30 All major city theater troupes offi cially ceased staging the play under pressure from the Communist Party after 1949 see Jeremy Ingallsrsquos introduction to Yao Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 14 For other adaptations of the play see Yao Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 14-1554 Yao Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 13 In Yao Kersquos play Zhen Fei is portrayed as an energetic wise romantic and courageous woman engaged in a fi erce struggle against the ldquodarkrdquo political forces represented by Cixi In contrast Zhen Fei remains a minor fi gure a good-hearted but timid submissive lady who constantly falls prey to palace intrigues and jealousy in Yang Cunbinrsquos equally successful series of modern plays Qinggong wai-shi staged from 1942 to 1944 in the Chinese wartime capital Chongqing is contrast between Yao Kersquos and Yang Cunbinrsquos treatments of similar subject matter further proves that the metaphorical or rhetorical deployment of a strong female image in Yao Kersquos version is a deliberate discursive construction Yang Cunbin planned to write a series of three plays on late Qing history but only fi nished two Guangxu qinzheng ji (Chongqing Guoxun shudian 1943) and Guangxu zhengbian ji (1944) e film Qingguo qingcheng created by the Shaoshi (Shaw Bros) Company in Hong Kong in 1975 is based on Yang Cunbinrsquos play It is said that in the projected third play of the series Yang intended to focus on Zhen Feirsquos drowning in the well See Yang Cunbin Qinggong waishi (Beijing Zhongguo xiju chubanshe 1982) 24555 e Yonghua Film Company in Hong Kong was established by Li Zuyong and planned to achieve prominence through large-scale feature fi lms Early that year they produced another fi lm Guohun which told the story of Wen Tianxiang (1236-83) a Southern Song (1127-1279) loyalist and martyr e subject matter of these fi lms refl ects ideological and cultural preferences as well as commercial concern about

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6426

box-offi ce success in Hong Kong Shanghai and Southeast Asia enjoying great popularity there and elsewhere from the end of 1948 to 1950 It is now considered one of the classics of Chinese fi lm In the interest of brevity I will confi ne my discussion to this fi lm alone

e fi lm had an all-star cast and recreated an impressive array of spectacles covering all the watershed moments of the late Qing era such as the 1894 Sino-Japanese war the 1898 Reform Movement and the 1900 Boxer Rebellion56 The film presents a comprehensive reconstruction of the image of Zhen Fei and consciously deploys gender relations for ideological eff ect It produces a signifying framework within which the two ldquophallicrdquo women Zhen Fei and the Empress Dowager are juxtaposed as competitive and radically incompatible ey are pitted against each other as a suff ering yet honorable victim versus a monstrous victimizer a lsquogood girlrsquo versus a lsquobad womanrsquo In contrast the Guangxu Emperor is gullible submissive having the right vision but lacking the strength to manifest it good-hearted but incapable of protecting his people and his woman He is consistently on the sidelines while Zhen Fei occupies center stage

Given cross-dressingrsquos explicit connection with the representation of gender relations its role becomes all the more intriguing in the fi lm version of the story Some of the above-mentioned anecdotal accounts by palace ladies revealed Zhen Feirsquos love of costumes photography and performing While her playfulness is apparent in these accounts her cross-dressing acquires serious symbolic and political meanings in the fi lm In an important early scene Zhen Feirsquos older sister Jin Fei pays her a visit Two palace girls excitedly introduce Jin to a large box camera set on a tripod explaining that ldquolooking through a camera is certainly very odd Everything is upside downrdquo When Jin Fei dives under the black cloth of the camera and looks through the lens an upside-down image of a woman in male attire gradually moves e

attracting large audiences When the nation was still in ruins after World War II adaptations of such subjects could be marketed not only as entertaining but also as spiritually uplifting and educational with the company profi ting from both popular needs See Du Yunzhi

Zhongguo minguo dianying shi (Taibei Xinzhenyuan wenhua jianshe wenyuan hui 1988) 405-1656 Ng Ho ldquo e Cinema of Turbulence e Emotional State of Shanghai Film Talents Working in Hong Kong in the Period 1946-50rdquo in Cinema of Two Cities Hong Kong-Shanghai (Hong Kong Urban Council 1994) 30-36 and see page 33

27S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

scene not only shows Zhen Feirsquos love of male attire but also suggests that she may be assuming the emperorrsquos manner and voice As the narrative progresses we learn that this is one of the main reasons she has become a target of Cixirsquos disapproval and detestation e scene that follows is a dramatic confl ict among an uncompromising Zhen Fei an irascible Cixi and a submissive Guangxu Emperor e upside-down shot of Zhen Fei dressed as a man acquires narrative and rhetorical import and indeed becomes the pivot around which the story revolves By donning male clothes the central character apparently accomplishes a sexual role reversal that arises from her particular portrayal in the fi lm and highlights her masculinity (Figure 3)

e cross-dressing attributed to the image of Zhen Fei is a fundamental aspect of her free-spiritedness her courage in confronting authority and her subversion of conventional boundaries e fi lm also extensively depicts Zhen Feirsquos spiritual and practical support of the Guangxu

Figure 3 e upside-down image of Zhen Fei in male attire Film image from Qinggong mishi

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6428

Emperorrsquos political reforms While such reversal of gendered tropes does signal a feminist message Zhen Fei was rebelling primarily against the irrational manic domination of another woman the Empress Dowager Cixi Zhen Feirsquos characterization is in fact in compliance with the various codes of patriarchal society most important of which is loyalty to the male authority although the emperor the traditional masculine icon is portrayed as ineff ectual and pushed to the background It is also interesting that in the fi lm both women characterized in masculine terms adopt the same cultural logic legitimized by the patriarchal system to accuse each other From Cixirsquos point of view Zhen Fei is a femme fatale who uses her sexuality and feminine charm to cloud the emperorrsquos good judgment thereby precipitating catastrophic decisions on his part Using the same rationale Zhen Fei believes that it is the dowager who has brought the nation to its present crisis So both women use the conventional invidious notion of women as interfering and malevolent against each other and hold their gendered identity responsible for menrsquos misfortunes

Furthermore this depiction of Zhen Fei is not lsquobutchrsquo or genderless in any sense In fact various cinematic codes of costume gesture voice and the framing and composition of her body accentuate and eroticize her femininity Originally a major selling point of the fi lm was the actress who played the role of Zhen Fei Zhou Xuan (1918-57) one of the most popular movie stars and singers of the 1930s and rsquo40s Zhou presents a beautiful woman endowed with lsquomasculinersquo talents virtues and vision who also actively participates in political discourse courageously confronts authority and transgresses conventional gender-based boundaries us the question that immediately arises is in regard to the androgyny of this image of Zhen Fei As mentioned earlier the original theatrical production was staged in Japanese-occupied Shanghai in 1941 and 1942 e fi lm was made in 1948 when China was still in the throes of civil war It was a time when positive heroic images of women were considered important to foster politically progressive identities for both genders Given what were then perceived as the masculine attributes of her fi lm image the recasting of Zhen Fei in a heroic mold amply shows that masculinity and femininity are fl uid concepts created and rearticulated through representational conventions However we must bear in mind that this strong colorful

29S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image of a woman was instigated mostly by male-driven historical events national politics and military campaigns In other words I understand this image not as a fl uid practice of gender so much as a thinly veiled masculine fantasy Specifi cally the female subjectivity represented in the fi lm is marked by a duality or a rhetorical paradox a female character constructed as masculine yet with her eroticized femininity underlined On the one hand she emphatically bears traits conventionally attributed to men or to be more specifi c a masculine image desirable in wartime the cross-dressing could facilitate the identifi cation by male authors and viewers with valiant females On the other hand through various cinematic methods the fi lm idealizes and eroticizes her image us Zhen Fei embodies a certain tension or complexity between the fi lm based on a moral and lofty subject empowered by the national discourse and the market-oriented exploitation of overtly sensuous themes

In order to dissect the intertwined relationship among national allegiance gender politics and mass consumption we must further situate the visual and acoustic image of Zhen Fei in terms of the specifi c eff ects generated by cinematic techniques Her body which carries signifi cant political meaning is also a spectacle part of a ritual of seduction to lure (presumably male) spectators In the fi lm there are two long musical sequences sung by Zhou Xuan e melodies were composed by Zhoursquos longtime collaborator popular musician Chen Gexin (1914-61) with the lyrics written by Li Junqing

(1897-1966) One scene where she is on display in a courtyard setting burning incense sticks and praying is a moment secretly spied on by the Guangxu Emperor and more extensively by the fi lm audience Zhen Fei is in mid-frame kneeling before the lit incense when she begins to sing Yuxiang piaomiao qu ( e tune of lingering imperial scent) in a mellifl uous voice57 Just then the Emperor appears in the frame He gradually moves closer and stands behind Zhen Fei who remains completely unaware of his presence e Emperorrsquos gaze trails down her back e camerarsquos caressing shots of her body and

57 Another song Zhou sings in the fi lm is Leng gongyuan Because of its negative portrayal of the Boxer Rebellion the song is still censored in the currently released VCD version from mainland China

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6430

Zhou Xuanrsquos lsquogolden-voicedrsquo rendition temporarily interrupt the fl ow of the narrative making this one of the fetishistic moments in the fi lm (Figure 4) e scriptwriter Yao Ke pointed out later in the 1950s that it was the director Zhu Shilin who insisted on adding these two musical sequences over the protests of Yao who believed they were mere ldquotricks to cater to the audiencerdquo (xutou )58 e audiovisual techniques of fi lmmaking focus on and enhance the female protagonistrsquos desirability and eroticism If we agree that the voyeuristic gaze is intrinsic to the cinematic experience as Laura Mulvey has insisted59 then in the specifi c narrative context of this scene the Guangxu Emperorrsquos gaze roving over the back of Zhen Feirsquos body is literally performing such voyeurism His perspective angled from a higher position on the screen also acts out an uneven gender structure Furthermore the

58 Yao Ke ldquo e Confession of the Author of The Sorrow of the Forbidden Cityrdquo in Qinggong mishi (Dianyin shezhiben shooting script) (Hong Kong Hong Kong Zhengwen chubanshe 1967) 188 Yao points out there is another version called Duibaiben by the director Zhu Shilin 59 Laura Mulvey ldquoVisual Pleasure and Narrative Cinemardquo Screen 163 (1975) 6-18

Figure 4 Zhen Fei is singing in the courtyard Film image from Qinggong mishi

31S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

female singing is replete with erotic and ideological connotations and like the female body functions as a cynosure of the male gaze into what Kaja Silverman has called the ldquoacoustic mirrorrdquo60 Zhou Xuanrsquos voice was often described as ldquogoldenrdquo and the Emperor the listener in the scene may be seen as possessing both the femalersquos body and her voice

e melody that Zhou Xuan sings known as xiaodiao (a popular folk melody) from the Jiangnan area usually conveys the amorous light feeling for which Zhou Xuan was famous e traditional musical instruments the melody and the alluring voice create a cozy private ambience that corresponds to the beautiful traditional courtyard design of the scene all of which give the audience the sense of familiarity and intimacy e lyrics clearly reveal that this fetishized female imagevoice is fi rst subjected to a larger national and political discourse while the real-life identities of the fi lm stardiva and the imperial concubine she plays converge By analyzing musical sequences in other fi lms such as Malu tianshi ( e street angel) in which the main role is also played by Zhou Xuan Andrew F Jones provides an astute under-standing of the complex process of voyeurism melding with nation-alism61 Jones argues that the larger national and political themes of the fi lm revolve around both the star system and the female body In the specifi c scene I have described from Qinggong mishi through the ideologically charged lyrics and fetishistic elements (voice face expression gesture costume and setting) the fi lm literally enacts how fetishism (in the Freudian sense of the term) voyeurism and nationalism interpenetrate one another and foist themselves onto the female body On the one hand the scene is a perfect example of how the female body is subjected to mass consumption by a gendered gaze on the other hand the expression of political discourse is signifi cantly enhanced through a combination of sentiment and spectacle e lyrics of the song merit some discussion

60 For a feminist critique of the sound regime of Hollywood fi lms see among others Kaja Silverman e Acoustic Mirror e Female Voice in Psychoanalysis and Cinema (Blooming-ton Indiana University Press 1988)61 Andrew F Jones Yellow Music Media Culture and Colonial Modernity in the Chinese Jazz Age (Durham Duke University Press 2001) 133-36

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6432

One after another wisps of lingering fragrance disperse one after another imperial lanterns glittering In a happy evening of blooming fl owers and the full moon to Heaven I pray for the fulfi llment of my secret wishes First that the wise Son of Heaven will achieve great longevity and fortune I hope that while receiving his generosity and kindness we may grow old together Second that the masses will have no worries be well-fed and -clothed and enjoy their lives ird that all the ministers and generals of the court will defend the country dedicating their hearts and souls without any reservation By then the world will know the wealth of our nation and the strength of our people the world will lower its head and pay honor to the court (

)62

e initial setting is traditionally romanticmdashldquoa happy evening of the full moon and blooming fl owersrdquo ( yueyuan huahao )mdashevoking a mood of harmony and love through the use of familiar terms that invariably suggest the conjugal happiness of newlyweds e speakerrsquos love for the Emperor and the empire once again merge fusing private passion and the collective discourse and drawing an allegorical parallel between heterosexual union and political unity Some fundamental rifts or ironies are completely obscured including between the imperial and modern political systems between traditional love and modern romanticism and between the Manchurian royal couple and the modern nation Zhen Feirsquos dream of a common couple leading an ordinary happy life gives a domestic and sensuous cast to the ldquoimagined communityrdquo is mutually allegorizing relationship between the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality and the familial form provides a model for political action In the name of love sacrifi ce and the conventional ideal of family life the hegemonic ideas of nation could be conveyed to the masses in a more acceptable manner with amorous overtones and the growing tensions of contested political sectors and tensions between classes could be temporarily alleviated

In addition an extraordinary investment of authority and potency in the female fi gure creates contrasting eff ects On the one hand the image-making of Zhen Fei is a typical example of male appropriation

62 Qinggong mishi 1948 2003

33S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of the female body to articulate political matters On the other hand Zhen Fei often engages in self-revealing songs assertive actions and heroic speeches is process of creating an interior life for the image in the fi lm runs parallel to Zhen Feirsquos use of nationalism as an authorizing discourse to recreate herself as a political subject is confl icting subjection to the appropriative male gaze and reinvention of herself as a political subject onscreen requires some further explanation While this paper has focused on the male-dominated authorreaderviewership given the increasing presence of female readers and viewers in the era we must consider what womenrsquos spectacular presence on the stage meant to the female audience Challenging the rigid paradigm of gaze-as-male and image-as-female established by Laura Mulvey Teresa de Lauretis argues that the woman on the screen is not only a visual image but also a ldquonarrative imagerdquo which refers to ldquothe joining of image and story the interlocking of visual and narrative registers eff ected by the cinematic of the lookrdquo63 Although I have previously argued that the eroticism is induced by the masculine active identifi cation with the gaze the process of the narration also shapes her characterization e Zhen Fei character is obviously a product of gendered fantasy in both the spiritual and the sexual realms but she is not entirely a passive object controlled by the gazeonlooker In many scenes her active triumphant participation in politics has a rather diff erent eff ect than described by Mulveyrsquos account of sadistic audience pleasure Using national discourse this character takes advantage of the power of cinematic spectacle and returns the male gaze to assert female authority thereby claiming to be a political subject e complex image of Zhen Fei registers a highly ambivalent process of desire and identifi cation from both genders By identifying with the ldquonarrative imagerdquo of Zhen Fei female spectators could keep in mind the values of the nation while being well encouraged to assume such a feminine-heroic subject position to empower themselves

Overall the screen image of Zhen Fei may be seen as yet another example of the mediarsquos exploitative gaze directed at the female body

63 Teresa de Lauretis Alice Doesnrsquot Feminism Semiotics Cinema (Bloomington Indiana University Press 1984) 140 See Rey Chowrsquos discussion on De Lauretisrsquos contribution to the issue of the female spectator in Women and Chinese Modernity (Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1991) 19-21

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6434

or the sensual desire it generates may be perceived as conducive to spiritual elevation64 Following the actual loss of national territory from the nineteenth century onward and the loss of national pride and identity many sought partial compensation or consolation in overinvesting the female with power as a fetish object65 Further to the male writers and audiences the erotic allure of ldquomasculinizedrdquo beauty underlay the construction and circulation of the image of the national heroine in which heterosexual love and familial and domestic space were equated with the nation and private passions merged with public discourse elevating both to a more rarefi ed state Scholars have reminded us that ldquopeoplersquos connection to nation is emotional not rationalrdquo66 Tapping into symbols and images can establish shape and consolidate the emotional attachment to the nation

Unlike the investment in and circulation of the female image through historiography or poetry when fi lm is the medium sentiment and spectacle prevail over the visual representation of this female body e cinematic space can be seen as effective in eliciting empathetic identifi cation that can strengthen sentimental communal feelings to foster nationalism us the political iconography of the modern nation personified by the female image was disseminated in a distinctively new way to a much wider audience e fi lm successfully fashioned Zhen Fei into a quintessential symbol of martyrdom in the interest of national salvation during an era of political and cultural turmoil67

64 Because of a lack documentation of the actual performance and the audiencesrsquo re-sponses some arguments can only remain speculative 65 In his discussion of the linkage of fetishism and patriotism in late nineteenth-century France Jeff rey Mehlman off ers an interesting explanation by using Freudian concepts and argues that the similarity lies in the disavowal of amputation (ie castration and the loss of territory) and an overvaluation of the object Jeff rey Mehlman ldquoRemy de Gourmont with Freud Fetishism and Patriotismrdquo in Emily Apter and William Pietz eds Fetishism as Cultural Discourse (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1993) 84-91 and see page 85 In light of his arguments we may suggest that China was similarly obsessed with a denial of amputation or an ldquoopen woundrdquo and the loss of the nation is may be considered a psychological attempt to adjust to a new historical situation66 Ruth Raoch Pierson ldquoNations Gendered Racialized Crossed With Empirerdquo in Blom Hagemann Hall eds Gendered Nations 41-61 and see page 4267 What makes this fi lm even more intriguing is that it was at the center of heated political struggles and cultural debates in Communist China In March 1950 Mao Zedong asserted that ldquoit is a fi lm of treason and should be criticizedrdquo and banned any screening of it In

35S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Engulfed in Flames Sai Jinhua and Her Profane Body

In the following two sections I pursue a parallel case study of Sai Jinhua68 e metamorphosis of Sai Jinhua from an infamous prostitute into a national heroine reveals a trajectory similar to that of Zhen Fei further illustrating that the invention of a national myth and the male imagination are inextricably linked Both individuals have been constructed to be heroic androgynous women who sacrifi ce either life or sexuality for the sake of the nation However the issues of class and promiscuity fi gured prominently in Sairsquos case and there is a fundamental diff erence between the constructions of these two images Zhen Feirsquos representation from its very beginning associated with the empire and literati culture always hinged upon gendered romantic longing the sense of loss or political visions e sensuous pleasure of creating and circulating this image is sometimes subsumed under and eff ectively incorporated into a narrative of the moral and spiritual tale of the nation In contrast the overall image of Sai Jinhua before the 1930s though occasionally carrying a subtext of nationalism was an erotic caricature voraciously consumed by the public as such Used mainly for entertainment or marketable fantasy with few nationalistic overtones the representation of Sai Jinhua was connected with farce and subject to ridicule e misogynistic elements expressed refl ected the entrenched

March 1967 Qi Benyu in his widely disseminated essay ldquoAiguo zhuyi haishi mai-guo zhuyi ping fandong yinpian Qinggong mishirdquo mdash

launched a full-scale attack on the fi lm signaling the beginning of a new stage in the Cultural Revolutionrsquos assault on Liu Shaoqi who allegedly praised the fi lm as ldquopatrioticrdquo See Qi Benyursquos essay in Chedi pipan maiguo zhuyi yingpian Qinggong mishi (Hong Kong Hong Kong Sanlian shudian 1967) Originally published in Hongqi 5 (1967) For a discussion in English see Yang Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 15-23 e familiar anecdotal detail of Zhen Feirsquos state-ment that the Emperor should stay in the capital to negotiate with the Joint Forces was as discussed in the previous section responsible for her popularity as a larger-than-life ideal of patriotic fervor However in Qi Benyursquos reading it was reinterpreted as compromising with the imperialists and Zhen Fei was deemed an ldquoagent for imperialismrdquo (diguo zhuyi de daili-ren ) (12)68 I acknowledge works by two contemporary scholars from which my research on Sai Ji-nhua has greatly benefi tted ey are the carefully compiled and useful bibliography on Sai by Stephen von Minden in his Die Merkwuumlrdige Geschichte der Sai Jinhua (Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 1994) 325-45 and Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo Zhuanji wenxue 253 (1987) 58-64

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

25S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

(1905-91 also known as Yao Hsin-nung [Xinnong] ) and directed by Fei Mu (1906-51) e play debuted in Japanese-occupied Shanghai on July 15 1941 and achieved immediate success52 It was frequently staged throughout the 1940s53 In 1942 the play was staged by a northern Chinese troupe in occupied Tianjin and was immediately banned by the Japanese for its reference to the Sino-Japanese war of 1894-9554 Yao Ke went on to write the screenplay for the fi lm Qinggong mishi (Sorrows of the Forbidden City) directed by Zhu Shilin (1899-1967) It was one of the major high-budget fi lms made by the ambitious Yonghua Film Company during its fl edging days in 194855 Qinggong mishi became a sensational

52 Qing Gong Yuan (1944 reprint Hong Kong Hong Kong Juyishe rev version 1957) For the performance and reception of the play see Yao Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire trans and intro Jeremy Ingalls (Berkeley University of California Press 1970) 13-23 Some scholars point out that Fei Mu who later became a distinguished modernist fi lm director utilized cinematic approaches in his direction of the play See for instance Zhu Weihuarsquos preface in Qian Liqun ed Zhongguo lunxianqu wenxue daxi xijujuan (Nanning Guangxi jiaoyu 1998) 1-30 53 For a discussion of Chinese theater in the Japanese-occupied regions during World War II see the preface written by Zhu Weihua Zhongguo lunxianqu wenxue daxi xijujuan 1-30 All major city theater troupes offi cially ceased staging the play under pressure from the Communist Party after 1949 see Jeremy Ingallsrsquos introduction to Yao Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 14 For other adaptations of the play see Yao Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 14-1554 Yao Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 13 In Yao Kersquos play Zhen Fei is portrayed as an energetic wise romantic and courageous woman engaged in a fi erce struggle against the ldquodarkrdquo political forces represented by Cixi In contrast Zhen Fei remains a minor fi gure a good-hearted but timid submissive lady who constantly falls prey to palace intrigues and jealousy in Yang Cunbinrsquos equally successful series of modern plays Qinggong wai-shi staged from 1942 to 1944 in the Chinese wartime capital Chongqing is contrast between Yao Kersquos and Yang Cunbinrsquos treatments of similar subject matter further proves that the metaphorical or rhetorical deployment of a strong female image in Yao Kersquos version is a deliberate discursive construction Yang Cunbin planned to write a series of three plays on late Qing history but only fi nished two Guangxu qinzheng ji (Chongqing Guoxun shudian 1943) and Guangxu zhengbian ji (1944) e film Qingguo qingcheng created by the Shaoshi (Shaw Bros) Company in Hong Kong in 1975 is based on Yang Cunbinrsquos play It is said that in the projected third play of the series Yang intended to focus on Zhen Feirsquos drowning in the well See Yang Cunbin Qinggong waishi (Beijing Zhongguo xiju chubanshe 1982) 24555 e Yonghua Film Company in Hong Kong was established by Li Zuyong and planned to achieve prominence through large-scale feature fi lms Early that year they produced another fi lm Guohun which told the story of Wen Tianxiang (1236-83) a Southern Song (1127-1279) loyalist and martyr e subject matter of these fi lms refl ects ideological and cultural preferences as well as commercial concern about

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6426

box-offi ce success in Hong Kong Shanghai and Southeast Asia enjoying great popularity there and elsewhere from the end of 1948 to 1950 It is now considered one of the classics of Chinese fi lm In the interest of brevity I will confi ne my discussion to this fi lm alone

e fi lm had an all-star cast and recreated an impressive array of spectacles covering all the watershed moments of the late Qing era such as the 1894 Sino-Japanese war the 1898 Reform Movement and the 1900 Boxer Rebellion56 The film presents a comprehensive reconstruction of the image of Zhen Fei and consciously deploys gender relations for ideological eff ect It produces a signifying framework within which the two ldquophallicrdquo women Zhen Fei and the Empress Dowager are juxtaposed as competitive and radically incompatible ey are pitted against each other as a suff ering yet honorable victim versus a monstrous victimizer a lsquogood girlrsquo versus a lsquobad womanrsquo In contrast the Guangxu Emperor is gullible submissive having the right vision but lacking the strength to manifest it good-hearted but incapable of protecting his people and his woman He is consistently on the sidelines while Zhen Fei occupies center stage

Given cross-dressingrsquos explicit connection with the representation of gender relations its role becomes all the more intriguing in the fi lm version of the story Some of the above-mentioned anecdotal accounts by palace ladies revealed Zhen Feirsquos love of costumes photography and performing While her playfulness is apparent in these accounts her cross-dressing acquires serious symbolic and political meanings in the fi lm In an important early scene Zhen Feirsquos older sister Jin Fei pays her a visit Two palace girls excitedly introduce Jin to a large box camera set on a tripod explaining that ldquolooking through a camera is certainly very odd Everything is upside downrdquo When Jin Fei dives under the black cloth of the camera and looks through the lens an upside-down image of a woman in male attire gradually moves e

attracting large audiences When the nation was still in ruins after World War II adaptations of such subjects could be marketed not only as entertaining but also as spiritually uplifting and educational with the company profi ting from both popular needs See Du Yunzhi

Zhongguo minguo dianying shi (Taibei Xinzhenyuan wenhua jianshe wenyuan hui 1988) 405-1656 Ng Ho ldquo e Cinema of Turbulence e Emotional State of Shanghai Film Talents Working in Hong Kong in the Period 1946-50rdquo in Cinema of Two Cities Hong Kong-Shanghai (Hong Kong Urban Council 1994) 30-36 and see page 33

27S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

scene not only shows Zhen Feirsquos love of male attire but also suggests that she may be assuming the emperorrsquos manner and voice As the narrative progresses we learn that this is one of the main reasons she has become a target of Cixirsquos disapproval and detestation e scene that follows is a dramatic confl ict among an uncompromising Zhen Fei an irascible Cixi and a submissive Guangxu Emperor e upside-down shot of Zhen Fei dressed as a man acquires narrative and rhetorical import and indeed becomes the pivot around which the story revolves By donning male clothes the central character apparently accomplishes a sexual role reversal that arises from her particular portrayal in the fi lm and highlights her masculinity (Figure 3)

e cross-dressing attributed to the image of Zhen Fei is a fundamental aspect of her free-spiritedness her courage in confronting authority and her subversion of conventional boundaries e fi lm also extensively depicts Zhen Feirsquos spiritual and practical support of the Guangxu

Figure 3 e upside-down image of Zhen Fei in male attire Film image from Qinggong mishi

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6428

Emperorrsquos political reforms While such reversal of gendered tropes does signal a feminist message Zhen Fei was rebelling primarily against the irrational manic domination of another woman the Empress Dowager Cixi Zhen Feirsquos characterization is in fact in compliance with the various codes of patriarchal society most important of which is loyalty to the male authority although the emperor the traditional masculine icon is portrayed as ineff ectual and pushed to the background It is also interesting that in the fi lm both women characterized in masculine terms adopt the same cultural logic legitimized by the patriarchal system to accuse each other From Cixirsquos point of view Zhen Fei is a femme fatale who uses her sexuality and feminine charm to cloud the emperorrsquos good judgment thereby precipitating catastrophic decisions on his part Using the same rationale Zhen Fei believes that it is the dowager who has brought the nation to its present crisis So both women use the conventional invidious notion of women as interfering and malevolent against each other and hold their gendered identity responsible for menrsquos misfortunes

Furthermore this depiction of Zhen Fei is not lsquobutchrsquo or genderless in any sense In fact various cinematic codes of costume gesture voice and the framing and composition of her body accentuate and eroticize her femininity Originally a major selling point of the fi lm was the actress who played the role of Zhen Fei Zhou Xuan (1918-57) one of the most popular movie stars and singers of the 1930s and rsquo40s Zhou presents a beautiful woman endowed with lsquomasculinersquo talents virtues and vision who also actively participates in political discourse courageously confronts authority and transgresses conventional gender-based boundaries us the question that immediately arises is in regard to the androgyny of this image of Zhen Fei As mentioned earlier the original theatrical production was staged in Japanese-occupied Shanghai in 1941 and 1942 e fi lm was made in 1948 when China was still in the throes of civil war It was a time when positive heroic images of women were considered important to foster politically progressive identities for both genders Given what were then perceived as the masculine attributes of her fi lm image the recasting of Zhen Fei in a heroic mold amply shows that masculinity and femininity are fl uid concepts created and rearticulated through representational conventions However we must bear in mind that this strong colorful

29S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image of a woman was instigated mostly by male-driven historical events national politics and military campaigns In other words I understand this image not as a fl uid practice of gender so much as a thinly veiled masculine fantasy Specifi cally the female subjectivity represented in the fi lm is marked by a duality or a rhetorical paradox a female character constructed as masculine yet with her eroticized femininity underlined On the one hand she emphatically bears traits conventionally attributed to men or to be more specifi c a masculine image desirable in wartime the cross-dressing could facilitate the identifi cation by male authors and viewers with valiant females On the other hand through various cinematic methods the fi lm idealizes and eroticizes her image us Zhen Fei embodies a certain tension or complexity between the fi lm based on a moral and lofty subject empowered by the national discourse and the market-oriented exploitation of overtly sensuous themes

In order to dissect the intertwined relationship among national allegiance gender politics and mass consumption we must further situate the visual and acoustic image of Zhen Fei in terms of the specifi c eff ects generated by cinematic techniques Her body which carries signifi cant political meaning is also a spectacle part of a ritual of seduction to lure (presumably male) spectators In the fi lm there are two long musical sequences sung by Zhou Xuan e melodies were composed by Zhoursquos longtime collaborator popular musician Chen Gexin (1914-61) with the lyrics written by Li Junqing

(1897-1966) One scene where she is on display in a courtyard setting burning incense sticks and praying is a moment secretly spied on by the Guangxu Emperor and more extensively by the fi lm audience Zhen Fei is in mid-frame kneeling before the lit incense when she begins to sing Yuxiang piaomiao qu ( e tune of lingering imperial scent) in a mellifl uous voice57 Just then the Emperor appears in the frame He gradually moves closer and stands behind Zhen Fei who remains completely unaware of his presence e Emperorrsquos gaze trails down her back e camerarsquos caressing shots of her body and

57 Another song Zhou sings in the fi lm is Leng gongyuan Because of its negative portrayal of the Boxer Rebellion the song is still censored in the currently released VCD version from mainland China

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6430

Zhou Xuanrsquos lsquogolden-voicedrsquo rendition temporarily interrupt the fl ow of the narrative making this one of the fetishistic moments in the fi lm (Figure 4) e scriptwriter Yao Ke pointed out later in the 1950s that it was the director Zhu Shilin who insisted on adding these two musical sequences over the protests of Yao who believed they were mere ldquotricks to cater to the audiencerdquo (xutou )58 e audiovisual techniques of fi lmmaking focus on and enhance the female protagonistrsquos desirability and eroticism If we agree that the voyeuristic gaze is intrinsic to the cinematic experience as Laura Mulvey has insisted59 then in the specifi c narrative context of this scene the Guangxu Emperorrsquos gaze roving over the back of Zhen Feirsquos body is literally performing such voyeurism His perspective angled from a higher position on the screen also acts out an uneven gender structure Furthermore the

58 Yao Ke ldquo e Confession of the Author of The Sorrow of the Forbidden Cityrdquo in Qinggong mishi (Dianyin shezhiben shooting script) (Hong Kong Hong Kong Zhengwen chubanshe 1967) 188 Yao points out there is another version called Duibaiben by the director Zhu Shilin 59 Laura Mulvey ldquoVisual Pleasure and Narrative Cinemardquo Screen 163 (1975) 6-18

Figure 4 Zhen Fei is singing in the courtyard Film image from Qinggong mishi

31S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

female singing is replete with erotic and ideological connotations and like the female body functions as a cynosure of the male gaze into what Kaja Silverman has called the ldquoacoustic mirrorrdquo60 Zhou Xuanrsquos voice was often described as ldquogoldenrdquo and the Emperor the listener in the scene may be seen as possessing both the femalersquos body and her voice

e melody that Zhou Xuan sings known as xiaodiao (a popular folk melody) from the Jiangnan area usually conveys the amorous light feeling for which Zhou Xuan was famous e traditional musical instruments the melody and the alluring voice create a cozy private ambience that corresponds to the beautiful traditional courtyard design of the scene all of which give the audience the sense of familiarity and intimacy e lyrics clearly reveal that this fetishized female imagevoice is fi rst subjected to a larger national and political discourse while the real-life identities of the fi lm stardiva and the imperial concubine she plays converge By analyzing musical sequences in other fi lms such as Malu tianshi ( e street angel) in which the main role is also played by Zhou Xuan Andrew F Jones provides an astute under-standing of the complex process of voyeurism melding with nation-alism61 Jones argues that the larger national and political themes of the fi lm revolve around both the star system and the female body In the specifi c scene I have described from Qinggong mishi through the ideologically charged lyrics and fetishistic elements (voice face expression gesture costume and setting) the fi lm literally enacts how fetishism (in the Freudian sense of the term) voyeurism and nationalism interpenetrate one another and foist themselves onto the female body On the one hand the scene is a perfect example of how the female body is subjected to mass consumption by a gendered gaze on the other hand the expression of political discourse is signifi cantly enhanced through a combination of sentiment and spectacle e lyrics of the song merit some discussion

60 For a feminist critique of the sound regime of Hollywood fi lms see among others Kaja Silverman e Acoustic Mirror e Female Voice in Psychoanalysis and Cinema (Blooming-ton Indiana University Press 1988)61 Andrew F Jones Yellow Music Media Culture and Colonial Modernity in the Chinese Jazz Age (Durham Duke University Press 2001) 133-36

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6432

One after another wisps of lingering fragrance disperse one after another imperial lanterns glittering In a happy evening of blooming fl owers and the full moon to Heaven I pray for the fulfi llment of my secret wishes First that the wise Son of Heaven will achieve great longevity and fortune I hope that while receiving his generosity and kindness we may grow old together Second that the masses will have no worries be well-fed and -clothed and enjoy their lives ird that all the ministers and generals of the court will defend the country dedicating their hearts and souls without any reservation By then the world will know the wealth of our nation and the strength of our people the world will lower its head and pay honor to the court (

)62

e initial setting is traditionally romanticmdashldquoa happy evening of the full moon and blooming fl owersrdquo ( yueyuan huahao )mdashevoking a mood of harmony and love through the use of familiar terms that invariably suggest the conjugal happiness of newlyweds e speakerrsquos love for the Emperor and the empire once again merge fusing private passion and the collective discourse and drawing an allegorical parallel between heterosexual union and political unity Some fundamental rifts or ironies are completely obscured including between the imperial and modern political systems between traditional love and modern romanticism and between the Manchurian royal couple and the modern nation Zhen Feirsquos dream of a common couple leading an ordinary happy life gives a domestic and sensuous cast to the ldquoimagined communityrdquo is mutually allegorizing relationship between the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality and the familial form provides a model for political action In the name of love sacrifi ce and the conventional ideal of family life the hegemonic ideas of nation could be conveyed to the masses in a more acceptable manner with amorous overtones and the growing tensions of contested political sectors and tensions between classes could be temporarily alleviated

In addition an extraordinary investment of authority and potency in the female fi gure creates contrasting eff ects On the one hand the image-making of Zhen Fei is a typical example of male appropriation

62 Qinggong mishi 1948 2003

33S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of the female body to articulate political matters On the other hand Zhen Fei often engages in self-revealing songs assertive actions and heroic speeches is process of creating an interior life for the image in the fi lm runs parallel to Zhen Feirsquos use of nationalism as an authorizing discourse to recreate herself as a political subject is confl icting subjection to the appropriative male gaze and reinvention of herself as a political subject onscreen requires some further explanation While this paper has focused on the male-dominated authorreaderviewership given the increasing presence of female readers and viewers in the era we must consider what womenrsquos spectacular presence on the stage meant to the female audience Challenging the rigid paradigm of gaze-as-male and image-as-female established by Laura Mulvey Teresa de Lauretis argues that the woman on the screen is not only a visual image but also a ldquonarrative imagerdquo which refers to ldquothe joining of image and story the interlocking of visual and narrative registers eff ected by the cinematic of the lookrdquo63 Although I have previously argued that the eroticism is induced by the masculine active identifi cation with the gaze the process of the narration also shapes her characterization e Zhen Fei character is obviously a product of gendered fantasy in both the spiritual and the sexual realms but she is not entirely a passive object controlled by the gazeonlooker In many scenes her active triumphant participation in politics has a rather diff erent eff ect than described by Mulveyrsquos account of sadistic audience pleasure Using national discourse this character takes advantage of the power of cinematic spectacle and returns the male gaze to assert female authority thereby claiming to be a political subject e complex image of Zhen Fei registers a highly ambivalent process of desire and identifi cation from both genders By identifying with the ldquonarrative imagerdquo of Zhen Fei female spectators could keep in mind the values of the nation while being well encouraged to assume such a feminine-heroic subject position to empower themselves

Overall the screen image of Zhen Fei may be seen as yet another example of the mediarsquos exploitative gaze directed at the female body

63 Teresa de Lauretis Alice Doesnrsquot Feminism Semiotics Cinema (Bloomington Indiana University Press 1984) 140 See Rey Chowrsquos discussion on De Lauretisrsquos contribution to the issue of the female spectator in Women and Chinese Modernity (Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1991) 19-21

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6434

or the sensual desire it generates may be perceived as conducive to spiritual elevation64 Following the actual loss of national territory from the nineteenth century onward and the loss of national pride and identity many sought partial compensation or consolation in overinvesting the female with power as a fetish object65 Further to the male writers and audiences the erotic allure of ldquomasculinizedrdquo beauty underlay the construction and circulation of the image of the national heroine in which heterosexual love and familial and domestic space were equated with the nation and private passions merged with public discourse elevating both to a more rarefi ed state Scholars have reminded us that ldquopeoplersquos connection to nation is emotional not rationalrdquo66 Tapping into symbols and images can establish shape and consolidate the emotional attachment to the nation

Unlike the investment in and circulation of the female image through historiography or poetry when fi lm is the medium sentiment and spectacle prevail over the visual representation of this female body e cinematic space can be seen as effective in eliciting empathetic identifi cation that can strengthen sentimental communal feelings to foster nationalism us the political iconography of the modern nation personified by the female image was disseminated in a distinctively new way to a much wider audience e fi lm successfully fashioned Zhen Fei into a quintessential symbol of martyrdom in the interest of national salvation during an era of political and cultural turmoil67

64 Because of a lack documentation of the actual performance and the audiencesrsquo re-sponses some arguments can only remain speculative 65 In his discussion of the linkage of fetishism and patriotism in late nineteenth-century France Jeff rey Mehlman off ers an interesting explanation by using Freudian concepts and argues that the similarity lies in the disavowal of amputation (ie castration and the loss of territory) and an overvaluation of the object Jeff rey Mehlman ldquoRemy de Gourmont with Freud Fetishism and Patriotismrdquo in Emily Apter and William Pietz eds Fetishism as Cultural Discourse (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1993) 84-91 and see page 85 In light of his arguments we may suggest that China was similarly obsessed with a denial of amputation or an ldquoopen woundrdquo and the loss of the nation is may be considered a psychological attempt to adjust to a new historical situation66 Ruth Raoch Pierson ldquoNations Gendered Racialized Crossed With Empirerdquo in Blom Hagemann Hall eds Gendered Nations 41-61 and see page 4267 What makes this fi lm even more intriguing is that it was at the center of heated political struggles and cultural debates in Communist China In March 1950 Mao Zedong asserted that ldquoit is a fi lm of treason and should be criticizedrdquo and banned any screening of it In

35S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Engulfed in Flames Sai Jinhua and Her Profane Body

In the following two sections I pursue a parallel case study of Sai Jinhua68 e metamorphosis of Sai Jinhua from an infamous prostitute into a national heroine reveals a trajectory similar to that of Zhen Fei further illustrating that the invention of a national myth and the male imagination are inextricably linked Both individuals have been constructed to be heroic androgynous women who sacrifi ce either life or sexuality for the sake of the nation However the issues of class and promiscuity fi gured prominently in Sairsquos case and there is a fundamental diff erence between the constructions of these two images Zhen Feirsquos representation from its very beginning associated with the empire and literati culture always hinged upon gendered romantic longing the sense of loss or political visions e sensuous pleasure of creating and circulating this image is sometimes subsumed under and eff ectively incorporated into a narrative of the moral and spiritual tale of the nation In contrast the overall image of Sai Jinhua before the 1930s though occasionally carrying a subtext of nationalism was an erotic caricature voraciously consumed by the public as such Used mainly for entertainment or marketable fantasy with few nationalistic overtones the representation of Sai Jinhua was connected with farce and subject to ridicule e misogynistic elements expressed refl ected the entrenched

March 1967 Qi Benyu in his widely disseminated essay ldquoAiguo zhuyi haishi mai-guo zhuyi ping fandong yinpian Qinggong mishirdquo mdash

launched a full-scale attack on the fi lm signaling the beginning of a new stage in the Cultural Revolutionrsquos assault on Liu Shaoqi who allegedly praised the fi lm as ldquopatrioticrdquo See Qi Benyursquos essay in Chedi pipan maiguo zhuyi yingpian Qinggong mishi (Hong Kong Hong Kong Sanlian shudian 1967) Originally published in Hongqi 5 (1967) For a discussion in English see Yang Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 15-23 e familiar anecdotal detail of Zhen Feirsquos state-ment that the Emperor should stay in the capital to negotiate with the Joint Forces was as discussed in the previous section responsible for her popularity as a larger-than-life ideal of patriotic fervor However in Qi Benyursquos reading it was reinterpreted as compromising with the imperialists and Zhen Fei was deemed an ldquoagent for imperialismrdquo (diguo zhuyi de daili-ren ) (12)68 I acknowledge works by two contemporary scholars from which my research on Sai Ji-nhua has greatly benefi tted ey are the carefully compiled and useful bibliography on Sai by Stephen von Minden in his Die Merkwuumlrdige Geschichte der Sai Jinhua (Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 1994) 325-45 and Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo Zhuanji wenxue 253 (1987) 58-64

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6426

box-offi ce success in Hong Kong Shanghai and Southeast Asia enjoying great popularity there and elsewhere from the end of 1948 to 1950 It is now considered one of the classics of Chinese fi lm In the interest of brevity I will confi ne my discussion to this fi lm alone

e fi lm had an all-star cast and recreated an impressive array of spectacles covering all the watershed moments of the late Qing era such as the 1894 Sino-Japanese war the 1898 Reform Movement and the 1900 Boxer Rebellion56 The film presents a comprehensive reconstruction of the image of Zhen Fei and consciously deploys gender relations for ideological eff ect It produces a signifying framework within which the two ldquophallicrdquo women Zhen Fei and the Empress Dowager are juxtaposed as competitive and radically incompatible ey are pitted against each other as a suff ering yet honorable victim versus a monstrous victimizer a lsquogood girlrsquo versus a lsquobad womanrsquo In contrast the Guangxu Emperor is gullible submissive having the right vision but lacking the strength to manifest it good-hearted but incapable of protecting his people and his woman He is consistently on the sidelines while Zhen Fei occupies center stage

Given cross-dressingrsquos explicit connection with the representation of gender relations its role becomes all the more intriguing in the fi lm version of the story Some of the above-mentioned anecdotal accounts by palace ladies revealed Zhen Feirsquos love of costumes photography and performing While her playfulness is apparent in these accounts her cross-dressing acquires serious symbolic and political meanings in the fi lm In an important early scene Zhen Feirsquos older sister Jin Fei pays her a visit Two palace girls excitedly introduce Jin to a large box camera set on a tripod explaining that ldquolooking through a camera is certainly very odd Everything is upside downrdquo When Jin Fei dives under the black cloth of the camera and looks through the lens an upside-down image of a woman in male attire gradually moves e

attracting large audiences When the nation was still in ruins after World War II adaptations of such subjects could be marketed not only as entertaining but also as spiritually uplifting and educational with the company profi ting from both popular needs See Du Yunzhi

Zhongguo minguo dianying shi (Taibei Xinzhenyuan wenhua jianshe wenyuan hui 1988) 405-1656 Ng Ho ldquo e Cinema of Turbulence e Emotional State of Shanghai Film Talents Working in Hong Kong in the Period 1946-50rdquo in Cinema of Two Cities Hong Kong-Shanghai (Hong Kong Urban Council 1994) 30-36 and see page 33

27S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

scene not only shows Zhen Feirsquos love of male attire but also suggests that she may be assuming the emperorrsquos manner and voice As the narrative progresses we learn that this is one of the main reasons she has become a target of Cixirsquos disapproval and detestation e scene that follows is a dramatic confl ict among an uncompromising Zhen Fei an irascible Cixi and a submissive Guangxu Emperor e upside-down shot of Zhen Fei dressed as a man acquires narrative and rhetorical import and indeed becomes the pivot around which the story revolves By donning male clothes the central character apparently accomplishes a sexual role reversal that arises from her particular portrayal in the fi lm and highlights her masculinity (Figure 3)

e cross-dressing attributed to the image of Zhen Fei is a fundamental aspect of her free-spiritedness her courage in confronting authority and her subversion of conventional boundaries e fi lm also extensively depicts Zhen Feirsquos spiritual and practical support of the Guangxu

Figure 3 e upside-down image of Zhen Fei in male attire Film image from Qinggong mishi

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6428

Emperorrsquos political reforms While such reversal of gendered tropes does signal a feminist message Zhen Fei was rebelling primarily against the irrational manic domination of another woman the Empress Dowager Cixi Zhen Feirsquos characterization is in fact in compliance with the various codes of patriarchal society most important of which is loyalty to the male authority although the emperor the traditional masculine icon is portrayed as ineff ectual and pushed to the background It is also interesting that in the fi lm both women characterized in masculine terms adopt the same cultural logic legitimized by the patriarchal system to accuse each other From Cixirsquos point of view Zhen Fei is a femme fatale who uses her sexuality and feminine charm to cloud the emperorrsquos good judgment thereby precipitating catastrophic decisions on his part Using the same rationale Zhen Fei believes that it is the dowager who has brought the nation to its present crisis So both women use the conventional invidious notion of women as interfering and malevolent against each other and hold their gendered identity responsible for menrsquos misfortunes

Furthermore this depiction of Zhen Fei is not lsquobutchrsquo or genderless in any sense In fact various cinematic codes of costume gesture voice and the framing and composition of her body accentuate and eroticize her femininity Originally a major selling point of the fi lm was the actress who played the role of Zhen Fei Zhou Xuan (1918-57) one of the most popular movie stars and singers of the 1930s and rsquo40s Zhou presents a beautiful woman endowed with lsquomasculinersquo talents virtues and vision who also actively participates in political discourse courageously confronts authority and transgresses conventional gender-based boundaries us the question that immediately arises is in regard to the androgyny of this image of Zhen Fei As mentioned earlier the original theatrical production was staged in Japanese-occupied Shanghai in 1941 and 1942 e fi lm was made in 1948 when China was still in the throes of civil war It was a time when positive heroic images of women were considered important to foster politically progressive identities for both genders Given what were then perceived as the masculine attributes of her fi lm image the recasting of Zhen Fei in a heroic mold amply shows that masculinity and femininity are fl uid concepts created and rearticulated through representational conventions However we must bear in mind that this strong colorful

29S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image of a woman was instigated mostly by male-driven historical events national politics and military campaigns In other words I understand this image not as a fl uid practice of gender so much as a thinly veiled masculine fantasy Specifi cally the female subjectivity represented in the fi lm is marked by a duality or a rhetorical paradox a female character constructed as masculine yet with her eroticized femininity underlined On the one hand she emphatically bears traits conventionally attributed to men or to be more specifi c a masculine image desirable in wartime the cross-dressing could facilitate the identifi cation by male authors and viewers with valiant females On the other hand through various cinematic methods the fi lm idealizes and eroticizes her image us Zhen Fei embodies a certain tension or complexity between the fi lm based on a moral and lofty subject empowered by the national discourse and the market-oriented exploitation of overtly sensuous themes

In order to dissect the intertwined relationship among national allegiance gender politics and mass consumption we must further situate the visual and acoustic image of Zhen Fei in terms of the specifi c eff ects generated by cinematic techniques Her body which carries signifi cant political meaning is also a spectacle part of a ritual of seduction to lure (presumably male) spectators In the fi lm there are two long musical sequences sung by Zhou Xuan e melodies were composed by Zhoursquos longtime collaborator popular musician Chen Gexin (1914-61) with the lyrics written by Li Junqing

(1897-1966) One scene where she is on display in a courtyard setting burning incense sticks and praying is a moment secretly spied on by the Guangxu Emperor and more extensively by the fi lm audience Zhen Fei is in mid-frame kneeling before the lit incense when she begins to sing Yuxiang piaomiao qu ( e tune of lingering imperial scent) in a mellifl uous voice57 Just then the Emperor appears in the frame He gradually moves closer and stands behind Zhen Fei who remains completely unaware of his presence e Emperorrsquos gaze trails down her back e camerarsquos caressing shots of her body and

57 Another song Zhou sings in the fi lm is Leng gongyuan Because of its negative portrayal of the Boxer Rebellion the song is still censored in the currently released VCD version from mainland China

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6430

Zhou Xuanrsquos lsquogolden-voicedrsquo rendition temporarily interrupt the fl ow of the narrative making this one of the fetishistic moments in the fi lm (Figure 4) e scriptwriter Yao Ke pointed out later in the 1950s that it was the director Zhu Shilin who insisted on adding these two musical sequences over the protests of Yao who believed they were mere ldquotricks to cater to the audiencerdquo (xutou )58 e audiovisual techniques of fi lmmaking focus on and enhance the female protagonistrsquos desirability and eroticism If we agree that the voyeuristic gaze is intrinsic to the cinematic experience as Laura Mulvey has insisted59 then in the specifi c narrative context of this scene the Guangxu Emperorrsquos gaze roving over the back of Zhen Feirsquos body is literally performing such voyeurism His perspective angled from a higher position on the screen also acts out an uneven gender structure Furthermore the

58 Yao Ke ldquo e Confession of the Author of The Sorrow of the Forbidden Cityrdquo in Qinggong mishi (Dianyin shezhiben shooting script) (Hong Kong Hong Kong Zhengwen chubanshe 1967) 188 Yao points out there is another version called Duibaiben by the director Zhu Shilin 59 Laura Mulvey ldquoVisual Pleasure and Narrative Cinemardquo Screen 163 (1975) 6-18

Figure 4 Zhen Fei is singing in the courtyard Film image from Qinggong mishi

31S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

female singing is replete with erotic and ideological connotations and like the female body functions as a cynosure of the male gaze into what Kaja Silverman has called the ldquoacoustic mirrorrdquo60 Zhou Xuanrsquos voice was often described as ldquogoldenrdquo and the Emperor the listener in the scene may be seen as possessing both the femalersquos body and her voice

e melody that Zhou Xuan sings known as xiaodiao (a popular folk melody) from the Jiangnan area usually conveys the amorous light feeling for which Zhou Xuan was famous e traditional musical instruments the melody and the alluring voice create a cozy private ambience that corresponds to the beautiful traditional courtyard design of the scene all of which give the audience the sense of familiarity and intimacy e lyrics clearly reveal that this fetishized female imagevoice is fi rst subjected to a larger national and political discourse while the real-life identities of the fi lm stardiva and the imperial concubine she plays converge By analyzing musical sequences in other fi lms such as Malu tianshi ( e street angel) in which the main role is also played by Zhou Xuan Andrew F Jones provides an astute under-standing of the complex process of voyeurism melding with nation-alism61 Jones argues that the larger national and political themes of the fi lm revolve around both the star system and the female body In the specifi c scene I have described from Qinggong mishi through the ideologically charged lyrics and fetishistic elements (voice face expression gesture costume and setting) the fi lm literally enacts how fetishism (in the Freudian sense of the term) voyeurism and nationalism interpenetrate one another and foist themselves onto the female body On the one hand the scene is a perfect example of how the female body is subjected to mass consumption by a gendered gaze on the other hand the expression of political discourse is signifi cantly enhanced through a combination of sentiment and spectacle e lyrics of the song merit some discussion

60 For a feminist critique of the sound regime of Hollywood fi lms see among others Kaja Silverman e Acoustic Mirror e Female Voice in Psychoanalysis and Cinema (Blooming-ton Indiana University Press 1988)61 Andrew F Jones Yellow Music Media Culture and Colonial Modernity in the Chinese Jazz Age (Durham Duke University Press 2001) 133-36

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6432

One after another wisps of lingering fragrance disperse one after another imperial lanterns glittering In a happy evening of blooming fl owers and the full moon to Heaven I pray for the fulfi llment of my secret wishes First that the wise Son of Heaven will achieve great longevity and fortune I hope that while receiving his generosity and kindness we may grow old together Second that the masses will have no worries be well-fed and -clothed and enjoy their lives ird that all the ministers and generals of the court will defend the country dedicating their hearts and souls without any reservation By then the world will know the wealth of our nation and the strength of our people the world will lower its head and pay honor to the court (

)62

e initial setting is traditionally romanticmdashldquoa happy evening of the full moon and blooming fl owersrdquo ( yueyuan huahao )mdashevoking a mood of harmony and love through the use of familiar terms that invariably suggest the conjugal happiness of newlyweds e speakerrsquos love for the Emperor and the empire once again merge fusing private passion and the collective discourse and drawing an allegorical parallel between heterosexual union and political unity Some fundamental rifts or ironies are completely obscured including between the imperial and modern political systems between traditional love and modern romanticism and between the Manchurian royal couple and the modern nation Zhen Feirsquos dream of a common couple leading an ordinary happy life gives a domestic and sensuous cast to the ldquoimagined communityrdquo is mutually allegorizing relationship between the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality and the familial form provides a model for political action In the name of love sacrifi ce and the conventional ideal of family life the hegemonic ideas of nation could be conveyed to the masses in a more acceptable manner with amorous overtones and the growing tensions of contested political sectors and tensions between classes could be temporarily alleviated

In addition an extraordinary investment of authority and potency in the female fi gure creates contrasting eff ects On the one hand the image-making of Zhen Fei is a typical example of male appropriation

62 Qinggong mishi 1948 2003

33S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of the female body to articulate political matters On the other hand Zhen Fei often engages in self-revealing songs assertive actions and heroic speeches is process of creating an interior life for the image in the fi lm runs parallel to Zhen Feirsquos use of nationalism as an authorizing discourse to recreate herself as a political subject is confl icting subjection to the appropriative male gaze and reinvention of herself as a political subject onscreen requires some further explanation While this paper has focused on the male-dominated authorreaderviewership given the increasing presence of female readers and viewers in the era we must consider what womenrsquos spectacular presence on the stage meant to the female audience Challenging the rigid paradigm of gaze-as-male and image-as-female established by Laura Mulvey Teresa de Lauretis argues that the woman on the screen is not only a visual image but also a ldquonarrative imagerdquo which refers to ldquothe joining of image and story the interlocking of visual and narrative registers eff ected by the cinematic of the lookrdquo63 Although I have previously argued that the eroticism is induced by the masculine active identifi cation with the gaze the process of the narration also shapes her characterization e Zhen Fei character is obviously a product of gendered fantasy in both the spiritual and the sexual realms but she is not entirely a passive object controlled by the gazeonlooker In many scenes her active triumphant participation in politics has a rather diff erent eff ect than described by Mulveyrsquos account of sadistic audience pleasure Using national discourse this character takes advantage of the power of cinematic spectacle and returns the male gaze to assert female authority thereby claiming to be a political subject e complex image of Zhen Fei registers a highly ambivalent process of desire and identifi cation from both genders By identifying with the ldquonarrative imagerdquo of Zhen Fei female spectators could keep in mind the values of the nation while being well encouraged to assume such a feminine-heroic subject position to empower themselves

Overall the screen image of Zhen Fei may be seen as yet another example of the mediarsquos exploitative gaze directed at the female body

63 Teresa de Lauretis Alice Doesnrsquot Feminism Semiotics Cinema (Bloomington Indiana University Press 1984) 140 See Rey Chowrsquos discussion on De Lauretisrsquos contribution to the issue of the female spectator in Women and Chinese Modernity (Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1991) 19-21

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6434

or the sensual desire it generates may be perceived as conducive to spiritual elevation64 Following the actual loss of national territory from the nineteenth century onward and the loss of national pride and identity many sought partial compensation or consolation in overinvesting the female with power as a fetish object65 Further to the male writers and audiences the erotic allure of ldquomasculinizedrdquo beauty underlay the construction and circulation of the image of the national heroine in which heterosexual love and familial and domestic space were equated with the nation and private passions merged with public discourse elevating both to a more rarefi ed state Scholars have reminded us that ldquopeoplersquos connection to nation is emotional not rationalrdquo66 Tapping into symbols and images can establish shape and consolidate the emotional attachment to the nation

Unlike the investment in and circulation of the female image through historiography or poetry when fi lm is the medium sentiment and spectacle prevail over the visual representation of this female body e cinematic space can be seen as effective in eliciting empathetic identifi cation that can strengthen sentimental communal feelings to foster nationalism us the political iconography of the modern nation personified by the female image was disseminated in a distinctively new way to a much wider audience e fi lm successfully fashioned Zhen Fei into a quintessential symbol of martyrdom in the interest of national salvation during an era of political and cultural turmoil67

64 Because of a lack documentation of the actual performance and the audiencesrsquo re-sponses some arguments can only remain speculative 65 In his discussion of the linkage of fetishism and patriotism in late nineteenth-century France Jeff rey Mehlman off ers an interesting explanation by using Freudian concepts and argues that the similarity lies in the disavowal of amputation (ie castration and the loss of territory) and an overvaluation of the object Jeff rey Mehlman ldquoRemy de Gourmont with Freud Fetishism and Patriotismrdquo in Emily Apter and William Pietz eds Fetishism as Cultural Discourse (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1993) 84-91 and see page 85 In light of his arguments we may suggest that China was similarly obsessed with a denial of amputation or an ldquoopen woundrdquo and the loss of the nation is may be considered a psychological attempt to adjust to a new historical situation66 Ruth Raoch Pierson ldquoNations Gendered Racialized Crossed With Empirerdquo in Blom Hagemann Hall eds Gendered Nations 41-61 and see page 4267 What makes this fi lm even more intriguing is that it was at the center of heated political struggles and cultural debates in Communist China In March 1950 Mao Zedong asserted that ldquoit is a fi lm of treason and should be criticizedrdquo and banned any screening of it In

35S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Engulfed in Flames Sai Jinhua and Her Profane Body

In the following two sections I pursue a parallel case study of Sai Jinhua68 e metamorphosis of Sai Jinhua from an infamous prostitute into a national heroine reveals a trajectory similar to that of Zhen Fei further illustrating that the invention of a national myth and the male imagination are inextricably linked Both individuals have been constructed to be heroic androgynous women who sacrifi ce either life or sexuality for the sake of the nation However the issues of class and promiscuity fi gured prominently in Sairsquos case and there is a fundamental diff erence between the constructions of these two images Zhen Feirsquos representation from its very beginning associated with the empire and literati culture always hinged upon gendered romantic longing the sense of loss or political visions e sensuous pleasure of creating and circulating this image is sometimes subsumed under and eff ectively incorporated into a narrative of the moral and spiritual tale of the nation In contrast the overall image of Sai Jinhua before the 1930s though occasionally carrying a subtext of nationalism was an erotic caricature voraciously consumed by the public as such Used mainly for entertainment or marketable fantasy with few nationalistic overtones the representation of Sai Jinhua was connected with farce and subject to ridicule e misogynistic elements expressed refl ected the entrenched

March 1967 Qi Benyu in his widely disseminated essay ldquoAiguo zhuyi haishi mai-guo zhuyi ping fandong yinpian Qinggong mishirdquo mdash

launched a full-scale attack on the fi lm signaling the beginning of a new stage in the Cultural Revolutionrsquos assault on Liu Shaoqi who allegedly praised the fi lm as ldquopatrioticrdquo See Qi Benyursquos essay in Chedi pipan maiguo zhuyi yingpian Qinggong mishi (Hong Kong Hong Kong Sanlian shudian 1967) Originally published in Hongqi 5 (1967) For a discussion in English see Yang Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 15-23 e familiar anecdotal detail of Zhen Feirsquos state-ment that the Emperor should stay in the capital to negotiate with the Joint Forces was as discussed in the previous section responsible for her popularity as a larger-than-life ideal of patriotic fervor However in Qi Benyursquos reading it was reinterpreted as compromising with the imperialists and Zhen Fei was deemed an ldquoagent for imperialismrdquo (diguo zhuyi de daili-ren ) (12)68 I acknowledge works by two contemporary scholars from which my research on Sai Ji-nhua has greatly benefi tted ey are the carefully compiled and useful bibliography on Sai by Stephen von Minden in his Die Merkwuumlrdige Geschichte der Sai Jinhua (Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 1994) 325-45 and Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo Zhuanji wenxue 253 (1987) 58-64

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

27S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

scene not only shows Zhen Feirsquos love of male attire but also suggests that she may be assuming the emperorrsquos manner and voice As the narrative progresses we learn that this is one of the main reasons she has become a target of Cixirsquos disapproval and detestation e scene that follows is a dramatic confl ict among an uncompromising Zhen Fei an irascible Cixi and a submissive Guangxu Emperor e upside-down shot of Zhen Fei dressed as a man acquires narrative and rhetorical import and indeed becomes the pivot around which the story revolves By donning male clothes the central character apparently accomplishes a sexual role reversal that arises from her particular portrayal in the fi lm and highlights her masculinity (Figure 3)

e cross-dressing attributed to the image of Zhen Fei is a fundamental aspect of her free-spiritedness her courage in confronting authority and her subversion of conventional boundaries e fi lm also extensively depicts Zhen Feirsquos spiritual and practical support of the Guangxu

Figure 3 e upside-down image of Zhen Fei in male attire Film image from Qinggong mishi

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6428

Emperorrsquos political reforms While such reversal of gendered tropes does signal a feminist message Zhen Fei was rebelling primarily against the irrational manic domination of another woman the Empress Dowager Cixi Zhen Feirsquos characterization is in fact in compliance with the various codes of patriarchal society most important of which is loyalty to the male authority although the emperor the traditional masculine icon is portrayed as ineff ectual and pushed to the background It is also interesting that in the fi lm both women characterized in masculine terms adopt the same cultural logic legitimized by the patriarchal system to accuse each other From Cixirsquos point of view Zhen Fei is a femme fatale who uses her sexuality and feminine charm to cloud the emperorrsquos good judgment thereby precipitating catastrophic decisions on his part Using the same rationale Zhen Fei believes that it is the dowager who has brought the nation to its present crisis So both women use the conventional invidious notion of women as interfering and malevolent against each other and hold their gendered identity responsible for menrsquos misfortunes

Furthermore this depiction of Zhen Fei is not lsquobutchrsquo or genderless in any sense In fact various cinematic codes of costume gesture voice and the framing and composition of her body accentuate and eroticize her femininity Originally a major selling point of the fi lm was the actress who played the role of Zhen Fei Zhou Xuan (1918-57) one of the most popular movie stars and singers of the 1930s and rsquo40s Zhou presents a beautiful woman endowed with lsquomasculinersquo talents virtues and vision who also actively participates in political discourse courageously confronts authority and transgresses conventional gender-based boundaries us the question that immediately arises is in regard to the androgyny of this image of Zhen Fei As mentioned earlier the original theatrical production was staged in Japanese-occupied Shanghai in 1941 and 1942 e fi lm was made in 1948 when China was still in the throes of civil war It was a time when positive heroic images of women were considered important to foster politically progressive identities for both genders Given what were then perceived as the masculine attributes of her fi lm image the recasting of Zhen Fei in a heroic mold amply shows that masculinity and femininity are fl uid concepts created and rearticulated through representational conventions However we must bear in mind that this strong colorful

29S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image of a woman was instigated mostly by male-driven historical events national politics and military campaigns In other words I understand this image not as a fl uid practice of gender so much as a thinly veiled masculine fantasy Specifi cally the female subjectivity represented in the fi lm is marked by a duality or a rhetorical paradox a female character constructed as masculine yet with her eroticized femininity underlined On the one hand she emphatically bears traits conventionally attributed to men or to be more specifi c a masculine image desirable in wartime the cross-dressing could facilitate the identifi cation by male authors and viewers with valiant females On the other hand through various cinematic methods the fi lm idealizes and eroticizes her image us Zhen Fei embodies a certain tension or complexity between the fi lm based on a moral and lofty subject empowered by the national discourse and the market-oriented exploitation of overtly sensuous themes

In order to dissect the intertwined relationship among national allegiance gender politics and mass consumption we must further situate the visual and acoustic image of Zhen Fei in terms of the specifi c eff ects generated by cinematic techniques Her body which carries signifi cant political meaning is also a spectacle part of a ritual of seduction to lure (presumably male) spectators In the fi lm there are two long musical sequences sung by Zhou Xuan e melodies were composed by Zhoursquos longtime collaborator popular musician Chen Gexin (1914-61) with the lyrics written by Li Junqing

(1897-1966) One scene where she is on display in a courtyard setting burning incense sticks and praying is a moment secretly spied on by the Guangxu Emperor and more extensively by the fi lm audience Zhen Fei is in mid-frame kneeling before the lit incense when she begins to sing Yuxiang piaomiao qu ( e tune of lingering imperial scent) in a mellifl uous voice57 Just then the Emperor appears in the frame He gradually moves closer and stands behind Zhen Fei who remains completely unaware of his presence e Emperorrsquos gaze trails down her back e camerarsquos caressing shots of her body and

57 Another song Zhou sings in the fi lm is Leng gongyuan Because of its negative portrayal of the Boxer Rebellion the song is still censored in the currently released VCD version from mainland China

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6430

Zhou Xuanrsquos lsquogolden-voicedrsquo rendition temporarily interrupt the fl ow of the narrative making this one of the fetishistic moments in the fi lm (Figure 4) e scriptwriter Yao Ke pointed out later in the 1950s that it was the director Zhu Shilin who insisted on adding these two musical sequences over the protests of Yao who believed they were mere ldquotricks to cater to the audiencerdquo (xutou )58 e audiovisual techniques of fi lmmaking focus on and enhance the female protagonistrsquos desirability and eroticism If we agree that the voyeuristic gaze is intrinsic to the cinematic experience as Laura Mulvey has insisted59 then in the specifi c narrative context of this scene the Guangxu Emperorrsquos gaze roving over the back of Zhen Feirsquos body is literally performing such voyeurism His perspective angled from a higher position on the screen also acts out an uneven gender structure Furthermore the

58 Yao Ke ldquo e Confession of the Author of The Sorrow of the Forbidden Cityrdquo in Qinggong mishi (Dianyin shezhiben shooting script) (Hong Kong Hong Kong Zhengwen chubanshe 1967) 188 Yao points out there is another version called Duibaiben by the director Zhu Shilin 59 Laura Mulvey ldquoVisual Pleasure and Narrative Cinemardquo Screen 163 (1975) 6-18

Figure 4 Zhen Fei is singing in the courtyard Film image from Qinggong mishi

31S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

female singing is replete with erotic and ideological connotations and like the female body functions as a cynosure of the male gaze into what Kaja Silverman has called the ldquoacoustic mirrorrdquo60 Zhou Xuanrsquos voice was often described as ldquogoldenrdquo and the Emperor the listener in the scene may be seen as possessing both the femalersquos body and her voice

e melody that Zhou Xuan sings known as xiaodiao (a popular folk melody) from the Jiangnan area usually conveys the amorous light feeling for which Zhou Xuan was famous e traditional musical instruments the melody and the alluring voice create a cozy private ambience that corresponds to the beautiful traditional courtyard design of the scene all of which give the audience the sense of familiarity and intimacy e lyrics clearly reveal that this fetishized female imagevoice is fi rst subjected to a larger national and political discourse while the real-life identities of the fi lm stardiva and the imperial concubine she plays converge By analyzing musical sequences in other fi lms such as Malu tianshi ( e street angel) in which the main role is also played by Zhou Xuan Andrew F Jones provides an astute under-standing of the complex process of voyeurism melding with nation-alism61 Jones argues that the larger national and political themes of the fi lm revolve around both the star system and the female body In the specifi c scene I have described from Qinggong mishi through the ideologically charged lyrics and fetishistic elements (voice face expression gesture costume and setting) the fi lm literally enacts how fetishism (in the Freudian sense of the term) voyeurism and nationalism interpenetrate one another and foist themselves onto the female body On the one hand the scene is a perfect example of how the female body is subjected to mass consumption by a gendered gaze on the other hand the expression of political discourse is signifi cantly enhanced through a combination of sentiment and spectacle e lyrics of the song merit some discussion

60 For a feminist critique of the sound regime of Hollywood fi lms see among others Kaja Silverman e Acoustic Mirror e Female Voice in Psychoanalysis and Cinema (Blooming-ton Indiana University Press 1988)61 Andrew F Jones Yellow Music Media Culture and Colonial Modernity in the Chinese Jazz Age (Durham Duke University Press 2001) 133-36

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6432

One after another wisps of lingering fragrance disperse one after another imperial lanterns glittering In a happy evening of blooming fl owers and the full moon to Heaven I pray for the fulfi llment of my secret wishes First that the wise Son of Heaven will achieve great longevity and fortune I hope that while receiving his generosity and kindness we may grow old together Second that the masses will have no worries be well-fed and -clothed and enjoy their lives ird that all the ministers and generals of the court will defend the country dedicating their hearts and souls without any reservation By then the world will know the wealth of our nation and the strength of our people the world will lower its head and pay honor to the court (

)62

e initial setting is traditionally romanticmdashldquoa happy evening of the full moon and blooming fl owersrdquo ( yueyuan huahao )mdashevoking a mood of harmony and love through the use of familiar terms that invariably suggest the conjugal happiness of newlyweds e speakerrsquos love for the Emperor and the empire once again merge fusing private passion and the collective discourse and drawing an allegorical parallel between heterosexual union and political unity Some fundamental rifts or ironies are completely obscured including between the imperial and modern political systems between traditional love and modern romanticism and between the Manchurian royal couple and the modern nation Zhen Feirsquos dream of a common couple leading an ordinary happy life gives a domestic and sensuous cast to the ldquoimagined communityrdquo is mutually allegorizing relationship between the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality and the familial form provides a model for political action In the name of love sacrifi ce and the conventional ideal of family life the hegemonic ideas of nation could be conveyed to the masses in a more acceptable manner with amorous overtones and the growing tensions of contested political sectors and tensions between classes could be temporarily alleviated

In addition an extraordinary investment of authority and potency in the female fi gure creates contrasting eff ects On the one hand the image-making of Zhen Fei is a typical example of male appropriation

62 Qinggong mishi 1948 2003

33S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of the female body to articulate political matters On the other hand Zhen Fei often engages in self-revealing songs assertive actions and heroic speeches is process of creating an interior life for the image in the fi lm runs parallel to Zhen Feirsquos use of nationalism as an authorizing discourse to recreate herself as a political subject is confl icting subjection to the appropriative male gaze and reinvention of herself as a political subject onscreen requires some further explanation While this paper has focused on the male-dominated authorreaderviewership given the increasing presence of female readers and viewers in the era we must consider what womenrsquos spectacular presence on the stage meant to the female audience Challenging the rigid paradigm of gaze-as-male and image-as-female established by Laura Mulvey Teresa de Lauretis argues that the woman on the screen is not only a visual image but also a ldquonarrative imagerdquo which refers to ldquothe joining of image and story the interlocking of visual and narrative registers eff ected by the cinematic of the lookrdquo63 Although I have previously argued that the eroticism is induced by the masculine active identifi cation with the gaze the process of the narration also shapes her characterization e Zhen Fei character is obviously a product of gendered fantasy in both the spiritual and the sexual realms but she is not entirely a passive object controlled by the gazeonlooker In many scenes her active triumphant participation in politics has a rather diff erent eff ect than described by Mulveyrsquos account of sadistic audience pleasure Using national discourse this character takes advantage of the power of cinematic spectacle and returns the male gaze to assert female authority thereby claiming to be a political subject e complex image of Zhen Fei registers a highly ambivalent process of desire and identifi cation from both genders By identifying with the ldquonarrative imagerdquo of Zhen Fei female spectators could keep in mind the values of the nation while being well encouraged to assume such a feminine-heroic subject position to empower themselves

Overall the screen image of Zhen Fei may be seen as yet another example of the mediarsquos exploitative gaze directed at the female body

63 Teresa de Lauretis Alice Doesnrsquot Feminism Semiotics Cinema (Bloomington Indiana University Press 1984) 140 See Rey Chowrsquos discussion on De Lauretisrsquos contribution to the issue of the female spectator in Women and Chinese Modernity (Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1991) 19-21

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6434

or the sensual desire it generates may be perceived as conducive to spiritual elevation64 Following the actual loss of national territory from the nineteenth century onward and the loss of national pride and identity many sought partial compensation or consolation in overinvesting the female with power as a fetish object65 Further to the male writers and audiences the erotic allure of ldquomasculinizedrdquo beauty underlay the construction and circulation of the image of the national heroine in which heterosexual love and familial and domestic space were equated with the nation and private passions merged with public discourse elevating both to a more rarefi ed state Scholars have reminded us that ldquopeoplersquos connection to nation is emotional not rationalrdquo66 Tapping into symbols and images can establish shape and consolidate the emotional attachment to the nation

Unlike the investment in and circulation of the female image through historiography or poetry when fi lm is the medium sentiment and spectacle prevail over the visual representation of this female body e cinematic space can be seen as effective in eliciting empathetic identifi cation that can strengthen sentimental communal feelings to foster nationalism us the political iconography of the modern nation personified by the female image was disseminated in a distinctively new way to a much wider audience e fi lm successfully fashioned Zhen Fei into a quintessential symbol of martyrdom in the interest of national salvation during an era of political and cultural turmoil67

64 Because of a lack documentation of the actual performance and the audiencesrsquo re-sponses some arguments can only remain speculative 65 In his discussion of the linkage of fetishism and patriotism in late nineteenth-century France Jeff rey Mehlman off ers an interesting explanation by using Freudian concepts and argues that the similarity lies in the disavowal of amputation (ie castration and the loss of territory) and an overvaluation of the object Jeff rey Mehlman ldquoRemy de Gourmont with Freud Fetishism and Patriotismrdquo in Emily Apter and William Pietz eds Fetishism as Cultural Discourse (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1993) 84-91 and see page 85 In light of his arguments we may suggest that China was similarly obsessed with a denial of amputation or an ldquoopen woundrdquo and the loss of the nation is may be considered a psychological attempt to adjust to a new historical situation66 Ruth Raoch Pierson ldquoNations Gendered Racialized Crossed With Empirerdquo in Blom Hagemann Hall eds Gendered Nations 41-61 and see page 4267 What makes this fi lm even more intriguing is that it was at the center of heated political struggles and cultural debates in Communist China In March 1950 Mao Zedong asserted that ldquoit is a fi lm of treason and should be criticizedrdquo and banned any screening of it In

35S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Engulfed in Flames Sai Jinhua and Her Profane Body

In the following two sections I pursue a parallel case study of Sai Jinhua68 e metamorphosis of Sai Jinhua from an infamous prostitute into a national heroine reveals a trajectory similar to that of Zhen Fei further illustrating that the invention of a national myth and the male imagination are inextricably linked Both individuals have been constructed to be heroic androgynous women who sacrifi ce either life or sexuality for the sake of the nation However the issues of class and promiscuity fi gured prominently in Sairsquos case and there is a fundamental diff erence between the constructions of these two images Zhen Feirsquos representation from its very beginning associated with the empire and literati culture always hinged upon gendered romantic longing the sense of loss or political visions e sensuous pleasure of creating and circulating this image is sometimes subsumed under and eff ectively incorporated into a narrative of the moral and spiritual tale of the nation In contrast the overall image of Sai Jinhua before the 1930s though occasionally carrying a subtext of nationalism was an erotic caricature voraciously consumed by the public as such Used mainly for entertainment or marketable fantasy with few nationalistic overtones the representation of Sai Jinhua was connected with farce and subject to ridicule e misogynistic elements expressed refl ected the entrenched

March 1967 Qi Benyu in his widely disseminated essay ldquoAiguo zhuyi haishi mai-guo zhuyi ping fandong yinpian Qinggong mishirdquo mdash

launched a full-scale attack on the fi lm signaling the beginning of a new stage in the Cultural Revolutionrsquos assault on Liu Shaoqi who allegedly praised the fi lm as ldquopatrioticrdquo See Qi Benyursquos essay in Chedi pipan maiguo zhuyi yingpian Qinggong mishi (Hong Kong Hong Kong Sanlian shudian 1967) Originally published in Hongqi 5 (1967) For a discussion in English see Yang Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 15-23 e familiar anecdotal detail of Zhen Feirsquos state-ment that the Emperor should stay in the capital to negotiate with the Joint Forces was as discussed in the previous section responsible for her popularity as a larger-than-life ideal of patriotic fervor However in Qi Benyursquos reading it was reinterpreted as compromising with the imperialists and Zhen Fei was deemed an ldquoagent for imperialismrdquo (diguo zhuyi de daili-ren ) (12)68 I acknowledge works by two contemporary scholars from which my research on Sai Ji-nhua has greatly benefi tted ey are the carefully compiled and useful bibliography on Sai by Stephen von Minden in his Die Merkwuumlrdige Geschichte der Sai Jinhua (Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 1994) 325-45 and Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo Zhuanji wenxue 253 (1987) 58-64

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6428

Emperorrsquos political reforms While such reversal of gendered tropes does signal a feminist message Zhen Fei was rebelling primarily against the irrational manic domination of another woman the Empress Dowager Cixi Zhen Feirsquos characterization is in fact in compliance with the various codes of patriarchal society most important of which is loyalty to the male authority although the emperor the traditional masculine icon is portrayed as ineff ectual and pushed to the background It is also interesting that in the fi lm both women characterized in masculine terms adopt the same cultural logic legitimized by the patriarchal system to accuse each other From Cixirsquos point of view Zhen Fei is a femme fatale who uses her sexuality and feminine charm to cloud the emperorrsquos good judgment thereby precipitating catastrophic decisions on his part Using the same rationale Zhen Fei believes that it is the dowager who has brought the nation to its present crisis So both women use the conventional invidious notion of women as interfering and malevolent against each other and hold their gendered identity responsible for menrsquos misfortunes

Furthermore this depiction of Zhen Fei is not lsquobutchrsquo or genderless in any sense In fact various cinematic codes of costume gesture voice and the framing and composition of her body accentuate and eroticize her femininity Originally a major selling point of the fi lm was the actress who played the role of Zhen Fei Zhou Xuan (1918-57) one of the most popular movie stars and singers of the 1930s and rsquo40s Zhou presents a beautiful woman endowed with lsquomasculinersquo talents virtues and vision who also actively participates in political discourse courageously confronts authority and transgresses conventional gender-based boundaries us the question that immediately arises is in regard to the androgyny of this image of Zhen Fei As mentioned earlier the original theatrical production was staged in Japanese-occupied Shanghai in 1941 and 1942 e fi lm was made in 1948 when China was still in the throes of civil war It was a time when positive heroic images of women were considered important to foster politically progressive identities for both genders Given what were then perceived as the masculine attributes of her fi lm image the recasting of Zhen Fei in a heroic mold amply shows that masculinity and femininity are fl uid concepts created and rearticulated through representational conventions However we must bear in mind that this strong colorful

29S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image of a woman was instigated mostly by male-driven historical events national politics and military campaigns In other words I understand this image not as a fl uid practice of gender so much as a thinly veiled masculine fantasy Specifi cally the female subjectivity represented in the fi lm is marked by a duality or a rhetorical paradox a female character constructed as masculine yet with her eroticized femininity underlined On the one hand she emphatically bears traits conventionally attributed to men or to be more specifi c a masculine image desirable in wartime the cross-dressing could facilitate the identifi cation by male authors and viewers with valiant females On the other hand through various cinematic methods the fi lm idealizes and eroticizes her image us Zhen Fei embodies a certain tension or complexity between the fi lm based on a moral and lofty subject empowered by the national discourse and the market-oriented exploitation of overtly sensuous themes

In order to dissect the intertwined relationship among national allegiance gender politics and mass consumption we must further situate the visual and acoustic image of Zhen Fei in terms of the specifi c eff ects generated by cinematic techniques Her body which carries signifi cant political meaning is also a spectacle part of a ritual of seduction to lure (presumably male) spectators In the fi lm there are two long musical sequences sung by Zhou Xuan e melodies were composed by Zhoursquos longtime collaborator popular musician Chen Gexin (1914-61) with the lyrics written by Li Junqing

(1897-1966) One scene where she is on display in a courtyard setting burning incense sticks and praying is a moment secretly spied on by the Guangxu Emperor and more extensively by the fi lm audience Zhen Fei is in mid-frame kneeling before the lit incense when she begins to sing Yuxiang piaomiao qu ( e tune of lingering imperial scent) in a mellifl uous voice57 Just then the Emperor appears in the frame He gradually moves closer and stands behind Zhen Fei who remains completely unaware of his presence e Emperorrsquos gaze trails down her back e camerarsquos caressing shots of her body and

57 Another song Zhou sings in the fi lm is Leng gongyuan Because of its negative portrayal of the Boxer Rebellion the song is still censored in the currently released VCD version from mainland China

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6430

Zhou Xuanrsquos lsquogolden-voicedrsquo rendition temporarily interrupt the fl ow of the narrative making this one of the fetishistic moments in the fi lm (Figure 4) e scriptwriter Yao Ke pointed out later in the 1950s that it was the director Zhu Shilin who insisted on adding these two musical sequences over the protests of Yao who believed they were mere ldquotricks to cater to the audiencerdquo (xutou )58 e audiovisual techniques of fi lmmaking focus on and enhance the female protagonistrsquos desirability and eroticism If we agree that the voyeuristic gaze is intrinsic to the cinematic experience as Laura Mulvey has insisted59 then in the specifi c narrative context of this scene the Guangxu Emperorrsquos gaze roving over the back of Zhen Feirsquos body is literally performing such voyeurism His perspective angled from a higher position on the screen also acts out an uneven gender structure Furthermore the

58 Yao Ke ldquo e Confession of the Author of The Sorrow of the Forbidden Cityrdquo in Qinggong mishi (Dianyin shezhiben shooting script) (Hong Kong Hong Kong Zhengwen chubanshe 1967) 188 Yao points out there is another version called Duibaiben by the director Zhu Shilin 59 Laura Mulvey ldquoVisual Pleasure and Narrative Cinemardquo Screen 163 (1975) 6-18

Figure 4 Zhen Fei is singing in the courtyard Film image from Qinggong mishi

31S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

female singing is replete with erotic and ideological connotations and like the female body functions as a cynosure of the male gaze into what Kaja Silverman has called the ldquoacoustic mirrorrdquo60 Zhou Xuanrsquos voice was often described as ldquogoldenrdquo and the Emperor the listener in the scene may be seen as possessing both the femalersquos body and her voice

e melody that Zhou Xuan sings known as xiaodiao (a popular folk melody) from the Jiangnan area usually conveys the amorous light feeling for which Zhou Xuan was famous e traditional musical instruments the melody and the alluring voice create a cozy private ambience that corresponds to the beautiful traditional courtyard design of the scene all of which give the audience the sense of familiarity and intimacy e lyrics clearly reveal that this fetishized female imagevoice is fi rst subjected to a larger national and political discourse while the real-life identities of the fi lm stardiva and the imperial concubine she plays converge By analyzing musical sequences in other fi lms such as Malu tianshi ( e street angel) in which the main role is also played by Zhou Xuan Andrew F Jones provides an astute under-standing of the complex process of voyeurism melding with nation-alism61 Jones argues that the larger national and political themes of the fi lm revolve around both the star system and the female body In the specifi c scene I have described from Qinggong mishi through the ideologically charged lyrics and fetishistic elements (voice face expression gesture costume and setting) the fi lm literally enacts how fetishism (in the Freudian sense of the term) voyeurism and nationalism interpenetrate one another and foist themselves onto the female body On the one hand the scene is a perfect example of how the female body is subjected to mass consumption by a gendered gaze on the other hand the expression of political discourse is signifi cantly enhanced through a combination of sentiment and spectacle e lyrics of the song merit some discussion

60 For a feminist critique of the sound regime of Hollywood fi lms see among others Kaja Silverman e Acoustic Mirror e Female Voice in Psychoanalysis and Cinema (Blooming-ton Indiana University Press 1988)61 Andrew F Jones Yellow Music Media Culture and Colonial Modernity in the Chinese Jazz Age (Durham Duke University Press 2001) 133-36

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6432

One after another wisps of lingering fragrance disperse one after another imperial lanterns glittering In a happy evening of blooming fl owers and the full moon to Heaven I pray for the fulfi llment of my secret wishes First that the wise Son of Heaven will achieve great longevity and fortune I hope that while receiving his generosity and kindness we may grow old together Second that the masses will have no worries be well-fed and -clothed and enjoy their lives ird that all the ministers and generals of the court will defend the country dedicating their hearts and souls without any reservation By then the world will know the wealth of our nation and the strength of our people the world will lower its head and pay honor to the court (

)62

e initial setting is traditionally romanticmdashldquoa happy evening of the full moon and blooming fl owersrdquo ( yueyuan huahao )mdashevoking a mood of harmony and love through the use of familiar terms that invariably suggest the conjugal happiness of newlyweds e speakerrsquos love for the Emperor and the empire once again merge fusing private passion and the collective discourse and drawing an allegorical parallel between heterosexual union and political unity Some fundamental rifts or ironies are completely obscured including between the imperial and modern political systems between traditional love and modern romanticism and between the Manchurian royal couple and the modern nation Zhen Feirsquos dream of a common couple leading an ordinary happy life gives a domestic and sensuous cast to the ldquoimagined communityrdquo is mutually allegorizing relationship between the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality and the familial form provides a model for political action In the name of love sacrifi ce and the conventional ideal of family life the hegemonic ideas of nation could be conveyed to the masses in a more acceptable manner with amorous overtones and the growing tensions of contested political sectors and tensions between classes could be temporarily alleviated

In addition an extraordinary investment of authority and potency in the female fi gure creates contrasting eff ects On the one hand the image-making of Zhen Fei is a typical example of male appropriation

62 Qinggong mishi 1948 2003

33S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of the female body to articulate political matters On the other hand Zhen Fei often engages in self-revealing songs assertive actions and heroic speeches is process of creating an interior life for the image in the fi lm runs parallel to Zhen Feirsquos use of nationalism as an authorizing discourse to recreate herself as a political subject is confl icting subjection to the appropriative male gaze and reinvention of herself as a political subject onscreen requires some further explanation While this paper has focused on the male-dominated authorreaderviewership given the increasing presence of female readers and viewers in the era we must consider what womenrsquos spectacular presence on the stage meant to the female audience Challenging the rigid paradigm of gaze-as-male and image-as-female established by Laura Mulvey Teresa de Lauretis argues that the woman on the screen is not only a visual image but also a ldquonarrative imagerdquo which refers to ldquothe joining of image and story the interlocking of visual and narrative registers eff ected by the cinematic of the lookrdquo63 Although I have previously argued that the eroticism is induced by the masculine active identifi cation with the gaze the process of the narration also shapes her characterization e Zhen Fei character is obviously a product of gendered fantasy in both the spiritual and the sexual realms but she is not entirely a passive object controlled by the gazeonlooker In many scenes her active triumphant participation in politics has a rather diff erent eff ect than described by Mulveyrsquos account of sadistic audience pleasure Using national discourse this character takes advantage of the power of cinematic spectacle and returns the male gaze to assert female authority thereby claiming to be a political subject e complex image of Zhen Fei registers a highly ambivalent process of desire and identifi cation from both genders By identifying with the ldquonarrative imagerdquo of Zhen Fei female spectators could keep in mind the values of the nation while being well encouraged to assume such a feminine-heroic subject position to empower themselves

Overall the screen image of Zhen Fei may be seen as yet another example of the mediarsquos exploitative gaze directed at the female body

63 Teresa de Lauretis Alice Doesnrsquot Feminism Semiotics Cinema (Bloomington Indiana University Press 1984) 140 See Rey Chowrsquos discussion on De Lauretisrsquos contribution to the issue of the female spectator in Women and Chinese Modernity (Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1991) 19-21

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6434

or the sensual desire it generates may be perceived as conducive to spiritual elevation64 Following the actual loss of national territory from the nineteenth century onward and the loss of national pride and identity many sought partial compensation or consolation in overinvesting the female with power as a fetish object65 Further to the male writers and audiences the erotic allure of ldquomasculinizedrdquo beauty underlay the construction and circulation of the image of the national heroine in which heterosexual love and familial and domestic space were equated with the nation and private passions merged with public discourse elevating both to a more rarefi ed state Scholars have reminded us that ldquopeoplersquos connection to nation is emotional not rationalrdquo66 Tapping into symbols and images can establish shape and consolidate the emotional attachment to the nation

Unlike the investment in and circulation of the female image through historiography or poetry when fi lm is the medium sentiment and spectacle prevail over the visual representation of this female body e cinematic space can be seen as effective in eliciting empathetic identifi cation that can strengthen sentimental communal feelings to foster nationalism us the political iconography of the modern nation personified by the female image was disseminated in a distinctively new way to a much wider audience e fi lm successfully fashioned Zhen Fei into a quintessential symbol of martyrdom in the interest of national salvation during an era of political and cultural turmoil67

64 Because of a lack documentation of the actual performance and the audiencesrsquo re-sponses some arguments can only remain speculative 65 In his discussion of the linkage of fetishism and patriotism in late nineteenth-century France Jeff rey Mehlman off ers an interesting explanation by using Freudian concepts and argues that the similarity lies in the disavowal of amputation (ie castration and the loss of territory) and an overvaluation of the object Jeff rey Mehlman ldquoRemy de Gourmont with Freud Fetishism and Patriotismrdquo in Emily Apter and William Pietz eds Fetishism as Cultural Discourse (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1993) 84-91 and see page 85 In light of his arguments we may suggest that China was similarly obsessed with a denial of amputation or an ldquoopen woundrdquo and the loss of the nation is may be considered a psychological attempt to adjust to a new historical situation66 Ruth Raoch Pierson ldquoNations Gendered Racialized Crossed With Empirerdquo in Blom Hagemann Hall eds Gendered Nations 41-61 and see page 4267 What makes this fi lm even more intriguing is that it was at the center of heated political struggles and cultural debates in Communist China In March 1950 Mao Zedong asserted that ldquoit is a fi lm of treason and should be criticizedrdquo and banned any screening of it In

35S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Engulfed in Flames Sai Jinhua and Her Profane Body

In the following two sections I pursue a parallel case study of Sai Jinhua68 e metamorphosis of Sai Jinhua from an infamous prostitute into a national heroine reveals a trajectory similar to that of Zhen Fei further illustrating that the invention of a national myth and the male imagination are inextricably linked Both individuals have been constructed to be heroic androgynous women who sacrifi ce either life or sexuality for the sake of the nation However the issues of class and promiscuity fi gured prominently in Sairsquos case and there is a fundamental diff erence between the constructions of these two images Zhen Feirsquos representation from its very beginning associated with the empire and literati culture always hinged upon gendered romantic longing the sense of loss or political visions e sensuous pleasure of creating and circulating this image is sometimes subsumed under and eff ectively incorporated into a narrative of the moral and spiritual tale of the nation In contrast the overall image of Sai Jinhua before the 1930s though occasionally carrying a subtext of nationalism was an erotic caricature voraciously consumed by the public as such Used mainly for entertainment or marketable fantasy with few nationalistic overtones the representation of Sai Jinhua was connected with farce and subject to ridicule e misogynistic elements expressed refl ected the entrenched

March 1967 Qi Benyu in his widely disseminated essay ldquoAiguo zhuyi haishi mai-guo zhuyi ping fandong yinpian Qinggong mishirdquo mdash

launched a full-scale attack on the fi lm signaling the beginning of a new stage in the Cultural Revolutionrsquos assault on Liu Shaoqi who allegedly praised the fi lm as ldquopatrioticrdquo See Qi Benyursquos essay in Chedi pipan maiguo zhuyi yingpian Qinggong mishi (Hong Kong Hong Kong Sanlian shudian 1967) Originally published in Hongqi 5 (1967) For a discussion in English see Yang Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 15-23 e familiar anecdotal detail of Zhen Feirsquos state-ment that the Emperor should stay in the capital to negotiate with the Joint Forces was as discussed in the previous section responsible for her popularity as a larger-than-life ideal of patriotic fervor However in Qi Benyursquos reading it was reinterpreted as compromising with the imperialists and Zhen Fei was deemed an ldquoagent for imperialismrdquo (diguo zhuyi de daili-ren ) (12)68 I acknowledge works by two contemporary scholars from which my research on Sai Ji-nhua has greatly benefi tted ey are the carefully compiled and useful bibliography on Sai by Stephen von Minden in his Die Merkwuumlrdige Geschichte der Sai Jinhua (Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 1994) 325-45 and Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo Zhuanji wenxue 253 (1987) 58-64

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

29S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

image of a woman was instigated mostly by male-driven historical events national politics and military campaigns In other words I understand this image not as a fl uid practice of gender so much as a thinly veiled masculine fantasy Specifi cally the female subjectivity represented in the fi lm is marked by a duality or a rhetorical paradox a female character constructed as masculine yet with her eroticized femininity underlined On the one hand she emphatically bears traits conventionally attributed to men or to be more specifi c a masculine image desirable in wartime the cross-dressing could facilitate the identifi cation by male authors and viewers with valiant females On the other hand through various cinematic methods the fi lm idealizes and eroticizes her image us Zhen Fei embodies a certain tension or complexity between the fi lm based on a moral and lofty subject empowered by the national discourse and the market-oriented exploitation of overtly sensuous themes

In order to dissect the intertwined relationship among national allegiance gender politics and mass consumption we must further situate the visual and acoustic image of Zhen Fei in terms of the specifi c eff ects generated by cinematic techniques Her body which carries signifi cant political meaning is also a spectacle part of a ritual of seduction to lure (presumably male) spectators In the fi lm there are two long musical sequences sung by Zhou Xuan e melodies were composed by Zhoursquos longtime collaborator popular musician Chen Gexin (1914-61) with the lyrics written by Li Junqing

(1897-1966) One scene where she is on display in a courtyard setting burning incense sticks and praying is a moment secretly spied on by the Guangxu Emperor and more extensively by the fi lm audience Zhen Fei is in mid-frame kneeling before the lit incense when she begins to sing Yuxiang piaomiao qu ( e tune of lingering imperial scent) in a mellifl uous voice57 Just then the Emperor appears in the frame He gradually moves closer and stands behind Zhen Fei who remains completely unaware of his presence e Emperorrsquos gaze trails down her back e camerarsquos caressing shots of her body and

57 Another song Zhou sings in the fi lm is Leng gongyuan Because of its negative portrayal of the Boxer Rebellion the song is still censored in the currently released VCD version from mainland China

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6430

Zhou Xuanrsquos lsquogolden-voicedrsquo rendition temporarily interrupt the fl ow of the narrative making this one of the fetishistic moments in the fi lm (Figure 4) e scriptwriter Yao Ke pointed out later in the 1950s that it was the director Zhu Shilin who insisted on adding these two musical sequences over the protests of Yao who believed they were mere ldquotricks to cater to the audiencerdquo (xutou )58 e audiovisual techniques of fi lmmaking focus on and enhance the female protagonistrsquos desirability and eroticism If we agree that the voyeuristic gaze is intrinsic to the cinematic experience as Laura Mulvey has insisted59 then in the specifi c narrative context of this scene the Guangxu Emperorrsquos gaze roving over the back of Zhen Feirsquos body is literally performing such voyeurism His perspective angled from a higher position on the screen also acts out an uneven gender structure Furthermore the

58 Yao Ke ldquo e Confession of the Author of The Sorrow of the Forbidden Cityrdquo in Qinggong mishi (Dianyin shezhiben shooting script) (Hong Kong Hong Kong Zhengwen chubanshe 1967) 188 Yao points out there is another version called Duibaiben by the director Zhu Shilin 59 Laura Mulvey ldquoVisual Pleasure and Narrative Cinemardquo Screen 163 (1975) 6-18

Figure 4 Zhen Fei is singing in the courtyard Film image from Qinggong mishi

31S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

female singing is replete with erotic and ideological connotations and like the female body functions as a cynosure of the male gaze into what Kaja Silverman has called the ldquoacoustic mirrorrdquo60 Zhou Xuanrsquos voice was often described as ldquogoldenrdquo and the Emperor the listener in the scene may be seen as possessing both the femalersquos body and her voice

e melody that Zhou Xuan sings known as xiaodiao (a popular folk melody) from the Jiangnan area usually conveys the amorous light feeling for which Zhou Xuan was famous e traditional musical instruments the melody and the alluring voice create a cozy private ambience that corresponds to the beautiful traditional courtyard design of the scene all of which give the audience the sense of familiarity and intimacy e lyrics clearly reveal that this fetishized female imagevoice is fi rst subjected to a larger national and political discourse while the real-life identities of the fi lm stardiva and the imperial concubine she plays converge By analyzing musical sequences in other fi lms such as Malu tianshi ( e street angel) in which the main role is also played by Zhou Xuan Andrew F Jones provides an astute under-standing of the complex process of voyeurism melding with nation-alism61 Jones argues that the larger national and political themes of the fi lm revolve around both the star system and the female body In the specifi c scene I have described from Qinggong mishi through the ideologically charged lyrics and fetishistic elements (voice face expression gesture costume and setting) the fi lm literally enacts how fetishism (in the Freudian sense of the term) voyeurism and nationalism interpenetrate one another and foist themselves onto the female body On the one hand the scene is a perfect example of how the female body is subjected to mass consumption by a gendered gaze on the other hand the expression of political discourse is signifi cantly enhanced through a combination of sentiment and spectacle e lyrics of the song merit some discussion

60 For a feminist critique of the sound regime of Hollywood fi lms see among others Kaja Silverman e Acoustic Mirror e Female Voice in Psychoanalysis and Cinema (Blooming-ton Indiana University Press 1988)61 Andrew F Jones Yellow Music Media Culture and Colonial Modernity in the Chinese Jazz Age (Durham Duke University Press 2001) 133-36

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6432

One after another wisps of lingering fragrance disperse one after another imperial lanterns glittering In a happy evening of blooming fl owers and the full moon to Heaven I pray for the fulfi llment of my secret wishes First that the wise Son of Heaven will achieve great longevity and fortune I hope that while receiving his generosity and kindness we may grow old together Second that the masses will have no worries be well-fed and -clothed and enjoy their lives ird that all the ministers and generals of the court will defend the country dedicating their hearts and souls without any reservation By then the world will know the wealth of our nation and the strength of our people the world will lower its head and pay honor to the court (

)62

e initial setting is traditionally romanticmdashldquoa happy evening of the full moon and blooming fl owersrdquo ( yueyuan huahao )mdashevoking a mood of harmony and love through the use of familiar terms that invariably suggest the conjugal happiness of newlyweds e speakerrsquos love for the Emperor and the empire once again merge fusing private passion and the collective discourse and drawing an allegorical parallel between heterosexual union and political unity Some fundamental rifts or ironies are completely obscured including between the imperial and modern political systems between traditional love and modern romanticism and between the Manchurian royal couple and the modern nation Zhen Feirsquos dream of a common couple leading an ordinary happy life gives a domestic and sensuous cast to the ldquoimagined communityrdquo is mutually allegorizing relationship between the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality and the familial form provides a model for political action In the name of love sacrifi ce and the conventional ideal of family life the hegemonic ideas of nation could be conveyed to the masses in a more acceptable manner with amorous overtones and the growing tensions of contested political sectors and tensions between classes could be temporarily alleviated

In addition an extraordinary investment of authority and potency in the female fi gure creates contrasting eff ects On the one hand the image-making of Zhen Fei is a typical example of male appropriation

62 Qinggong mishi 1948 2003

33S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of the female body to articulate political matters On the other hand Zhen Fei often engages in self-revealing songs assertive actions and heroic speeches is process of creating an interior life for the image in the fi lm runs parallel to Zhen Feirsquos use of nationalism as an authorizing discourse to recreate herself as a political subject is confl icting subjection to the appropriative male gaze and reinvention of herself as a political subject onscreen requires some further explanation While this paper has focused on the male-dominated authorreaderviewership given the increasing presence of female readers and viewers in the era we must consider what womenrsquos spectacular presence on the stage meant to the female audience Challenging the rigid paradigm of gaze-as-male and image-as-female established by Laura Mulvey Teresa de Lauretis argues that the woman on the screen is not only a visual image but also a ldquonarrative imagerdquo which refers to ldquothe joining of image and story the interlocking of visual and narrative registers eff ected by the cinematic of the lookrdquo63 Although I have previously argued that the eroticism is induced by the masculine active identifi cation with the gaze the process of the narration also shapes her characterization e Zhen Fei character is obviously a product of gendered fantasy in both the spiritual and the sexual realms but she is not entirely a passive object controlled by the gazeonlooker In many scenes her active triumphant participation in politics has a rather diff erent eff ect than described by Mulveyrsquos account of sadistic audience pleasure Using national discourse this character takes advantage of the power of cinematic spectacle and returns the male gaze to assert female authority thereby claiming to be a political subject e complex image of Zhen Fei registers a highly ambivalent process of desire and identifi cation from both genders By identifying with the ldquonarrative imagerdquo of Zhen Fei female spectators could keep in mind the values of the nation while being well encouraged to assume such a feminine-heroic subject position to empower themselves

Overall the screen image of Zhen Fei may be seen as yet another example of the mediarsquos exploitative gaze directed at the female body

63 Teresa de Lauretis Alice Doesnrsquot Feminism Semiotics Cinema (Bloomington Indiana University Press 1984) 140 See Rey Chowrsquos discussion on De Lauretisrsquos contribution to the issue of the female spectator in Women and Chinese Modernity (Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1991) 19-21

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6434

or the sensual desire it generates may be perceived as conducive to spiritual elevation64 Following the actual loss of national territory from the nineteenth century onward and the loss of national pride and identity many sought partial compensation or consolation in overinvesting the female with power as a fetish object65 Further to the male writers and audiences the erotic allure of ldquomasculinizedrdquo beauty underlay the construction and circulation of the image of the national heroine in which heterosexual love and familial and domestic space were equated with the nation and private passions merged with public discourse elevating both to a more rarefi ed state Scholars have reminded us that ldquopeoplersquos connection to nation is emotional not rationalrdquo66 Tapping into symbols and images can establish shape and consolidate the emotional attachment to the nation

Unlike the investment in and circulation of the female image through historiography or poetry when fi lm is the medium sentiment and spectacle prevail over the visual representation of this female body e cinematic space can be seen as effective in eliciting empathetic identifi cation that can strengthen sentimental communal feelings to foster nationalism us the political iconography of the modern nation personified by the female image was disseminated in a distinctively new way to a much wider audience e fi lm successfully fashioned Zhen Fei into a quintessential symbol of martyrdom in the interest of national salvation during an era of political and cultural turmoil67

64 Because of a lack documentation of the actual performance and the audiencesrsquo re-sponses some arguments can only remain speculative 65 In his discussion of the linkage of fetishism and patriotism in late nineteenth-century France Jeff rey Mehlman off ers an interesting explanation by using Freudian concepts and argues that the similarity lies in the disavowal of amputation (ie castration and the loss of territory) and an overvaluation of the object Jeff rey Mehlman ldquoRemy de Gourmont with Freud Fetishism and Patriotismrdquo in Emily Apter and William Pietz eds Fetishism as Cultural Discourse (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1993) 84-91 and see page 85 In light of his arguments we may suggest that China was similarly obsessed with a denial of amputation or an ldquoopen woundrdquo and the loss of the nation is may be considered a psychological attempt to adjust to a new historical situation66 Ruth Raoch Pierson ldquoNations Gendered Racialized Crossed With Empirerdquo in Blom Hagemann Hall eds Gendered Nations 41-61 and see page 4267 What makes this fi lm even more intriguing is that it was at the center of heated political struggles and cultural debates in Communist China In March 1950 Mao Zedong asserted that ldquoit is a fi lm of treason and should be criticizedrdquo and banned any screening of it In

35S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Engulfed in Flames Sai Jinhua and Her Profane Body

In the following two sections I pursue a parallel case study of Sai Jinhua68 e metamorphosis of Sai Jinhua from an infamous prostitute into a national heroine reveals a trajectory similar to that of Zhen Fei further illustrating that the invention of a national myth and the male imagination are inextricably linked Both individuals have been constructed to be heroic androgynous women who sacrifi ce either life or sexuality for the sake of the nation However the issues of class and promiscuity fi gured prominently in Sairsquos case and there is a fundamental diff erence between the constructions of these two images Zhen Feirsquos representation from its very beginning associated with the empire and literati culture always hinged upon gendered romantic longing the sense of loss or political visions e sensuous pleasure of creating and circulating this image is sometimes subsumed under and eff ectively incorporated into a narrative of the moral and spiritual tale of the nation In contrast the overall image of Sai Jinhua before the 1930s though occasionally carrying a subtext of nationalism was an erotic caricature voraciously consumed by the public as such Used mainly for entertainment or marketable fantasy with few nationalistic overtones the representation of Sai Jinhua was connected with farce and subject to ridicule e misogynistic elements expressed refl ected the entrenched

March 1967 Qi Benyu in his widely disseminated essay ldquoAiguo zhuyi haishi mai-guo zhuyi ping fandong yinpian Qinggong mishirdquo mdash

launched a full-scale attack on the fi lm signaling the beginning of a new stage in the Cultural Revolutionrsquos assault on Liu Shaoqi who allegedly praised the fi lm as ldquopatrioticrdquo See Qi Benyursquos essay in Chedi pipan maiguo zhuyi yingpian Qinggong mishi (Hong Kong Hong Kong Sanlian shudian 1967) Originally published in Hongqi 5 (1967) For a discussion in English see Yang Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 15-23 e familiar anecdotal detail of Zhen Feirsquos state-ment that the Emperor should stay in the capital to negotiate with the Joint Forces was as discussed in the previous section responsible for her popularity as a larger-than-life ideal of patriotic fervor However in Qi Benyursquos reading it was reinterpreted as compromising with the imperialists and Zhen Fei was deemed an ldquoagent for imperialismrdquo (diguo zhuyi de daili-ren ) (12)68 I acknowledge works by two contemporary scholars from which my research on Sai Ji-nhua has greatly benefi tted ey are the carefully compiled and useful bibliography on Sai by Stephen von Minden in his Die Merkwuumlrdige Geschichte der Sai Jinhua (Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 1994) 325-45 and Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo Zhuanji wenxue 253 (1987) 58-64

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6430

Zhou Xuanrsquos lsquogolden-voicedrsquo rendition temporarily interrupt the fl ow of the narrative making this one of the fetishistic moments in the fi lm (Figure 4) e scriptwriter Yao Ke pointed out later in the 1950s that it was the director Zhu Shilin who insisted on adding these two musical sequences over the protests of Yao who believed they were mere ldquotricks to cater to the audiencerdquo (xutou )58 e audiovisual techniques of fi lmmaking focus on and enhance the female protagonistrsquos desirability and eroticism If we agree that the voyeuristic gaze is intrinsic to the cinematic experience as Laura Mulvey has insisted59 then in the specifi c narrative context of this scene the Guangxu Emperorrsquos gaze roving over the back of Zhen Feirsquos body is literally performing such voyeurism His perspective angled from a higher position on the screen also acts out an uneven gender structure Furthermore the

58 Yao Ke ldquo e Confession of the Author of The Sorrow of the Forbidden Cityrdquo in Qinggong mishi (Dianyin shezhiben shooting script) (Hong Kong Hong Kong Zhengwen chubanshe 1967) 188 Yao points out there is another version called Duibaiben by the director Zhu Shilin 59 Laura Mulvey ldquoVisual Pleasure and Narrative Cinemardquo Screen 163 (1975) 6-18

Figure 4 Zhen Fei is singing in the courtyard Film image from Qinggong mishi

31S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

female singing is replete with erotic and ideological connotations and like the female body functions as a cynosure of the male gaze into what Kaja Silverman has called the ldquoacoustic mirrorrdquo60 Zhou Xuanrsquos voice was often described as ldquogoldenrdquo and the Emperor the listener in the scene may be seen as possessing both the femalersquos body and her voice

e melody that Zhou Xuan sings known as xiaodiao (a popular folk melody) from the Jiangnan area usually conveys the amorous light feeling for which Zhou Xuan was famous e traditional musical instruments the melody and the alluring voice create a cozy private ambience that corresponds to the beautiful traditional courtyard design of the scene all of which give the audience the sense of familiarity and intimacy e lyrics clearly reveal that this fetishized female imagevoice is fi rst subjected to a larger national and political discourse while the real-life identities of the fi lm stardiva and the imperial concubine she plays converge By analyzing musical sequences in other fi lms such as Malu tianshi ( e street angel) in which the main role is also played by Zhou Xuan Andrew F Jones provides an astute under-standing of the complex process of voyeurism melding with nation-alism61 Jones argues that the larger national and political themes of the fi lm revolve around both the star system and the female body In the specifi c scene I have described from Qinggong mishi through the ideologically charged lyrics and fetishistic elements (voice face expression gesture costume and setting) the fi lm literally enacts how fetishism (in the Freudian sense of the term) voyeurism and nationalism interpenetrate one another and foist themselves onto the female body On the one hand the scene is a perfect example of how the female body is subjected to mass consumption by a gendered gaze on the other hand the expression of political discourse is signifi cantly enhanced through a combination of sentiment and spectacle e lyrics of the song merit some discussion

60 For a feminist critique of the sound regime of Hollywood fi lms see among others Kaja Silverman e Acoustic Mirror e Female Voice in Psychoanalysis and Cinema (Blooming-ton Indiana University Press 1988)61 Andrew F Jones Yellow Music Media Culture and Colonial Modernity in the Chinese Jazz Age (Durham Duke University Press 2001) 133-36

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6432

One after another wisps of lingering fragrance disperse one after another imperial lanterns glittering In a happy evening of blooming fl owers and the full moon to Heaven I pray for the fulfi llment of my secret wishes First that the wise Son of Heaven will achieve great longevity and fortune I hope that while receiving his generosity and kindness we may grow old together Second that the masses will have no worries be well-fed and -clothed and enjoy their lives ird that all the ministers and generals of the court will defend the country dedicating their hearts and souls without any reservation By then the world will know the wealth of our nation and the strength of our people the world will lower its head and pay honor to the court (

)62

e initial setting is traditionally romanticmdashldquoa happy evening of the full moon and blooming fl owersrdquo ( yueyuan huahao )mdashevoking a mood of harmony and love through the use of familiar terms that invariably suggest the conjugal happiness of newlyweds e speakerrsquos love for the Emperor and the empire once again merge fusing private passion and the collective discourse and drawing an allegorical parallel between heterosexual union and political unity Some fundamental rifts or ironies are completely obscured including between the imperial and modern political systems between traditional love and modern romanticism and between the Manchurian royal couple and the modern nation Zhen Feirsquos dream of a common couple leading an ordinary happy life gives a domestic and sensuous cast to the ldquoimagined communityrdquo is mutually allegorizing relationship between the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality and the familial form provides a model for political action In the name of love sacrifi ce and the conventional ideal of family life the hegemonic ideas of nation could be conveyed to the masses in a more acceptable manner with amorous overtones and the growing tensions of contested political sectors and tensions between classes could be temporarily alleviated

In addition an extraordinary investment of authority and potency in the female fi gure creates contrasting eff ects On the one hand the image-making of Zhen Fei is a typical example of male appropriation

62 Qinggong mishi 1948 2003

33S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of the female body to articulate political matters On the other hand Zhen Fei often engages in self-revealing songs assertive actions and heroic speeches is process of creating an interior life for the image in the fi lm runs parallel to Zhen Feirsquos use of nationalism as an authorizing discourse to recreate herself as a political subject is confl icting subjection to the appropriative male gaze and reinvention of herself as a political subject onscreen requires some further explanation While this paper has focused on the male-dominated authorreaderviewership given the increasing presence of female readers and viewers in the era we must consider what womenrsquos spectacular presence on the stage meant to the female audience Challenging the rigid paradigm of gaze-as-male and image-as-female established by Laura Mulvey Teresa de Lauretis argues that the woman on the screen is not only a visual image but also a ldquonarrative imagerdquo which refers to ldquothe joining of image and story the interlocking of visual and narrative registers eff ected by the cinematic of the lookrdquo63 Although I have previously argued that the eroticism is induced by the masculine active identifi cation with the gaze the process of the narration also shapes her characterization e Zhen Fei character is obviously a product of gendered fantasy in both the spiritual and the sexual realms but she is not entirely a passive object controlled by the gazeonlooker In many scenes her active triumphant participation in politics has a rather diff erent eff ect than described by Mulveyrsquos account of sadistic audience pleasure Using national discourse this character takes advantage of the power of cinematic spectacle and returns the male gaze to assert female authority thereby claiming to be a political subject e complex image of Zhen Fei registers a highly ambivalent process of desire and identifi cation from both genders By identifying with the ldquonarrative imagerdquo of Zhen Fei female spectators could keep in mind the values of the nation while being well encouraged to assume such a feminine-heroic subject position to empower themselves

Overall the screen image of Zhen Fei may be seen as yet another example of the mediarsquos exploitative gaze directed at the female body

63 Teresa de Lauretis Alice Doesnrsquot Feminism Semiotics Cinema (Bloomington Indiana University Press 1984) 140 See Rey Chowrsquos discussion on De Lauretisrsquos contribution to the issue of the female spectator in Women and Chinese Modernity (Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1991) 19-21

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6434

or the sensual desire it generates may be perceived as conducive to spiritual elevation64 Following the actual loss of national territory from the nineteenth century onward and the loss of national pride and identity many sought partial compensation or consolation in overinvesting the female with power as a fetish object65 Further to the male writers and audiences the erotic allure of ldquomasculinizedrdquo beauty underlay the construction and circulation of the image of the national heroine in which heterosexual love and familial and domestic space were equated with the nation and private passions merged with public discourse elevating both to a more rarefi ed state Scholars have reminded us that ldquopeoplersquos connection to nation is emotional not rationalrdquo66 Tapping into symbols and images can establish shape and consolidate the emotional attachment to the nation

Unlike the investment in and circulation of the female image through historiography or poetry when fi lm is the medium sentiment and spectacle prevail over the visual representation of this female body e cinematic space can be seen as effective in eliciting empathetic identifi cation that can strengthen sentimental communal feelings to foster nationalism us the political iconography of the modern nation personified by the female image was disseminated in a distinctively new way to a much wider audience e fi lm successfully fashioned Zhen Fei into a quintessential symbol of martyrdom in the interest of national salvation during an era of political and cultural turmoil67

64 Because of a lack documentation of the actual performance and the audiencesrsquo re-sponses some arguments can only remain speculative 65 In his discussion of the linkage of fetishism and patriotism in late nineteenth-century France Jeff rey Mehlman off ers an interesting explanation by using Freudian concepts and argues that the similarity lies in the disavowal of amputation (ie castration and the loss of territory) and an overvaluation of the object Jeff rey Mehlman ldquoRemy de Gourmont with Freud Fetishism and Patriotismrdquo in Emily Apter and William Pietz eds Fetishism as Cultural Discourse (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1993) 84-91 and see page 85 In light of his arguments we may suggest that China was similarly obsessed with a denial of amputation or an ldquoopen woundrdquo and the loss of the nation is may be considered a psychological attempt to adjust to a new historical situation66 Ruth Raoch Pierson ldquoNations Gendered Racialized Crossed With Empirerdquo in Blom Hagemann Hall eds Gendered Nations 41-61 and see page 4267 What makes this fi lm even more intriguing is that it was at the center of heated political struggles and cultural debates in Communist China In March 1950 Mao Zedong asserted that ldquoit is a fi lm of treason and should be criticizedrdquo and banned any screening of it In

35S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Engulfed in Flames Sai Jinhua and Her Profane Body

In the following two sections I pursue a parallel case study of Sai Jinhua68 e metamorphosis of Sai Jinhua from an infamous prostitute into a national heroine reveals a trajectory similar to that of Zhen Fei further illustrating that the invention of a national myth and the male imagination are inextricably linked Both individuals have been constructed to be heroic androgynous women who sacrifi ce either life or sexuality for the sake of the nation However the issues of class and promiscuity fi gured prominently in Sairsquos case and there is a fundamental diff erence between the constructions of these two images Zhen Feirsquos representation from its very beginning associated with the empire and literati culture always hinged upon gendered romantic longing the sense of loss or political visions e sensuous pleasure of creating and circulating this image is sometimes subsumed under and eff ectively incorporated into a narrative of the moral and spiritual tale of the nation In contrast the overall image of Sai Jinhua before the 1930s though occasionally carrying a subtext of nationalism was an erotic caricature voraciously consumed by the public as such Used mainly for entertainment or marketable fantasy with few nationalistic overtones the representation of Sai Jinhua was connected with farce and subject to ridicule e misogynistic elements expressed refl ected the entrenched

March 1967 Qi Benyu in his widely disseminated essay ldquoAiguo zhuyi haishi mai-guo zhuyi ping fandong yinpian Qinggong mishirdquo mdash

launched a full-scale attack on the fi lm signaling the beginning of a new stage in the Cultural Revolutionrsquos assault on Liu Shaoqi who allegedly praised the fi lm as ldquopatrioticrdquo See Qi Benyursquos essay in Chedi pipan maiguo zhuyi yingpian Qinggong mishi (Hong Kong Hong Kong Sanlian shudian 1967) Originally published in Hongqi 5 (1967) For a discussion in English see Yang Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 15-23 e familiar anecdotal detail of Zhen Feirsquos state-ment that the Emperor should stay in the capital to negotiate with the Joint Forces was as discussed in the previous section responsible for her popularity as a larger-than-life ideal of patriotic fervor However in Qi Benyursquos reading it was reinterpreted as compromising with the imperialists and Zhen Fei was deemed an ldquoagent for imperialismrdquo (diguo zhuyi de daili-ren ) (12)68 I acknowledge works by two contemporary scholars from which my research on Sai Ji-nhua has greatly benefi tted ey are the carefully compiled and useful bibliography on Sai by Stephen von Minden in his Die Merkwuumlrdige Geschichte der Sai Jinhua (Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 1994) 325-45 and Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo Zhuanji wenxue 253 (1987) 58-64

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

31S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

female singing is replete with erotic and ideological connotations and like the female body functions as a cynosure of the male gaze into what Kaja Silverman has called the ldquoacoustic mirrorrdquo60 Zhou Xuanrsquos voice was often described as ldquogoldenrdquo and the Emperor the listener in the scene may be seen as possessing both the femalersquos body and her voice

e melody that Zhou Xuan sings known as xiaodiao (a popular folk melody) from the Jiangnan area usually conveys the amorous light feeling for which Zhou Xuan was famous e traditional musical instruments the melody and the alluring voice create a cozy private ambience that corresponds to the beautiful traditional courtyard design of the scene all of which give the audience the sense of familiarity and intimacy e lyrics clearly reveal that this fetishized female imagevoice is fi rst subjected to a larger national and political discourse while the real-life identities of the fi lm stardiva and the imperial concubine she plays converge By analyzing musical sequences in other fi lms such as Malu tianshi ( e street angel) in which the main role is also played by Zhou Xuan Andrew F Jones provides an astute under-standing of the complex process of voyeurism melding with nation-alism61 Jones argues that the larger national and political themes of the fi lm revolve around both the star system and the female body In the specifi c scene I have described from Qinggong mishi through the ideologically charged lyrics and fetishistic elements (voice face expression gesture costume and setting) the fi lm literally enacts how fetishism (in the Freudian sense of the term) voyeurism and nationalism interpenetrate one another and foist themselves onto the female body On the one hand the scene is a perfect example of how the female body is subjected to mass consumption by a gendered gaze on the other hand the expression of political discourse is signifi cantly enhanced through a combination of sentiment and spectacle e lyrics of the song merit some discussion

60 For a feminist critique of the sound regime of Hollywood fi lms see among others Kaja Silverman e Acoustic Mirror e Female Voice in Psychoanalysis and Cinema (Blooming-ton Indiana University Press 1988)61 Andrew F Jones Yellow Music Media Culture and Colonial Modernity in the Chinese Jazz Age (Durham Duke University Press 2001) 133-36

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6432

One after another wisps of lingering fragrance disperse one after another imperial lanterns glittering In a happy evening of blooming fl owers and the full moon to Heaven I pray for the fulfi llment of my secret wishes First that the wise Son of Heaven will achieve great longevity and fortune I hope that while receiving his generosity and kindness we may grow old together Second that the masses will have no worries be well-fed and -clothed and enjoy their lives ird that all the ministers and generals of the court will defend the country dedicating their hearts and souls without any reservation By then the world will know the wealth of our nation and the strength of our people the world will lower its head and pay honor to the court (

)62

e initial setting is traditionally romanticmdashldquoa happy evening of the full moon and blooming fl owersrdquo ( yueyuan huahao )mdashevoking a mood of harmony and love through the use of familiar terms that invariably suggest the conjugal happiness of newlyweds e speakerrsquos love for the Emperor and the empire once again merge fusing private passion and the collective discourse and drawing an allegorical parallel between heterosexual union and political unity Some fundamental rifts or ironies are completely obscured including between the imperial and modern political systems between traditional love and modern romanticism and between the Manchurian royal couple and the modern nation Zhen Feirsquos dream of a common couple leading an ordinary happy life gives a domestic and sensuous cast to the ldquoimagined communityrdquo is mutually allegorizing relationship between the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality and the familial form provides a model for political action In the name of love sacrifi ce and the conventional ideal of family life the hegemonic ideas of nation could be conveyed to the masses in a more acceptable manner with amorous overtones and the growing tensions of contested political sectors and tensions between classes could be temporarily alleviated

In addition an extraordinary investment of authority and potency in the female fi gure creates contrasting eff ects On the one hand the image-making of Zhen Fei is a typical example of male appropriation

62 Qinggong mishi 1948 2003

33S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of the female body to articulate political matters On the other hand Zhen Fei often engages in self-revealing songs assertive actions and heroic speeches is process of creating an interior life for the image in the fi lm runs parallel to Zhen Feirsquos use of nationalism as an authorizing discourse to recreate herself as a political subject is confl icting subjection to the appropriative male gaze and reinvention of herself as a political subject onscreen requires some further explanation While this paper has focused on the male-dominated authorreaderviewership given the increasing presence of female readers and viewers in the era we must consider what womenrsquos spectacular presence on the stage meant to the female audience Challenging the rigid paradigm of gaze-as-male and image-as-female established by Laura Mulvey Teresa de Lauretis argues that the woman on the screen is not only a visual image but also a ldquonarrative imagerdquo which refers to ldquothe joining of image and story the interlocking of visual and narrative registers eff ected by the cinematic of the lookrdquo63 Although I have previously argued that the eroticism is induced by the masculine active identifi cation with the gaze the process of the narration also shapes her characterization e Zhen Fei character is obviously a product of gendered fantasy in both the spiritual and the sexual realms but she is not entirely a passive object controlled by the gazeonlooker In many scenes her active triumphant participation in politics has a rather diff erent eff ect than described by Mulveyrsquos account of sadistic audience pleasure Using national discourse this character takes advantage of the power of cinematic spectacle and returns the male gaze to assert female authority thereby claiming to be a political subject e complex image of Zhen Fei registers a highly ambivalent process of desire and identifi cation from both genders By identifying with the ldquonarrative imagerdquo of Zhen Fei female spectators could keep in mind the values of the nation while being well encouraged to assume such a feminine-heroic subject position to empower themselves

Overall the screen image of Zhen Fei may be seen as yet another example of the mediarsquos exploitative gaze directed at the female body

63 Teresa de Lauretis Alice Doesnrsquot Feminism Semiotics Cinema (Bloomington Indiana University Press 1984) 140 See Rey Chowrsquos discussion on De Lauretisrsquos contribution to the issue of the female spectator in Women and Chinese Modernity (Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1991) 19-21

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6434

or the sensual desire it generates may be perceived as conducive to spiritual elevation64 Following the actual loss of national territory from the nineteenth century onward and the loss of national pride and identity many sought partial compensation or consolation in overinvesting the female with power as a fetish object65 Further to the male writers and audiences the erotic allure of ldquomasculinizedrdquo beauty underlay the construction and circulation of the image of the national heroine in which heterosexual love and familial and domestic space were equated with the nation and private passions merged with public discourse elevating both to a more rarefi ed state Scholars have reminded us that ldquopeoplersquos connection to nation is emotional not rationalrdquo66 Tapping into symbols and images can establish shape and consolidate the emotional attachment to the nation

Unlike the investment in and circulation of the female image through historiography or poetry when fi lm is the medium sentiment and spectacle prevail over the visual representation of this female body e cinematic space can be seen as effective in eliciting empathetic identifi cation that can strengthen sentimental communal feelings to foster nationalism us the political iconography of the modern nation personified by the female image was disseminated in a distinctively new way to a much wider audience e fi lm successfully fashioned Zhen Fei into a quintessential symbol of martyrdom in the interest of national salvation during an era of political and cultural turmoil67

64 Because of a lack documentation of the actual performance and the audiencesrsquo re-sponses some arguments can only remain speculative 65 In his discussion of the linkage of fetishism and patriotism in late nineteenth-century France Jeff rey Mehlman off ers an interesting explanation by using Freudian concepts and argues that the similarity lies in the disavowal of amputation (ie castration and the loss of territory) and an overvaluation of the object Jeff rey Mehlman ldquoRemy de Gourmont with Freud Fetishism and Patriotismrdquo in Emily Apter and William Pietz eds Fetishism as Cultural Discourse (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1993) 84-91 and see page 85 In light of his arguments we may suggest that China was similarly obsessed with a denial of amputation or an ldquoopen woundrdquo and the loss of the nation is may be considered a psychological attempt to adjust to a new historical situation66 Ruth Raoch Pierson ldquoNations Gendered Racialized Crossed With Empirerdquo in Blom Hagemann Hall eds Gendered Nations 41-61 and see page 4267 What makes this fi lm even more intriguing is that it was at the center of heated political struggles and cultural debates in Communist China In March 1950 Mao Zedong asserted that ldquoit is a fi lm of treason and should be criticizedrdquo and banned any screening of it In

35S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Engulfed in Flames Sai Jinhua and Her Profane Body

In the following two sections I pursue a parallel case study of Sai Jinhua68 e metamorphosis of Sai Jinhua from an infamous prostitute into a national heroine reveals a trajectory similar to that of Zhen Fei further illustrating that the invention of a national myth and the male imagination are inextricably linked Both individuals have been constructed to be heroic androgynous women who sacrifi ce either life or sexuality for the sake of the nation However the issues of class and promiscuity fi gured prominently in Sairsquos case and there is a fundamental diff erence between the constructions of these two images Zhen Feirsquos representation from its very beginning associated with the empire and literati culture always hinged upon gendered romantic longing the sense of loss or political visions e sensuous pleasure of creating and circulating this image is sometimes subsumed under and eff ectively incorporated into a narrative of the moral and spiritual tale of the nation In contrast the overall image of Sai Jinhua before the 1930s though occasionally carrying a subtext of nationalism was an erotic caricature voraciously consumed by the public as such Used mainly for entertainment or marketable fantasy with few nationalistic overtones the representation of Sai Jinhua was connected with farce and subject to ridicule e misogynistic elements expressed refl ected the entrenched

March 1967 Qi Benyu in his widely disseminated essay ldquoAiguo zhuyi haishi mai-guo zhuyi ping fandong yinpian Qinggong mishirdquo mdash

launched a full-scale attack on the fi lm signaling the beginning of a new stage in the Cultural Revolutionrsquos assault on Liu Shaoqi who allegedly praised the fi lm as ldquopatrioticrdquo See Qi Benyursquos essay in Chedi pipan maiguo zhuyi yingpian Qinggong mishi (Hong Kong Hong Kong Sanlian shudian 1967) Originally published in Hongqi 5 (1967) For a discussion in English see Yang Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 15-23 e familiar anecdotal detail of Zhen Feirsquos state-ment that the Emperor should stay in the capital to negotiate with the Joint Forces was as discussed in the previous section responsible for her popularity as a larger-than-life ideal of patriotic fervor However in Qi Benyursquos reading it was reinterpreted as compromising with the imperialists and Zhen Fei was deemed an ldquoagent for imperialismrdquo (diguo zhuyi de daili-ren ) (12)68 I acknowledge works by two contemporary scholars from which my research on Sai Ji-nhua has greatly benefi tted ey are the carefully compiled and useful bibliography on Sai by Stephen von Minden in his Die Merkwuumlrdige Geschichte der Sai Jinhua (Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 1994) 325-45 and Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo Zhuanji wenxue 253 (1987) 58-64

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6432

One after another wisps of lingering fragrance disperse one after another imperial lanterns glittering In a happy evening of blooming fl owers and the full moon to Heaven I pray for the fulfi llment of my secret wishes First that the wise Son of Heaven will achieve great longevity and fortune I hope that while receiving his generosity and kindness we may grow old together Second that the masses will have no worries be well-fed and -clothed and enjoy their lives ird that all the ministers and generals of the court will defend the country dedicating their hearts and souls without any reservation By then the world will know the wealth of our nation and the strength of our people the world will lower its head and pay honor to the court (

)62

e initial setting is traditionally romanticmdashldquoa happy evening of the full moon and blooming fl owersrdquo ( yueyuan huahao )mdashevoking a mood of harmony and love through the use of familiar terms that invariably suggest the conjugal happiness of newlyweds e speakerrsquos love for the Emperor and the empire once again merge fusing private passion and the collective discourse and drawing an allegorical parallel between heterosexual union and political unity Some fundamental rifts or ironies are completely obscured including between the imperial and modern political systems between traditional love and modern romanticism and between the Manchurian royal couple and the modern nation Zhen Feirsquos dream of a common couple leading an ordinary happy life gives a domestic and sensuous cast to the ldquoimagined communityrdquo is mutually allegorizing relationship between the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality and the familial form provides a model for political action In the name of love sacrifi ce and the conventional ideal of family life the hegemonic ideas of nation could be conveyed to the masses in a more acceptable manner with amorous overtones and the growing tensions of contested political sectors and tensions between classes could be temporarily alleviated

In addition an extraordinary investment of authority and potency in the female fi gure creates contrasting eff ects On the one hand the image-making of Zhen Fei is a typical example of male appropriation

62 Qinggong mishi 1948 2003

33S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of the female body to articulate political matters On the other hand Zhen Fei often engages in self-revealing songs assertive actions and heroic speeches is process of creating an interior life for the image in the fi lm runs parallel to Zhen Feirsquos use of nationalism as an authorizing discourse to recreate herself as a political subject is confl icting subjection to the appropriative male gaze and reinvention of herself as a political subject onscreen requires some further explanation While this paper has focused on the male-dominated authorreaderviewership given the increasing presence of female readers and viewers in the era we must consider what womenrsquos spectacular presence on the stage meant to the female audience Challenging the rigid paradigm of gaze-as-male and image-as-female established by Laura Mulvey Teresa de Lauretis argues that the woman on the screen is not only a visual image but also a ldquonarrative imagerdquo which refers to ldquothe joining of image and story the interlocking of visual and narrative registers eff ected by the cinematic of the lookrdquo63 Although I have previously argued that the eroticism is induced by the masculine active identifi cation with the gaze the process of the narration also shapes her characterization e Zhen Fei character is obviously a product of gendered fantasy in both the spiritual and the sexual realms but she is not entirely a passive object controlled by the gazeonlooker In many scenes her active triumphant participation in politics has a rather diff erent eff ect than described by Mulveyrsquos account of sadistic audience pleasure Using national discourse this character takes advantage of the power of cinematic spectacle and returns the male gaze to assert female authority thereby claiming to be a political subject e complex image of Zhen Fei registers a highly ambivalent process of desire and identifi cation from both genders By identifying with the ldquonarrative imagerdquo of Zhen Fei female spectators could keep in mind the values of the nation while being well encouraged to assume such a feminine-heroic subject position to empower themselves

Overall the screen image of Zhen Fei may be seen as yet another example of the mediarsquos exploitative gaze directed at the female body

63 Teresa de Lauretis Alice Doesnrsquot Feminism Semiotics Cinema (Bloomington Indiana University Press 1984) 140 See Rey Chowrsquos discussion on De Lauretisrsquos contribution to the issue of the female spectator in Women and Chinese Modernity (Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1991) 19-21

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6434

or the sensual desire it generates may be perceived as conducive to spiritual elevation64 Following the actual loss of national territory from the nineteenth century onward and the loss of national pride and identity many sought partial compensation or consolation in overinvesting the female with power as a fetish object65 Further to the male writers and audiences the erotic allure of ldquomasculinizedrdquo beauty underlay the construction and circulation of the image of the national heroine in which heterosexual love and familial and domestic space were equated with the nation and private passions merged with public discourse elevating both to a more rarefi ed state Scholars have reminded us that ldquopeoplersquos connection to nation is emotional not rationalrdquo66 Tapping into symbols and images can establish shape and consolidate the emotional attachment to the nation

Unlike the investment in and circulation of the female image through historiography or poetry when fi lm is the medium sentiment and spectacle prevail over the visual representation of this female body e cinematic space can be seen as effective in eliciting empathetic identifi cation that can strengthen sentimental communal feelings to foster nationalism us the political iconography of the modern nation personified by the female image was disseminated in a distinctively new way to a much wider audience e fi lm successfully fashioned Zhen Fei into a quintessential symbol of martyrdom in the interest of national salvation during an era of political and cultural turmoil67

64 Because of a lack documentation of the actual performance and the audiencesrsquo re-sponses some arguments can only remain speculative 65 In his discussion of the linkage of fetishism and patriotism in late nineteenth-century France Jeff rey Mehlman off ers an interesting explanation by using Freudian concepts and argues that the similarity lies in the disavowal of amputation (ie castration and the loss of territory) and an overvaluation of the object Jeff rey Mehlman ldquoRemy de Gourmont with Freud Fetishism and Patriotismrdquo in Emily Apter and William Pietz eds Fetishism as Cultural Discourse (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1993) 84-91 and see page 85 In light of his arguments we may suggest that China was similarly obsessed with a denial of amputation or an ldquoopen woundrdquo and the loss of the nation is may be considered a psychological attempt to adjust to a new historical situation66 Ruth Raoch Pierson ldquoNations Gendered Racialized Crossed With Empirerdquo in Blom Hagemann Hall eds Gendered Nations 41-61 and see page 4267 What makes this fi lm even more intriguing is that it was at the center of heated political struggles and cultural debates in Communist China In March 1950 Mao Zedong asserted that ldquoit is a fi lm of treason and should be criticizedrdquo and banned any screening of it In

35S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Engulfed in Flames Sai Jinhua and Her Profane Body

In the following two sections I pursue a parallel case study of Sai Jinhua68 e metamorphosis of Sai Jinhua from an infamous prostitute into a national heroine reveals a trajectory similar to that of Zhen Fei further illustrating that the invention of a national myth and the male imagination are inextricably linked Both individuals have been constructed to be heroic androgynous women who sacrifi ce either life or sexuality for the sake of the nation However the issues of class and promiscuity fi gured prominently in Sairsquos case and there is a fundamental diff erence between the constructions of these two images Zhen Feirsquos representation from its very beginning associated with the empire and literati culture always hinged upon gendered romantic longing the sense of loss or political visions e sensuous pleasure of creating and circulating this image is sometimes subsumed under and eff ectively incorporated into a narrative of the moral and spiritual tale of the nation In contrast the overall image of Sai Jinhua before the 1930s though occasionally carrying a subtext of nationalism was an erotic caricature voraciously consumed by the public as such Used mainly for entertainment or marketable fantasy with few nationalistic overtones the representation of Sai Jinhua was connected with farce and subject to ridicule e misogynistic elements expressed refl ected the entrenched

March 1967 Qi Benyu in his widely disseminated essay ldquoAiguo zhuyi haishi mai-guo zhuyi ping fandong yinpian Qinggong mishirdquo mdash

launched a full-scale attack on the fi lm signaling the beginning of a new stage in the Cultural Revolutionrsquos assault on Liu Shaoqi who allegedly praised the fi lm as ldquopatrioticrdquo See Qi Benyursquos essay in Chedi pipan maiguo zhuyi yingpian Qinggong mishi (Hong Kong Hong Kong Sanlian shudian 1967) Originally published in Hongqi 5 (1967) For a discussion in English see Yang Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 15-23 e familiar anecdotal detail of Zhen Feirsquos state-ment that the Emperor should stay in the capital to negotiate with the Joint Forces was as discussed in the previous section responsible for her popularity as a larger-than-life ideal of patriotic fervor However in Qi Benyursquos reading it was reinterpreted as compromising with the imperialists and Zhen Fei was deemed an ldquoagent for imperialismrdquo (diguo zhuyi de daili-ren ) (12)68 I acknowledge works by two contemporary scholars from which my research on Sai Ji-nhua has greatly benefi tted ey are the carefully compiled and useful bibliography on Sai by Stephen von Minden in his Die Merkwuumlrdige Geschichte der Sai Jinhua (Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 1994) 325-45 and Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo Zhuanji wenxue 253 (1987) 58-64

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

33S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of the female body to articulate political matters On the other hand Zhen Fei often engages in self-revealing songs assertive actions and heroic speeches is process of creating an interior life for the image in the fi lm runs parallel to Zhen Feirsquos use of nationalism as an authorizing discourse to recreate herself as a political subject is confl icting subjection to the appropriative male gaze and reinvention of herself as a political subject onscreen requires some further explanation While this paper has focused on the male-dominated authorreaderviewership given the increasing presence of female readers and viewers in the era we must consider what womenrsquos spectacular presence on the stage meant to the female audience Challenging the rigid paradigm of gaze-as-male and image-as-female established by Laura Mulvey Teresa de Lauretis argues that the woman on the screen is not only a visual image but also a ldquonarrative imagerdquo which refers to ldquothe joining of image and story the interlocking of visual and narrative registers eff ected by the cinematic of the lookrdquo63 Although I have previously argued that the eroticism is induced by the masculine active identifi cation with the gaze the process of the narration also shapes her characterization e Zhen Fei character is obviously a product of gendered fantasy in both the spiritual and the sexual realms but she is not entirely a passive object controlled by the gazeonlooker In many scenes her active triumphant participation in politics has a rather diff erent eff ect than described by Mulveyrsquos account of sadistic audience pleasure Using national discourse this character takes advantage of the power of cinematic spectacle and returns the male gaze to assert female authority thereby claiming to be a political subject e complex image of Zhen Fei registers a highly ambivalent process of desire and identifi cation from both genders By identifying with the ldquonarrative imagerdquo of Zhen Fei female spectators could keep in mind the values of the nation while being well encouraged to assume such a feminine-heroic subject position to empower themselves

Overall the screen image of Zhen Fei may be seen as yet another example of the mediarsquos exploitative gaze directed at the female body

63 Teresa de Lauretis Alice Doesnrsquot Feminism Semiotics Cinema (Bloomington Indiana University Press 1984) 140 See Rey Chowrsquos discussion on De Lauretisrsquos contribution to the issue of the female spectator in Women and Chinese Modernity (Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1991) 19-21

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6434

or the sensual desire it generates may be perceived as conducive to spiritual elevation64 Following the actual loss of national territory from the nineteenth century onward and the loss of national pride and identity many sought partial compensation or consolation in overinvesting the female with power as a fetish object65 Further to the male writers and audiences the erotic allure of ldquomasculinizedrdquo beauty underlay the construction and circulation of the image of the national heroine in which heterosexual love and familial and domestic space were equated with the nation and private passions merged with public discourse elevating both to a more rarefi ed state Scholars have reminded us that ldquopeoplersquos connection to nation is emotional not rationalrdquo66 Tapping into symbols and images can establish shape and consolidate the emotional attachment to the nation

Unlike the investment in and circulation of the female image through historiography or poetry when fi lm is the medium sentiment and spectacle prevail over the visual representation of this female body e cinematic space can be seen as effective in eliciting empathetic identifi cation that can strengthen sentimental communal feelings to foster nationalism us the political iconography of the modern nation personified by the female image was disseminated in a distinctively new way to a much wider audience e fi lm successfully fashioned Zhen Fei into a quintessential symbol of martyrdom in the interest of national salvation during an era of political and cultural turmoil67

64 Because of a lack documentation of the actual performance and the audiencesrsquo re-sponses some arguments can only remain speculative 65 In his discussion of the linkage of fetishism and patriotism in late nineteenth-century France Jeff rey Mehlman off ers an interesting explanation by using Freudian concepts and argues that the similarity lies in the disavowal of amputation (ie castration and the loss of territory) and an overvaluation of the object Jeff rey Mehlman ldquoRemy de Gourmont with Freud Fetishism and Patriotismrdquo in Emily Apter and William Pietz eds Fetishism as Cultural Discourse (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1993) 84-91 and see page 85 In light of his arguments we may suggest that China was similarly obsessed with a denial of amputation or an ldquoopen woundrdquo and the loss of the nation is may be considered a psychological attempt to adjust to a new historical situation66 Ruth Raoch Pierson ldquoNations Gendered Racialized Crossed With Empirerdquo in Blom Hagemann Hall eds Gendered Nations 41-61 and see page 4267 What makes this fi lm even more intriguing is that it was at the center of heated political struggles and cultural debates in Communist China In March 1950 Mao Zedong asserted that ldquoit is a fi lm of treason and should be criticizedrdquo and banned any screening of it In

35S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Engulfed in Flames Sai Jinhua and Her Profane Body

In the following two sections I pursue a parallel case study of Sai Jinhua68 e metamorphosis of Sai Jinhua from an infamous prostitute into a national heroine reveals a trajectory similar to that of Zhen Fei further illustrating that the invention of a national myth and the male imagination are inextricably linked Both individuals have been constructed to be heroic androgynous women who sacrifi ce either life or sexuality for the sake of the nation However the issues of class and promiscuity fi gured prominently in Sairsquos case and there is a fundamental diff erence between the constructions of these two images Zhen Feirsquos representation from its very beginning associated with the empire and literati culture always hinged upon gendered romantic longing the sense of loss or political visions e sensuous pleasure of creating and circulating this image is sometimes subsumed under and eff ectively incorporated into a narrative of the moral and spiritual tale of the nation In contrast the overall image of Sai Jinhua before the 1930s though occasionally carrying a subtext of nationalism was an erotic caricature voraciously consumed by the public as such Used mainly for entertainment or marketable fantasy with few nationalistic overtones the representation of Sai Jinhua was connected with farce and subject to ridicule e misogynistic elements expressed refl ected the entrenched

March 1967 Qi Benyu in his widely disseminated essay ldquoAiguo zhuyi haishi mai-guo zhuyi ping fandong yinpian Qinggong mishirdquo mdash

launched a full-scale attack on the fi lm signaling the beginning of a new stage in the Cultural Revolutionrsquos assault on Liu Shaoqi who allegedly praised the fi lm as ldquopatrioticrdquo See Qi Benyursquos essay in Chedi pipan maiguo zhuyi yingpian Qinggong mishi (Hong Kong Hong Kong Sanlian shudian 1967) Originally published in Hongqi 5 (1967) For a discussion in English see Yang Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 15-23 e familiar anecdotal detail of Zhen Feirsquos state-ment that the Emperor should stay in the capital to negotiate with the Joint Forces was as discussed in the previous section responsible for her popularity as a larger-than-life ideal of patriotic fervor However in Qi Benyursquos reading it was reinterpreted as compromising with the imperialists and Zhen Fei was deemed an ldquoagent for imperialismrdquo (diguo zhuyi de daili-ren ) (12)68 I acknowledge works by two contemporary scholars from which my research on Sai Ji-nhua has greatly benefi tted ey are the carefully compiled and useful bibliography on Sai by Stephen von Minden in his Die Merkwuumlrdige Geschichte der Sai Jinhua (Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 1994) 325-45 and Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo Zhuanji wenxue 253 (1987) 58-64

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6434

or the sensual desire it generates may be perceived as conducive to spiritual elevation64 Following the actual loss of national territory from the nineteenth century onward and the loss of national pride and identity many sought partial compensation or consolation in overinvesting the female with power as a fetish object65 Further to the male writers and audiences the erotic allure of ldquomasculinizedrdquo beauty underlay the construction and circulation of the image of the national heroine in which heterosexual love and familial and domestic space were equated with the nation and private passions merged with public discourse elevating both to a more rarefi ed state Scholars have reminded us that ldquopeoplersquos connection to nation is emotional not rationalrdquo66 Tapping into symbols and images can establish shape and consolidate the emotional attachment to the nation

Unlike the investment in and circulation of the female image through historiography or poetry when fi lm is the medium sentiment and spectacle prevail over the visual representation of this female body e cinematic space can be seen as effective in eliciting empathetic identifi cation that can strengthen sentimental communal feelings to foster nationalism us the political iconography of the modern nation personified by the female image was disseminated in a distinctively new way to a much wider audience e fi lm successfully fashioned Zhen Fei into a quintessential symbol of martyrdom in the interest of national salvation during an era of political and cultural turmoil67

64 Because of a lack documentation of the actual performance and the audiencesrsquo re-sponses some arguments can only remain speculative 65 In his discussion of the linkage of fetishism and patriotism in late nineteenth-century France Jeff rey Mehlman off ers an interesting explanation by using Freudian concepts and argues that the similarity lies in the disavowal of amputation (ie castration and the loss of territory) and an overvaluation of the object Jeff rey Mehlman ldquoRemy de Gourmont with Freud Fetishism and Patriotismrdquo in Emily Apter and William Pietz eds Fetishism as Cultural Discourse (Ithaca Cornell University Press 1993) 84-91 and see page 85 In light of his arguments we may suggest that China was similarly obsessed with a denial of amputation or an ldquoopen woundrdquo and the loss of the nation is may be considered a psychological attempt to adjust to a new historical situation66 Ruth Raoch Pierson ldquoNations Gendered Racialized Crossed With Empirerdquo in Blom Hagemann Hall eds Gendered Nations 41-61 and see page 4267 What makes this fi lm even more intriguing is that it was at the center of heated political struggles and cultural debates in Communist China In March 1950 Mao Zedong asserted that ldquoit is a fi lm of treason and should be criticizedrdquo and banned any screening of it In

35S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Engulfed in Flames Sai Jinhua and Her Profane Body

In the following two sections I pursue a parallel case study of Sai Jinhua68 e metamorphosis of Sai Jinhua from an infamous prostitute into a national heroine reveals a trajectory similar to that of Zhen Fei further illustrating that the invention of a national myth and the male imagination are inextricably linked Both individuals have been constructed to be heroic androgynous women who sacrifi ce either life or sexuality for the sake of the nation However the issues of class and promiscuity fi gured prominently in Sairsquos case and there is a fundamental diff erence between the constructions of these two images Zhen Feirsquos representation from its very beginning associated with the empire and literati culture always hinged upon gendered romantic longing the sense of loss or political visions e sensuous pleasure of creating and circulating this image is sometimes subsumed under and eff ectively incorporated into a narrative of the moral and spiritual tale of the nation In contrast the overall image of Sai Jinhua before the 1930s though occasionally carrying a subtext of nationalism was an erotic caricature voraciously consumed by the public as such Used mainly for entertainment or marketable fantasy with few nationalistic overtones the representation of Sai Jinhua was connected with farce and subject to ridicule e misogynistic elements expressed refl ected the entrenched

March 1967 Qi Benyu in his widely disseminated essay ldquoAiguo zhuyi haishi mai-guo zhuyi ping fandong yinpian Qinggong mishirdquo mdash

launched a full-scale attack on the fi lm signaling the beginning of a new stage in the Cultural Revolutionrsquos assault on Liu Shaoqi who allegedly praised the fi lm as ldquopatrioticrdquo See Qi Benyursquos essay in Chedi pipan maiguo zhuyi yingpian Qinggong mishi (Hong Kong Hong Kong Sanlian shudian 1967) Originally published in Hongqi 5 (1967) For a discussion in English see Yang Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 15-23 e familiar anecdotal detail of Zhen Feirsquos state-ment that the Emperor should stay in the capital to negotiate with the Joint Forces was as discussed in the previous section responsible for her popularity as a larger-than-life ideal of patriotic fervor However in Qi Benyursquos reading it was reinterpreted as compromising with the imperialists and Zhen Fei was deemed an ldquoagent for imperialismrdquo (diguo zhuyi de daili-ren ) (12)68 I acknowledge works by two contemporary scholars from which my research on Sai Ji-nhua has greatly benefi tted ey are the carefully compiled and useful bibliography on Sai by Stephen von Minden in his Die Merkwuumlrdige Geschichte der Sai Jinhua (Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 1994) 325-45 and Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo Zhuanji wenxue 253 (1987) 58-64

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

35S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Engulfed in Flames Sai Jinhua and Her Profane Body

In the following two sections I pursue a parallel case study of Sai Jinhua68 e metamorphosis of Sai Jinhua from an infamous prostitute into a national heroine reveals a trajectory similar to that of Zhen Fei further illustrating that the invention of a national myth and the male imagination are inextricably linked Both individuals have been constructed to be heroic androgynous women who sacrifi ce either life or sexuality for the sake of the nation However the issues of class and promiscuity fi gured prominently in Sairsquos case and there is a fundamental diff erence between the constructions of these two images Zhen Feirsquos representation from its very beginning associated with the empire and literati culture always hinged upon gendered romantic longing the sense of loss or political visions e sensuous pleasure of creating and circulating this image is sometimes subsumed under and eff ectively incorporated into a narrative of the moral and spiritual tale of the nation In contrast the overall image of Sai Jinhua before the 1930s though occasionally carrying a subtext of nationalism was an erotic caricature voraciously consumed by the public as such Used mainly for entertainment or marketable fantasy with few nationalistic overtones the representation of Sai Jinhua was connected with farce and subject to ridicule e misogynistic elements expressed refl ected the entrenched

March 1967 Qi Benyu in his widely disseminated essay ldquoAiguo zhuyi haishi mai-guo zhuyi ping fandong yinpian Qinggong mishirdquo mdash

launched a full-scale attack on the fi lm signaling the beginning of a new stage in the Cultural Revolutionrsquos assault on Liu Shaoqi who allegedly praised the fi lm as ldquopatrioticrdquo See Qi Benyursquos essay in Chedi pipan maiguo zhuyi yingpian Qinggong mishi (Hong Kong Hong Kong Sanlian shudian 1967) Originally published in Hongqi 5 (1967) For a discussion in English see Yang Hsin-nung e Malice of Empire 15-23 e familiar anecdotal detail of Zhen Feirsquos state-ment that the Emperor should stay in the capital to negotiate with the Joint Forces was as discussed in the previous section responsible for her popularity as a larger-than-life ideal of patriotic fervor However in Qi Benyursquos reading it was reinterpreted as compromising with the imperialists and Zhen Fei was deemed an ldquoagent for imperialismrdquo (diguo zhuyi de daili-ren ) (12)68 I acknowledge works by two contemporary scholars from which my research on Sai Ji-nhua has greatly benefi tted ey are the carefully compiled and useful bibliography on Sai by Stephen von Minden in his Die Merkwuumlrdige Geschichte der Sai Jinhua (Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 1994) 325-45 and Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo Zhuanji wenxue 253 (1987) 58-64

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6436

traditional view toward the ldquopublicrdquo woman and her sexuality However from the early 1930s onward Sairsquos image was substantially reworked and elevated from that of a debased prostitute to the moral exemplar that the nation desperately sought

Since Sai Jinhuarsquos story is much more familiar to both scholars and general readers for the sake of brevity I present my research selectively with a focus on the circular relationship among the male authors whose narratives have immortalized her Sai Jinhua as a historical and literary fi gure and reactions from the audience or readers I argue that the erotic pleasure the authors and their readers derive from imaginatively reconstructing Sairsquos sexuality set the stage for the wholesale circulation of her eroticized image through various genres and media during the fi rst half of the century is section concentrates on this eroticism which pandered to the prurient tastes of the largely male readership up until the early 1930s while the next section explores how Sai rose rapidly to become a national symbol with a focus on a modern play (huaju ) written by Xia Yan (1900-95)

Although Sai Jinhuarsquos story is well known a brief outline of her life may help to contextualize my discussion below Born around 1872 in Suzhou she fell into prostitution as a teenager and gained local notoriety After becoming a concubine to a scholar-diplomat Hong Jun (1840-93) she accompanied him to Germany in 1887 Some accounts suggest that Sai Jinhua acquired a rudimentary knowledge of German and began associating with members of the upper echelons of German society including the wife of Emperor Frederick (1840-1901) Rumor has it that she became acquainted and even conducted an illicit liaison with Count Waldersee (1832-1904) After Hong Jun died in 1893 she opened brothels in Shanghai and Tianjin She came into the limelight in 1900 when the Joint Forces of eight nations invaded Beijing and became best known for her alleged role in averting a national crisis by employing her sexual charms e story goes that she used her relationship with Count Waldersee the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces to conduct peace negotiations between the Qing government and the foreign troops and in doing so helped end the brutal pillaging and looting in the city She resumed her business of prostitution after the political crisis passed She died impoverished and miserable in Beijing

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

37S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

in 193669 (Figure 5) Contrary to popular belief most of her contemporary acquaintances as well as present-day scholars insist that Sai with her scant knowledge of German was limited to interactions with lower-ranking German offi cers in occupied Beijing and rule out the possibility that she even came into contact with their commander70

Sairsquos romances with Hong Jun and other men in the 1890s are described in the critically acclaimed novel Niehai hua ( e fl ower in the sea of sin) by Zeng Pu (1872-1935) When the inaug ural publication of its fi rst twenty chapters appeared in 1905 the novel proved an instant success and sold 50000 copies in subsequent years71 In a comparative reading of Niehai hua along with traditional narratives on other infamous women the modern scholar Hu Ying argues that Fu Caiyun the female protagonist whose life is loosely based on Sairsquos is portrayed as a dynamic colorful and powerful fi gure in contrast with her retiring and eff eminate scholar husband she transgresses many boundaries both physical and symbolic72 Hu Ying perceptively detects these elements of transgression and resistance and identifi es them as a refl ection of an emerging new female subjectivity While Hu Ying reads Fu Caiyunrsquos promiscuity as a way of crossing entrenched boundaries David Der-wei Wang interprets it as a political allegory and as an ironymdashit was her promiscuity not moral superiority that eventually saved the nation in 190073 Both scholars emphasize Fu Caiyunrsquos dynamism which enables her to take an active role in the history-making process off ering refreshing reinterpretations of this

69 is biographical account is mainly based on Yushoursquos Sai Jinhua gushi biannian in Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi (Changsha Yue-

lun 1985) 109-49 70 See Qi Rushanrsquos ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo in Qi Rushan suibi ( Taibei Zhongyang wenwu 1953) 98-107 Qi said that Sai asked him to help her with her poor German hoping that he would introduce her brothel to German soldiers See also Bao Tianxiao ldquoGuanyu niehaihuardquo in Wei Shaochang ed Niehaihua Ziliao (Shanghai Shanghai guji 1982) 214-16 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwan gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 58-6471 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo in Niehaihua ziliao 12972 Hu Ying Tales of Translation Composing the New Woman in China 1899-1918 (Stan-ford CA Stanford University Press 2000) 21-6673 David Der-wei Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction 1849-1911 (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) 101-16 Wang also provides detailed discussion on the representation of Sai in fi ction

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6438

female character informed by contemporary gender discourse What I will address here however are the narrative roles of Fu as a character and the circumstances surrounding Zeng Pursquos creation of her

e character of Fu Caiyun has two major functions allegorical and psychological Her body becomes a site of confl ict imbued with contradictions and paradoxes e narrative structure of the novel relies heavily upon Fu Caiyun and her promiscuous adventures As Zeng Pu explains it the image of Fu is functional used as ldquoa threadrdquo (xiansuo

) to present a panoramic view of late Qing society74 e statement is implicitly predicated upon the fact that Fu is a prostitute a ldquopublicrdquo woman Her unique role helps to link the diff erent characters and plot lines and her promiscuity fulfi lls a narrative as well as metaphorical function ldquoprovides the metaphorical matrixrdquo linking the political and domestic worlds China and the West75 In addition her promiscuity

74 Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yao shuo de jijuhuardquo 128-2975 Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 106

Figure 5 e pictures of Sai Jinhua Hai shang jing hong ying (Youzheng shuju 19) no page number

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

39S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

represents a source of narrative energy and excitement as it caters to the curious erotic gaze of the onlookerreader Galvanized by her bottomless sexual appetite Fu Caiyun turns her life as an ambassadorrsquos wife into a gripping episodic romance featuring numerous aff airs described in titillating erotic terms Her sexual desire is portrayed as irrational mad unrestrained and obsessive Zengrsquos literary ingenuity lies precisely in his ability to interweave romance and sexuality with contemporary politics but the political messages depend upon the expression of eroticism to energize the narrative and excite readers

When asked about Fu Caiyunrsquos supposed illicit love aff air with Waldersee in Germany Zeng Pu is reported to have laughed hard and confi rmed that it is no more than a product of his imagination and a manipulation of facts76 Zeng takes generous literary license in fabricating the romantic interlude between Fu and Waldersee which fi lls six whole chapters e description of the romance itself is primarily modeled upon the traditional tale of literati and female beauty Contemporary readers may feel this is perfectly legitimate because after all it is fi ction Would it not be ridiculous to compare a fi ctitious protagonist with her historical counterpart and ask whether the authorrsquos imaginings are ethical However it is relevant for the reader to be aware of the historical and literary context in which the work was written At the time Niehai hua fi rst appeared many Chinese readers still considered the xiaoshuo (short story) an interesting array of historical facts a concept fundamentally diff erent from the Western understanding of fi ction as a creative product77 is is why upon its publication the literati were fascinated making charts to trace the historical references

76 See Yang Yunshi ldquoZhi Zhang Cixi shu shang Sai Jinhua mubei shirdquo in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji (Tianjin Tianjin shuju

1939) 27 Yang Yunshi a relative of Zeng Pu who was also a famous poet of the time expressed his dissatisfaction with Zeng Pursquos manipulation of sources and believed Zengrsquos purpose was to gain media attention For Zeng Pursquos self-defense in the name of literary cre-ation see Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 142 e original publication of the controversies appeared in Shenbao Xinwen bao Shishi xinbao Dawan bao Nov 25 and 26 193477 Lin Shu did not consider Niehaihua as fi ction a view that Zeng Pu contested See Zeng Pu ldquoXiugaihou yaoshuo de jijuhuardquo 131 Catherine Yeh reads its narrative structure as ldquoan example of Chinese literature in transition from tradition to modernityrdquo Catherine Yeh ldquoZeng Pursquos lsquoNiehai Huarsquo as a Political Novel A World Genre in a Chinese Formrdquo (PhD diss Harvard University 1990) 8

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6440

in the book and drawing parallels between its protagonists and real historical fi gures78 Zeng Pu himself compiled a list of all the historical fi gures he drew from prior to writing his manuscript which further proves that he consciously modeled his work upon real historical fi gures79 Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) initially expressed his excitement about the work precisely because he was obsessed with ldquotracing historical references in a storyrdquo (suoyin )80 As the new concept of fi ction was still nascent we must take this traditional approach into serious consideration at is to say Zeng fully expected that his characters would be perceived as real people or at least based on real people I am not attempting to undermine Zengrsquos achievement but want to call attention to the rifts among the authorial intention readersrsquo expectations and literary creation

Sai Jinhuarsquos own contentions in response to the book further prove the unfl attering nature of the portrayal She emphatically pointed out that this was part of Zeng Pursquos vendetta against her for having sexually rebuff ed him81 When reporters from the Shenbao sought Zeng Pursquos reaction to this he was vociferously dismissive82 e tabloid news has little to do with the value of Zeng Pursquos literary achievement but it is worth pointing out that Sairsquos status as a public woman granted Zeng Pu carte blanche in how he depicted her in words while shelter-ing him from allegations of slander And Sai with far less clout was powerless to seek retribution except by vilifying him in return Without doubt her word did not carry the weight that Zengrsquos did apart from creating a minor ripple in the tabloids e interesting contrast between angry Sai Jinhua and laughing Zeng Pu urges us to pay more attention to the tensions between the love aff airs delineated in the novel and their receptions within the historical context Seeing the book as satirical Lu Xun (1881-1936) called Fu Caiyunrsquos excessive promiscuity

78 For one such chart see ldquoNiehaihua renwu suoyin biaordquo compiled by Liu Wenzhao in Niehaihua ziliao 323-5379 See Niehaihua ziliao np 80 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19881 ldquoSai Jinhua zhi yishengrdquo Shenbao Nov 17 1934 in Niehaihua ziliao 14482 See Cui Wanqiu ldquoDongya bingfu fangwenjirdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 139 Zeng replied to the reporterrsquos inquiry with laughter

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

41S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

ldquodisgusting and ludicrousrdquo (wuxue )83 while Cai Yuanpei was deeply troubled by Zeng Pursquos characterization describing it as nothing but ldquobeauty and nymphomaniardquo (meimao yu seqingkuang

)84 is is not to suggest that Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei adhering to a high moral standard were blind to the signifi cance of this character rather they were acutely conscious of the exploitative aspect of Zengrsquos portrayal of her However other writers took this luridness and the attitude toward a public woman even further Zhang Chunfan

(-1935) for instance adopts a more forthrightly cynical stance and makes no eff ort whatsoever to veil or create political allegories around his sexual descriptions Instead he presents sexual scenarios directly and with no apologies in his ldquodepravity novelrdquo Jiuweigui

( e nine-tailed turtle)85 Two long gexing-style narrative poems by the famous poet Fan

Zengxiang (1846-1931) Qian caiyun qu ( e fi rst song of the rainbow cloud 1899) and its sequel Hou caiyun qu

( e second song of the rainbow cloud 1903) became wildly popular in the late Qing era and strengthened popular fantasies about Sai that were now gradually becoming legend86 In the latter poem Sai is depicted pejoratively but playfully as a conventional femme fatale possessing dangerous sexual powers that are the undoing of many a man (including the German commander-in-chief ) Her wanton sexuality and insouciance are encapsulated in particular details one night Waldersee while sleeping with Sai Jinhua under Dowager Cixirsquos ldquodragonrdquo canopy has to jump out of the window naked with Sai in his arms in order to escape a fi re that suddenly breaks out in the imperial palace Fan accuses Sai of ldquodefaming the palace and showing

83 Lu Xun Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue in Lu Xun quanji 16 vols (Beijing Renmin wenxue 1981) 929184 Cai Yuanpei ldquoZuidao Zeng Mengpu xianshengrdquo in Niehaihua ziliao 19885 Zhang Chunfan Jiuweigui (1906-1910 reprint Shanghai Shanghai guji 1994) For more discussion on Zhangrsquos novel see Wang Fin-de-Siegravecle Splendor 111-13 Sai Jinhua was re-created and demeaned in various fi ctional dramatic and anecdotal writings with sustained fascination Major examples include Lu Shirsquoe rsquos Xin niehaihua

(1912) Bao Tianxiaorsquos Bixuemu (1912) and Zhang Hong [Yangu laoren ]rsquos Xu Niehaihua (1943)

86 Fan Zengxiang ldquoCaiyun qurdquo and ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo in Zhang Cixi Lingfei ji 9-15

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6442

off in publicrdquo (huiluan gongjin zhaoyao shichan )87 He describes the scenario in his poem in this way

Who would have guessed that the spirits of nine temples were angered And that one midnight upon the jade terrace purple smoke would begin to rise Fiery steeds galloped past the phoenix tower Golden serpents shot forth their fi ery tongues at the flaming fowl-roost trees At a time when this pair of mandarin ducks were within embroidered silken bed curtains A graying visage arose in alarm bereft of even nightclothes While a girl from a humble home knows only to run to the arms of her protector A maiden-of-the-night will search for the first hole that offers escape

Windows refl ecting lightning were smashed in the smoke-fi lled buildings As the fi sh within cauldrons and birds from their cages all sought to escape with their lives In an instant ashes of the Qing palace and torches of Chu became one and the same void But as before they took up residence together in another villa outside the palace ere were clouds in the morning and rain at dusk as fall turned to spring again And while they sat together gazing at the moon the peace accords were signed 88

Clearly Sairsquos sexuality symbolizes human disorder and the heavens righteously respond by setting the palace ablaze e vivid descriptions of the bodies and the bed and the thinly veiled sexual innuendoes along with the awkward moment of public exposure are described in

87 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 1288 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyun qurdquo 14-15 e translation of the poem here is by Jon Kowallis e Subtle Revolution Poets of the ldquoOld Schoolsrdquo During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Berkeley Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley 2006) 117-18 For further discussion of the entire poem see pp 110-28 in his volume

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

43S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

refi ned allusive language and a strongly ironic tone e description of the jump out of the window has such explicit erotic overtones that readers feel like voyeurs While in the preface as well as in the poem the poetic voice does praise Sai Jinhuarsquos heroic eff ort to curb the cruelty of the German army Fan resorts to conventional rhetoric describing Sai as ldquoa pond of troubled waterrdquo (yihong huoshui ) a traditional term referring to women whose sexuality causes the downfall of the dynasty89 From the perspective of the moral majority Sairsquos actions not only violated conventional morality but also besmirched the honor of the nation Further legend has it that Waldersee upon his return home was demoted because of the liaison90 Fan even expresses sympathy toward Waldersee for his demotion but does not extend that sympathy to Sai whom he describes as ldquojust an ordinary promiscuous womanrdquo (xunchang dangfu )91 e fact that the poem became so popular suggests that the public imagination was attracted not by the emerging nationalistic discourse associated with the story but rather by the erotic content Consequently most read the poem as entertaining and playful

is point is verifi ed by a well-known essay writer Huang Jun (1890-1937) to whom Fan confessed that he had based his work

not on facts but on hearsay92 Fan also revealed that he did not think highly of his poem dismissing it as no more than ldquoplayful wordsrdquo (youxi bimo )93 He was certainly not alone in popularizing prurient fantasies Even after Sairsquos death in 1936 one article described her in the following manner ldquoOf her entire life story the most interesting and praised event is her contact with Waldersee the commander-in-chief and their exposure during the fi re at Yiluan Palacerdquo94 e author further states that the fi re is the main incident that made her famous saying that Sai herself didnrsquot like to talk about it Presenting his views as if he were a well-informed quasi-historian he goes on to

89 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1390 See for instance Bai Lian ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shuodao Wadexi chezhirdquo

Zhongyang ribao Feb 21 19374 91 Fan Zengxiang ldquoHou caiyuan qurdquo 1392 Cited in Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 59 93 Qi Rushan ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo 9894 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo

in Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 163 Italics added

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6444

say he believes Sai Jinhua was at least present in the palace that evening95 ere is not a shred of historical evidence to support this Contemporary scholars Yushou and Wei Shaochang along with others have traced the origin of the story and conclude that this particular incident was originally fabricated by two reporters from Xinwen bao

and Youxi bao to create a sensational news story96 It was indeed reported that a fi re broke out on the night of April 18 1901 in the Imperial Palace Waldersee escaped in a great hurry barely clothed but holding the ivory stick of the commander-in-chief (shuaihu

) bestowed by the German emperor in his hand e fi re reportedly caused the death of one German major general97 e ivory stick the symbol of imperialist power that Waldersee carried when he escaped was replaced by a female body (that of Sai) in Fanrsquos poem as well as in various later versions

e propagation of Sairsquos story is intriguing in several ways On one level it shows how profi table sensation can be turning the female into a sex object automatically elicits public attention On another level by replacing shuaihu with the female body (presumably naked) the story provides a fascinating and concrete example of how female sexuality can be metonymically (ivory and nakedness) and metaphorically (body and politics) linked to political power Finally the venue of the story the royal palace is signifi cant e dragon canopy reminds readers of another powerful ldquolustfulrdquo woman Empress Dowager Cixi whose image was perpetuated along this line in the twentieth century e royal palace is a secluded mysterious place through Sai and the incident surrounding the fi re readers glimpse this forbidden location is works as a particular kind of literary prurience in which the female body and closed-door political scenarios are onstage for the benefi t of all lsquopeeping tomsrsquo e incident carries so much weight that someone wrote this poetic line after Sairsquos death ldquoHer lifersquos achievement and shame lies in this Yiluan Palacerdquo (qianqiu gongzui yiluan dian

95 Xi Niu ldquoCong Sai Jinhua shishi shuodao Yiluandian shihuordquo 163-6496 Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 130 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 5997 Wadexi [Waldersee] Wadexi Quanluan biji (Wang Guangqi

trans) (Shanghai Zhonghua 1928) 199-201

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

45S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

)98 It seems then that this detail holds a signifi cance similar to the fi nal moment of Zhen Feirsquos life as depicted in the fi rst section of this essay encapsulating the overall images of these historical ldquocharactersrdquo in peoplersquos minds

Sai Jinhua as a low-class prostitute a plaything for men (wanwu ) is therefore explicitly exploited and consumed by outright male

fantasy But this is not to suggest that she is merely the victim of the news media Unlike the deceased Zhen Fei Sai Jinhua was alive when her story gained currency therefore her own role in shaping her image is also worth considering Her notoriety gave Sai the advantage of easy access to the media which always regarded her as newsworthy She was ostentatious as a speaking subject and proclaimed her agency however limited in the process She always emphatically denied the fi re incident in the Yiluan Palace In 1933 Liu Bannong (1891-1934) a famous professor at Beijing University and his student Shang Hongkui

(1907-83) conducted a series of interviews with Sai Jinhua resulting in a book entitled Sai Jinhua benshi e true story of Sai Jinhua)99 e interviewers painstakingly tried to verify what was considered historical fact but were deeply disappointed at how unremarkable her actual story turned out to be e real Sai Jinhua failed to meet their expectations or fansrsquo popular imagination100 e bookrsquos equally disappointing sales further proved that the public had no interest in the truth per se However the interviewing process provides insight into Sai Jinhuarsquos dilemma in reconciling her public image with reality how she had been manipulated by the media her resistance to it and her position of compromise In regard to the fi re in particular Sai avers

ey said that I slept day and night with Waldersee under the Empress Dowagerrsquos dragon canopy and that once in the middle of the night a fi re broke out and that we both had to fl ee the palace completely naked is is nothing but slander an outrageous insult on my reputation Of course I enjoyed an excellent friendship with Waldersee but our relationship was entirely pure in that we simply chatted

98 Zangyi laoren ldquoWan Sai Jinhua lianrdquo Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 2499 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 1-58100 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6446

together behaving with decorum No lewd words were ever exchanged between us Rumors of this sort are the result of people seeing me horseback riding with Waldersee as I often did and I admittedly spent many nights in his quarters on account of which they concluded that we engaged in an illicit relationship101

I do not suggest that Sai Jinhua was actually being honest in her account of what happened In the 1930s as public interest in her exponentially increased she had been known to sometimes off er the press confl icting information eventually getting caught when she could not keep her stories straight Sometimes she suggested she was on good terms with Waldersee while at other times she rhetorically questioned how on earth she could have even had the chance to meet him102 One newspaper article tells us that Sairsquos story was a regular staple for the media in the 1930s Any time the news looked as if it needed some spicing up reporters would fl ock to interview Sai to capitalize on the public appetite for sensuality and sensation103

It appears that Sai Jinhuarsquos self-perception not only was informed by fi ctional representations of prostitution104 but also was shaped by her contemporariesrsquo re-recreations of her life She made limited attempts to control how the public perceived her by refusing to pander to the media and the general publicrsquos need for sensation and prurience is uncooperative position also resulted partly from her deep fear that her behavior would be scrutinized by moralists In her youth she made a living from selling her body now as her beauty faded she tried to profi t from recycling stories of her past and moderately spicing them

101 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 38 e translation here is by Paola Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo (PhD diss University of California Berkeley 1999) 199 For more detailed interesting discussions on Sai Jinhua and her role played in Sai Jinhua benshi see 173-220 See also Paola Zam-perini ldquoBut I Never Learned to Waltz e lsquoRealrsquo and Imagined Education of a Courtesan in the Late Qingrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China 1 (1999) 107-44102 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 145 On diff erent occasions Sai Jinhua con-stantly denied her liaison with Waldersee while confi rming their good relationship as friends Many scholars believe that Sai Jinhua who could speak a little German came into contact with lower-ranking German offi cers in 1900 but it is very unlikely that she personally knew Waldersee103 See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143-46104 Zamperini ldquoLost Bodies Images and Representations of Prostitution in Late Qing Fictionrdquo 174

47S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

up for the benefi t of interviewers or visitors who would compensate her with money or gifts105 Trapped in the straitjacket of patriarchal gender norms and the demands made by an increasingly commercial culture Sai Jinhua turned to the only means available to her to make some money reviving her past infamy to pander to a thrill-seeking public while remaining within the bounds of traditional morality and public propriety

Another case in point that illustrates her cooperation with as well as resistance to the media is Sairsquos comments on the Yihe yuan (The Summer Palace the traditional qinqiang (qing-style) play performed by Xian Yisu she in 1931 in Beijing e role of Sai Jinhua was played by a well-known female impersonator Wang Tianming e tabloid news titled the story Ziji kan ta ziji de lishi (A witness to her own history) and it made the headlines of the entertainment section According to the article she admitted that she had been romantically involved with Waldersee (contradicting what she had said on earlier occasions) but expressed her puzzlement at how something that had transpired in the privacy of her boudoir came to be known by the public She observed with laughter that the play had indeed exaggerated the love aff air Further she was humble and self-eff acing in describing her role in the important and famous peace talks as a spontaneous and emotional response to extraordinary historical circumstances not a deliberate planned act of patriotism106 Sai as a spectator watched herself become a spectacle with curiosity as well as reluctance It was a bid to remake her public image into a more positive one while keeping the press champing at the bit By refusing to pander unreservedly to the sensation-seeking masses she gained some ground with the moral majority Her question about how details of her private life came to be known by others points to the collective complicitymdashit is a calculated commodifi cation of her personal aff airs as well as a tidbit for the avid consumption of the female as sex object by the creative writers and the participating audience Sairsquos mirthful response to the show is reminiscent

105 She expected the visitors to bring her gifts or money when they came in the 1930s See Yushou Sai Jinhua gushi biannian 143106 Zhang Cixi ed Lingfei ji 153 Original publication in Dagong bao Dec 12 1932

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6448

of Zeng Pursquos reaction when he was questioned about the validity of her love aff air If we believe that Zeng Pursquos laughter indicates his contempt for the adulterated female body as well as his enjoyment of his fantasies about it then we may assume that Sairsquos laughter shows that she was secretly gratifi ed by all the attention her escapade had received and willing to do what was needed to cash in on the story while repositioning herself in the story-making process with confi dence and walking between fi ne moral lines

e Goddess Who Saved the Nation Xia Yanrsquos Sai Jinhua

In 1936 upon a request from the Sishi niandai jutuan( e lsquoForties Trooprsquo) Sai Jinhua wrote the following words for the modern play Sai Jinhua ldquo e nation is everyonersquos nation loving your own nation is everyonersquos responsibilityrdquo (guojia shi renren de guojia aiguo shi renren de benfen ) (Figure 6)107 She linked herself to the image of the new nation by declaring herself its new paradigm is clear announcement of her patriotism tactfully circumvents the issue of her identity as a sex object and presents her as a loyal dutiful citizen of the new guojia108

From the 1930s on female bodies became more implicated in the process of building a modern nation-state and were embroiled in issues surrounding national allegiance sexual politics and the fast-growing mass media An urgent national need compelled male authors to construct an image of ideal womanhood however mixed up it might be with their own longings and fascinations e scholar A Ying (1900-77) identifi ed the climate of political urgency in two situations anti-Japanese protests in Shanghai in 1932 and the threat of war by 1936 which triggered the revival of public interest and signifi cantly contributed to Sai Jinhuarsquos dramatic makeover and elevation in status to national heroine109

107 See the ad in Zhongyang ribao Feb 20 1937 108 Meanwhile on other occasions some interviewers complained about her lack of knowledge about contemporary politics and that she had no sense of guojia at all109 A Ying has identifi ed three historical moments that witnessed the resurgence of interest in Sai including the fi rst one shortly after 1900 and these two situations A Ying (Han Feng ) ldquoCong gezhong shici zaji shuodao Xia Yan de Sai Jinhuardquo

49S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

One example of the escalated evolution of Sairsquos image in literary texts is the new version of Caiyun qu ( e song of rainbow cloud) On April 12 1932 the well-known scholar Xiao Gongquan

(1897-1981) under the pseudonym Baren wrote a poem

in A Ying Xiaoshuo xiantan sizhong (Shang-hai Shanghai guji 1985) 177-82 and see page 177 See also Anhui daxue Zhongwenxi

ed Xia Yan Sai Jinhua ziliao xuanbian (hereafter ZLXB) (Hefei Anhui daxue Zhongwenxi 1980) 33-38

Figure 6 Calligraphy by Sai Jinhua Zhongyang ribao December 21 1937

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6450

in the same lyric style of gexing with the same title as the previously discussed poem by Fan Zengxiang Given the popularity of Fanrsquos poem Xiao must have written with it in mind However Sai Jinhuarsquos character in this new rendition has been miraculously transformed into a paragon of virtue sincere emotion and devotion Sairsquos story is presented in the traditional formula of romance between beauty and gallant hero (ernuuml yingxiong )110 e irony of the situation is hardly apparent considering the poetrsquos wholehearted eulogy of Sai and her romantic love with the German aggressor Waldersee In a mournful voice the poem constructs her as a sacred national symbol facilitating the ascendance of the ldquolowerrdquo carnal erotic pleasure with which Sairsquos image is usually associated to the collective spiritual realm111

e escalating importance of the image of Sai was motivated mainly by two forces national crisis and the burgeoning consumer mass culture112 is drastic makeover is also well illustrated by Xiong Foxi

(1900-65) an American-educated playwright In the early 1930s after he met Sai in person Xiong could not conceal his disappointment even disgust at how ldquoordinary and low-classrdquo she was He thought her ldquoso vulgarrdquo (sujile ) in fact that he abandoned his idea of writing about her113 However in 1936 faced with urgent political circumstances Xiong decided to write a modern play titled

110 Original publication Dagong Bao April 12 1932 Cited in Wu Mi Kongxuan shihua in Zhang Yinpeng ed Minguo shihua congbian 685111 Other examples of such poems include Wang Jiarongrsquos Caiyun qu Xue Shaohuirsquos Laoji xing and Jiang Linzhenrsquos Sandie qu and Qian Zhonglian Mengtiaoan shihua in Minguo shihua congbian 6154-67 It is in-teresting that Xue Shaohui is the only writer I have been able to locate who wrote about both Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua and she is also the only female poet I am not suggesting the gender of the author necessarily equates to the gender of the poetic voice but it seems clear that Xuersquos poems on the same topics are less descriptive in terms of using sensual im-ages and phrases and give relatively more positive portrayals of the two women For more discussion on Xuersquos ldquoLaoji xingrdquo see Nanxiu Qian ldquolsquoBorrowing Foreign Mirrors and Can-dles to Illuminate Chinese Civilizationrsquo Xue Shaohuirsquos Moral Vision in the Biographies of Foreign Womenrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in China 6 (2004) 60-101 and in particular 96-98 See also Liu Yanwen Diaochong shihua in Minguo shihua congbian 6606 112 Yang Hansheng wrote a fi lm script about Sai Jinhua in 1932 for the Yihua

company but it was not produced See Yang Hansheng ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo Nuumlzi yuekan 4 no 9 (1936) 72-73 e magazine published a special

collection of articles on Sai Jinhua in that issue113 Xiong Foxi ldquoZixurdquo preface to the 1937 edition in ZLXB 205

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6448

of Zeng Pursquos reaction when he was questioned about the validity of her love aff air If we believe that Zeng Pursquos laughter indicates his contempt for the adulterated female body as well as his enjoyment of his fantasies about it then we may assume that Sairsquos laughter shows that she was secretly gratifi ed by all the attention her escapade had received and willing to do what was needed to cash in on the story while repositioning herself in the story-making process with confi dence and walking between fi ne moral lines

e Goddess Who Saved the Nation Xia Yanrsquos Sai Jinhua

In 1936 upon a request from the Sishi niandai jutuan( e lsquoForties Trooprsquo) Sai Jinhua wrote the following words for the modern play Sai Jinhua ldquo e nation is everyonersquos nation loving your own nation is everyonersquos responsibilityrdquo (guojia shi renren de guojia aiguo shi renren de benfen ) (Figure 6)107 She linked herself to the image of the new nation by declaring herself its new paradigm is clear announcement of her patriotism tactfully circumvents the issue of her identity as a sex object and presents her as a loyal dutiful citizen of the new guojia108

From the 1930s on female bodies became more implicated in the process of building a modern nation-state and were embroiled in issues surrounding national allegiance sexual politics and the fast-growing mass media An urgent national need compelled male authors to construct an image of ideal womanhood however mixed up it might be with their own longings and fascinations e scholar A Ying (1900-77) identifi ed the climate of political urgency in two situations anti-Japanese protests in Shanghai in 1932 and the threat of war by 1936 which triggered the revival of public interest and signifi cantly contributed to Sai Jinhuarsquos dramatic makeover and elevation in status to national heroine109

107 See the ad in Zhongyang ribao Feb 20 1937 108 Meanwhile on other occasions some interviewers complained about her lack of knowledge about contemporary politics and that she had no sense of guojia at all109 A Ying has identifi ed three historical moments that witnessed the resurgence of interest in Sai including the fi rst one shortly after 1900 and these two situations A Ying (Han Feng ) ldquoCong gezhong shici zaji shuodao Xia Yan de Sai Jinhuardquo

49S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

One example of the escalated evolution of Sairsquos image in literary texts is the new version of Caiyun qu ( e song of rainbow cloud) On April 12 1932 the well-known scholar Xiao Gongquan

(1897-1981) under the pseudonym Baren wrote a poem

in A Ying Xiaoshuo xiantan sizhong (Shang-hai Shanghai guji 1985) 177-82 and see page 177 See also Anhui daxue Zhongwenxi

ed Xia Yan Sai Jinhua ziliao xuanbian (hereafter ZLXB) (Hefei Anhui daxue Zhongwenxi 1980) 33-38

Figure 6 Calligraphy by Sai Jinhua Zhongyang ribao December 21 1937

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6450

in the same lyric style of gexing with the same title as the previously discussed poem by Fan Zengxiang Given the popularity of Fanrsquos poem Xiao must have written with it in mind However Sai Jinhuarsquos character in this new rendition has been miraculously transformed into a paragon of virtue sincere emotion and devotion Sairsquos story is presented in the traditional formula of romance between beauty and gallant hero (ernuuml yingxiong )110 e irony of the situation is hardly apparent considering the poetrsquos wholehearted eulogy of Sai and her romantic love with the German aggressor Waldersee In a mournful voice the poem constructs her as a sacred national symbol facilitating the ascendance of the ldquolowerrdquo carnal erotic pleasure with which Sairsquos image is usually associated to the collective spiritual realm111

e escalating importance of the image of Sai was motivated mainly by two forces national crisis and the burgeoning consumer mass culture112 is drastic makeover is also well illustrated by Xiong Foxi

(1900-65) an American-educated playwright In the early 1930s after he met Sai in person Xiong could not conceal his disappointment even disgust at how ldquoordinary and low-classrdquo she was He thought her ldquoso vulgarrdquo (sujile ) in fact that he abandoned his idea of writing about her113 However in 1936 faced with urgent political circumstances Xiong decided to write a modern play titled

110 Original publication Dagong Bao April 12 1932 Cited in Wu Mi Kongxuan shihua in Zhang Yinpeng ed Minguo shihua congbian 685111 Other examples of such poems include Wang Jiarongrsquos Caiyun qu Xue Shaohuirsquos Laoji xing and Jiang Linzhenrsquos Sandie qu and Qian Zhonglian Mengtiaoan shihua in Minguo shihua congbian 6154-67 It is in-teresting that Xue Shaohui is the only writer I have been able to locate who wrote about both Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua and she is also the only female poet I am not suggesting the gender of the author necessarily equates to the gender of the poetic voice but it seems clear that Xuersquos poems on the same topics are less descriptive in terms of using sensual im-ages and phrases and give relatively more positive portrayals of the two women For more discussion on Xuersquos ldquoLaoji xingrdquo see Nanxiu Qian ldquolsquoBorrowing Foreign Mirrors and Can-dles to Illuminate Chinese Civilizationrsquo Xue Shaohuirsquos Moral Vision in the Biographies of Foreign Womenrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in China 6 (2004) 60-101 and in particular 96-98 See also Liu Yanwen Diaochong shihua in Minguo shihua congbian 6606 112 Yang Hansheng wrote a fi lm script about Sai Jinhua in 1932 for the Yihua

company but it was not produced See Yang Hansheng ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo Nuumlzi yuekan 4 no 9 (1936) 72-73 e magazine published a special

collection of articles on Sai Jinhua in that issue113 Xiong Foxi ldquoZixurdquo preface to the 1937 edition in ZLXB 205

49S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

One example of the escalated evolution of Sairsquos image in literary texts is the new version of Caiyun qu ( e song of rainbow cloud) On April 12 1932 the well-known scholar Xiao Gongquan

(1897-1981) under the pseudonym Baren wrote a poem

in A Ying Xiaoshuo xiantan sizhong (Shang-hai Shanghai guji 1985) 177-82 and see page 177 See also Anhui daxue Zhongwenxi

ed Xia Yan Sai Jinhua ziliao xuanbian (hereafter ZLXB) (Hefei Anhui daxue Zhongwenxi 1980) 33-38

Figure 6 Calligraphy by Sai Jinhua Zhongyang ribao December 21 1937

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6450

in the same lyric style of gexing with the same title as the previously discussed poem by Fan Zengxiang Given the popularity of Fanrsquos poem Xiao must have written with it in mind However Sai Jinhuarsquos character in this new rendition has been miraculously transformed into a paragon of virtue sincere emotion and devotion Sairsquos story is presented in the traditional formula of romance between beauty and gallant hero (ernuuml yingxiong )110 e irony of the situation is hardly apparent considering the poetrsquos wholehearted eulogy of Sai and her romantic love with the German aggressor Waldersee In a mournful voice the poem constructs her as a sacred national symbol facilitating the ascendance of the ldquolowerrdquo carnal erotic pleasure with which Sairsquos image is usually associated to the collective spiritual realm111

e escalating importance of the image of Sai was motivated mainly by two forces national crisis and the burgeoning consumer mass culture112 is drastic makeover is also well illustrated by Xiong Foxi

(1900-65) an American-educated playwright In the early 1930s after he met Sai in person Xiong could not conceal his disappointment even disgust at how ldquoordinary and low-classrdquo she was He thought her ldquoso vulgarrdquo (sujile ) in fact that he abandoned his idea of writing about her113 However in 1936 faced with urgent political circumstances Xiong decided to write a modern play titled

110 Original publication Dagong Bao April 12 1932 Cited in Wu Mi Kongxuan shihua in Zhang Yinpeng ed Minguo shihua congbian 685111 Other examples of such poems include Wang Jiarongrsquos Caiyun qu Xue Shaohuirsquos Laoji xing and Jiang Linzhenrsquos Sandie qu and Qian Zhonglian Mengtiaoan shihua in Minguo shihua congbian 6154-67 It is in-teresting that Xue Shaohui is the only writer I have been able to locate who wrote about both Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua and she is also the only female poet I am not suggesting the gender of the author necessarily equates to the gender of the poetic voice but it seems clear that Xuersquos poems on the same topics are less descriptive in terms of using sensual im-ages and phrases and give relatively more positive portrayals of the two women For more discussion on Xuersquos ldquoLaoji xingrdquo see Nanxiu Qian ldquolsquoBorrowing Foreign Mirrors and Can-dles to Illuminate Chinese Civilizationrsquo Xue Shaohuirsquos Moral Vision in the Biographies of Foreign Womenrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in China 6 (2004) 60-101 and in particular 96-98 See also Liu Yanwen Diaochong shihua in Minguo shihua congbian 6606 112 Yang Hansheng wrote a fi lm script about Sai Jinhua in 1932 for the Yihua

company but it was not produced See Yang Hansheng ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo Nuumlzi yuekan 4 no 9 (1936) 72-73 e magazine published a special

collection of articles on Sai Jinhua in that issue113 Xiong Foxi ldquoZixurdquo preface to the 1937 edition in ZLXB 205

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6450

in the same lyric style of gexing with the same title as the previously discussed poem by Fan Zengxiang Given the popularity of Fanrsquos poem Xiao must have written with it in mind However Sai Jinhuarsquos character in this new rendition has been miraculously transformed into a paragon of virtue sincere emotion and devotion Sairsquos story is presented in the traditional formula of romance between beauty and gallant hero (ernuuml yingxiong )110 e irony of the situation is hardly apparent considering the poetrsquos wholehearted eulogy of Sai and her romantic love with the German aggressor Waldersee In a mournful voice the poem constructs her as a sacred national symbol facilitating the ascendance of the ldquolowerrdquo carnal erotic pleasure with which Sairsquos image is usually associated to the collective spiritual realm111

e escalating importance of the image of Sai was motivated mainly by two forces national crisis and the burgeoning consumer mass culture112 is drastic makeover is also well illustrated by Xiong Foxi

(1900-65) an American-educated playwright In the early 1930s after he met Sai in person Xiong could not conceal his disappointment even disgust at how ldquoordinary and low-classrdquo she was He thought her ldquoso vulgarrdquo (sujile ) in fact that he abandoned his idea of writing about her113 However in 1936 faced with urgent political circumstances Xiong decided to write a modern play titled

110 Original publication Dagong Bao April 12 1932 Cited in Wu Mi Kongxuan shihua in Zhang Yinpeng ed Minguo shihua congbian 685111 Other examples of such poems include Wang Jiarongrsquos Caiyun qu Xue Shaohuirsquos Laoji xing and Jiang Linzhenrsquos Sandie qu and Qian Zhonglian Mengtiaoan shihua in Minguo shihua congbian 6154-67 It is in-teresting that Xue Shaohui is the only writer I have been able to locate who wrote about both Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua and she is also the only female poet I am not suggesting the gender of the author necessarily equates to the gender of the poetic voice but it seems clear that Xuersquos poems on the same topics are less descriptive in terms of using sensual im-ages and phrases and give relatively more positive portrayals of the two women For more discussion on Xuersquos ldquoLaoji xingrdquo see Nanxiu Qian ldquolsquoBorrowing Foreign Mirrors and Can-dles to Illuminate Chinese Civilizationrsquo Xue Shaohuirsquos Moral Vision in the Biographies of Foreign Womenrdquo Nan Nuuml Men Women and Gender in China 6 (2004) 60-101 and in particular 96-98 See also Liu Yanwen Diaochong shihua in Minguo shihua congbian 6606 112 Yang Hansheng wrote a fi lm script about Sai Jinhua in 1932 for the Yihua

company but it was not produced See Yang Hansheng ldquoGuanyu Sai Jinhuardquo Nuumlzi yuekan 4 no 9 (1936) 72-73 e magazine published a special

collection of articles on Sai Jinhua in that issue113 Xiong Foxi ldquoZixurdquo preface to the 1937 edition in ZLXB 205

51S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

Sai Jinhua and resolved to express his moral messages in clear unam-biguous terms extolling her story as ldquoheroic and movingrdquo (kege keqi

) epithets usually reserved for the revolutionary martyr114 I am not questioning Xiongrsquos patriotism or sincerity clearly his revival of the idea of writing her story was motivated by the extraordinary historical circumstances in which he found himself Processing his initial personal contempt for a notorious low-class prostitute Xiong transformed her into an emblem of national signifi cance and lofty ideals

Xia Yanrsquos huaju also titled Sai Jinhua is also relevant here I will examine below the relationship between the male author and the text as well as the reactions to the play and its performance from the leftist writers group the Guomindang (GMD hereafter) state and general audiences explicating the complimentary as well as contradictory responses by the political and consumer fronts e play is loosely based on Zeng Pursquos novel and the interviews conducted by Liu Bannong and the title is just her nam Sai Jinhua further blurring fi ction and fact115 e play centers on Sai Jinhuarsquos activities during the 1900 incident with her relationship with Waldersee forming the main plot116 Her image in the play is exalted and enriched by several layers of meaning First of all she is a highly revered character and the only bright spot in the dismal landscape of the play the darkness of the corrupted Qing empire Sai is depicted as a woman whose charismatic combination of energy natural instinct and patriotism is potent enough to persuade the commander of the invading forces to alter the course of history and save a nation in jeopardy Second according to Xia Yanrsquos declarations on various occasions the politics of the late Qing era served as a mirror refl ecting his contemporary society and the GMDrsquos corrupt and weak regime ineff ective in the face of the impending invasion117

114 Xiong Foxi ldquoSai Jinhua gongyan ganyanrdquo preface to the 1944 edi-tion in ZLXB 207115 Xia Yan ldquoLishi yu fengyurdquo in ZLXB 1 Original publication in Wenxue jie inaugural issue (1936)116 Xia Yan Sai Jinhua in Xia Yan Juzuoji (Beijing Zhongguo xiju 1984) 136-100117 See for instance Xia Yan ldquoLishi yu fengyurdquo ZLXB 1-2

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6452

The playrsquos immediate success was largely due to the colorful characterization of Sai as a national heroine masculine in her power and effi cacy yet most feminine in her charms Challenging stereotypical views the play begins with a description of Sai Jinhuarsquos natural predilection for having fun In other words it downplays her debauchery by interpreting it as a natural human penchant for enjoyment is new interpretation insulates the protagonist from moral scrutiny Evoking the traditional trope of qing a well-developed discourse of emotion in the late imperial era Xia justifi es Sairsquos aggressive sexuality as something ldquoderiving from the ultimate qing and originating from natural inclinationsrdquo (fayu zhiqing chuyu benxing

)118 an expression of human nature against the restrictive moral regulations of Confucian ideology Out of deep-seated dissatisfaction at Sai being portrayed as a youwu (vi xen) and a sex freak Xia created a character who was a provocative and satirical antithesis representing idealized dignifi ed humanity as opposed to well-educated Confucian scholars who were either corrupt or powerless when it came to national aff airs Much of the humor and irony in the play come from the parody of this contrast For instance in Act One Sai is accused by the Confucian literati of defaming the nation by donning ldquooutlandishrdquo clothes (qizhuang yifu )

Sun Jiading Now what I wanted to tell you is that you really should come to Beijing and Tianjin to reopen the brothel In addition wearing outlandish clothes as you are doing now swaggering through the street you are looked down upon by others as a female prodigy who brought down the nation You completely denigrate your husbandrsquos dignitySai Jinhua (laughing contemptuously) Ha Mister you must be kidding It seems that the decline of the whole world is due to our women wearing indecent clothing Hahellip In Beijing there are truly lots of female prodigies from the top echelons such as the Old Buddha [Empress Dowager Cixi]

118 Xia Yan Sai Jinhua 47

53S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

helliphellip119

By depicting a sexually and politically aggressive woman Xia intends to draw attention to the male moral irresponsibility and insuffi ciency and to expose the corruption of contemporary politics Xia refutes the political and moral corruption conventionally attributed to Sai Jinhua and refuses to treat her as a sex freak responsible for the downfall of the country obviously poking fun at this traditional rhetoric His new characterization of Sai in an extremely positive light certainly diff erentiates him from the traditional literati such as Fan Zengxiang However when Xia uses Sai and her story to consciously counteract a traditionalist cultural construct and elevate her to the status of patriotic heroine against the backdrop of political corruption this feminist approach is trapped in the very same logic it intends to subvertmdasheither holding the female body responsible for political calamity or making it a symbol of political goals erefore it is doubtful that Xiarsquos approach functions as an important intervention in the gender hierarchy and politics In addition Empress Dowager Cixi (mentioned twice in the play) serves as the antithesis of Sai Jinhua and becomes a dissipated woman who brings about the downfall of the country At one point there is a reference to the Empress Dowager when Sai is puzzled by some artworks drawn by German soldiers on the wall during her visit to the Yiluan Palace Waldersee explains ldquo e guy is Li Lianying

[the eunuch] and that naked woman is that old virago (lao pofu ) who manipulated the Boxer bandits to kill the foreignersrdquo120

Although the burlesque language and lewd image are intended to be satirical the dialogue suggests that Xia shares the popular belief that Empress Dowager Cixi was a lustful woman who caused political crisis

Tracing the literary genealogies of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua so far has made clear that these two womenrsquos fates are closely connected to that of the empress dowager e mutation of Cixirsquos image in the twentieth century itself constitutes a major research topic and is beyond the scope of the present study Simply put the evolution of Zhen Feirsquos

119 Xia Yan Sai Jinhua 44 Trans mine120 Xia Yan Sai Jinhua 68

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6454

and Sai Jinhuarsquos images almost parallels the vilifi cation of Cixirsquos both in offi cial historiography and in the popular imagination Whether the female body is made to signify the national spirit or blamed for national disaster the gender paradigm remains the same In this regard Xia Yan also unwittingly echoes the very assumptions of the gender discourse against which he wrote so incisively

Like Yao Ke Xia Yan employs cross-dressing as a key element in a crucial scene or as a pivotal part of characterization and in doing so constructs a glamorous masculine female fi gure According to Sai Jinhuarsquos legend she would ride a magnifi cent horse around the capital amid chaos to curb the atrocities of the foreign troops She was known as ldquoSai Eryerdquo (Second Master Sai) after she formed a brotherhood with one of her patrons121 In Act Two Sai wears male clothes and courageously stops the onslaught of German soldiers Stereotypically masculine attributes such as courage intelligence and dedication are emphatically portrayed in the play Xia Yan honors her as ldquoNoble man among womenrdquo (jinguo zhong de dazhangfu ) and asserts ldquoIf you look all over the great Qing empire you canrsquot fi nd another one like herrdquo ( zhaobian da Qing meiyou dierge

)122 Positive masculine images of women were in demand in order to enable a crucial identifi cation by both men and women since the nation was at the brink of war However like the Zhen Fei character in the fi lm Sai is a woman e cross-dressing does not counter eroticism it simply off ers a diff erent type of sexual expression structured around male desire for and identifi cation with a strong and alluring female fi gure It is hard to determine whether the image of diff erent types of sexuality the feminine charm coexisting with masculine prowess did more to incite lofty nationalist sentiment or to satisfy erotic pleasure perhaps it did both equally

Xia Yanrsquos play and its performance received a very enthusiastic response and caused some sensational news at the time it opened His leftist ideology necessitated that he defend himself from various misinter-pretations of the complex character he had created Although the play

121 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 22 For her own account of riding the horse to save people see 36122 Xia Yan Sai Jinhua 47

55S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

was praised as a ldquogreat harvestrdquo for the ldquonational defense literaturerdquo (guofang wenxue ) by the Communist Party the comments emanating from two meetings in Shanghai were not all fl attering123 e discussions initiated by the play captured the uneasy tensions that existed between the creation of a subject of national signifi cance and the making of a sexual object Even though most of the panelists off ered a generally positive assessment they voiced profound disgust for the emotionalism or romanticism at the heart of the play ese contradictory attitudes stemmed from their recognition of the playrsquos potential to be popular which would surely be benefi cial to the national defense movement and what they perceived as its weakness the apotheosis of a dubious individual instead of an honoring of collective mass action Instead of making a national allegory through the female body participants from the panels believed that Xia should approach and engage with the subject matter of imperialism in a far more direct manner ey seem to have failed to recognize the emotional power and media sensation that could be induced by focusing on the female body Some of the remarks further betray their misogynist views How could this morally suspect individual possibly symbolize lofty ideals and the collective feelings of the entire nation e nationalist movement should be distanced from it124

e play directed by a group of famous theater directors including Ouyang Yuqian (1889-1962) opened on November 19 1936 in the Jincheng eater in Shanghai It ran for twenty-two consecutive performances becoming a resounding success with about 30000 people coming to see it125 is gratifi ed the Leftist Writersrsquo League which wanted to reach a wide audience to mobilize the masses Sai Jinhua on her deathbed was too frail to attend the premiere126

123 See ldquoSai Jinhua zuotan huirdquo conducted on April 16 1936 with eleven left-leaning critics including Ling He Zhang Min and Zhang Geng in ZLXB 13-24 Original publication in Wenxuejie inaugural issue (1936) See also ldquoSai Jinhua pingzuordquo conducted on November 22 1936 with Qian Yishi

A Ying and fi ve other people in ZLXB 25-33 Original publication in Dawan bao Nov 24 1936

124 ldquoSai Jinhua zuotanhuirdquo in ZLXB 13-24125 ZLXB 43126 See ldquoShanghai huajutuanti qing Sai Jinhua nanxiardquo Dagong bao Nov 19 1936

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6456

Her death in the same month added another dimension of drama to the show e outpouring of widely reported news and the rehashing of juicy fabricated details of her story created yet another gendered spectacle parallel to the show (Figure 7) e play was performed by Sishi niandai jushe and the actress Wang Ying (1913-74) who won the role over Jiang Qing (later to be known as Madame Mao 1914-91) played Sai Jinhua127 It is reported that Wang Ying eff ectively captured the coquettishness of Sai Jinhuarsquos character128

e content of the advertisement for the play published in Zhongyang ribao deserves some analysis e text in the ad promises a thrilling experience but the picture heralds an ambiguous message e actress Wang Yingrsquos slim delicate body is draped over the guns covering them signifying that she single-handedly saves the nation from foreign invaders (Figure 8) In the top right-hand corner the tilted image of the city wall might simply suggests a city besieged and a nation in crisis However it also immediately evokes a Chinese household phrase about the beauty who ldquotopples the city and the countryrdquo (qingguo qingcheng ) meaning that the collapse of the country or of the dynasty may always be attributed to beauty So the ad not only displays Wang Yingrsquos beautiful body and feminine charms to attract public attention but also suggests two confl icting messages perhaps in an attempt to target audiences on both sides

Xia Yanrsquos nationalistic and feminist message may not have come across exactly the way he intended An essay by Mao Dun (1896-1981) the important leftist writer gives us a glimpse of the showrsquos reception Mao Dun was very uncomfortable with the audiencersquos responses to the play and voiced his dismay and condemnation He comments on the audiencersquos applause in the theater ldquoAs for the applause repeated twice even thrice I was appalled at them However I also understand the psychology of the audiences in doing so ey came

127 Jiang Qing competed for the role but lost to Wang Ying It is believed that this is why Wang died of political persecution during the Cultural Revolution It is also intriguing to observe that the very same logic of attributing political failure to the female was perpetu-ated again when Jiang Qing went to trial for her role in the disastrous Cultural Revolution 128 See Lin ldquoKan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquo hourdquo in ZLXB 44

57S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

to see lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo129 One of the scenes at which the audience applauded was at the end of Act ree when Sai Jinhua shouts at German offi cers ldquoDonrsquot touch my hand is was the hand that shook hands with the wife of your Emperor Fredrickrdquo In evoking the empressrsquos name Sai cleverly stops the offi cersrsquo sexual advances suggesting that if they crossed

129 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo in ZLXB 8 Italics added Original publica-tion in Zhongliu 1 no 8 (1936)

Figure 7 News on the death of Sai Jinhua Dagongbao December 5 1937

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6458

the line they would in eff ect be engaging in inappropriate contact with their own royal family e ploy is eff ective e fl irtatious verbal exchanges and the innuendoes of physical contact off er the audience a quick vicarious thrill Another occasion when laughter erupted during the show was when one character made fun of the fact that Sai

Figure 8 e advertisement of the play Sai Jinhua Zhongyang ribao December 17 1937

59S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

slept with the ldquored-haired foreign devilsrdquo e audiencersquos mirth frustrated Mao Dun as did the attention focused on and enjoyment derived from Sairsquos romantic escapades which had little to do with any act of patriotism and everything to do with the fact that she was a public woman who slept with numerous men Hence Mao Dunrsquos comments about the bawdiness of the show and the prurience of its audiences130 eater as a particular mode of community can cultivate the spectatorsrsquo shared enjoyment and unbridled fantasy It is clear that Mao Dun neglected to consider that ldquoloftyrdquo communal sentiments can be engendered by collective enjoyment of a ldquobaserdquo emotion in this lively social space

On the night of February 22 1937 Zhang Daofan (1897-1968) the head of the Propaganda Bureau of the GMD government allegedly led some hooligans to disrupt the playrsquos performance in the Guomin dajuyuan in Nanjing He succeeded in creating a ruckus and even threw a cuspidor onto the stage The GMD consequently banned the play and thus on the 23rd the theater showed instead the play Qiu Jin which is about the authentic revolutionary martyr and female cross-dresser Qiu Jin (1875-1907)131 Zhang Daofan however provided a diff erent version of the story and published an essay to try to clear his name in it he claims that what he heard from his friends was that the play was generally regarded as good but many of the performance venues were seen as ldquoobscenerdquo (rouma )132 e Internal Aff airs Bureau issued an order banning any further performances (although the script had initially been passed by the censors) nationwide stating that ldquothe life story of Sai Jinhua would denigrate national dignityrdquo (Sai Jinhua shengping shiji you fangai Zhongguo zunyan zhichu )133 e performance of Sai Jinhua in Nanjing also had a negative eff ect on Xiong Foxirsquos play which was originally scheduled for March 25

130 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuardquo 7-10131 See ad in Dagong bao March 22 1937 See also Xiju shenchahui ldquoChufa Sishi niandai jusherdquo Zhongyang ribao Feb 25 1937132 Zhang Daofan ldquolsquoSai Jinhuarsquo juzhong wuru Zhongguoren bufei yinqi de jiufenrdquo

in ZLXB 45 Original publication in Zhongyang ribao Feb 24 1937 133 ldquoDe Dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong Bao March 18 19376

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6460

1937 in the Xinxin eater in Beijing134 Even the German embassy sent a request to the Beijing government requesting that they ban the play believing that the story of the prostitute and the German commander would ldquotarnish the body politicrdquo ( youru guoti ) Both sides Chinese and German ldquofelt embarrassedrdquo (nankan zhichu

)135 Resorting to the old rhetoric about the profane female body being responsible for bringing down the dynasty the government stated that continuing the show would stigmatize the state and interfere with international politics e ambiguities of this international liaison were well captured in literary imaginings such as Niehai hua (as David Wang and Hu Ying astutely observe) at the beginning of the twentieth century this same defi led female body was now believed to contaminate international politics at a sensitive moment in the late 1930s e statersquos censorship paradoxically reveals that it recognized the play as a powerful articulation of national emotions through a fantasy about a heroic female It also indicates deep-seated fear about the fever of prurience inspired by Sai whose portrayal may indeed have achieved the eff ect that the writer Xia Yan originally intended a parody of Chinarsquos weak defense and foreign policy Both the leftist writersrsquo group and the GMD state were extremely uncomfortable with the fact that the female protagonist used her sexuality to save the nationmdashnot because they cared about her individual life but because the entrenched view about ldquodirtyrdquo sexuality made them pledge their willingness to sacrifi ce for the nation in order to save face

Just two months before his death in the throes of illness Lu Xun(1881-1936) wrote an essay Zhe yeshi shenghuo ( is

is also life) in his characteristic scathing tone ldquoNow writing has its lsquomost central themersquo even Sai Jinhua who slept with Waldersee German commander-in-chief during the Boxer Rebellion has long been glorifi ed as the Goddess of the Ninth Heaven (Jiutian huguo niangniang

)rdquo136 is comment often quoted out of context has always been understood as Lursquos attack on Xiarsquos play Sai Jinhua and because

134 Dagong bao March 24 1937 135 See ldquoDe dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong bao March 18 19376136 Lu Xun ldquoZhe yeshi shenghuordquo Zhujieting zawen fuji in Lu Xun quanji 6602

61S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of this alleged aspersion Xia Yan suff ered great ordeals during the Cultural Revolution Lu Xun who espoused a diff erent leftist philosophy from Xia Yan and his camp did express his own opinion on the issue of ldquonational defense literaturerdquo However as Wei Shaochang and others point out there is no evidence showing that Lu Xun near death actually read Xia Yanrsquos play So we should consider his comments not so much as a specifi c criticism of the play but as a general observation about a social phenomenon that was well under way in the 1930s namely the rampant proliferation of sensational representations of Sai enabled by mass media137 Lursquos essay consistently reveals his penetrating insights and his caveats against a malicious public gaze and ideological control Lu Xunrsquos caution shows that he not only did not believe that Sai played a critical role in saving the nation (although it suggests that he might have taken Sairsquos liaison with Waldersee for granted) but also deeply detested using the female body to further a nationalistic and revolutionary cause and frowned upon capitalizing on the female body for erotic pleasure and profi t By targeting the popularity of Sai Jinhua and the links forged between everyday life and the nationalistic cause Lu Xun urges readers to be cautious of future trends of replicating female images in the new mass media and new political ideologies appropriating them for their own vested interests

Put in simple terms the leftist camp regarded titillating content as vulgar and having limited aesthetic or ideological signifi cance and acknowledged that prurience can have a debasing eff ect on lofty nationalistic and revolutionary ideas For the GMD propaganda machine the nationalistic message came at a time of confl ict when they found it particularly insulting to be pitted against a prostitute portrayed as better than they were For Lu Xun this was a perfect case of the malicious gaze of the masses voraciously consuming the female body e authors Xian Yan Xiong Foxi and others well aware of the allegorical value of Sairsquos story hoped to take advantage of its popularity and sensuousness to eff ectively convey a nationalistic message As for the audiences they derived much visual pleasure erotic and spiritual from viewing the show and imagining the female body Sai Jinhuarsquos story is an exceptionally fascinating case of the representation of a

137 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 63

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6462

defi led female body becoming a contested site and clearly illustrates the cross-fertilizations and the contradictions among the interrelated forces of nationalism gender and the public space

Conclusion

Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua were certainly not the only instances of such allegory in the Republican era During this war-torn decade of Chinarsquos history national identity repeatedly took shape around womenrsquos bodies and found expression through images of romantic or sexual relation-ships Other heroines who were similarly apotheosized include Pan Jinlian Hua Mulan Ge Nennian Li Xiangjun

the Women Warriors of the Yang Family (Yangmen nuumljiang ) and Qiu Jin to name a few138 e female Others

became embodiments of values and spirit in a country in chaos viewersrsquo longing to devote themselves to the nation even to the point of martyrdom was addressed through projection fantasy and passionate identifi cation ese females in their new patriotic garb were held up as models for both contemporary menrsquos and womenrsquos participation in the national movement Grand abstract concepts concerned with new political and cultural circumstances gained some expression richness and emotional appeal when the poets attributed public purpose to these idealized female fi gures facilitating collective identifi cation

e theoretical concerns of this paper are mainly two intertwined issues First I have tried to present the mutations of the womenrsquos images in their historical contexts to vividly elucidate the constructedness and the fi ctionality of these heroic female fi gures Second primarily through dissecting gendered imagination and desire I have emphasized that the charging of these images with romantic or erotic signifi cance informs or enhances expressions and experiences of the formation of modern nationhood Representation of the female body as a material site for inscriptions of ideology sexuality and power has been much

138 For more discussion on female symbols of resistance in wartime theater see Chang-tai Hung War and Popular Culture Resistance in Modern China 1937-1945 (Berkeley Uni-versity of California Press 1994) 64-78

63S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

discussed in contemporary gender studies139 In modern Chinese literary criticism signifi cant attention has been paid to relationships between discourses of the nation and sexuality but scholars tend to focus on how nationalism and other political discourses exercising hegemonic power suppressed the expression of private erotic desire However guided by the theoretical works of Slavoj Žižek and others Ban Wang among others probes into the issue of politico-libidinal pleasure in relation to the political discourse He cogently argues with an emphasis on the individual agency involved in the process that politico-libidinal pleasure was transformed and enriched politics exerting an emotional impact and eff ectively establishing a hold on the political imagination140 I have also explored the mutually allegorizing relationship be tween the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality in the context of Republican China and delved into the constitutions and structures of subjectivities through national narratives I have argued that sentiment emotional appeal and erotic enjoyment help to sustain and even structure the collective and imaginative enterprise of building a national identity

e images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua have been variously depicted and eventually became symbols of phenomena and institutions that extend far beyond the parameters of the womenrsquos own life stories e heroic androgynous free-spirited nature of these images the adoption of cross-dressing in costume the gendered narratives of sacrifi ce and the romantic and erotic overtones were their shared characteristics While Zhen Fei consistently encapsulated the disappearing high literati culture and sense of loss Sai Jinhua was vulnerable to the mass mediarsquos appetite for a promiscuous woman both eventually rose to be moral exemplars and national emblems in wartime China With the advent of the new media of fi lm and modern drama the images mobilized the popular nationalist appeal by staging romance and spectacle e

139 For example George L Mossersquos pioneering study Nationalism and Sexuality was one of the fi rst attempts to bridge the gap between analyses that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous constructs demonstrating complex ways these two categories interact with constitute and illuminate each other George L Mosse Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York Howard Fer-tig 1985) 140 Ban Wang e Sublime Figure of History Aesthetics and Politics in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) especially 123-54

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6452

The playrsquos immediate success was largely due to the colorful characterization of Sai as a national heroine masculine in her power and effi cacy yet most feminine in her charms Challenging stereotypical views the play begins with a description of Sai Jinhuarsquos natural predilection for having fun In other words it downplays her debauchery by interpreting it as a natural human penchant for enjoyment is new interpretation insulates the protagonist from moral scrutiny Evoking the traditional trope of qing a well-developed discourse of emotion in the late imperial era Xia justifi es Sairsquos aggressive sexuality as something ldquoderiving from the ultimate qing and originating from natural inclinationsrdquo (fayu zhiqing chuyu benxing

)118 an expression of human nature against the restrictive moral regulations of Confucian ideology Out of deep-seated dissatisfaction at Sai being portrayed as a youwu (vi xen) and a sex freak Xia created a character who was a provocative and satirical antithesis representing idealized dignifi ed humanity as opposed to well-educated Confucian scholars who were either corrupt or powerless when it came to national aff airs Much of the humor and irony in the play come from the parody of this contrast For instance in Act One Sai is accused by the Confucian literati of defaming the nation by donning ldquooutlandishrdquo clothes (qizhuang yifu )

Sun Jiading Now what I wanted to tell you is that you really should come to Beijing and Tianjin to reopen the brothel In addition wearing outlandish clothes as you are doing now swaggering through the street you are looked down upon by others as a female prodigy who brought down the nation You completely denigrate your husbandrsquos dignitySai Jinhua (laughing contemptuously) Ha Mister you must be kidding It seems that the decline of the whole world is due to our women wearing indecent clothing Hahellip In Beijing there are truly lots of female prodigies from the top echelons such as the Old Buddha [Empress Dowager Cixi]

118 Xia Yan Sai Jinhua 47

53S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

helliphellip119

By depicting a sexually and politically aggressive woman Xia intends to draw attention to the male moral irresponsibility and insuffi ciency and to expose the corruption of contemporary politics Xia refutes the political and moral corruption conventionally attributed to Sai Jinhua and refuses to treat her as a sex freak responsible for the downfall of the country obviously poking fun at this traditional rhetoric His new characterization of Sai in an extremely positive light certainly diff erentiates him from the traditional literati such as Fan Zengxiang However when Xia uses Sai and her story to consciously counteract a traditionalist cultural construct and elevate her to the status of patriotic heroine against the backdrop of political corruption this feminist approach is trapped in the very same logic it intends to subvertmdasheither holding the female body responsible for political calamity or making it a symbol of political goals erefore it is doubtful that Xiarsquos approach functions as an important intervention in the gender hierarchy and politics In addition Empress Dowager Cixi (mentioned twice in the play) serves as the antithesis of Sai Jinhua and becomes a dissipated woman who brings about the downfall of the country At one point there is a reference to the Empress Dowager when Sai is puzzled by some artworks drawn by German soldiers on the wall during her visit to the Yiluan Palace Waldersee explains ldquo e guy is Li Lianying

[the eunuch] and that naked woman is that old virago (lao pofu ) who manipulated the Boxer bandits to kill the foreignersrdquo120

Although the burlesque language and lewd image are intended to be satirical the dialogue suggests that Xia shares the popular belief that Empress Dowager Cixi was a lustful woman who caused political crisis

Tracing the literary genealogies of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua so far has made clear that these two womenrsquos fates are closely connected to that of the empress dowager e mutation of Cixirsquos image in the twentieth century itself constitutes a major research topic and is beyond the scope of the present study Simply put the evolution of Zhen Feirsquos

119 Xia Yan Sai Jinhua 44 Trans mine120 Xia Yan Sai Jinhua 68

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6454

and Sai Jinhuarsquos images almost parallels the vilifi cation of Cixirsquos both in offi cial historiography and in the popular imagination Whether the female body is made to signify the national spirit or blamed for national disaster the gender paradigm remains the same In this regard Xia Yan also unwittingly echoes the very assumptions of the gender discourse against which he wrote so incisively

Like Yao Ke Xia Yan employs cross-dressing as a key element in a crucial scene or as a pivotal part of characterization and in doing so constructs a glamorous masculine female fi gure According to Sai Jinhuarsquos legend she would ride a magnifi cent horse around the capital amid chaos to curb the atrocities of the foreign troops She was known as ldquoSai Eryerdquo (Second Master Sai) after she formed a brotherhood with one of her patrons121 In Act Two Sai wears male clothes and courageously stops the onslaught of German soldiers Stereotypically masculine attributes such as courage intelligence and dedication are emphatically portrayed in the play Xia Yan honors her as ldquoNoble man among womenrdquo (jinguo zhong de dazhangfu ) and asserts ldquoIf you look all over the great Qing empire you canrsquot fi nd another one like herrdquo ( zhaobian da Qing meiyou dierge

)122 Positive masculine images of women were in demand in order to enable a crucial identifi cation by both men and women since the nation was at the brink of war However like the Zhen Fei character in the fi lm Sai is a woman e cross-dressing does not counter eroticism it simply off ers a diff erent type of sexual expression structured around male desire for and identifi cation with a strong and alluring female fi gure It is hard to determine whether the image of diff erent types of sexuality the feminine charm coexisting with masculine prowess did more to incite lofty nationalist sentiment or to satisfy erotic pleasure perhaps it did both equally

Xia Yanrsquos play and its performance received a very enthusiastic response and caused some sensational news at the time it opened His leftist ideology necessitated that he defend himself from various misinter-pretations of the complex character he had created Although the play

121 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 22 For her own account of riding the horse to save people see 36122 Xia Yan Sai Jinhua 47

55S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

was praised as a ldquogreat harvestrdquo for the ldquonational defense literaturerdquo (guofang wenxue ) by the Communist Party the comments emanating from two meetings in Shanghai were not all fl attering123 e discussions initiated by the play captured the uneasy tensions that existed between the creation of a subject of national signifi cance and the making of a sexual object Even though most of the panelists off ered a generally positive assessment they voiced profound disgust for the emotionalism or romanticism at the heart of the play ese contradictory attitudes stemmed from their recognition of the playrsquos potential to be popular which would surely be benefi cial to the national defense movement and what they perceived as its weakness the apotheosis of a dubious individual instead of an honoring of collective mass action Instead of making a national allegory through the female body participants from the panels believed that Xia should approach and engage with the subject matter of imperialism in a far more direct manner ey seem to have failed to recognize the emotional power and media sensation that could be induced by focusing on the female body Some of the remarks further betray their misogynist views How could this morally suspect individual possibly symbolize lofty ideals and the collective feelings of the entire nation e nationalist movement should be distanced from it124

e play directed by a group of famous theater directors including Ouyang Yuqian (1889-1962) opened on November 19 1936 in the Jincheng eater in Shanghai It ran for twenty-two consecutive performances becoming a resounding success with about 30000 people coming to see it125 is gratifi ed the Leftist Writersrsquo League which wanted to reach a wide audience to mobilize the masses Sai Jinhua on her deathbed was too frail to attend the premiere126

123 See ldquoSai Jinhua zuotan huirdquo conducted on April 16 1936 with eleven left-leaning critics including Ling He Zhang Min and Zhang Geng in ZLXB 13-24 Original publication in Wenxuejie inaugural issue (1936) See also ldquoSai Jinhua pingzuordquo conducted on November 22 1936 with Qian Yishi

A Ying and fi ve other people in ZLXB 25-33 Original publication in Dawan bao Nov 24 1936

124 ldquoSai Jinhua zuotanhuirdquo in ZLXB 13-24125 ZLXB 43126 See ldquoShanghai huajutuanti qing Sai Jinhua nanxiardquo Dagong bao Nov 19 1936

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6456

Her death in the same month added another dimension of drama to the show e outpouring of widely reported news and the rehashing of juicy fabricated details of her story created yet another gendered spectacle parallel to the show (Figure 7) e play was performed by Sishi niandai jushe and the actress Wang Ying (1913-74) who won the role over Jiang Qing (later to be known as Madame Mao 1914-91) played Sai Jinhua127 It is reported that Wang Ying eff ectively captured the coquettishness of Sai Jinhuarsquos character128

e content of the advertisement for the play published in Zhongyang ribao deserves some analysis e text in the ad promises a thrilling experience but the picture heralds an ambiguous message e actress Wang Yingrsquos slim delicate body is draped over the guns covering them signifying that she single-handedly saves the nation from foreign invaders (Figure 8) In the top right-hand corner the tilted image of the city wall might simply suggests a city besieged and a nation in crisis However it also immediately evokes a Chinese household phrase about the beauty who ldquotopples the city and the countryrdquo (qingguo qingcheng ) meaning that the collapse of the country or of the dynasty may always be attributed to beauty So the ad not only displays Wang Yingrsquos beautiful body and feminine charms to attract public attention but also suggests two confl icting messages perhaps in an attempt to target audiences on both sides

Xia Yanrsquos nationalistic and feminist message may not have come across exactly the way he intended An essay by Mao Dun (1896-1981) the important leftist writer gives us a glimpse of the showrsquos reception Mao Dun was very uncomfortable with the audiencersquos responses to the play and voiced his dismay and condemnation He comments on the audiencersquos applause in the theater ldquoAs for the applause repeated twice even thrice I was appalled at them However I also understand the psychology of the audiences in doing so ey came

127 Jiang Qing competed for the role but lost to Wang Ying It is believed that this is why Wang died of political persecution during the Cultural Revolution It is also intriguing to observe that the very same logic of attributing political failure to the female was perpetu-ated again when Jiang Qing went to trial for her role in the disastrous Cultural Revolution 128 See Lin ldquoKan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquo hourdquo in ZLXB 44

57S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

to see lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo129 One of the scenes at which the audience applauded was at the end of Act ree when Sai Jinhua shouts at German offi cers ldquoDonrsquot touch my hand is was the hand that shook hands with the wife of your Emperor Fredrickrdquo In evoking the empressrsquos name Sai cleverly stops the offi cersrsquo sexual advances suggesting that if they crossed

129 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo in ZLXB 8 Italics added Original publica-tion in Zhongliu 1 no 8 (1936)

Figure 7 News on the death of Sai Jinhua Dagongbao December 5 1937

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6458

the line they would in eff ect be engaging in inappropriate contact with their own royal family e ploy is eff ective e fl irtatious verbal exchanges and the innuendoes of physical contact off er the audience a quick vicarious thrill Another occasion when laughter erupted during the show was when one character made fun of the fact that Sai

Figure 8 e advertisement of the play Sai Jinhua Zhongyang ribao December 17 1937

59S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

slept with the ldquored-haired foreign devilsrdquo e audiencersquos mirth frustrated Mao Dun as did the attention focused on and enjoyment derived from Sairsquos romantic escapades which had little to do with any act of patriotism and everything to do with the fact that she was a public woman who slept with numerous men Hence Mao Dunrsquos comments about the bawdiness of the show and the prurience of its audiences130 eater as a particular mode of community can cultivate the spectatorsrsquo shared enjoyment and unbridled fantasy It is clear that Mao Dun neglected to consider that ldquoloftyrdquo communal sentiments can be engendered by collective enjoyment of a ldquobaserdquo emotion in this lively social space

On the night of February 22 1937 Zhang Daofan (1897-1968) the head of the Propaganda Bureau of the GMD government allegedly led some hooligans to disrupt the playrsquos performance in the Guomin dajuyuan in Nanjing He succeeded in creating a ruckus and even threw a cuspidor onto the stage The GMD consequently banned the play and thus on the 23rd the theater showed instead the play Qiu Jin which is about the authentic revolutionary martyr and female cross-dresser Qiu Jin (1875-1907)131 Zhang Daofan however provided a diff erent version of the story and published an essay to try to clear his name in it he claims that what he heard from his friends was that the play was generally regarded as good but many of the performance venues were seen as ldquoobscenerdquo (rouma )132 e Internal Aff airs Bureau issued an order banning any further performances (although the script had initially been passed by the censors) nationwide stating that ldquothe life story of Sai Jinhua would denigrate national dignityrdquo (Sai Jinhua shengping shiji you fangai Zhongguo zunyan zhichu )133 e performance of Sai Jinhua in Nanjing also had a negative eff ect on Xiong Foxirsquos play which was originally scheduled for March 25

130 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuardquo 7-10131 See ad in Dagong bao March 22 1937 See also Xiju shenchahui ldquoChufa Sishi niandai jusherdquo Zhongyang ribao Feb 25 1937132 Zhang Daofan ldquolsquoSai Jinhuarsquo juzhong wuru Zhongguoren bufei yinqi de jiufenrdquo

in ZLXB 45 Original publication in Zhongyang ribao Feb 24 1937 133 ldquoDe Dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong Bao March 18 19376

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6460

1937 in the Xinxin eater in Beijing134 Even the German embassy sent a request to the Beijing government requesting that they ban the play believing that the story of the prostitute and the German commander would ldquotarnish the body politicrdquo ( youru guoti ) Both sides Chinese and German ldquofelt embarrassedrdquo (nankan zhichu

)135 Resorting to the old rhetoric about the profane female body being responsible for bringing down the dynasty the government stated that continuing the show would stigmatize the state and interfere with international politics e ambiguities of this international liaison were well captured in literary imaginings such as Niehai hua (as David Wang and Hu Ying astutely observe) at the beginning of the twentieth century this same defi led female body was now believed to contaminate international politics at a sensitive moment in the late 1930s e statersquos censorship paradoxically reveals that it recognized the play as a powerful articulation of national emotions through a fantasy about a heroic female It also indicates deep-seated fear about the fever of prurience inspired by Sai whose portrayal may indeed have achieved the eff ect that the writer Xia Yan originally intended a parody of Chinarsquos weak defense and foreign policy Both the leftist writersrsquo group and the GMD state were extremely uncomfortable with the fact that the female protagonist used her sexuality to save the nationmdashnot because they cared about her individual life but because the entrenched view about ldquodirtyrdquo sexuality made them pledge their willingness to sacrifi ce for the nation in order to save face

Just two months before his death in the throes of illness Lu Xun(1881-1936) wrote an essay Zhe yeshi shenghuo ( is

is also life) in his characteristic scathing tone ldquoNow writing has its lsquomost central themersquo even Sai Jinhua who slept with Waldersee German commander-in-chief during the Boxer Rebellion has long been glorifi ed as the Goddess of the Ninth Heaven (Jiutian huguo niangniang

)rdquo136 is comment often quoted out of context has always been understood as Lursquos attack on Xiarsquos play Sai Jinhua and because

134 Dagong bao March 24 1937 135 See ldquoDe dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong bao March 18 19376136 Lu Xun ldquoZhe yeshi shenghuordquo Zhujieting zawen fuji in Lu Xun quanji 6602

61S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of this alleged aspersion Xia Yan suff ered great ordeals during the Cultural Revolution Lu Xun who espoused a diff erent leftist philosophy from Xia Yan and his camp did express his own opinion on the issue of ldquonational defense literaturerdquo However as Wei Shaochang and others point out there is no evidence showing that Lu Xun near death actually read Xia Yanrsquos play So we should consider his comments not so much as a specifi c criticism of the play but as a general observation about a social phenomenon that was well under way in the 1930s namely the rampant proliferation of sensational representations of Sai enabled by mass media137 Lursquos essay consistently reveals his penetrating insights and his caveats against a malicious public gaze and ideological control Lu Xunrsquos caution shows that he not only did not believe that Sai played a critical role in saving the nation (although it suggests that he might have taken Sairsquos liaison with Waldersee for granted) but also deeply detested using the female body to further a nationalistic and revolutionary cause and frowned upon capitalizing on the female body for erotic pleasure and profi t By targeting the popularity of Sai Jinhua and the links forged between everyday life and the nationalistic cause Lu Xun urges readers to be cautious of future trends of replicating female images in the new mass media and new political ideologies appropriating them for their own vested interests

Put in simple terms the leftist camp regarded titillating content as vulgar and having limited aesthetic or ideological signifi cance and acknowledged that prurience can have a debasing eff ect on lofty nationalistic and revolutionary ideas For the GMD propaganda machine the nationalistic message came at a time of confl ict when they found it particularly insulting to be pitted against a prostitute portrayed as better than they were For Lu Xun this was a perfect case of the malicious gaze of the masses voraciously consuming the female body e authors Xian Yan Xiong Foxi and others well aware of the allegorical value of Sairsquos story hoped to take advantage of its popularity and sensuousness to eff ectively convey a nationalistic message As for the audiences they derived much visual pleasure erotic and spiritual from viewing the show and imagining the female body Sai Jinhuarsquos story is an exceptionally fascinating case of the representation of a

137 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 63

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6462

defi led female body becoming a contested site and clearly illustrates the cross-fertilizations and the contradictions among the interrelated forces of nationalism gender and the public space

Conclusion

Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua were certainly not the only instances of such allegory in the Republican era During this war-torn decade of Chinarsquos history national identity repeatedly took shape around womenrsquos bodies and found expression through images of romantic or sexual relation-ships Other heroines who were similarly apotheosized include Pan Jinlian Hua Mulan Ge Nennian Li Xiangjun

the Women Warriors of the Yang Family (Yangmen nuumljiang ) and Qiu Jin to name a few138 e female Others

became embodiments of values and spirit in a country in chaos viewersrsquo longing to devote themselves to the nation even to the point of martyrdom was addressed through projection fantasy and passionate identifi cation ese females in their new patriotic garb were held up as models for both contemporary menrsquos and womenrsquos participation in the national movement Grand abstract concepts concerned with new political and cultural circumstances gained some expression richness and emotional appeal when the poets attributed public purpose to these idealized female fi gures facilitating collective identifi cation

e theoretical concerns of this paper are mainly two intertwined issues First I have tried to present the mutations of the womenrsquos images in their historical contexts to vividly elucidate the constructedness and the fi ctionality of these heroic female fi gures Second primarily through dissecting gendered imagination and desire I have emphasized that the charging of these images with romantic or erotic signifi cance informs or enhances expressions and experiences of the formation of modern nationhood Representation of the female body as a material site for inscriptions of ideology sexuality and power has been much

138 For more discussion on female symbols of resistance in wartime theater see Chang-tai Hung War and Popular Culture Resistance in Modern China 1937-1945 (Berkeley Uni-versity of California Press 1994) 64-78

63S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

discussed in contemporary gender studies139 In modern Chinese literary criticism signifi cant attention has been paid to relationships between discourses of the nation and sexuality but scholars tend to focus on how nationalism and other political discourses exercising hegemonic power suppressed the expression of private erotic desire However guided by the theoretical works of Slavoj Žižek and others Ban Wang among others probes into the issue of politico-libidinal pleasure in relation to the political discourse He cogently argues with an emphasis on the individual agency involved in the process that politico-libidinal pleasure was transformed and enriched politics exerting an emotional impact and eff ectively establishing a hold on the political imagination140 I have also explored the mutually allegorizing relationship be tween the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality in the context of Republican China and delved into the constitutions and structures of subjectivities through national narratives I have argued that sentiment emotional appeal and erotic enjoyment help to sustain and even structure the collective and imaginative enterprise of building a national identity

e images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua have been variously depicted and eventually became symbols of phenomena and institutions that extend far beyond the parameters of the womenrsquos own life stories e heroic androgynous free-spirited nature of these images the adoption of cross-dressing in costume the gendered narratives of sacrifi ce and the romantic and erotic overtones were their shared characteristics While Zhen Fei consistently encapsulated the disappearing high literati culture and sense of loss Sai Jinhua was vulnerable to the mass mediarsquos appetite for a promiscuous woman both eventually rose to be moral exemplars and national emblems in wartime China With the advent of the new media of fi lm and modern drama the images mobilized the popular nationalist appeal by staging romance and spectacle e

139 For example George L Mossersquos pioneering study Nationalism and Sexuality was one of the fi rst attempts to bridge the gap between analyses that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous constructs demonstrating complex ways these two categories interact with constitute and illuminate each other George L Mosse Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York Howard Fer-tig 1985) 140 Ban Wang e Sublime Figure of History Aesthetics and Politics in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) especially 123-54

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend

53S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

helliphellip119

By depicting a sexually and politically aggressive woman Xia intends to draw attention to the male moral irresponsibility and insuffi ciency and to expose the corruption of contemporary politics Xia refutes the political and moral corruption conventionally attributed to Sai Jinhua and refuses to treat her as a sex freak responsible for the downfall of the country obviously poking fun at this traditional rhetoric His new characterization of Sai in an extremely positive light certainly diff erentiates him from the traditional literati such as Fan Zengxiang However when Xia uses Sai and her story to consciously counteract a traditionalist cultural construct and elevate her to the status of patriotic heroine against the backdrop of political corruption this feminist approach is trapped in the very same logic it intends to subvertmdasheither holding the female body responsible for political calamity or making it a symbol of political goals erefore it is doubtful that Xiarsquos approach functions as an important intervention in the gender hierarchy and politics In addition Empress Dowager Cixi (mentioned twice in the play) serves as the antithesis of Sai Jinhua and becomes a dissipated woman who brings about the downfall of the country At one point there is a reference to the Empress Dowager when Sai is puzzled by some artworks drawn by German soldiers on the wall during her visit to the Yiluan Palace Waldersee explains ldquo e guy is Li Lianying

[the eunuch] and that naked woman is that old virago (lao pofu ) who manipulated the Boxer bandits to kill the foreignersrdquo120

Although the burlesque language and lewd image are intended to be satirical the dialogue suggests that Xia shares the popular belief that Empress Dowager Cixi was a lustful woman who caused political crisis

Tracing the literary genealogies of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua so far has made clear that these two womenrsquos fates are closely connected to that of the empress dowager e mutation of Cixirsquos image in the twentieth century itself constitutes a major research topic and is beyond the scope of the present study Simply put the evolution of Zhen Feirsquos

119 Xia Yan Sai Jinhua 44 Trans mine120 Xia Yan Sai Jinhua 68

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6454

and Sai Jinhuarsquos images almost parallels the vilifi cation of Cixirsquos both in offi cial historiography and in the popular imagination Whether the female body is made to signify the national spirit or blamed for national disaster the gender paradigm remains the same In this regard Xia Yan also unwittingly echoes the very assumptions of the gender discourse against which he wrote so incisively

Like Yao Ke Xia Yan employs cross-dressing as a key element in a crucial scene or as a pivotal part of characterization and in doing so constructs a glamorous masculine female fi gure According to Sai Jinhuarsquos legend she would ride a magnifi cent horse around the capital amid chaos to curb the atrocities of the foreign troops She was known as ldquoSai Eryerdquo (Second Master Sai) after she formed a brotherhood with one of her patrons121 In Act Two Sai wears male clothes and courageously stops the onslaught of German soldiers Stereotypically masculine attributes such as courage intelligence and dedication are emphatically portrayed in the play Xia Yan honors her as ldquoNoble man among womenrdquo (jinguo zhong de dazhangfu ) and asserts ldquoIf you look all over the great Qing empire you canrsquot fi nd another one like herrdquo ( zhaobian da Qing meiyou dierge

)122 Positive masculine images of women were in demand in order to enable a crucial identifi cation by both men and women since the nation was at the brink of war However like the Zhen Fei character in the fi lm Sai is a woman e cross-dressing does not counter eroticism it simply off ers a diff erent type of sexual expression structured around male desire for and identifi cation with a strong and alluring female fi gure It is hard to determine whether the image of diff erent types of sexuality the feminine charm coexisting with masculine prowess did more to incite lofty nationalist sentiment or to satisfy erotic pleasure perhaps it did both equally

Xia Yanrsquos play and its performance received a very enthusiastic response and caused some sensational news at the time it opened His leftist ideology necessitated that he defend himself from various misinter-pretations of the complex character he had created Although the play

121 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 22 For her own account of riding the horse to save people see 36122 Xia Yan Sai Jinhua 47

55S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

was praised as a ldquogreat harvestrdquo for the ldquonational defense literaturerdquo (guofang wenxue ) by the Communist Party the comments emanating from two meetings in Shanghai were not all fl attering123 e discussions initiated by the play captured the uneasy tensions that existed between the creation of a subject of national signifi cance and the making of a sexual object Even though most of the panelists off ered a generally positive assessment they voiced profound disgust for the emotionalism or romanticism at the heart of the play ese contradictory attitudes stemmed from their recognition of the playrsquos potential to be popular which would surely be benefi cial to the national defense movement and what they perceived as its weakness the apotheosis of a dubious individual instead of an honoring of collective mass action Instead of making a national allegory through the female body participants from the panels believed that Xia should approach and engage with the subject matter of imperialism in a far more direct manner ey seem to have failed to recognize the emotional power and media sensation that could be induced by focusing on the female body Some of the remarks further betray their misogynist views How could this morally suspect individual possibly symbolize lofty ideals and the collective feelings of the entire nation e nationalist movement should be distanced from it124

e play directed by a group of famous theater directors including Ouyang Yuqian (1889-1962) opened on November 19 1936 in the Jincheng eater in Shanghai It ran for twenty-two consecutive performances becoming a resounding success with about 30000 people coming to see it125 is gratifi ed the Leftist Writersrsquo League which wanted to reach a wide audience to mobilize the masses Sai Jinhua on her deathbed was too frail to attend the premiere126

123 See ldquoSai Jinhua zuotan huirdquo conducted on April 16 1936 with eleven left-leaning critics including Ling He Zhang Min and Zhang Geng in ZLXB 13-24 Original publication in Wenxuejie inaugural issue (1936) See also ldquoSai Jinhua pingzuordquo conducted on November 22 1936 with Qian Yishi

A Ying and fi ve other people in ZLXB 25-33 Original publication in Dawan bao Nov 24 1936

124 ldquoSai Jinhua zuotanhuirdquo in ZLXB 13-24125 ZLXB 43126 See ldquoShanghai huajutuanti qing Sai Jinhua nanxiardquo Dagong bao Nov 19 1936

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6456

Her death in the same month added another dimension of drama to the show e outpouring of widely reported news and the rehashing of juicy fabricated details of her story created yet another gendered spectacle parallel to the show (Figure 7) e play was performed by Sishi niandai jushe and the actress Wang Ying (1913-74) who won the role over Jiang Qing (later to be known as Madame Mao 1914-91) played Sai Jinhua127 It is reported that Wang Ying eff ectively captured the coquettishness of Sai Jinhuarsquos character128

e content of the advertisement for the play published in Zhongyang ribao deserves some analysis e text in the ad promises a thrilling experience but the picture heralds an ambiguous message e actress Wang Yingrsquos slim delicate body is draped over the guns covering them signifying that she single-handedly saves the nation from foreign invaders (Figure 8) In the top right-hand corner the tilted image of the city wall might simply suggests a city besieged and a nation in crisis However it also immediately evokes a Chinese household phrase about the beauty who ldquotopples the city and the countryrdquo (qingguo qingcheng ) meaning that the collapse of the country or of the dynasty may always be attributed to beauty So the ad not only displays Wang Yingrsquos beautiful body and feminine charms to attract public attention but also suggests two confl icting messages perhaps in an attempt to target audiences on both sides

Xia Yanrsquos nationalistic and feminist message may not have come across exactly the way he intended An essay by Mao Dun (1896-1981) the important leftist writer gives us a glimpse of the showrsquos reception Mao Dun was very uncomfortable with the audiencersquos responses to the play and voiced his dismay and condemnation He comments on the audiencersquos applause in the theater ldquoAs for the applause repeated twice even thrice I was appalled at them However I also understand the psychology of the audiences in doing so ey came

127 Jiang Qing competed for the role but lost to Wang Ying It is believed that this is why Wang died of political persecution during the Cultural Revolution It is also intriguing to observe that the very same logic of attributing political failure to the female was perpetu-ated again when Jiang Qing went to trial for her role in the disastrous Cultural Revolution 128 See Lin ldquoKan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquo hourdquo in ZLXB 44

57S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

to see lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo129 One of the scenes at which the audience applauded was at the end of Act ree when Sai Jinhua shouts at German offi cers ldquoDonrsquot touch my hand is was the hand that shook hands with the wife of your Emperor Fredrickrdquo In evoking the empressrsquos name Sai cleverly stops the offi cersrsquo sexual advances suggesting that if they crossed

129 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo in ZLXB 8 Italics added Original publica-tion in Zhongliu 1 no 8 (1936)

Figure 7 News on the death of Sai Jinhua Dagongbao December 5 1937

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6458

the line they would in eff ect be engaging in inappropriate contact with their own royal family e ploy is eff ective e fl irtatious verbal exchanges and the innuendoes of physical contact off er the audience a quick vicarious thrill Another occasion when laughter erupted during the show was when one character made fun of the fact that Sai

Figure 8 e advertisement of the play Sai Jinhua Zhongyang ribao December 17 1937

59S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

slept with the ldquored-haired foreign devilsrdquo e audiencersquos mirth frustrated Mao Dun as did the attention focused on and enjoyment derived from Sairsquos romantic escapades which had little to do with any act of patriotism and everything to do with the fact that she was a public woman who slept with numerous men Hence Mao Dunrsquos comments about the bawdiness of the show and the prurience of its audiences130 eater as a particular mode of community can cultivate the spectatorsrsquo shared enjoyment and unbridled fantasy It is clear that Mao Dun neglected to consider that ldquoloftyrdquo communal sentiments can be engendered by collective enjoyment of a ldquobaserdquo emotion in this lively social space

On the night of February 22 1937 Zhang Daofan (1897-1968) the head of the Propaganda Bureau of the GMD government allegedly led some hooligans to disrupt the playrsquos performance in the Guomin dajuyuan in Nanjing He succeeded in creating a ruckus and even threw a cuspidor onto the stage The GMD consequently banned the play and thus on the 23rd the theater showed instead the play Qiu Jin which is about the authentic revolutionary martyr and female cross-dresser Qiu Jin (1875-1907)131 Zhang Daofan however provided a diff erent version of the story and published an essay to try to clear his name in it he claims that what he heard from his friends was that the play was generally regarded as good but many of the performance venues were seen as ldquoobscenerdquo (rouma )132 e Internal Aff airs Bureau issued an order banning any further performances (although the script had initially been passed by the censors) nationwide stating that ldquothe life story of Sai Jinhua would denigrate national dignityrdquo (Sai Jinhua shengping shiji you fangai Zhongguo zunyan zhichu )133 e performance of Sai Jinhua in Nanjing also had a negative eff ect on Xiong Foxirsquos play which was originally scheduled for March 25

130 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuardquo 7-10131 See ad in Dagong bao March 22 1937 See also Xiju shenchahui ldquoChufa Sishi niandai jusherdquo Zhongyang ribao Feb 25 1937132 Zhang Daofan ldquolsquoSai Jinhuarsquo juzhong wuru Zhongguoren bufei yinqi de jiufenrdquo

in ZLXB 45 Original publication in Zhongyang ribao Feb 24 1937 133 ldquoDe Dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong Bao March 18 19376

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6460

1937 in the Xinxin eater in Beijing134 Even the German embassy sent a request to the Beijing government requesting that they ban the play believing that the story of the prostitute and the German commander would ldquotarnish the body politicrdquo ( youru guoti ) Both sides Chinese and German ldquofelt embarrassedrdquo (nankan zhichu

)135 Resorting to the old rhetoric about the profane female body being responsible for bringing down the dynasty the government stated that continuing the show would stigmatize the state and interfere with international politics e ambiguities of this international liaison were well captured in literary imaginings such as Niehai hua (as David Wang and Hu Ying astutely observe) at the beginning of the twentieth century this same defi led female body was now believed to contaminate international politics at a sensitive moment in the late 1930s e statersquos censorship paradoxically reveals that it recognized the play as a powerful articulation of national emotions through a fantasy about a heroic female It also indicates deep-seated fear about the fever of prurience inspired by Sai whose portrayal may indeed have achieved the eff ect that the writer Xia Yan originally intended a parody of Chinarsquos weak defense and foreign policy Both the leftist writersrsquo group and the GMD state were extremely uncomfortable with the fact that the female protagonist used her sexuality to save the nationmdashnot because they cared about her individual life but because the entrenched view about ldquodirtyrdquo sexuality made them pledge their willingness to sacrifi ce for the nation in order to save face

Just two months before his death in the throes of illness Lu Xun(1881-1936) wrote an essay Zhe yeshi shenghuo ( is

is also life) in his characteristic scathing tone ldquoNow writing has its lsquomost central themersquo even Sai Jinhua who slept with Waldersee German commander-in-chief during the Boxer Rebellion has long been glorifi ed as the Goddess of the Ninth Heaven (Jiutian huguo niangniang

)rdquo136 is comment often quoted out of context has always been understood as Lursquos attack on Xiarsquos play Sai Jinhua and because

134 Dagong bao March 24 1937 135 See ldquoDe dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong bao March 18 19376136 Lu Xun ldquoZhe yeshi shenghuordquo Zhujieting zawen fuji in Lu Xun quanji 6602

61S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of this alleged aspersion Xia Yan suff ered great ordeals during the Cultural Revolution Lu Xun who espoused a diff erent leftist philosophy from Xia Yan and his camp did express his own opinion on the issue of ldquonational defense literaturerdquo However as Wei Shaochang and others point out there is no evidence showing that Lu Xun near death actually read Xia Yanrsquos play So we should consider his comments not so much as a specifi c criticism of the play but as a general observation about a social phenomenon that was well under way in the 1930s namely the rampant proliferation of sensational representations of Sai enabled by mass media137 Lursquos essay consistently reveals his penetrating insights and his caveats against a malicious public gaze and ideological control Lu Xunrsquos caution shows that he not only did not believe that Sai played a critical role in saving the nation (although it suggests that he might have taken Sairsquos liaison with Waldersee for granted) but also deeply detested using the female body to further a nationalistic and revolutionary cause and frowned upon capitalizing on the female body for erotic pleasure and profi t By targeting the popularity of Sai Jinhua and the links forged between everyday life and the nationalistic cause Lu Xun urges readers to be cautious of future trends of replicating female images in the new mass media and new political ideologies appropriating them for their own vested interests

Put in simple terms the leftist camp regarded titillating content as vulgar and having limited aesthetic or ideological signifi cance and acknowledged that prurience can have a debasing eff ect on lofty nationalistic and revolutionary ideas For the GMD propaganda machine the nationalistic message came at a time of confl ict when they found it particularly insulting to be pitted against a prostitute portrayed as better than they were For Lu Xun this was a perfect case of the malicious gaze of the masses voraciously consuming the female body e authors Xian Yan Xiong Foxi and others well aware of the allegorical value of Sairsquos story hoped to take advantage of its popularity and sensuousness to eff ectively convey a nationalistic message As for the audiences they derived much visual pleasure erotic and spiritual from viewing the show and imagining the female body Sai Jinhuarsquos story is an exceptionally fascinating case of the representation of a

137 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 63

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6462

defi led female body becoming a contested site and clearly illustrates the cross-fertilizations and the contradictions among the interrelated forces of nationalism gender and the public space

Conclusion

Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua were certainly not the only instances of such allegory in the Republican era During this war-torn decade of Chinarsquos history national identity repeatedly took shape around womenrsquos bodies and found expression through images of romantic or sexual relation-ships Other heroines who were similarly apotheosized include Pan Jinlian Hua Mulan Ge Nennian Li Xiangjun

the Women Warriors of the Yang Family (Yangmen nuumljiang ) and Qiu Jin to name a few138 e female Others

became embodiments of values and spirit in a country in chaos viewersrsquo longing to devote themselves to the nation even to the point of martyrdom was addressed through projection fantasy and passionate identifi cation ese females in their new patriotic garb were held up as models for both contemporary menrsquos and womenrsquos participation in the national movement Grand abstract concepts concerned with new political and cultural circumstances gained some expression richness and emotional appeal when the poets attributed public purpose to these idealized female fi gures facilitating collective identifi cation

e theoretical concerns of this paper are mainly two intertwined issues First I have tried to present the mutations of the womenrsquos images in their historical contexts to vividly elucidate the constructedness and the fi ctionality of these heroic female fi gures Second primarily through dissecting gendered imagination and desire I have emphasized that the charging of these images with romantic or erotic signifi cance informs or enhances expressions and experiences of the formation of modern nationhood Representation of the female body as a material site for inscriptions of ideology sexuality and power has been much

138 For more discussion on female symbols of resistance in wartime theater see Chang-tai Hung War and Popular Culture Resistance in Modern China 1937-1945 (Berkeley Uni-versity of California Press 1994) 64-78

63S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

discussed in contemporary gender studies139 In modern Chinese literary criticism signifi cant attention has been paid to relationships between discourses of the nation and sexuality but scholars tend to focus on how nationalism and other political discourses exercising hegemonic power suppressed the expression of private erotic desire However guided by the theoretical works of Slavoj Žižek and others Ban Wang among others probes into the issue of politico-libidinal pleasure in relation to the political discourse He cogently argues with an emphasis on the individual agency involved in the process that politico-libidinal pleasure was transformed and enriched politics exerting an emotional impact and eff ectively establishing a hold on the political imagination140 I have also explored the mutually allegorizing relationship be tween the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality in the context of Republican China and delved into the constitutions and structures of subjectivities through national narratives I have argued that sentiment emotional appeal and erotic enjoyment help to sustain and even structure the collective and imaginative enterprise of building a national identity

e images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua have been variously depicted and eventually became symbols of phenomena and institutions that extend far beyond the parameters of the womenrsquos own life stories e heroic androgynous free-spirited nature of these images the adoption of cross-dressing in costume the gendered narratives of sacrifi ce and the romantic and erotic overtones were their shared characteristics While Zhen Fei consistently encapsulated the disappearing high literati culture and sense of loss Sai Jinhua was vulnerable to the mass mediarsquos appetite for a promiscuous woman both eventually rose to be moral exemplars and national emblems in wartime China With the advent of the new media of fi lm and modern drama the images mobilized the popular nationalist appeal by staging romance and spectacle e

139 For example George L Mossersquos pioneering study Nationalism and Sexuality was one of the fi rst attempts to bridge the gap between analyses that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous constructs demonstrating complex ways these two categories interact with constitute and illuminate each other George L Mosse Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York Howard Fer-tig 1985) 140 Ban Wang e Sublime Figure of History Aesthetics and Politics in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) especially 123-54

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6454

and Sai Jinhuarsquos images almost parallels the vilifi cation of Cixirsquos both in offi cial historiography and in the popular imagination Whether the female body is made to signify the national spirit or blamed for national disaster the gender paradigm remains the same In this regard Xia Yan also unwittingly echoes the very assumptions of the gender discourse against which he wrote so incisively

Like Yao Ke Xia Yan employs cross-dressing as a key element in a crucial scene or as a pivotal part of characterization and in doing so constructs a glamorous masculine female fi gure According to Sai Jinhuarsquos legend she would ride a magnifi cent horse around the capital amid chaos to curb the atrocities of the foreign troops She was known as ldquoSai Eryerdquo (Second Master Sai) after she formed a brotherhood with one of her patrons121 In Act Two Sai wears male clothes and courageously stops the onslaught of German soldiers Stereotypically masculine attributes such as courage intelligence and dedication are emphatically portrayed in the play Xia Yan honors her as ldquoNoble man among womenrdquo (jinguo zhong de dazhangfu ) and asserts ldquoIf you look all over the great Qing empire you canrsquot fi nd another one like herrdquo ( zhaobian da Qing meiyou dierge

)122 Positive masculine images of women were in demand in order to enable a crucial identifi cation by both men and women since the nation was at the brink of war However like the Zhen Fei character in the fi lm Sai is a woman e cross-dressing does not counter eroticism it simply off ers a diff erent type of sexual expression structured around male desire for and identifi cation with a strong and alluring female fi gure It is hard to determine whether the image of diff erent types of sexuality the feminine charm coexisting with masculine prowess did more to incite lofty nationalist sentiment or to satisfy erotic pleasure perhaps it did both equally

Xia Yanrsquos play and its performance received a very enthusiastic response and caused some sensational news at the time it opened His leftist ideology necessitated that he defend himself from various misinter-pretations of the complex character he had created Although the play

121 Liu Bannong Sai Jinhua benshi 22 For her own account of riding the horse to save people see 36122 Xia Yan Sai Jinhua 47

55S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

was praised as a ldquogreat harvestrdquo for the ldquonational defense literaturerdquo (guofang wenxue ) by the Communist Party the comments emanating from two meetings in Shanghai were not all fl attering123 e discussions initiated by the play captured the uneasy tensions that existed between the creation of a subject of national signifi cance and the making of a sexual object Even though most of the panelists off ered a generally positive assessment they voiced profound disgust for the emotionalism or romanticism at the heart of the play ese contradictory attitudes stemmed from their recognition of the playrsquos potential to be popular which would surely be benefi cial to the national defense movement and what they perceived as its weakness the apotheosis of a dubious individual instead of an honoring of collective mass action Instead of making a national allegory through the female body participants from the panels believed that Xia should approach and engage with the subject matter of imperialism in a far more direct manner ey seem to have failed to recognize the emotional power and media sensation that could be induced by focusing on the female body Some of the remarks further betray their misogynist views How could this morally suspect individual possibly symbolize lofty ideals and the collective feelings of the entire nation e nationalist movement should be distanced from it124

e play directed by a group of famous theater directors including Ouyang Yuqian (1889-1962) opened on November 19 1936 in the Jincheng eater in Shanghai It ran for twenty-two consecutive performances becoming a resounding success with about 30000 people coming to see it125 is gratifi ed the Leftist Writersrsquo League which wanted to reach a wide audience to mobilize the masses Sai Jinhua on her deathbed was too frail to attend the premiere126

123 See ldquoSai Jinhua zuotan huirdquo conducted on April 16 1936 with eleven left-leaning critics including Ling He Zhang Min and Zhang Geng in ZLXB 13-24 Original publication in Wenxuejie inaugural issue (1936) See also ldquoSai Jinhua pingzuordquo conducted on November 22 1936 with Qian Yishi

A Ying and fi ve other people in ZLXB 25-33 Original publication in Dawan bao Nov 24 1936

124 ldquoSai Jinhua zuotanhuirdquo in ZLXB 13-24125 ZLXB 43126 See ldquoShanghai huajutuanti qing Sai Jinhua nanxiardquo Dagong bao Nov 19 1936

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6456

Her death in the same month added another dimension of drama to the show e outpouring of widely reported news and the rehashing of juicy fabricated details of her story created yet another gendered spectacle parallel to the show (Figure 7) e play was performed by Sishi niandai jushe and the actress Wang Ying (1913-74) who won the role over Jiang Qing (later to be known as Madame Mao 1914-91) played Sai Jinhua127 It is reported that Wang Ying eff ectively captured the coquettishness of Sai Jinhuarsquos character128

e content of the advertisement for the play published in Zhongyang ribao deserves some analysis e text in the ad promises a thrilling experience but the picture heralds an ambiguous message e actress Wang Yingrsquos slim delicate body is draped over the guns covering them signifying that she single-handedly saves the nation from foreign invaders (Figure 8) In the top right-hand corner the tilted image of the city wall might simply suggests a city besieged and a nation in crisis However it also immediately evokes a Chinese household phrase about the beauty who ldquotopples the city and the countryrdquo (qingguo qingcheng ) meaning that the collapse of the country or of the dynasty may always be attributed to beauty So the ad not only displays Wang Yingrsquos beautiful body and feminine charms to attract public attention but also suggests two confl icting messages perhaps in an attempt to target audiences on both sides

Xia Yanrsquos nationalistic and feminist message may not have come across exactly the way he intended An essay by Mao Dun (1896-1981) the important leftist writer gives us a glimpse of the showrsquos reception Mao Dun was very uncomfortable with the audiencersquos responses to the play and voiced his dismay and condemnation He comments on the audiencersquos applause in the theater ldquoAs for the applause repeated twice even thrice I was appalled at them However I also understand the psychology of the audiences in doing so ey came

127 Jiang Qing competed for the role but lost to Wang Ying It is believed that this is why Wang died of political persecution during the Cultural Revolution It is also intriguing to observe that the very same logic of attributing political failure to the female was perpetu-ated again when Jiang Qing went to trial for her role in the disastrous Cultural Revolution 128 See Lin ldquoKan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquo hourdquo in ZLXB 44

57S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

to see lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo129 One of the scenes at which the audience applauded was at the end of Act ree when Sai Jinhua shouts at German offi cers ldquoDonrsquot touch my hand is was the hand that shook hands with the wife of your Emperor Fredrickrdquo In evoking the empressrsquos name Sai cleverly stops the offi cersrsquo sexual advances suggesting that if they crossed

129 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo in ZLXB 8 Italics added Original publica-tion in Zhongliu 1 no 8 (1936)

Figure 7 News on the death of Sai Jinhua Dagongbao December 5 1937

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6458

the line they would in eff ect be engaging in inappropriate contact with their own royal family e ploy is eff ective e fl irtatious verbal exchanges and the innuendoes of physical contact off er the audience a quick vicarious thrill Another occasion when laughter erupted during the show was when one character made fun of the fact that Sai

Figure 8 e advertisement of the play Sai Jinhua Zhongyang ribao December 17 1937

59S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

slept with the ldquored-haired foreign devilsrdquo e audiencersquos mirth frustrated Mao Dun as did the attention focused on and enjoyment derived from Sairsquos romantic escapades which had little to do with any act of patriotism and everything to do with the fact that she was a public woman who slept with numerous men Hence Mao Dunrsquos comments about the bawdiness of the show and the prurience of its audiences130 eater as a particular mode of community can cultivate the spectatorsrsquo shared enjoyment and unbridled fantasy It is clear that Mao Dun neglected to consider that ldquoloftyrdquo communal sentiments can be engendered by collective enjoyment of a ldquobaserdquo emotion in this lively social space

On the night of February 22 1937 Zhang Daofan (1897-1968) the head of the Propaganda Bureau of the GMD government allegedly led some hooligans to disrupt the playrsquos performance in the Guomin dajuyuan in Nanjing He succeeded in creating a ruckus and even threw a cuspidor onto the stage The GMD consequently banned the play and thus on the 23rd the theater showed instead the play Qiu Jin which is about the authentic revolutionary martyr and female cross-dresser Qiu Jin (1875-1907)131 Zhang Daofan however provided a diff erent version of the story and published an essay to try to clear his name in it he claims that what he heard from his friends was that the play was generally regarded as good but many of the performance venues were seen as ldquoobscenerdquo (rouma )132 e Internal Aff airs Bureau issued an order banning any further performances (although the script had initially been passed by the censors) nationwide stating that ldquothe life story of Sai Jinhua would denigrate national dignityrdquo (Sai Jinhua shengping shiji you fangai Zhongguo zunyan zhichu )133 e performance of Sai Jinhua in Nanjing also had a negative eff ect on Xiong Foxirsquos play which was originally scheduled for March 25

130 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuardquo 7-10131 See ad in Dagong bao March 22 1937 See also Xiju shenchahui ldquoChufa Sishi niandai jusherdquo Zhongyang ribao Feb 25 1937132 Zhang Daofan ldquolsquoSai Jinhuarsquo juzhong wuru Zhongguoren bufei yinqi de jiufenrdquo

in ZLXB 45 Original publication in Zhongyang ribao Feb 24 1937 133 ldquoDe Dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong Bao March 18 19376

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6460

1937 in the Xinxin eater in Beijing134 Even the German embassy sent a request to the Beijing government requesting that they ban the play believing that the story of the prostitute and the German commander would ldquotarnish the body politicrdquo ( youru guoti ) Both sides Chinese and German ldquofelt embarrassedrdquo (nankan zhichu

)135 Resorting to the old rhetoric about the profane female body being responsible for bringing down the dynasty the government stated that continuing the show would stigmatize the state and interfere with international politics e ambiguities of this international liaison were well captured in literary imaginings such as Niehai hua (as David Wang and Hu Ying astutely observe) at the beginning of the twentieth century this same defi led female body was now believed to contaminate international politics at a sensitive moment in the late 1930s e statersquos censorship paradoxically reveals that it recognized the play as a powerful articulation of national emotions through a fantasy about a heroic female It also indicates deep-seated fear about the fever of prurience inspired by Sai whose portrayal may indeed have achieved the eff ect that the writer Xia Yan originally intended a parody of Chinarsquos weak defense and foreign policy Both the leftist writersrsquo group and the GMD state were extremely uncomfortable with the fact that the female protagonist used her sexuality to save the nationmdashnot because they cared about her individual life but because the entrenched view about ldquodirtyrdquo sexuality made them pledge their willingness to sacrifi ce for the nation in order to save face

Just two months before his death in the throes of illness Lu Xun(1881-1936) wrote an essay Zhe yeshi shenghuo ( is

is also life) in his characteristic scathing tone ldquoNow writing has its lsquomost central themersquo even Sai Jinhua who slept with Waldersee German commander-in-chief during the Boxer Rebellion has long been glorifi ed as the Goddess of the Ninth Heaven (Jiutian huguo niangniang

)rdquo136 is comment often quoted out of context has always been understood as Lursquos attack on Xiarsquos play Sai Jinhua and because

134 Dagong bao March 24 1937 135 See ldquoDe dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong bao March 18 19376136 Lu Xun ldquoZhe yeshi shenghuordquo Zhujieting zawen fuji in Lu Xun quanji 6602

61S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of this alleged aspersion Xia Yan suff ered great ordeals during the Cultural Revolution Lu Xun who espoused a diff erent leftist philosophy from Xia Yan and his camp did express his own opinion on the issue of ldquonational defense literaturerdquo However as Wei Shaochang and others point out there is no evidence showing that Lu Xun near death actually read Xia Yanrsquos play So we should consider his comments not so much as a specifi c criticism of the play but as a general observation about a social phenomenon that was well under way in the 1930s namely the rampant proliferation of sensational representations of Sai enabled by mass media137 Lursquos essay consistently reveals his penetrating insights and his caveats against a malicious public gaze and ideological control Lu Xunrsquos caution shows that he not only did not believe that Sai played a critical role in saving the nation (although it suggests that he might have taken Sairsquos liaison with Waldersee for granted) but also deeply detested using the female body to further a nationalistic and revolutionary cause and frowned upon capitalizing on the female body for erotic pleasure and profi t By targeting the popularity of Sai Jinhua and the links forged between everyday life and the nationalistic cause Lu Xun urges readers to be cautious of future trends of replicating female images in the new mass media and new political ideologies appropriating them for their own vested interests

Put in simple terms the leftist camp regarded titillating content as vulgar and having limited aesthetic or ideological signifi cance and acknowledged that prurience can have a debasing eff ect on lofty nationalistic and revolutionary ideas For the GMD propaganda machine the nationalistic message came at a time of confl ict when they found it particularly insulting to be pitted against a prostitute portrayed as better than they were For Lu Xun this was a perfect case of the malicious gaze of the masses voraciously consuming the female body e authors Xian Yan Xiong Foxi and others well aware of the allegorical value of Sairsquos story hoped to take advantage of its popularity and sensuousness to eff ectively convey a nationalistic message As for the audiences they derived much visual pleasure erotic and spiritual from viewing the show and imagining the female body Sai Jinhuarsquos story is an exceptionally fascinating case of the representation of a

137 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 63

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6462

defi led female body becoming a contested site and clearly illustrates the cross-fertilizations and the contradictions among the interrelated forces of nationalism gender and the public space

Conclusion

Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua were certainly not the only instances of such allegory in the Republican era During this war-torn decade of Chinarsquos history national identity repeatedly took shape around womenrsquos bodies and found expression through images of romantic or sexual relation-ships Other heroines who were similarly apotheosized include Pan Jinlian Hua Mulan Ge Nennian Li Xiangjun

the Women Warriors of the Yang Family (Yangmen nuumljiang ) and Qiu Jin to name a few138 e female Others

became embodiments of values and spirit in a country in chaos viewersrsquo longing to devote themselves to the nation even to the point of martyrdom was addressed through projection fantasy and passionate identifi cation ese females in their new patriotic garb were held up as models for both contemporary menrsquos and womenrsquos participation in the national movement Grand abstract concepts concerned with new political and cultural circumstances gained some expression richness and emotional appeal when the poets attributed public purpose to these idealized female fi gures facilitating collective identifi cation

e theoretical concerns of this paper are mainly two intertwined issues First I have tried to present the mutations of the womenrsquos images in their historical contexts to vividly elucidate the constructedness and the fi ctionality of these heroic female fi gures Second primarily through dissecting gendered imagination and desire I have emphasized that the charging of these images with romantic or erotic signifi cance informs or enhances expressions and experiences of the formation of modern nationhood Representation of the female body as a material site for inscriptions of ideology sexuality and power has been much

138 For more discussion on female symbols of resistance in wartime theater see Chang-tai Hung War and Popular Culture Resistance in Modern China 1937-1945 (Berkeley Uni-versity of California Press 1994) 64-78

63S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

discussed in contemporary gender studies139 In modern Chinese literary criticism signifi cant attention has been paid to relationships between discourses of the nation and sexuality but scholars tend to focus on how nationalism and other political discourses exercising hegemonic power suppressed the expression of private erotic desire However guided by the theoretical works of Slavoj Žižek and others Ban Wang among others probes into the issue of politico-libidinal pleasure in relation to the political discourse He cogently argues with an emphasis on the individual agency involved in the process that politico-libidinal pleasure was transformed and enriched politics exerting an emotional impact and eff ectively establishing a hold on the political imagination140 I have also explored the mutually allegorizing relationship be tween the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality in the context of Republican China and delved into the constitutions and structures of subjectivities through national narratives I have argued that sentiment emotional appeal and erotic enjoyment help to sustain and even structure the collective and imaginative enterprise of building a national identity

e images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua have been variously depicted and eventually became symbols of phenomena and institutions that extend far beyond the parameters of the womenrsquos own life stories e heroic androgynous free-spirited nature of these images the adoption of cross-dressing in costume the gendered narratives of sacrifi ce and the romantic and erotic overtones were their shared characteristics While Zhen Fei consistently encapsulated the disappearing high literati culture and sense of loss Sai Jinhua was vulnerable to the mass mediarsquos appetite for a promiscuous woman both eventually rose to be moral exemplars and national emblems in wartime China With the advent of the new media of fi lm and modern drama the images mobilized the popular nationalist appeal by staging romance and spectacle e

139 For example George L Mossersquos pioneering study Nationalism and Sexuality was one of the fi rst attempts to bridge the gap between analyses that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous constructs demonstrating complex ways these two categories interact with constitute and illuminate each other George L Mosse Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York Howard Fer-tig 1985) 140 Ban Wang e Sublime Figure of History Aesthetics and Politics in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) especially 123-54

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend

55S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

was praised as a ldquogreat harvestrdquo for the ldquonational defense literaturerdquo (guofang wenxue ) by the Communist Party the comments emanating from two meetings in Shanghai were not all fl attering123 e discussions initiated by the play captured the uneasy tensions that existed between the creation of a subject of national signifi cance and the making of a sexual object Even though most of the panelists off ered a generally positive assessment they voiced profound disgust for the emotionalism or romanticism at the heart of the play ese contradictory attitudes stemmed from their recognition of the playrsquos potential to be popular which would surely be benefi cial to the national defense movement and what they perceived as its weakness the apotheosis of a dubious individual instead of an honoring of collective mass action Instead of making a national allegory through the female body participants from the panels believed that Xia should approach and engage with the subject matter of imperialism in a far more direct manner ey seem to have failed to recognize the emotional power and media sensation that could be induced by focusing on the female body Some of the remarks further betray their misogynist views How could this morally suspect individual possibly symbolize lofty ideals and the collective feelings of the entire nation e nationalist movement should be distanced from it124

e play directed by a group of famous theater directors including Ouyang Yuqian (1889-1962) opened on November 19 1936 in the Jincheng eater in Shanghai It ran for twenty-two consecutive performances becoming a resounding success with about 30000 people coming to see it125 is gratifi ed the Leftist Writersrsquo League which wanted to reach a wide audience to mobilize the masses Sai Jinhua on her deathbed was too frail to attend the premiere126

123 See ldquoSai Jinhua zuotan huirdquo conducted on April 16 1936 with eleven left-leaning critics including Ling He Zhang Min and Zhang Geng in ZLXB 13-24 Original publication in Wenxuejie inaugural issue (1936) See also ldquoSai Jinhua pingzuordquo conducted on November 22 1936 with Qian Yishi

A Ying and fi ve other people in ZLXB 25-33 Original publication in Dawan bao Nov 24 1936

124 ldquoSai Jinhua zuotanhuirdquo in ZLXB 13-24125 ZLXB 43126 See ldquoShanghai huajutuanti qing Sai Jinhua nanxiardquo Dagong bao Nov 19 1936

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6456

Her death in the same month added another dimension of drama to the show e outpouring of widely reported news and the rehashing of juicy fabricated details of her story created yet another gendered spectacle parallel to the show (Figure 7) e play was performed by Sishi niandai jushe and the actress Wang Ying (1913-74) who won the role over Jiang Qing (later to be known as Madame Mao 1914-91) played Sai Jinhua127 It is reported that Wang Ying eff ectively captured the coquettishness of Sai Jinhuarsquos character128

e content of the advertisement for the play published in Zhongyang ribao deserves some analysis e text in the ad promises a thrilling experience but the picture heralds an ambiguous message e actress Wang Yingrsquos slim delicate body is draped over the guns covering them signifying that she single-handedly saves the nation from foreign invaders (Figure 8) In the top right-hand corner the tilted image of the city wall might simply suggests a city besieged and a nation in crisis However it also immediately evokes a Chinese household phrase about the beauty who ldquotopples the city and the countryrdquo (qingguo qingcheng ) meaning that the collapse of the country or of the dynasty may always be attributed to beauty So the ad not only displays Wang Yingrsquos beautiful body and feminine charms to attract public attention but also suggests two confl icting messages perhaps in an attempt to target audiences on both sides

Xia Yanrsquos nationalistic and feminist message may not have come across exactly the way he intended An essay by Mao Dun (1896-1981) the important leftist writer gives us a glimpse of the showrsquos reception Mao Dun was very uncomfortable with the audiencersquos responses to the play and voiced his dismay and condemnation He comments on the audiencersquos applause in the theater ldquoAs for the applause repeated twice even thrice I was appalled at them However I also understand the psychology of the audiences in doing so ey came

127 Jiang Qing competed for the role but lost to Wang Ying It is believed that this is why Wang died of political persecution during the Cultural Revolution It is also intriguing to observe that the very same logic of attributing political failure to the female was perpetu-ated again when Jiang Qing went to trial for her role in the disastrous Cultural Revolution 128 See Lin ldquoKan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquo hourdquo in ZLXB 44

57S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

to see lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo129 One of the scenes at which the audience applauded was at the end of Act ree when Sai Jinhua shouts at German offi cers ldquoDonrsquot touch my hand is was the hand that shook hands with the wife of your Emperor Fredrickrdquo In evoking the empressrsquos name Sai cleverly stops the offi cersrsquo sexual advances suggesting that if they crossed

129 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo in ZLXB 8 Italics added Original publica-tion in Zhongliu 1 no 8 (1936)

Figure 7 News on the death of Sai Jinhua Dagongbao December 5 1937

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6458

the line they would in eff ect be engaging in inappropriate contact with their own royal family e ploy is eff ective e fl irtatious verbal exchanges and the innuendoes of physical contact off er the audience a quick vicarious thrill Another occasion when laughter erupted during the show was when one character made fun of the fact that Sai

Figure 8 e advertisement of the play Sai Jinhua Zhongyang ribao December 17 1937

59S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

slept with the ldquored-haired foreign devilsrdquo e audiencersquos mirth frustrated Mao Dun as did the attention focused on and enjoyment derived from Sairsquos romantic escapades which had little to do with any act of patriotism and everything to do with the fact that she was a public woman who slept with numerous men Hence Mao Dunrsquos comments about the bawdiness of the show and the prurience of its audiences130 eater as a particular mode of community can cultivate the spectatorsrsquo shared enjoyment and unbridled fantasy It is clear that Mao Dun neglected to consider that ldquoloftyrdquo communal sentiments can be engendered by collective enjoyment of a ldquobaserdquo emotion in this lively social space

On the night of February 22 1937 Zhang Daofan (1897-1968) the head of the Propaganda Bureau of the GMD government allegedly led some hooligans to disrupt the playrsquos performance in the Guomin dajuyuan in Nanjing He succeeded in creating a ruckus and even threw a cuspidor onto the stage The GMD consequently banned the play and thus on the 23rd the theater showed instead the play Qiu Jin which is about the authentic revolutionary martyr and female cross-dresser Qiu Jin (1875-1907)131 Zhang Daofan however provided a diff erent version of the story and published an essay to try to clear his name in it he claims that what he heard from his friends was that the play was generally regarded as good but many of the performance venues were seen as ldquoobscenerdquo (rouma )132 e Internal Aff airs Bureau issued an order banning any further performances (although the script had initially been passed by the censors) nationwide stating that ldquothe life story of Sai Jinhua would denigrate national dignityrdquo (Sai Jinhua shengping shiji you fangai Zhongguo zunyan zhichu )133 e performance of Sai Jinhua in Nanjing also had a negative eff ect on Xiong Foxirsquos play which was originally scheduled for March 25

130 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuardquo 7-10131 See ad in Dagong bao March 22 1937 See also Xiju shenchahui ldquoChufa Sishi niandai jusherdquo Zhongyang ribao Feb 25 1937132 Zhang Daofan ldquolsquoSai Jinhuarsquo juzhong wuru Zhongguoren bufei yinqi de jiufenrdquo

in ZLXB 45 Original publication in Zhongyang ribao Feb 24 1937 133 ldquoDe Dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong Bao March 18 19376

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6460

1937 in the Xinxin eater in Beijing134 Even the German embassy sent a request to the Beijing government requesting that they ban the play believing that the story of the prostitute and the German commander would ldquotarnish the body politicrdquo ( youru guoti ) Both sides Chinese and German ldquofelt embarrassedrdquo (nankan zhichu

)135 Resorting to the old rhetoric about the profane female body being responsible for bringing down the dynasty the government stated that continuing the show would stigmatize the state and interfere with international politics e ambiguities of this international liaison were well captured in literary imaginings such as Niehai hua (as David Wang and Hu Ying astutely observe) at the beginning of the twentieth century this same defi led female body was now believed to contaminate international politics at a sensitive moment in the late 1930s e statersquos censorship paradoxically reveals that it recognized the play as a powerful articulation of national emotions through a fantasy about a heroic female It also indicates deep-seated fear about the fever of prurience inspired by Sai whose portrayal may indeed have achieved the eff ect that the writer Xia Yan originally intended a parody of Chinarsquos weak defense and foreign policy Both the leftist writersrsquo group and the GMD state were extremely uncomfortable with the fact that the female protagonist used her sexuality to save the nationmdashnot because they cared about her individual life but because the entrenched view about ldquodirtyrdquo sexuality made them pledge their willingness to sacrifi ce for the nation in order to save face

Just two months before his death in the throes of illness Lu Xun(1881-1936) wrote an essay Zhe yeshi shenghuo ( is

is also life) in his characteristic scathing tone ldquoNow writing has its lsquomost central themersquo even Sai Jinhua who slept with Waldersee German commander-in-chief during the Boxer Rebellion has long been glorifi ed as the Goddess of the Ninth Heaven (Jiutian huguo niangniang

)rdquo136 is comment often quoted out of context has always been understood as Lursquos attack on Xiarsquos play Sai Jinhua and because

134 Dagong bao March 24 1937 135 See ldquoDe dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong bao March 18 19376136 Lu Xun ldquoZhe yeshi shenghuordquo Zhujieting zawen fuji in Lu Xun quanji 6602

61S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of this alleged aspersion Xia Yan suff ered great ordeals during the Cultural Revolution Lu Xun who espoused a diff erent leftist philosophy from Xia Yan and his camp did express his own opinion on the issue of ldquonational defense literaturerdquo However as Wei Shaochang and others point out there is no evidence showing that Lu Xun near death actually read Xia Yanrsquos play So we should consider his comments not so much as a specifi c criticism of the play but as a general observation about a social phenomenon that was well under way in the 1930s namely the rampant proliferation of sensational representations of Sai enabled by mass media137 Lursquos essay consistently reveals his penetrating insights and his caveats against a malicious public gaze and ideological control Lu Xunrsquos caution shows that he not only did not believe that Sai played a critical role in saving the nation (although it suggests that he might have taken Sairsquos liaison with Waldersee for granted) but also deeply detested using the female body to further a nationalistic and revolutionary cause and frowned upon capitalizing on the female body for erotic pleasure and profi t By targeting the popularity of Sai Jinhua and the links forged between everyday life and the nationalistic cause Lu Xun urges readers to be cautious of future trends of replicating female images in the new mass media and new political ideologies appropriating them for their own vested interests

Put in simple terms the leftist camp regarded titillating content as vulgar and having limited aesthetic or ideological signifi cance and acknowledged that prurience can have a debasing eff ect on lofty nationalistic and revolutionary ideas For the GMD propaganda machine the nationalistic message came at a time of confl ict when they found it particularly insulting to be pitted against a prostitute portrayed as better than they were For Lu Xun this was a perfect case of the malicious gaze of the masses voraciously consuming the female body e authors Xian Yan Xiong Foxi and others well aware of the allegorical value of Sairsquos story hoped to take advantage of its popularity and sensuousness to eff ectively convey a nationalistic message As for the audiences they derived much visual pleasure erotic and spiritual from viewing the show and imagining the female body Sai Jinhuarsquos story is an exceptionally fascinating case of the representation of a

137 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 63

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6462

defi led female body becoming a contested site and clearly illustrates the cross-fertilizations and the contradictions among the interrelated forces of nationalism gender and the public space

Conclusion

Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua were certainly not the only instances of such allegory in the Republican era During this war-torn decade of Chinarsquos history national identity repeatedly took shape around womenrsquos bodies and found expression through images of romantic or sexual relation-ships Other heroines who were similarly apotheosized include Pan Jinlian Hua Mulan Ge Nennian Li Xiangjun

the Women Warriors of the Yang Family (Yangmen nuumljiang ) and Qiu Jin to name a few138 e female Others

became embodiments of values and spirit in a country in chaos viewersrsquo longing to devote themselves to the nation even to the point of martyrdom was addressed through projection fantasy and passionate identifi cation ese females in their new patriotic garb were held up as models for both contemporary menrsquos and womenrsquos participation in the national movement Grand abstract concepts concerned with new political and cultural circumstances gained some expression richness and emotional appeal when the poets attributed public purpose to these idealized female fi gures facilitating collective identifi cation

e theoretical concerns of this paper are mainly two intertwined issues First I have tried to present the mutations of the womenrsquos images in their historical contexts to vividly elucidate the constructedness and the fi ctionality of these heroic female fi gures Second primarily through dissecting gendered imagination and desire I have emphasized that the charging of these images with romantic or erotic signifi cance informs or enhances expressions and experiences of the formation of modern nationhood Representation of the female body as a material site for inscriptions of ideology sexuality and power has been much

138 For more discussion on female symbols of resistance in wartime theater see Chang-tai Hung War and Popular Culture Resistance in Modern China 1937-1945 (Berkeley Uni-versity of California Press 1994) 64-78

63S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

discussed in contemporary gender studies139 In modern Chinese literary criticism signifi cant attention has been paid to relationships between discourses of the nation and sexuality but scholars tend to focus on how nationalism and other political discourses exercising hegemonic power suppressed the expression of private erotic desire However guided by the theoretical works of Slavoj Žižek and others Ban Wang among others probes into the issue of politico-libidinal pleasure in relation to the political discourse He cogently argues with an emphasis on the individual agency involved in the process that politico-libidinal pleasure was transformed and enriched politics exerting an emotional impact and eff ectively establishing a hold on the political imagination140 I have also explored the mutually allegorizing relationship be tween the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality in the context of Republican China and delved into the constitutions and structures of subjectivities through national narratives I have argued that sentiment emotional appeal and erotic enjoyment help to sustain and even structure the collective and imaginative enterprise of building a national identity

e images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua have been variously depicted and eventually became symbols of phenomena and institutions that extend far beyond the parameters of the womenrsquos own life stories e heroic androgynous free-spirited nature of these images the adoption of cross-dressing in costume the gendered narratives of sacrifi ce and the romantic and erotic overtones were their shared characteristics While Zhen Fei consistently encapsulated the disappearing high literati culture and sense of loss Sai Jinhua was vulnerable to the mass mediarsquos appetite for a promiscuous woman both eventually rose to be moral exemplars and national emblems in wartime China With the advent of the new media of fi lm and modern drama the images mobilized the popular nationalist appeal by staging romance and spectacle e

139 For example George L Mossersquos pioneering study Nationalism and Sexuality was one of the fi rst attempts to bridge the gap between analyses that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous constructs demonstrating complex ways these two categories interact with constitute and illuminate each other George L Mosse Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York Howard Fer-tig 1985) 140 Ban Wang e Sublime Figure of History Aesthetics and Politics in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) especially 123-54

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6456

Her death in the same month added another dimension of drama to the show e outpouring of widely reported news and the rehashing of juicy fabricated details of her story created yet another gendered spectacle parallel to the show (Figure 7) e play was performed by Sishi niandai jushe and the actress Wang Ying (1913-74) who won the role over Jiang Qing (later to be known as Madame Mao 1914-91) played Sai Jinhua127 It is reported that Wang Ying eff ectively captured the coquettishness of Sai Jinhuarsquos character128

e content of the advertisement for the play published in Zhongyang ribao deserves some analysis e text in the ad promises a thrilling experience but the picture heralds an ambiguous message e actress Wang Yingrsquos slim delicate body is draped over the guns covering them signifying that she single-handedly saves the nation from foreign invaders (Figure 8) In the top right-hand corner the tilted image of the city wall might simply suggests a city besieged and a nation in crisis However it also immediately evokes a Chinese household phrase about the beauty who ldquotopples the city and the countryrdquo (qingguo qingcheng ) meaning that the collapse of the country or of the dynasty may always be attributed to beauty So the ad not only displays Wang Yingrsquos beautiful body and feminine charms to attract public attention but also suggests two confl icting messages perhaps in an attempt to target audiences on both sides

Xia Yanrsquos nationalistic and feminist message may not have come across exactly the way he intended An essay by Mao Dun (1896-1981) the important leftist writer gives us a glimpse of the showrsquos reception Mao Dun was very uncomfortable with the audiencersquos responses to the play and voiced his dismay and condemnation He comments on the audiencersquos applause in the theater ldquoAs for the applause repeated twice even thrice I was appalled at them However I also understand the psychology of the audiences in doing so ey came

127 Jiang Qing competed for the role but lost to Wang Ying It is believed that this is why Wang died of political persecution during the Cultural Revolution It is also intriguing to observe that the very same logic of attributing political failure to the female was perpetu-ated again when Jiang Qing went to trial for her role in the disastrous Cultural Revolution 128 See Lin ldquoKan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquo hourdquo in ZLXB 44

57S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

to see lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo129 One of the scenes at which the audience applauded was at the end of Act ree when Sai Jinhua shouts at German offi cers ldquoDonrsquot touch my hand is was the hand that shook hands with the wife of your Emperor Fredrickrdquo In evoking the empressrsquos name Sai cleverly stops the offi cersrsquo sexual advances suggesting that if they crossed

129 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo in ZLXB 8 Italics added Original publica-tion in Zhongliu 1 no 8 (1936)

Figure 7 News on the death of Sai Jinhua Dagongbao December 5 1937

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6458

the line they would in eff ect be engaging in inappropriate contact with their own royal family e ploy is eff ective e fl irtatious verbal exchanges and the innuendoes of physical contact off er the audience a quick vicarious thrill Another occasion when laughter erupted during the show was when one character made fun of the fact that Sai

Figure 8 e advertisement of the play Sai Jinhua Zhongyang ribao December 17 1937

59S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

slept with the ldquored-haired foreign devilsrdquo e audiencersquos mirth frustrated Mao Dun as did the attention focused on and enjoyment derived from Sairsquos romantic escapades which had little to do with any act of patriotism and everything to do with the fact that she was a public woman who slept with numerous men Hence Mao Dunrsquos comments about the bawdiness of the show and the prurience of its audiences130 eater as a particular mode of community can cultivate the spectatorsrsquo shared enjoyment and unbridled fantasy It is clear that Mao Dun neglected to consider that ldquoloftyrdquo communal sentiments can be engendered by collective enjoyment of a ldquobaserdquo emotion in this lively social space

On the night of February 22 1937 Zhang Daofan (1897-1968) the head of the Propaganda Bureau of the GMD government allegedly led some hooligans to disrupt the playrsquos performance in the Guomin dajuyuan in Nanjing He succeeded in creating a ruckus and even threw a cuspidor onto the stage The GMD consequently banned the play and thus on the 23rd the theater showed instead the play Qiu Jin which is about the authentic revolutionary martyr and female cross-dresser Qiu Jin (1875-1907)131 Zhang Daofan however provided a diff erent version of the story and published an essay to try to clear his name in it he claims that what he heard from his friends was that the play was generally regarded as good but many of the performance venues were seen as ldquoobscenerdquo (rouma )132 e Internal Aff airs Bureau issued an order banning any further performances (although the script had initially been passed by the censors) nationwide stating that ldquothe life story of Sai Jinhua would denigrate national dignityrdquo (Sai Jinhua shengping shiji you fangai Zhongguo zunyan zhichu )133 e performance of Sai Jinhua in Nanjing also had a negative eff ect on Xiong Foxirsquos play which was originally scheduled for March 25

130 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuardquo 7-10131 See ad in Dagong bao March 22 1937 See also Xiju shenchahui ldquoChufa Sishi niandai jusherdquo Zhongyang ribao Feb 25 1937132 Zhang Daofan ldquolsquoSai Jinhuarsquo juzhong wuru Zhongguoren bufei yinqi de jiufenrdquo

in ZLXB 45 Original publication in Zhongyang ribao Feb 24 1937 133 ldquoDe Dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong Bao March 18 19376

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6460

1937 in the Xinxin eater in Beijing134 Even the German embassy sent a request to the Beijing government requesting that they ban the play believing that the story of the prostitute and the German commander would ldquotarnish the body politicrdquo ( youru guoti ) Both sides Chinese and German ldquofelt embarrassedrdquo (nankan zhichu

)135 Resorting to the old rhetoric about the profane female body being responsible for bringing down the dynasty the government stated that continuing the show would stigmatize the state and interfere with international politics e ambiguities of this international liaison were well captured in literary imaginings such as Niehai hua (as David Wang and Hu Ying astutely observe) at the beginning of the twentieth century this same defi led female body was now believed to contaminate international politics at a sensitive moment in the late 1930s e statersquos censorship paradoxically reveals that it recognized the play as a powerful articulation of national emotions through a fantasy about a heroic female It also indicates deep-seated fear about the fever of prurience inspired by Sai whose portrayal may indeed have achieved the eff ect that the writer Xia Yan originally intended a parody of Chinarsquos weak defense and foreign policy Both the leftist writersrsquo group and the GMD state were extremely uncomfortable with the fact that the female protagonist used her sexuality to save the nationmdashnot because they cared about her individual life but because the entrenched view about ldquodirtyrdquo sexuality made them pledge their willingness to sacrifi ce for the nation in order to save face

Just two months before his death in the throes of illness Lu Xun(1881-1936) wrote an essay Zhe yeshi shenghuo ( is

is also life) in his characteristic scathing tone ldquoNow writing has its lsquomost central themersquo even Sai Jinhua who slept with Waldersee German commander-in-chief during the Boxer Rebellion has long been glorifi ed as the Goddess of the Ninth Heaven (Jiutian huguo niangniang

)rdquo136 is comment often quoted out of context has always been understood as Lursquos attack on Xiarsquos play Sai Jinhua and because

134 Dagong bao March 24 1937 135 See ldquoDe dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong bao March 18 19376136 Lu Xun ldquoZhe yeshi shenghuordquo Zhujieting zawen fuji in Lu Xun quanji 6602

61S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of this alleged aspersion Xia Yan suff ered great ordeals during the Cultural Revolution Lu Xun who espoused a diff erent leftist philosophy from Xia Yan and his camp did express his own opinion on the issue of ldquonational defense literaturerdquo However as Wei Shaochang and others point out there is no evidence showing that Lu Xun near death actually read Xia Yanrsquos play So we should consider his comments not so much as a specifi c criticism of the play but as a general observation about a social phenomenon that was well under way in the 1930s namely the rampant proliferation of sensational representations of Sai enabled by mass media137 Lursquos essay consistently reveals his penetrating insights and his caveats against a malicious public gaze and ideological control Lu Xunrsquos caution shows that he not only did not believe that Sai played a critical role in saving the nation (although it suggests that he might have taken Sairsquos liaison with Waldersee for granted) but also deeply detested using the female body to further a nationalistic and revolutionary cause and frowned upon capitalizing on the female body for erotic pleasure and profi t By targeting the popularity of Sai Jinhua and the links forged between everyday life and the nationalistic cause Lu Xun urges readers to be cautious of future trends of replicating female images in the new mass media and new political ideologies appropriating them for their own vested interests

Put in simple terms the leftist camp regarded titillating content as vulgar and having limited aesthetic or ideological signifi cance and acknowledged that prurience can have a debasing eff ect on lofty nationalistic and revolutionary ideas For the GMD propaganda machine the nationalistic message came at a time of confl ict when they found it particularly insulting to be pitted against a prostitute portrayed as better than they were For Lu Xun this was a perfect case of the malicious gaze of the masses voraciously consuming the female body e authors Xian Yan Xiong Foxi and others well aware of the allegorical value of Sairsquos story hoped to take advantage of its popularity and sensuousness to eff ectively convey a nationalistic message As for the audiences they derived much visual pleasure erotic and spiritual from viewing the show and imagining the female body Sai Jinhuarsquos story is an exceptionally fascinating case of the representation of a

137 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 63

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6462

defi led female body becoming a contested site and clearly illustrates the cross-fertilizations and the contradictions among the interrelated forces of nationalism gender and the public space

Conclusion

Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua were certainly not the only instances of such allegory in the Republican era During this war-torn decade of Chinarsquos history national identity repeatedly took shape around womenrsquos bodies and found expression through images of romantic or sexual relation-ships Other heroines who were similarly apotheosized include Pan Jinlian Hua Mulan Ge Nennian Li Xiangjun

the Women Warriors of the Yang Family (Yangmen nuumljiang ) and Qiu Jin to name a few138 e female Others

became embodiments of values and spirit in a country in chaos viewersrsquo longing to devote themselves to the nation even to the point of martyrdom was addressed through projection fantasy and passionate identifi cation ese females in their new patriotic garb were held up as models for both contemporary menrsquos and womenrsquos participation in the national movement Grand abstract concepts concerned with new political and cultural circumstances gained some expression richness and emotional appeal when the poets attributed public purpose to these idealized female fi gures facilitating collective identifi cation

e theoretical concerns of this paper are mainly two intertwined issues First I have tried to present the mutations of the womenrsquos images in their historical contexts to vividly elucidate the constructedness and the fi ctionality of these heroic female fi gures Second primarily through dissecting gendered imagination and desire I have emphasized that the charging of these images with romantic or erotic signifi cance informs or enhances expressions and experiences of the formation of modern nationhood Representation of the female body as a material site for inscriptions of ideology sexuality and power has been much

138 For more discussion on female symbols of resistance in wartime theater see Chang-tai Hung War and Popular Culture Resistance in Modern China 1937-1945 (Berkeley Uni-versity of California Press 1994) 64-78

63S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

discussed in contemporary gender studies139 In modern Chinese literary criticism signifi cant attention has been paid to relationships between discourses of the nation and sexuality but scholars tend to focus on how nationalism and other political discourses exercising hegemonic power suppressed the expression of private erotic desire However guided by the theoretical works of Slavoj Žižek and others Ban Wang among others probes into the issue of politico-libidinal pleasure in relation to the political discourse He cogently argues with an emphasis on the individual agency involved in the process that politico-libidinal pleasure was transformed and enriched politics exerting an emotional impact and eff ectively establishing a hold on the political imagination140 I have also explored the mutually allegorizing relationship be tween the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality in the context of Republican China and delved into the constitutions and structures of subjectivities through national narratives I have argued that sentiment emotional appeal and erotic enjoyment help to sustain and even structure the collective and imaginative enterprise of building a national identity

e images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua have been variously depicted and eventually became symbols of phenomena and institutions that extend far beyond the parameters of the womenrsquos own life stories e heroic androgynous free-spirited nature of these images the adoption of cross-dressing in costume the gendered narratives of sacrifi ce and the romantic and erotic overtones were their shared characteristics While Zhen Fei consistently encapsulated the disappearing high literati culture and sense of loss Sai Jinhua was vulnerable to the mass mediarsquos appetite for a promiscuous woman both eventually rose to be moral exemplars and national emblems in wartime China With the advent of the new media of fi lm and modern drama the images mobilized the popular nationalist appeal by staging romance and spectacle e

139 For example George L Mossersquos pioneering study Nationalism and Sexuality was one of the fi rst attempts to bridge the gap between analyses that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous constructs demonstrating complex ways these two categories interact with constitute and illuminate each other George L Mosse Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York Howard Fer-tig 1985) 140 Ban Wang e Sublime Figure of History Aesthetics and Politics in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) especially 123-54

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend

57S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

to see lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo129 One of the scenes at which the audience applauded was at the end of Act ree when Sai Jinhua shouts at German offi cers ldquoDonrsquot touch my hand is was the hand that shook hands with the wife of your Emperor Fredrickrdquo In evoking the empressrsquos name Sai cleverly stops the offi cersrsquo sexual advances suggesting that if they crossed

129 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo in ZLXB 8 Italics added Original publica-tion in Zhongliu 1 no 8 (1936)

Figure 7 News on the death of Sai Jinhua Dagongbao December 5 1937

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6458

the line they would in eff ect be engaging in inappropriate contact with their own royal family e ploy is eff ective e fl irtatious verbal exchanges and the innuendoes of physical contact off er the audience a quick vicarious thrill Another occasion when laughter erupted during the show was when one character made fun of the fact that Sai

Figure 8 e advertisement of the play Sai Jinhua Zhongyang ribao December 17 1937

59S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

slept with the ldquored-haired foreign devilsrdquo e audiencersquos mirth frustrated Mao Dun as did the attention focused on and enjoyment derived from Sairsquos romantic escapades which had little to do with any act of patriotism and everything to do with the fact that she was a public woman who slept with numerous men Hence Mao Dunrsquos comments about the bawdiness of the show and the prurience of its audiences130 eater as a particular mode of community can cultivate the spectatorsrsquo shared enjoyment and unbridled fantasy It is clear that Mao Dun neglected to consider that ldquoloftyrdquo communal sentiments can be engendered by collective enjoyment of a ldquobaserdquo emotion in this lively social space

On the night of February 22 1937 Zhang Daofan (1897-1968) the head of the Propaganda Bureau of the GMD government allegedly led some hooligans to disrupt the playrsquos performance in the Guomin dajuyuan in Nanjing He succeeded in creating a ruckus and even threw a cuspidor onto the stage The GMD consequently banned the play and thus on the 23rd the theater showed instead the play Qiu Jin which is about the authentic revolutionary martyr and female cross-dresser Qiu Jin (1875-1907)131 Zhang Daofan however provided a diff erent version of the story and published an essay to try to clear his name in it he claims that what he heard from his friends was that the play was generally regarded as good but many of the performance venues were seen as ldquoobscenerdquo (rouma )132 e Internal Aff airs Bureau issued an order banning any further performances (although the script had initially been passed by the censors) nationwide stating that ldquothe life story of Sai Jinhua would denigrate national dignityrdquo (Sai Jinhua shengping shiji you fangai Zhongguo zunyan zhichu )133 e performance of Sai Jinhua in Nanjing also had a negative eff ect on Xiong Foxirsquos play which was originally scheduled for March 25

130 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuardquo 7-10131 See ad in Dagong bao March 22 1937 See also Xiju shenchahui ldquoChufa Sishi niandai jusherdquo Zhongyang ribao Feb 25 1937132 Zhang Daofan ldquolsquoSai Jinhuarsquo juzhong wuru Zhongguoren bufei yinqi de jiufenrdquo

in ZLXB 45 Original publication in Zhongyang ribao Feb 24 1937 133 ldquoDe Dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong Bao March 18 19376

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6460

1937 in the Xinxin eater in Beijing134 Even the German embassy sent a request to the Beijing government requesting that they ban the play believing that the story of the prostitute and the German commander would ldquotarnish the body politicrdquo ( youru guoti ) Both sides Chinese and German ldquofelt embarrassedrdquo (nankan zhichu

)135 Resorting to the old rhetoric about the profane female body being responsible for bringing down the dynasty the government stated that continuing the show would stigmatize the state and interfere with international politics e ambiguities of this international liaison were well captured in literary imaginings such as Niehai hua (as David Wang and Hu Ying astutely observe) at the beginning of the twentieth century this same defi led female body was now believed to contaminate international politics at a sensitive moment in the late 1930s e statersquos censorship paradoxically reveals that it recognized the play as a powerful articulation of national emotions through a fantasy about a heroic female It also indicates deep-seated fear about the fever of prurience inspired by Sai whose portrayal may indeed have achieved the eff ect that the writer Xia Yan originally intended a parody of Chinarsquos weak defense and foreign policy Both the leftist writersrsquo group and the GMD state were extremely uncomfortable with the fact that the female protagonist used her sexuality to save the nationmdashnot because they cared about her individual life but because the entrenched view about ldquodirtyrdquo sexuality made them pledge their willingness to sacrifi ce for the nation in order to save face

Just two months before his death in the throes of illness Lu Xun(1881-1936) wrote an essay Zhe yeshi shenghuo ( is

is also life) in his characteristic scathing tone ldquoNow writing has its lsquomost central themersquo even Sai Jinhua who slept with Waldersee German commander-in-chief during the Boxer Rebellion has long been glorifi ed as the Goddess of the Ninth Heaven (Jiutian huguo niangniang

)rdquo136 is comment often quoted out of context has always been understood as Lursquos attack on Xiarsquos play Sai Jinhua and because

134 Dagong bao March 24 1937 135 See ldquoDe dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong bao March 18 19376136 Lu Xun ldquoZhe yeshi shenghuordquo Zhujieting zawen fuji in Lu Xun quanji 6602

61S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of this alleged aspersion Xia Yan suff ered great ordeals during the Cultural Revolution Lu Xun who espoused a diff erent leftist philosophy from Xia Yan and his camp did express his own opinion on the issue of ldquonational defense literaturerdquo However as Wei Shaochang and others point out there is no evidence showing that Lu Xun near death actually read Xia Yanrsquos play So we should consider his comments not so much as a specifi c criticism of the play but as a general observation about a social phenomenon that was well under way in the 1930s namely the rampant proliferation of sensational representations of Sai enabled by mass media137 Lursquos essay consistently reveals his penetrating insights and his caveats against a malicious public gaze and ideological control Lu Xunrsquos caution shows that he not only did not believe that Sai played a critical role in saving the nation (although it suggests that he might have taken Sairsquos liaison with Waldersee for granted) but also deeply detested using the female body to further a nationalistic and revolutionary cause and frowned upon capitalizing on the female body for erotic pleasure and profi t By targeting the popularity of Sai Jinhua and the links forged between everyday life and the nationalistic cause Lu Xun urges readers to be cautious of future trends of replicating female images in the new mass media and new political ideologies appropriating them for their own vested interests

Put in simple terms the leftist camp regarded titillating content as vulgar and having limited aesthetic or ideological signifi cance and acknowledged that prurience can have a debasing eff ect on lofty nationalistic and revolutionary ideas For the GMD propaganda machine the nationalistic message came at a time of confl ict when they found it particularly insulting to be pitted against a prostitute portrayed as better than they were For Lu Xun this was a perfect case of the malicious gaze of the masses voraciously consuming the female body e authors Xian Yan Xiong Foxi and others well aware of the allegorical value of Sairsquos story hoped to take advantage of its popularity and sensuousness to eff ectively convey a nationalistic message As for the audiences they derived much visual pleasure erotic and spiritual from viewing the show and imagining the female body Sai Jinhuarsquos story is an exceptionally fascinating case of the representation of a

137 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 63

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6462

defi led female body becoming a contested site and clearly illustrates the cross-fertilizations and the contradictions among the interrelated forces of nationalism gender and the public space

Conclusion

Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua were certainly not the only instances of such allegory in the Republican era During this war-torn decade of Chinarsquos history national identity repeatedly took shape around womenrsquos bodies and found expression through images of romantic or sexual relation-ships Other heroines who were similarly apotheosized include Pan Jinlian Hua Mulan Ge Nennian Li Xiangjun

the Women Warriors of the Yang Family (Yangmen nuumljiang ) and Qiu Jin to name a few138 e female Others

became embodiments of values and spirit in a country in chaos viewersrsquo longing to devote themselves to the nation even to the point of martyrdom was addressed through projection fantasy and passionate identifi cation ese females in their new patriotic garb were held up as models for both contemporary menrsquos and womenrsquos participation in the national movement Grand abstract concepts concerned with new political and cultural circumstances gained some expression richness and emotional appeal when the poets attributed public purpose to these idealized female fi gures facilitating collective identifi cation

e theoretical concerns of this paper are mainly two intertwined issues First I have tried to present the mutations of the womenrsquos images in their historical contexts to vividly elucidate the constructedness and the fi ctionality of these heroic female fi gures Second primarily through dissecting gendered imagination and desire I have emphasized that the charging of these images with romantic or erotic signifi cance informs or enhances expressions and experiences of the formation of modern nationhood Representation of the female body as a material site for inscriptions of ideology sexuality and power has been much

138 For more discussion on female symbols of resistance in wartime theater see Chang-tai Hung War and Popular Culture Resistance in Modern China 1937-1945 (Berkeley Uni-versity of California Press 1994) 64-78

63S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

discussed in contemporary gender studies139 In modern Chinese literary criticism signifi cant attention has been paid to relationships between discourses of the nation and sexuality but scholars tend to focus on how nationalism and other political discourses exercising hegemonic power suppressed the expression of private erotic desire However guided by the theoretical works of Slavoj Žižek and others Ban Wang among others probes into the issue of politico-libidinal pleasure in relation to the political discourse He cogently argues with an emphasis on the individual agency involved in the process that politico-libidinal pleasure was transformed and enriched politics exerting an emotional impact and eff ectively establishing a hold on the political imagination140 I have also explored the mutually allegorizing relationship be tween the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality in the context of Republican China and delved into the constitutions and structures of subjectivities through national narratives I have argued that sentiment emotional appeal and erotic enjoyment help to sustain and even structure the collective and imaginative enterprise of building a national identity

e images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua have been variously depicted and eventually became symbols of phenomena and institutions that extend far beyond the parameters of the womenrsquos own life stories e heroic androgynous free-spirited nature of these images the adoption of cross-dressing in costume the gendered narratives of sacrifi ce and the romantic and erotic overtones were their shared characteristics While Zhen Fei consistently encapsulated the disappearing high literati culture and sense of loss Sai Jinhua was vulnerable to the mass mediarsquos appetite for a promiscuous woman both eventually rose to be moral exemplars and national emblems in wartime China With the advent of the new media of fi lm and modern drama the images mobilized the popular nationalist appeal by staging romance and spectacle e

139 For example George L Mossersquos pioneering study Nationalism and Sexuality was one of the fi rst attempts to bridge the gap between analyses that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous constructs demonstrating complex ways these two categories interact with constitute and illuminate each other George L Mosse Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York Howard Fer-tig 1985) 140 Ban Wang e Sublime Figure of History Aesthetics and Politics in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) especially 123-54

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6458

the line they would in eff ect be engaging in inappropriate contact with their own royal family e ploy is eff ective e fl irtatious verbal exchanges and the innuendoes of physical contact off er the audience a quick vicarious thrill Another occasion when laughter erupted during the show was when one character made fun of the fact that Sai

Figure 8 e advertisement of the play Sai Jinhua Zhongyang ribao December 17 1937

59S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

slept with the ldquored-haired foreign devilsrdquo e audiencersquos mirth frustrated Mao Dun as did the attention focused on and enjoyment derived from Sairsquos romantic escapades which had little to do with any act of patriotism and everything to do with the fact that she was a public woman who slept with numerous men Hence Mao Dunrsquos comments about the bawdiness of the show and the prurience of its audiences130 eater as a particular mode of community can cultivate the spectatorsrsquo shared enjoyment and unbridled fantasy It is clear that Mao Dun neglected to consider that ldquoloftyrdquo communal sentiments can be engendered by collective enjoyment of a ldquobaserdquo emotion in this lively social space

On the night of February 22 1937 Zhang Daofan (1897-1968) the head of the Propaganda Bureau of the GMD government allegedly led some hooligans to disrupt the playrsquos performance in the Guomin dajuyuan in Nanjing He succeeded in creating a ruckus and even threw a cuspidor onto the stage The GMD consequently banned the play and thus on the 23rd the theater showed instead the play Qiu Jin which is about the authentic revolutionary martyr and female cross-dresser Qiu Jin (1875-1907)131 Zhang Daofan however provided a diff erent version of the story and published an essay to try to clear his name in it he claims that what he heard from his friends was that the play was generally regarded as good but many of the performance venues were seen as ldquoobscenerdquo (rouma )132 e Internal Aff airs Bureau issued an order banning any further performances (although the script had initially been passed by the censors) nationwide stating that ldquothe life story of Sai Jinhua would denigrate national dignityrdquo (Sai Jinhua shengping shiji you fangai Zhongguo zunyan zhichu )133 e performance of Sai Jinhua in Nanjing also had a negative eff ect on Xiong Foxirsquos play which was originally scheduled for March 25

130 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuardquo 7-10131 See ad in Dagong bao March 22 1937 See also Xiju shenchahui ldquoChufa Sishi niandai jusherdquo Zhongyang ribao Feb 25 1937132 Zhang Daofan ldquolsquoSai Jinhuarsquo juzhong wuru Zhongguoren bufei yinqi de jiufenrdquo

in ZLXB 45 Original publication in Zhongyang ribao Feb 24 1937 133 ldquoDe Dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong Bao March 18 19376

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6460

1937 in the Xinxin eater in Beijing134 Even the German embassy sent a request to the Beijing government requesting that they ban the play believing that the story of the prostitute and the German commander would ldquotarnish the body politicrdquo ( youru guoti ) Both sides Chinese and German ldquofelt embarrassedrdquo (nankan zhichu

)135 Resorting to the old rhetoric about the profane female body being responsible for bringing down the dynasty the government stated that continuing the show would stigmatize the state and interfere with international politics e ambiguities of this international liaison were well captured in literary imaginings such as Niehai hua (as David Wang and Hu Ying astutely observe) at the beginning of the twentieth century this same defi led female body was now believed to contaminate international politics at a sensitive moment in the late 1930s e statersquos censorship paradoxically reveals that it recognized the play as a powerful articulation of national emotions through a fantasy about a heroic female It also indicates deep-seated fear about the fever of prurience inspired by Sai whose portrayal may indeed have achieved the eff ect that the writer Xia Yan originally intended a parody of Chinarsquos weak defense and foreign policy Both the leftist writersrsquo group and the GMD state were extremely uncomfortable with the fact that the female protagonist used her sexuality to save the nationmdashnot because they cared about her individual life but because the entrenched view about ldquodirtyrdquo sexuality made them pledge their willingness to sacrifi ce for the nation in order to save face

Just two months before his death in the throes of illness Lu Xun(1881-1936) wrote an essay Zhe yeshi shenghuo ( is

is also life) in his characteristic scathing tone ldquoNow writing has its lsquomost central themersquo even Sai Jinhua who slept with Waldersee German commander-in-chief during the Boxer Rebellion has long been glorifi ed as the Goddess of the Ninth Heaven (Jiutian huguo niangniang

)rdquo136 is comment often quoted out of context has always been understood as Lursquos attack on Xiarsquos play Sai Jinhua and because

134 Dagong bao March 24 1937 135 See ldquoDe dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong bao March 18 19376136 Lu Xun ldquoZhe yeshi shenghuordquo Zhujieting zawen fuji in Lu Xun quanji 6602

61S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of this alleged aspersion Xia Yan suff ered great ordeals during the Cultural Revolution Lu Xun who espoused a diff erent leftist philosophy from Xia Yan and his camp did express his own opinion on the issue of ldquonational defense literaturerdquo However as Wei Shaochang and others point out there is no evidence showing that Lu Xun near death actually read Xia Yanrsquos play So we should consider his comments not so much as a specifi c criticism of the play but as a general observation about a social phenomenon that was well under way in the 1930s namely the rampant proliferation of sensational representations of Sai enabled by mass media137 Lursquos essay consistently reveals his penetrating insights and his caveats against a malicious public gaze and ideological control Lu Xunrsquos caution shows that he not only did not believe that Sai played a critical role in saving the nation (although it suggests that he might have taken Sairsquos liaison with Waldersee for granted) but also deeply detested using the female body to further a nationalistic and revolutionary cause and frowned upon capitalizing on the female body for erotic pleasure and profi t By targeting the popularity of Sai Jinhua and the links forged between everyday life and the nationalistic cause Lu Xun urges readers to be cautious of future trends of replicating female images in the new mass media and new political ideologies appropriating them for their own vested interests

Put in simple terms the leftist camp regarded titillating content as vulgar and having limited aesthetic or ideological signifi cance and acknowledged that prurience can have a debasing eff ect on lofty nationalistic and revolutionary ideas For the GMD propaganda machine the nationalistic message came at a time of confl ict when they found it particularly insulting to be pitted against a prostitute portrayed as better than they were For Lu Xun this was a perfect case of the malicious gaze of the masses voraciously consuming the female body e authors Xian Yan Xiong Foxi and others well aware of the allegorical value of Sairsquos story hoped to take advantage of its popularity and sensuousness to eff ectively convey a nationalistic message As for the audiences they derived much visual pleasure erotic and spiritual from viewing the show and imagining the female body Sai Jinhuarsquos story is an exceptionally fascinating case of the representation of a

137 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 63

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6462

defi led female body becoming a contested site and clearly illustrates the cross-fertilizations and the contradictions among the interrelated forces of nationalism gender and the public space

Conclusion

Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua were certainly not the only instances of such allegory in the Republican era During this war-torn decade of Chinarsquos history national identity repeatedly took shape around womenrsquos bodies and found expression through images of romantic or sexual relation-ships Other heroines who were similarly apotheosized include Pan Jinlian Hua Mulan Ge Nennian Li Xiangjun

the Women Warriors of the Yang Family (Yangmen nuumljiang ) and Qiu Jin to name a few138 e female Others

became embodiments of values and spirit in a country in chaos viewersrsquo longing to devote themselves to the nation even to the point of martyrdom was addressed through projection fantasy and passionate identifi cation ese females in their new patriotic garb were held up as models for both contemporary menrsquos and womenrsquos participation in the national movement Grand abstract concepts concerned with new political and cultural circumstances gained some expression richness and emotional appeal when the poets attributed public purpose to these idealized female fi gures facilitating collective identifi cation

e theoretical concerns of this paper are mainly two intertwined issues First I have tried to present the mutations of the womenrsquos images in their historical contexts to vividly elucidate the constructedness and the fi ctionality of these heroic female fi gures Second primarily through dissecting gendered imagination and desire I have emphasized that the charging of these images with romantic or erotic signifi cance informs or enhances expressions and experiences of the formation of modern nationhood Representation of the female body as a material site for inscriptions of ideology sexuality and power has been much

138 For more discussion on female symbols of resistance in wartime theater see Chang-tai Hung War and Popular Culture Resistance in Modern China 1937-1945 (Berkeley Uni-versity of California Press 1994) 64-78

63S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

discussed in contemporary gender studies139 In modern Chinese literary criticism signifi cant attention has been paid to relationships between discourses of the nation and sexuality but scholars tend to focus on how nationalism and other political discourses exercising hegemonic power suppressed the expression of private erotic desire However guided by the theoretical works of Slavoj Žižek and others Ban Wang among others probes into the issue of politico-libidinal pleasure in relation to the political discourse He cogently argues with an emphasis on the individual agency involved in the process that politico-libidinal pleasure was transformed and enriched politics exerting an emotional impact and eff ectively establishing a hold on the political imagination140 I have also explored the mutually allegorizing relationship be tween the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality in the context of Republican China and delved into the constitutions and structures of subjectivities through national narratives I have argued that sentiment emotional appeal and erotic enjoyment help to sustain and even structure the collective and imaginative enterprise of building a national identity

e images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua have been variously depicted and eventually became symbols of phenomena and institutions that extend far beyond the parameters of the womenrsquos own life stories e heroic androgynous free-spirited nature of these images the adoption of cross-dressing in costume the gendered narratives of sacrifi ce and the romantic and erotic overtones were their shared characteristics While Zhen Fei consistently encapsulated the disappearing high literati culture and sense of loss Sai Jinhua was vulnerable to the mass mediarsquos appetite for a promiscuous woman both eventually rose to be moral exemplars and national emblems in wartime China With the advent of the new media of fi lm and modern drama the images mobilized the popular nationalist appeal by staging romance and spectacle e

139 For example George L Mossersquos pioneering study Nationalism and Sexuality was one of the fi rst attempts to bridge the gap between analyses that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous constructs demonstrating complex ways these two categories interact with constitute and illuminate each other George L Mosse Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York Howard Fer-tig 1985) 140 Ban Wang e Sublime Figure of History Aesthetics and Politics in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) especially 123-54

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend

59S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

slept with the ldquored-haired foreign devilsrdquo e audiencersquos mirth frustrated Mao Dun as did the attention focused on and enjoyment derived from Sairsquos romantic escapades which had little to do with any act of patriotism and everything to do with the fact that she was a public woman who slept with numerous men Hence Mao Dunrsquos comments about the bawdiness of the show and the prurience of its audiences130 eater as a particular mode of community can cultivate the spectatorsrsquo shared enjoyment and unbridled fantasy It is clear that Mao Dun neglected to consider that ldquoloftyrdquo communal sentiments can be engendered by collective enjoyment of a ldquobaserdquo emotion in this lively social space

On the night of February 22 1937 Zhang Daofan (1897-1968) the head of the Propaganda Bureau of the GMD government allegedly led some hooligans to disrupt the playrsquos performance in the Guomin dajuyuan in Nanjing He succeeded in creating a ruckus and even threw a cuspidor onto the stage The GMD consequently banned the play and thus on the 23rd the theater showed instead the play Qiu Jin which is about the authentic revolutionary martyr and female cross-dresser Qiu Jin (1875-1907)131 Zhang Daofan however provided a diff erent version of the story and published an essay to try to clear his name in it he claims that what he heard from his friends was that the play was generally regarded as good but many of the performance venues were seen as ldquoobscenerdquo (rouma )132 e Internal Aff airs Bureau issued an order banning any further performances (although the script had initially been passed by the censors) nationwide stating that ldquothe life story of Sai Jinhua would denigrate national dignityrdquo (Sai Jinhua shengping shiji you fangai Zhongguo zunyan zhichu )133 e performance of Sai Jinhua in Nanjing also had a negative eff ect on Xiong Foxirsquos play which was originally scheduled for March 25

130 Mao Dun ldquoTan lsquoSai Jinhuardquo 7-10131 See ad in Dagong bao March 22 1937 See also Xiju shenchahui ldquoChufa Sishi niandai jusherdquo Zhongyang ribao Feb 25 1937132 Zhang Daofan ldquolsquoSai Jinhuarsquo juzhong wuru Zhongguoren bufei yinqi de jiufenrdquo

in ZLXB 45 Original publication in Zhongyang ribao Feb 24 1937 133 ldquoDe Dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong Bao March 18 19376

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6460

1937 in the Xinxin eater in Beijing134 Even the German embassy sent a request to the Beijing government requesting that they ban the play believing that the story of the prostitute and the German commander would ldquotarnish the body politicrdquo ( youru guoti ) Both sides Chinese and German ldquofelt embarrassedrdquo (nankan zhichu

)135 Resorting to the old rhetoric about the profane female body being responsible for bringing down the dynasty the government stated that continuing the show would stigmatize the state and interfere with international politics e ambiguities of this international liaison were well captured in literary imaginings such as Niehai hua (as David Wang and Hu Ying astutely observe) at the beginning of the twentieth century this same defi led female body was now believed to contaminate international politics at a sensitive moment in the late 1930s e statersquos censorship paradoxically reveals that it recognized the play as a powerful articulation of national emotions through a fantasy about a heroic female It also indicates deep-seated fear about the fever of prurience inspired by Sai whose portrayal may indeed have achieved the eff ect that the writer Xia Yan originally intended a parody of Chinarsquos weak defense and foreign policy Both the leftist writersrsquo group and the GMD state were extremely uncomfortable with the fact that the female protagonist used her sexuality to save the nationmdashnot because they cared about her individual life but because the entrenched view about ldquodirtyrdquo sexuality made them pledge their willingness to sacrifi ce for the nation in order to save face

Just two months before his death in the throes of illness Lu Xun(1881-1936) wrote an essay Zhe yeshi shenghuo ( is

is also life) in his characteristic scathing tone ldquoNow writing has its lsquomost central themersquo even Sai Jinhua who slept with Waldersee German commander-in-chief during the Boxer Rebellion has long been glorifi ed as the Goddess of the Ninth Heaven (Jiutian huguo niangniang

)rdquo136 is comment often quoted out of context has always been understood as Lursquos attack on Xiarsquos play Sai Jinhua and because

134 Dagong bao March 24 1937 135 See ldquoDe dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong bao March 18 19376136 Lu Xun ldquoZhe yeshi shenghuordquo Zhujieting zawen fuji in Lu Xun quanji 6602

61S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of this alleged aspersion Xia Yan suff ered great ordeals during the Cultural Revolution Lu Xun who espoused a diff erent leftist philosophy from Xia Yan and his camp did express his own opinion on the issue of ldquonational defense literaturerdquo However as Wei Shaochang and others point out there is no evidence showing that Lu Xun near death actually read Xia Yanrsquos play So we should consider his comments not so much as a specifi c criticism of the play but as a general observation about a social phenomenon that was well under way in the 1930s namely the rampant proliferation of sensational representations of Sai enabled by mass media137 Lursquos essay consistently reveals his penetrating insights and his caveats against a malicious public gaze and ideological control Lu Xunrsquos caution shows that he not only did not believe that Sai played a critical role in saving the nation (although it suggests that he might have taken Sairsquos liaison with Waldersee for granted) but also deeply detested using the female body to further a nationalistic and revolutionary cause and frowned upon capitalizing on the female body for erotic pleasure and profi t By targeting the popularity of Sai Jinhua and the links forged between everyday life and the nationalistic cause Lu Xun urges readers to be cautious of future trends of replicating female images in the new mass media and new political ideologies appropriating them for their own vested interests

Put in simple terms the leftist camp regarded titillating content as vulgar and having limited aesthetic or ideological signifi cance and acknowledged that prurience can have a debasing eff ect on lofty nationalistic and revolutionary ideas For the GMD propaganda machine the nationalistic message came at a time of confl ict when they found it particularly insulting to be pitted against a prostitute portrayed as better than they were For Lu Xun this was a perfect case of the malicious gaze of the masses voraciously consuming the female body e authors Xian Yan Xiong Foxi and others well aware of the allegorical value of Sairsquos story hoped to take advantage of its popularity and sensuousness to eff ectively convey a nationalistic message As for the audiences they derived much visual pleasure erotic and spiritual from viewing the show and imagining the female body Sai Jinhuarsquos story is an exceptionally fascinating case of the representation of a

137 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 63

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6462

defi led female body becoming a contested site and clearly illustrates the cross-fertilizations and the contradictions among the interrelated forces of nationalism gender and the public space

Conclusion

Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua were certainly not the only instances of such allegory in the Republican era During this war-torn decade of Chinarsquos history national identity repeatedly took shape around womenrsquos bodies and found expression through images of romantic or sexual relation-ships Other heroines who were similarly apotheosized include Pan Jinlian Hua Mulan Ge Nennian Li Xiangjun

the Women Warriors of the Yang Family (Yangmen nuumljiang ) and Qiu Jin to name a few138 e female Others

became embodiments of values and spirit in a country in chaos viewersrsquo longing to devote themselves to the nation even to the point of martyrdom was addressed through projection fantasy and passionate identifi cation ese females in their new patriotic garb were held up as models for both contemporary menrsquos and womenrsquos participation in the national movement Grand abstract concepts concerned with new political and cultural circumstances gained some expression richness and emotional appeal when the poets attributed public purpose to these idealized female fi gures facilitating collective identifi cation

e theoretical concerns of this paper are mainly two intertwined issues First I have tried to present the mutations of the womenrsquos images in their historical contexts to vividly elucidate the constructedness and the fi ctionality of these heroic female fi gures Second primarily through dissecting gendered imagination and desire I have emphasized that the charging of these images with romantic or erotic signifi cance informs or enhances expressions and experiences of the formation of modern nationhood Representation of the female body as a material site for inscriptions of ideology sexuality and power has been much

138 For more discussion on female symbols of resistance in wartime theater see Chang-tai Hung War and Popular Culture Resistance in Modern China 1937-1945 (Berkeley Uni-versity of California Press 1994) 64-78

63S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

discussed in contemporary gender studies139 In modern Chinese literary criticism signifi cant attention has been paid to relationships between discourses of the nation and sexuality but scholars tend to focus on how nationalism and other political discourses exercising hegemonic power suppressed the expression of private erotic desire However guided by the theoretical works of Slavoj Žižek and others Ban Wang among others probes into the issue of politico-libidinal pleasure in relation to the political discourse He cogently argues with an emphasis on the individual agency involved in the process that politico-libidinal pleasure was transformed and enriched politics exerting an emotional impact and eff ectively establishing a hold on the political imagination140 I have also explored the mutually allegorizing relationship be tween the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality in the context of Republican China and delved into the constitutions and structures of subjectivities through national narratives I have argued that sentiment emotional appeal and erotic enjoyment help to sustain and even structure the collective and imaginative enterprise of building a national identity

e images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua have been variously depicted and eventually became symbols of phenomena and institutions that extend far beyond the parameters of the womenrsquos own life stories e heroic androgynous free-spirited nature of these images the adoption of cross-dressing in costume the gendered narratives of sacrifi ce and the romantic and erotic overtones were their shared characteristics While Zhen Fei consistently encapsulated the disappearing high literati culture and sense of loss Sai Jinhua was vulnerable to the mass mediarsquos appetite for a promiscuous woman both eventually rose to be moral exemplars and national emblems in wartime China With the advent of the new media of fi lm and modern drama the images mobilized the popular nationalist appeal by staging romance and spectacle e

139 For example George L Mossersquos pioneering study Nationalism and Sexuality was one of the fi rst attempts to bridge the gap between analyses that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous constructs demonstrating complex ways these two categories interact with constitute and illuminate each other George L Mosse Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York Howard Fer-tig 1985) 140 Ban Wang e Sublime Figure of History Aesthetics and Politics in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) especially 123-54

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6460

1937 in the Xinxin eater in Beijing134 Even the German embassy sent a request to the Beijing government requesting that they ban the play believing that the story of the prostitute and the German commander would ldquotarnish the body politicrdquo ( youru guoti ) Both sides Chinese and German ldquofelt embarrassedrdquo (nankan zhichu

)135 Resorting to the old rhetoric about the profane female body being responsible for bringing down the dynasty the government stated that continuing the show would stigmatize the state and interfere with international politics e ambiguities of this international liaison were well captured in literary imaginings such as Niehai hua (as David Wang and Hu Ying astutely observe) at the beginning of the twentieth century this same defi led female body was now believed to contaminate international politics at a sensitive moment in the late 1930s e statersquos censorship paradoxically reveals that it recognized the play as a powerful articulation of national emotions through a fantasy about a heroic female It also indicates deep-seated fear about the fever of prurience inspired by Sai whose portrayal may indeed have achieved the eff ect that the writer Xia Yan originally intended a parody of Chinarsquos weak defense and foreign policy Both the leftist writersrsquo group and the GMD state were extremely uncomfortable with the fact that the female protagonist used her sexuality to save the nationmdashnot because they cared about her individual life but because the entrenched view about ldquodirtyrdquo sexuality made them pledge their willingness to sacrifi ce for the nation in order to save face

Just two months before his death in the throes of illness Lu Xun(1881-1936) wrote an essay Zhe yeshi shenghuo ( is

is also life) in his characteristic scathing tone ldquoNow writing has its lsquomost central themersquo even Sai Jinhua who slept with Waldersee German commander-in-chief during the Boxer Rebellion has long been glorifi ed as the Goddess of the Ninth Heaven (Jiutian huguo niangniang

)rdquo136 is comment often quoted out of context has always been understood as Lursquos attack on Xiarsquos play Sai Jinhua and because

134 Dagong bao March 24 1937 135 See ldquoDe dashiguan qingqiu jinyan lsquoSai Jinhuarsquordquo Dagong bao March 18 19376136 Lu Xun ldquoZhe yeshi shenghuordquo Zhujieting zawen fuji in Lu Xun quanji 6602

61S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of this alleged aspersion Xia Yan suff ered great ordeals during the Cultural Revolution Lu Xun who espoused a diff erent leftist philosophy from Xia Yan and his camp did express his own opinion on the issue of ldquonational defense literaturerdquo However as Wei Shaochang and others point out there is no evidence showing that Lu Xun near death actually read Xia Yanrsquos play So we should consider his comments not so much as a specifi c criticism of the play but as a general observation about a social phenomenon that was well under way in the 1930s namely the rampant proliferation of sensational representations of Sai enabled by mass media137 Lursquos essay consistently reveals his penetrating insights and his caveats against a malicious public gaze and ideological control Lu Xunrsquos caution shows that he not only did not believe that Sai played a critical role in saving the nation (although it suggests that he might have taken Sairsquos liaison with Waldersee for granted) but also deeply detested using the female body to further a nationalistic and revolutionary cause and frowned upon capitalizing on the female body for erotic pleasure and profi t By targeting the popularity of Sai Jinhua and the links forged between everyday life and the nationalistic cause Lu Xun urges readers to be cautious of future trends of replicating female images in the new mass media and new political ideologies appropriating them for their own vested interests

Put in simple terms the leftist camp regarded titillating content as vulgar and having limited aesthetic or ideological signifi cance and acknowledged that prurience can have a debasing eff ect on lofty nationalistic and revolutionary ideas For the GMD propaganda machine the nationalistic message came at a time of confl ict when they found it particularly insulting to be pitted against a prostitute portrayed as better than they were For Lu Xun this was a perfect case of the malicious gaze of the masses voraciously consuming the female body e authors Xian Yan Xiong Foxi and others well aware of the allegorical value of Sairsquos story hoped to take advantage of its popularity and sensuousness to eff ectively convey a nationalistic message As for the audiences they derived much visual pleasure erotic and spiritual from viewing the show and imagining the female body Sai Jinhuarsquos story is an exceptionally fascinating case of the representation of a

137 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 63

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6462

defi led female body becoming a contested site and clearly illustrates the cross-fertilizations and the contradictions among the interrelated forces of nationalism gender and the public space

Conclusion

Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua were certainly not the only instances of such allegory in the Republican era During this war-torn decade of Chinarsquos history national identity repeatedly took shape around womenrsquos bodies and found expression through images of romantic or sexual relation-ships Other heroines who were similarly apotheosized include Pan Jinlian Hua Mulan Ge Nennian Li Xiangjun

the Women Warriors of the Yang Family (Yangmen nuumljiang ) and Qiu Jin to name a few138 e female Others

became embodiments of values and spirit in a country in chaos viewersrsquo longing to devote themselves to the nation even to the point of martyrdom was addressed through projection fantasy and passionate identifi cation ese females in their new patriotic garb were held up as models for both contemporary menrsquos and womenrsquos participation in the national movement Grand abstract concepts concerned with new political and cultural circumstances gained some expression richness and emotional appeal when the poets attributed public purpose to these idealized female fi gures facilitating collective identifi cation

e theoretical concerns of this paper are mainly two intertwined issues First I have tried to present the mutations of the womenrsquos images in their historical contexts to vividly elucidate the constructedness and the fi ctionality of these heroic female fi gures Second primarily through dissecting gendered imagination and desire I have emphasized that the charging of these images with romantic or erotic signifi cance informs or enhances expressions and experiences of the formation of modern nationhood Representation of the female body as a material site for inscriptions of ideology sexuality and power has been much

138 For more discussion on female symbols of resistance in wartime theater see Chang-tai Hung War and Popular Culture Resistance in Modern China 1937-1945 (Berkeley Uni-versity of California Press 1994) 64-78

63S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

discussed in contemporary gender studies139 In modern Chinese literary criticism signifi cant attention has been paid to relationships between discourses of the nation and sexuality but scholars tend to focus on how nationalism and other political discourses exercising hegemonic power suppressed the expression of private erotic desire However guided by the theoretical works of Slavoj Žižek and others Ban Wang among others probes into the issue of politico-libidinal pleasure in relation to the political discourse He cogently argues with an emphasis on the individual agency involved in the process that politico-libidinal pleasure was transformed and enriched politics exerting an emotional impact and eff ectively establishing a hold on the political imagination140 I have also explored the mutually allegorizing relationship be tween the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality in the context of Republican China and delved into the constitutions and structures of subjectivities through national narratives I have argued that sentiment emotional appeal and erotic enjoyment help to sustain and even structure the collective and imaginative enterprise of building a national identity

e images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua have been variously depicted and eventually became symbols of phenomena and institutions that extend far beyond the parameters of the womenrsquos own life stories e heroic androgynous free-spirited nature of these images the adoption of cross-dressing in costume the gendered narratives of sacrifi ce and the romantic and erotic overtones were their shared characteristics While Zhen Fei consistently encapsulated the disappearing high literati culture and sense of loss Sai Jinhua was vulnerable to the mass mediarsquos appetite for a promiscuous woman both eventually rose to be moral exemplars and national emblems in wartime China With the advent of the new media of fi lm and modern drama the images mobilized the popular nationalist appeal by staging romance and spectacle e

139 For example George L Mossersquos pioneering study Nationalism and Sexuality was one of the fi rst attempts to bridge the gap between analyses that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous constructs demonstrating complex ways these two categories interact with constitute and illuminate each other George L Mosse Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York Howard Fer-tig 1985) 140 Ban Wang e Sublime Figure of History Aesthetics and Politics in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) especially 123-54

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend

61S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

of this alleged aspersion Xia Yan suff ered great ordeals during the Cultural Revolution Lu Xun who espoused a diff erent leftist philosophy from Xia Yan and his camp did express his own opinion on the issue of ldquonational defense literaturerdquo However as Wei Shaochang and others point out there is no evidence showing that Lu Xun near death actually read Xia Yanrsquos play So we should consider his comments not so much as a specifi c criticism of the play but as a general observation about a social phenomenon that was well under way in the 1930s namely the rampant proliferation of sensational representations of Sai enabled by mass media137 Lursquos essay consistently reveals his penetrating insights and his caveats against a malicious public gaze and ideological control Lu Xunrsquos caution shows that he not only did not believe that Sai played a critical role in saving the nation (although it suggests that he might have taken Sairsquos liaison with Waldersee for granted) but also deeply detested using the female body to further a nationalistic and revolutionary cause and frowned upon capitalizing on the female body for erotic pleasure and profi t By targeting the popularity of Sai Jinhua and the links forged between everyday life and the nationalistic cause Lu Xun urges readers to be cautious of future trends of replicating female images in the new mass media and new political ideologies appropriating them for their own vested interests

Put in simple terms the leftist camp regarded titillating content as vulgar and having limited aesthetic or ideological signifi cance and acknowledged that prurience can have a debasing eff ect on lofty nationalistic and revolutionary ideas For the GMD propaganda machine the nationalistic message came at a time of confl ict when they found it particularly insulting to be pitted against a prostitute portrayed as better than they were For Lu Xun this was a perfect case of the malicious gaze of the masses voraciously consuming the female body e authors Xian Yan Xiong Foxi and others well aware of the allegorical value of Sairsquos story hoped to take advantage of its popularity and sensuousness to eff ectively convey a nationalistic message As for the audiences they derived much visual pleasure erotic and spiritual from viewing the show and imagining the female body Sai Jinhuarsquos story is an exceptionally fascinating case of the representation of a

137 Wei Shaochang ldquoGuanyu Saiwa gongan de zhenxiangrdquo 63

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6462

defi led female body becoming a contested site and clearly illustrates the cross-fertilizations and the contradictions among the interrelated forces of nationalism gender and the public space

Conclusion

Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua were certainly not the only instances of such allegory in the Republican era During this war-torn decade of Chinarsquos history national identity repeatedly took shape around womenrsquos bodies and found expression through images of romantic or sexual relation-ships Other heroines who were similarly apotheosized include Pan Jinlian Hua Mulan Ge Nennian Li Xiangjun

the Women Warriors of the Yang Family (Yangmen nuumljiang ) and Qiu Jin to name a few138 e female Others

became embodiments of values and spirit in a country in chaos viewersrsquo longing to devote themselves to the nation even to the point of martyrdom was addressed through projection fantasy and passionate identifi cation ese females in their new patriotic garb were held up as models for both contemporary menrsquos and womenrsquos participation in the national movement Grand abstract concepts concerned with new political and cultural circumstances gained some expression richness and emotional appeal when the poets attributed public purpose to these idealized female fi gures facilitating collective identifi cation

e theoretical concerns of this paper are mainly two intertwined issues First I have tried to present the mutations of the womenrsquos images in their historical contexts to vividly elucidate the constructedness and the fi ctionality of these heroic female fi gures Second primarily through dissecting gendered imagination and desire I have emphasized that the charging of these images with romantic or erotic signifi cance informs or enhances expressions and experiences of the formation of modern nationhood Representation of the female body as a material site for inscriptions of ideology sexuality and power has been much

138 For more discussion on female symbols of resistance in wartime theater see Chang-tai Hung War and Popular Culture Resistance in Modern China 1937-1945 (Berkeley Uni-versity of California Press 1994) 64-78

63S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

discussed in contemporary gender studies139 In modern Chinese literary criticism signifi cant attention has been paid to relationships between discourses of the nation and sexuality but scholars tend to focus on how nationalism and other political discourses exercising hegemonic power suppressed the expression of private erotic desire However guided by the theoretical works of Slavoj Žižek and others Ban Wang among others probes into the issue of politico-libidinal pleasure in relation to the political discourse He cogently argues with an emphasis on the individual agency involved in the process that politico-libidinal pleasure was transformed and enriched politics exerting an emotional impact and eff ectively establishing a hold on the political imagination140 I have also explored the mutually allegorizing relationship be tween the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality in the context of Republican China and delved into the constitutions and structures of subjectivities through national narratives I have argued that sentiment emotional appeal and erotic enjoyment help to sustain and even structure the collective and imaginative enterprise of building a national identity

e images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua have been variously depicted and eventually became symbols of phenomena and institutions that extend far beyond the parameters of the womenrsquos own life stories e heroic androgynous free-spirited nature of these images the adoption of cross-dressing in costume the gendered narratives of sacrifi ce and the romantic and erotic overtones were their shared characteristics While Zhen Fei consistently encapsulated the disappearing high literati culture and sense of loss Sai Jinhua was vulnerable to the mass mediarsquos appetite for a promiscuous woman both eventually rose to be moral exemplars and national emblems in wartime China With the advent of the new media of fi lm and modern drama the images mobilized the popular nationalist appeal by staging romance and spectacle e

139 For example George L Mossersquos pioneering study Nationalism and Sexuality was one of the fi rst attempts to bridge the gap between analyses that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous constructs demonstrating complex ways these two categories interact with constitute and illuminate each other George L Mosse Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York Howard Fer-tig 1985) 140 Ban Wang e Sublime Figure of History Aesthetics and Politics in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) especially 123-54

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6462

defi led female body becoming a contested site and clearly illustrates the cross-fertilizations and the contradictions among the interrelated forces of nationalism gender and the public space

Conclusion

Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua were certainly not the only instances of such allegory in the Republican era During this war-torn decade of Chinarsquos history national identity repeatedly took shape around womenrsquos bodies and found expression through images of romantic or sexual relation-ships Other heroines who were similarly apotheosized include Pan Jinlian Hua Mulan Ge Nennian Li Xiangjun

the Women Warriors of the Yang Family (Yangmen nuumljiang ) and Qiu Jin to name a few138 e female Others

became embodiments of values and spirit in a country in chaos viewersrsquo longing to devote themselves to the nation even to the point of martyrdom was addressed through projection fantasy and passionate identifi cation ese females in their new patriotic garb were held up as models for both contemporary menrsquos and womenrsquos participation in the national movement Grand abstract concepts concerned with new political and cultural circumstances gained some expression richness and emotional appeal when the poets attributed public purpose to these idealized female fi gures facilitating collective identifi cation

e theoretical concerns of this paper are mainly two intertwined issues First I have tried to present the mutations of the womenrsquos images in their historical contexts to vividly elucidate the constructedness and the fi ctionality of these heroic female fi gures Second primarily through dissecting gendered imagination and desire I have emphasized that the charging of these images with romantic or erotic signifi cance informs or enhances expressions and experiences of the formation of modern nationhood Representation of the female body as a material site for inscriptions of ideology sexuality and power has been much

138 For more discussion on female symbols of resistance in wartime theater see Chang-tai Hung War and Popular Culture Resistance in Modern China 1937-1945 (Berkeley Uni-versity of California Press 1994) 64-78

63S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

discussed in contemporary gender studies139 In modern Chinese literary criticism signifi cant attention has been paid to relationships between discourses of the nation and sexuality but scholars tend to focus on how nationalism and other political discourses exercising hegemonic power suppressed the expression of private erotic desire However guided by the theoretical works of Slavoj Žižek and others Ban Wang among others probes into the issue of politico-libidinal pleasure in relation to the political discourse He cogently argues with an emphasis on the individual agency involved in the process that politico-libidinal pleasure was transformed and enriched politics exerting an emotional impact and eff ectively establishing a hold on the political imagination140 I have also explored the mutually allegorizing relationship be tween the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality in the context of Republican China and delved into the constitutions and structures of subjectivities through national narratives I have argued that sentiment emotional appeal and erotic enjoyment help to sustain and even structure the collective and imaginative enterprise of building a national identity

e images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua have been variously depicted and eventually became symbols of phenomena and institutions that extend far beyond the parameters of the womenrsquos own life stories e heroic androgynous free-spirited nature of these images the adoption of cross-dressing in costume the gendered narratives of sacrifi ce and the romantic and erotic overtones were their shared characteristics While Zhen Fei consistently encapsulated the disappearing high literati culture and sense of loss Sai Jinhua was vulnerable to the mass mediarsquos appetite for a promiscuous woman both eventually rose to be moral exemplars and national emblems in wartime China With the advent of the new media of fi lm and modern drama the images mobilized the popular nationalist appeal by staging romance and spectacle e

139 For example George L Mossersquos pioneering study Nationalism and Sexuality was one of the fi rst attempts to bridge the gap between analyses that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous constructs demonstrating complex ways these two categories interact with constitute and illuminate each other George L Mosse Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York Howard Fer-tig 1985) 140 Ban Wang e Sublime Figure of History Aesthetics and Politics in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) especially 123-54

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend

63S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-64

discussed in contemporary gender studies139 In modern Chinese literary criticism signifi cant attention has been paid to relationships between discourses of the nation and sexuality but scholars tend to focus on how nationalism and other political discourses exercising hegemonic power suppressed the expression of private erotic desire However guided by the theoretical works of Slavoj Žižek and others Ban Wang among others probes into the issue of politico-libidinal pleasure in relation to the political discourse He cogently argues with an emphasis on the individual agency involved in the process that politico-libidinal pleasure was transformed and enriched politics exerting an emotional impact and eff ectively establishing a hold on the political imagination140 I have also explored the mutually allegorizing relationship be tween the hegemonic discourses of nationalism and of heterosexuality in the context of Republican China and delved into the constitutions and structures of subjectivities through national narratives I have argued that sentiment emotional appeal and erotic enjoyment help to sustain and even structure the collective and imaginative enterprise of building a national identity

e images of Zhen Fei and Sai Jinhua have been variously depicted and eventually became symbols of phenomena and institutions that extend far beyond the parameters of the womenrsquos own life stories e heroic androgynous free-spirited nature of these images the adoption of cross-dressing in costume the gendered narratives of sacrifi ce and the romantic and erotic overtones were their shared characteristics While Zhen Fei consistently encapsulated the disappearing high literati culture and sense of loss Sai Jinhua was vulnerable to the mass mediarsquos appetite for a promiscuous woman both eventually rose to be moral exemplars and national emblems in wartime China With the advent of the new media of fi lm and modern drama the images mobilized the popular nationalist appeal by staging romance and spectacle e

139 For example George L Mossersquos pioneering study Nationalism and Sexuality was one of the fi rst attempts to bridge the gap between analyses that treat nation and sexuality as discrete and autonomous constructs demonstrating complex ways these two categories interact with constitute and illuminate each other George L Mosse Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York Howard Fer-tig 1985) 140 Ban Wang e Sublime Figure of History Aesthetics and Politics in Twentieth-Century China (Stanford CA Stanford University Press 1997) especially 123-54

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend

S Wu Nan Nuuml 11 (2009) 1-6464

fi xation upon and repetition of the singular incidents of Zhen Feirsquos tragic death and Sai Jinhuarsquos alleged love aff air and her sexuality and the recreation and circulation of their respective images through diff erent media and genres reveal a complex web of political and psychological meanings that were contested negotiated and reconfi rmed during the fi rst half of the twentieth century Consequently the female body became the site for predominantly male-led discourses on nationalism and eroticism in which the female embodiment of the nation bound private desire and passion with public collective discourse us national identity was constantly coupled with or hinged upon productive heterosexual desire sensuality and sentiments of suff ering and sacrifi ce Such was the allure of their images that over a century later these two females continue to haunt the imagination of the Chinese people as fetish and legend