Galician Architecture: From Foundations to Roof

Colección TamesisSERIE A: MONOGRAFÍAS, 344

A COMPANION TO GALICIAN CULTURE

Tamesis

Founding Editors†J. E. Varey

†Alan Deyermond

General EditorStephen M. Hart

Series Editor of Fuentes para la historia del teatro en España Charles Davis

Advisory BoardRolena AdornoJohn BeverleyEfraín Kristal

Jo LabanyiAlison SinclairIsabel TorresJulian Weiss

A COMPANION TO GALICIAN CULTURE

EDITED BY

HELENA MIGUÉLEZ-CARBALLEIRA

TAMESIS

© Contributors 2014

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Contents

Contributors ix

Acknowledgements xi

An Introduction to Galician Culture 1HELENA MIGUÉLEZ-CARBALLEIRA

1. Clerics, Troubadours and Damsels: Galician Literature and Written Culture during the Middle Ages 13

SANTIAGO GUTIÉRREZ GARCÍA

2. Contemporary Galicia: From Agrarian Crisis to High-Speed Trains 35XOSÉ RAMÓN VEIGA

3. Santiago de Compostela: Fact and Fetish 53MARÍA LIÑEIRA

4. The Galician Language in the Twenty-First Century 73BERNADETTE O’ROURKE

5. Bagpipes, Bouzoukis and Bodhráns: The Reinvention of Galician Folk Music 93

JOSÉ COLMEIRO

6. Galician Architecture: From Foundations to Roof 115XURXO AYÁN VILA

7. Cinema in Galicia: Beyond an Interrupted History 135XAN GÓMEZ VIÑAS

8. The Rural, Urban and Global Spaces of Galician Culture 157MARÍA REIMÓNDEZ

9. Rosalía de Castro: Life, Text and Afterlife 175HELENA MIGUÉLEZ-CARBALLEIRA

10. Contemporary Galizan Politics: The End of a Cycle? 195NOA RIOS BERGANTINHOS

Index 213

Contributors

Xurxo Ayán Vila is a researcher at the Built Heritage Research Group (Uni-versity of the Basque Country) in Santiago de Compostela, focusing on archae-ology of the contemporary past, ethno-archaeology, archaeology of architecture, Iron Age studies and community archaeology. His doctoral thesis studied house, family and community in the north-west Iberian Peninsula during the Iron Age. Since 2003 he has been director of the archaeological project on the Castros de Neixón (Boiro, A Coruña). He is a member of the World Archaeological Congress (WAC), the European Association of Archaeologists (EAA) and the Galician Communication Association of Science and Technology.

José Colmeiro received his PhD from the University of California, Berkeley, and he is currently Prince of Asturias Chair in Spanish Studies at the Univer-sity of Auckland, New Zealand. He has published widely on Hispanic and Galician cultural studies, contemporary literature, cinema and popular culture. His most recent book is Galeg@s sen fronteiras: Conversas sobre a cultura galega no século XXI (2013).

Xan Gómez Viñas studies amateur Galician cinema during the 1970s as part of a research programme at the University of Santiago de Compostela. He is founding member of the Cineclube de Compostela and co-director with Pablo Cayuela of the documentary film Fóra (Out), which focuses on the history of the psychiatric hospital of Conxo. He has published widely on Galician cinema in specialist publications such as the Anuário Internacional de Comunicação Lusófona and the Revista do Audiovisual Galego.

Santiago Gutiérrez García is Lecturer in Romance Studies at the University of Santiago de Compostela. His main research interests are Galician-Portuguese medieval poetry and the reception of Arthurian literature in the Iberian Penin-sula. His publications include the monographic studies Merlín e a súa historia (1997), A literatura artúrica en Portugal e Galicia na Idade Media (2001), Orixes da Materia de Bretaña. A Historia Regum Britanniae e o pensamento europeo do século XII (2002) and A fada Morgana (2003).

x CONTRIBUTORS

María Liñeira is currently finishing her doctorate at The Queen’s College, Oxford, with a thesis on ‘Literary Citizenship and the Politics of Language: The Galician Literary Field between 1939 and 1965’. She has lectured on Galician language and literature at the John Rutherford Centre for Galician Studies (Ox-ford). Her research specializes in emergent literatures and literary nationalism.

Helena Miguélez-Carballeira is Senior Lecturer in Hispanic Studies at Ban-gor University. She is the author of the monograph Galicia, a Sentimental Na-tion: Gender, Culture and Politics (2013) and has published widely on Galician cultural history, women’s writing and translation studies. She is the director of the Centre for Galician Studies in Wales.

Bernadette O’Rourke is Reader in Spanish and General Linguistics at the School of Management and Languages, Heriot-Watt University, Edinburgh. Her research interests include sociolinguistics of minority languages (in par-ticular Galician), language attitudes and ideologies, multilingualism, language policy and planning. She is author of Galician and Irish in the European Context (2011) and currently leads the EU research network on New Speakers in a Multilingual Europe.

María Reimóndez is a feminist translator, scholar, writer and activist. She has published extensively on literary criticism, especially in the Galician context, and on gender and the nation. She has published seven novels, a poetry collec-tion and has co-authored the book Feminismos (2013) with Olga Castro.

Xosé Ramón Veiga is Lecturer in Contemporary History at the University of Santiago de Compostela. He specializes in Galician agrarian and political his-tory. His recent publications, included in edited anthologies, focus on identity and processes of politicization in Galicia during the first half of the nineteenth century.

Noa Rios Bergantinhos received an MPhil in Contemporary History from the University of Santiago de Compostela. She specializes in colonial and postco-lonial studies and feminism and has published a number of articles and books on these subjects, including A mulher no nacionalismo galego 1900–1936. Ideologia e realidade (2001) and A esquerda independentista galega 1977–1995 (2002). She is actively involved in Galician politics, as a feminist and pro-in-dependence activist.

6

Galician Architecture: From Foundations to Roof

XURXO AYÁN VILA

Human communities construct a landscape by making physical and symbolic use of the natural space. In the process of producing this landscape, architecture becomes an important testament of the modus vivendi of human groups and their particular social logic. From recent pre-history up until the nineteenth century the Galician landscape was a cultural construction characterized by a series of defining elements: a diverse habitat, a strong demographic pressure on the environment and a noticeable compartmentalization of space. In this chapter I shall offer an archaeo-historical outline of the different architectures and built environments produced by social action in Galicia from recent pre-history (6000–800 BC) to the present day.

An architecture without architects: dwellings of the dead and the living in Galician pre-history

When did that which we call ‘architecture’ begin in Galicia? Or in other words, when does that which theoreticians call ‘primitive architecture’ or ‘architec-ture without architects’ start to bud? The study of the hunter-gatherer com-munities of the Palaeolithic does not make answering these questions an easy task, since these practices participated in an absent landscape that barely left traces in the archaeological record (Lombera Hermida 2011: 111). During the Lower Palaeolithic in Galicia (ca. 500,000 to 100,000 BC) the nomadic life-style pursued by human groups who travelled the lower and mid reaches of the Miño only left behind stone artefacts on the fluvial terraces which are today difficult to contextualize. In the Middle Palaeolithic the populations of the eastern mountain ranges dwelt in caves scattered across the regions of A Valiña, Cova Eirós or Valdavara. The post-Stone Age communities of the Serra do Xistral made use of the rocky shelters in the area. As a consequence we barely have any structures today to help us reconstruct the theoretical encampments of these people. For the moment, however, archaeologists have

116 XURXO AYÁN VILA

documented a series of combustion structures, such as the excavated hearth in a worked stone cave on the second level of Xestido III (in Abadín, Lugo) or the worked floors in Cova de Valiña and Cova Eirós, also in Lugo (Rodríguez Álvarez et al. 2011: 125–6).

The first great landscape transformation of what is today known as Galician territory took place at the beginning of the Neolithic period, coinciding with the appearance of Atlantic megalithic funerary architecture. From this point onwards successive pre-historical architectures can be understood as moti-vated by a series of resistant strategies to social division. In this way mega-lithic architecture becomes the first material vindication of a community spirit in tribal societies that start tilling the land and develop some sense of entitlement as a consequence (Criado and Fábregas 1989: 694). Thus, in paral-lel with the decline of the world of barrows and dolmens in the late Neolithic (third millennium BC), a new materiality arose which channelled social ener-gies in new directions. This is the period when large populaces begin to de-velop, spanning several hectares, usually surrounded by ditches and small trenches. This type of human settlement included ritual enclosures, as is documented in the cases of the Morrazo peninsula (Montenegro, Os Reme-dios), Villoa or the Terra Chá. Hundreds of identical small-scale huts accom-modated semi-nomad human groups who were increasingly reluctant to break with the community ethos. This phenomenon did not last long, however, and gave way to a different reality emerging in the Bronze Age (second millen-nium BC). Here we find the first signs of individualization – as well as the concomitant development of social hierarchies as demonstrated by the appear-ance of individual tombs in cists, goldsmithing and metallic deposits. New practices for social distinction usually fell in the favour of groups of men and warriors who participated in cave art or long-distance social exchanges (González García 2009: 59–66).

This is the period when the first human communities with large pits for stor-ing agricultural surpluses – today known as castros (hill forts) – appear in south-western Galicia and north-western Portugal. The emergence of this ar-chitectural practice signalled that conditions were ripe for the accumulation of goods and, consequently, the appearance of social inequalities (Parcero Oubiña 2003: 269–72). Again, with the purpose of avoiding the consolidation of social divisions, these communities resorted to architecture as a tool of resistance. From a sociological perspective the castros spring up as a monumentalization of the domestic space, an attempt by social groups to offset excesses in produc-tion or to prevent one faction of the community from attaining more power through the accumulation of resources, objects or workforce (Parcero Oubiña et al. 2011: 299–301). From this point onwards and through the first Iron Age (ninth–fifth centuries BC) architecture becomes a central tool in the construc-

GALICIAN ARCHITECTURE 117

tion of new social spaces. Through architecture, settlements became monumen-talized and the natural landscape was substantially modified through the crea-tion of defensive or delimiting structures. The monumentalization of the village constitutes a material metaphor for the ideological predominance of the com-munity over the family unit during the Bronze Age.

It would not be until the second Iron Age (fourth–first centuries BC) that the world of Galician castros would undergo significant architectural changes in terms of variability. A testimony to the different dynamics and forms of social organization, the architecture of castros now become notoriously variegated, from the rectangular cabins of the central and southern regions of what is now the province of Lugo (Castros of Barán, Vilela, Castromaior), through the monumental cabins of the castros of the Costa da Morte to the casas-patio (houses-courtyard) of the Galician south-west. This period of efflorescence in Galician domestic architecture is explained by the economic consolidation of rural societies in which social division was no longer shunned. The gradual occupation of the lowlands, the increase in agrarian production following mas-sive deforestation, the considerable technological development that came with the increasingly generalized use of iron and the impact that Carthaginian trade had on coastal regions were all factors which created the necessary conditions for the emergence of a hierarchical society. This process culminated in the gradual ‘urbanization’ of society with the development of true towns (or opp-ida in Latin) during the second and first centuries BC, before the arrival of Rome in Galicia. Large populaces such as Santa Trega, San Cibrán de Lás, Troña, Elviña, Vigo, Castromao and Baroña had developed into veritable works of art with spectacular defensive walls, turreted gates, monumental entrances, guard corps and ritualistic thermal baths (known in modern Galician as monu-mentos con forno or pedras formosas). The oppida had therefore developed an architecture of prestige, which today can be taken as the best evidence for how power started to be centralized and channelled into the creation and manage-ment of collective infrastructures for the spatial control of the population. Po-litical territories were born in this way. This new way of inhabiting the land corresponded with the appearance of pre-state social realities such as those revolving around client networks, chieftains and new pre-aristocratic elites (González Ruibal 2006: 170–1).

The casa nostra: architecture in Roman Gallaecia and the early medieval period

Traditional archaeology in Galicia, wielding an evolutionist, colonial perspec-tive that tended to equate the Roman conquest with the arrival of progress, technology and modernity, has often considered the inhabitants of the castros


as backward and primitive. Viewed from this perspective the statues of Gal-laic warriors have often been interpreted as imitations of provincial Roman art; the monumentos con forno as imperfect copies of the Roman baths; the regularity of the oppida as a cheap simulation of Mediterranean urban layouts and so on (Queiroga 2003: 32–3; Sastre Prats 2008: 1035–6; Pereira Menaut 2009: 21–2). The reality, however, was much more complex. It is certainly true that over the course of the first century AD Rome reorganized the Galician territory by fixing new limits on local communities, founding cities – Astu-rica, Bracara, Lucus – and establishing new fiscal and judicial regimes as well as a new system of land ownership. Deep formal transformations on the legal and administrative levels gave way to new collective identities, often founded upon new ideological elements of cohesion and the role of elite classes as in-struments of integration into the Empire. A clear sense of continuity with the preceding structures, however, may be observed on many levels. Epigraphical evidence reveals, for example, the persistence of pre-Roman naming prac-tices as well as of the religious pantheon of the Gallaeci, Asturian and Lusi-tanian populations. The endurance of the castros as the principal form of settlement further attests to this lack of a total break with the past. In fact the architecture of the castros that survived in the first and second centuries AD exhibits certain strategies for cultural resistance. Elements of past architec-tural practices – including the construction of circular houses or traditional forms of fortification – were reused or re-signified as symbolic sites associ-ated with memory practices and can be seen today as the product of a renego-tiation of society and identity.

From the Flavian period (AD 69–96) onwards new settlement layouts erupt-ed in the form of villae, vici or fora, which were followed by the intensive oc-cupation of valley bottoms and the appearance of open, unfortified settlements. These new nuclei of population – existing alongside military establishments such as Aquis Querquernis – were situated strategically at geographical hubs for communication and resources as well as for land and maritime control. It was during this period that the lighthouse of Brigantium (today known as the Torre de Hércules in A Coruña) was built, itself the site where the first written reference to an architect was found in the Galician territory: Cayo Sevio Lupo, from Aemminium, in modern-day Coimbra (Bello Diéguez 2008). Important nuclei such as Aquae Flaviae, Turde, Iria Flavia and Brigantium existed along-side small secondary nuclei characterized by the absence of defence structures, demarcations or sanitary infrastructure, grouped around roads or spaces of economic importance such as ports or markets (Pérez Losada 2004: 134). Their domestic architecture, though modest, was fully Roman, which can be taken as a reflection of how such nuclei responded to the nascent economic system of proto-capitalist interactions rooted in a class-based society.


The early Roman economic exploitation and administrative organization of the Galician territories brought about a sense of conflict between tradition and modernity that was experienced more tangibly by the local elites, now closer to the new power. This conflict gave rise to hybrid material manifestations that remain well documented in the domestic sphere. From the Julian-Claudian period (27 BC–AD 68), for example, the new model of the Latin house became a source of prestige and was imitated in the first instance by new generations of local elites who had incorporated themselves during the Flavian period into a new reality of growing urbanization that usually went side by side with the acquisition of civil rights and the actual possibility of social mobility (Suárez Piñeiro 2009: 110–11). In this context the generalization of earthen settlements and the appearance of these secondary nuclei with fully urbanized domestic architectures led to the abandonment of traditional hill forts in those areas closer to the arterial roads of the territory.

The city of Lucus Augusti – present-day Lugo – is the best example in Gali-cia of the implantation of the Roman architectural model (Rodríguez Colme-nero 2011). For decades Galicia was considered to have lacked the basic archi-tectural indicators of Roman urbanism and evergetism, due to the supposed absence of large public works and of sites designated for public leisure. How-ever, archaeological investigations undertaken in the last two decades in the centre of Lugo (focusing particularly on sections of the city wall and aqueduct) have clearly shown us the face of a complete provincial Roman city, with its combination of popular and luxurious neighbourhoods, such as the Domus Oceani, today a museum (González Fernández 2005).

The crisis of the third century AD brought with it, on the one hand, the re-vitalization in the late imperial age of some of the hill forts built in strategic areas and, on the other, the appearance of villae for the landowning elite, which began to act as a backbone of the Galaico-Roman rural space. The coastal vi-llae of Toralla (Vigo) and Noville (Mugardos, Ferrolterra) are good examples of residential architecture of the late Empire linked to the economic exploitation of the territory on an industrial scale (Pérez Losada 1995: 170). Nevertheless, we need to bear in mind that the role played by the local elites cannot be ex-tended to the bulk of the population, which has been effectively made invisible in traditional archaeological discourses. Indicators such as the enduring pull of the hill fort observed in the third to fifth centuries AD across a wide area of the conventus lucensis (see, for instance, the case of the hill fort at Villadonga) show clearly that different economic, class and even ethnic dynamics coex-isted, determining architectural practices during this period (Arizaga Castro and Ayán Vila 2007: 485).

Over this complex reality came pouring the mass Germanic invasions and the formation of the Suevi kingdom, which remains one of the great lacunae in


the archaeological record of the north-west. To this day there is evidence of the Suevi kingdom in Galicia, particularly in the Parrochiale Suevum – the kingdom’s preserved administrative record – and in jewels and stone sarcophagi. Yet we still know next to nothing about the actual settlements during the period between the fifth and sixth centuries, which has been customarily, and perhaps also rather lazily, referred to as part of Galicia’s archaeological ‘Dark Ages’. This has meant that at the level of cultural and political historiography we can read the Cronicon by Hidacio and De Correctione Rusticorum by Martiño de Dumio, we can discuss in great depth the hermitages and cave sanctuaries of the Ribei-ra Sacra, or reconstruct the political history of the first Germanic state born in Europe following the collapse of the Western Empire. But for the moment no artefacts generated by this sociocultural formation have been found apart from some decontextualized brooches, a ruined arch at the hermitage of Panxón (in Nigrán, Pontevedra) and some sarcophagi of uncertain date found beneath the cathedral in Santiago de Compostela (Rodríguez Resino 2005: 87–139). How-ever, recent developments in the field of Galician rural architecture (Criado Boado and Ballesteros Arias 2002) have yielded considerable progress in our understanding of the Suevi period, particularly with regard to the architectural structures of Galician land labouring, which in Galicia have been the architecture of the dispossessed. Archaeological field studies carried out on the Monte Gaiás at the start of the construction of the Cidade da Cultura in 2001 have helped us visualize the origins of the characteristic terraced landscape developing in the fifth–seventh centuries AD when a new political structure was gathering shape (Ballesteros Arias et al. 2006: 124–5).

The arrival of the Germanic tribes led to the appearance of new building traditions and models for domestic space at a time when proto-feudal structures began to appear in the rural sphere. It is in this period that the transformation of traditional domestic architecture with the decline of the Iron Age house in the north-west takes place. The Germanic groups settling across the north-west in the fifth century brought along with them a wood-and-mud architecture that underwent significant changes during the sixth century, as is shown by farm-style settlements of As Pereiras (Chaos de Amoeiro, Ourense), the open village model observable in A Pousada (San Cristovo do Eixo, Santiago de Com-postela) or the concentrated oppida or castella of Castro Ventosa in O Bierzo (Ballesteros Arias 2009: 133–4). As happens with seventh-century domestic architecture on the Castilian plateau, there seems to be a preference for rectan-gular or trapezoidal domestic structures, often showing differentiated spaces for artisanal and productive activities and habitation. These dwellings show the signs of basic construction techniques, including walls of rough masonry, wat-tle and daub, trodden earth floors and roofs covered with tiles or perishable materials. By the seventh century the Germanic communities had become


acculturated through their gradual assimilation of important prestige markers of the Galaico-Roman world, including religious dogma, imperial bureaucracy and currency. The progressive disappearance of the traditional Iron Age dwell-ing went hand in hand with the consolidation of a late-Empire architecture of prestige exemplified by its villae, the definitive occupation of the valley bottoms and the abandonment of fortified settlements, whose original raison d’être had faded together with the world in which they had emerged.

The architecture of feudal coercion

Traditional Galician historiography informs us that the Dark Ages of the early medieval period developed over time into the mid-medieval flourishing of the Kingdom of Galicia and the glorious time of Archbishop Xelmírez (ca. 1069–ca. 1149). An example of this age of splendour would be the Galician Romanesque (Bango Torviso 1995). Yet narratives in this vein are often the result of tradi-tionalist Catholic models for Galician historiography set in motion by pre-war intellectuals of galeguismo such as Ramón Otero Pedrayo, Vicente Risco and Florentino López Cuevillas. For its part, Galician art historiography has also underwritten this perspective in sanctioning the view that the Romanesque and Baroque were the artistic correlation of two periods of economic growth. This idealized vision was also behind the relatively intense process of rehabilitation of churches, hermitage-chapels and monasteries in Galicia over the second half of the twentieth century, although many of these works have resulted in pastiche compositions that glossed over the buildings’ long history and fossilized their appearance and functions as those that would have been applicable only to the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Such was the agenda promoted by the tourism policies of late Francoism, which helped to popularize rather stereotypical representations of Galician archaeological history such as those present along the routes of Romanesque arts or the Ribeira Sacra. In the post-autonomic period the revitalization of the Camiño de Santiago and the successive Anos Xacobeos – celebrated in those years when the day of Saint James, 25 July, falls on a Sunday – granted continuity to this politics of representation, turning the school of Mestre Mateo and the Romanesque into one of the most recognizable visual markers of Galician identity both in Galicia and abroad. However, no one today reclaims the Baroque or the popular neoclassical style that still defines most of the parish churches of Galicia.

This ideological focus on Romanesque Galicia has perpetuated a certain asymmetry in our architectural understanding of the period. As a result, the main focus of interest has normally centred on religious architecture as the cultivated manifestation of feudal evergetism, whether it was sponsored by the Astur-Leonese monarchy, the House of Traba or the Benedictine and Cistercian


monasteries. Yet it is largely ignored that the landscape constructed along Romanesque lines was the materialization of a feudal system of social coercion as well as the exploitation on the part of the Galician nobility of an increas-ingly more precious rural workforce. A good example of the type of landscape architecture which is nowhere to be seen in the manuals of Galician art history is that of viticulture in the areas of Salnés, Ribeiro and Ribeira Sacra. Just as with Romanesque art and the Provençal troubadour lyric, modern Galician grape varieties also came from France, carried by the monks, nobles and counts who traversed the French Jacobean Way. The miracle of the Rivoyra Sacrata was therefore the result of the labour of previous generations of men, women and children who broke the schist-laden soil and built wineries, fields and ter-races, all the while paying rent to the landowners and scarcely suspecting that the Ribeiran wine would one day be highly prized in the British Isles and northern Europe. This anonymous workforce of labourers and stonemasons produced an enormous part of the Galician monumental landscape, which is no longer the patrimony of monasteries, friars or counts but belongs rather to all Galicians. While in the interior of Galicia this architecture has been preserved up until the present day, in Atlantic Galicia the arrival of corn brought with it a construction boom in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that com-pletely altered, as we shall see later, the old medieval landscape.

As previously pointed out, the Camiño de Santiago was the route by which exterior influences and new construction trends arrived in Galicia. The influ-ence of French architecture was enormous, as is borne out by the fact that the cathedral works in the city of Compostela were commissioned in the thirteenth century by the prelate Juan Arias (1240–66), who drew inspiration from French Gothic models. Builders (operarius) of French origin such as Pedro Boneth are also known to have participated in the construction work. Lack of funds, however, meant that the cathedral works came to a halt, which re-sulted in the preservation of the Romanesque building; thus the foundations of the Gothic apse may be found beneath the stairs of the Praza da Quintana. A further example of French architectural influence is that of the French Dominican Berenguel de Landoira, who was made Bishop of Compostela in 1317 and who rebuilt the castle of Rocha Forte – today in the parish of Conxo, Santiago de Compostela – following the concentric model of European castles that had already been tried during the crusades to the Holy Land (Sánchez Sánchez 2009: 64–5).

Adhering to Romanesque styles was certainly a token of power for the feu-dal lords (and nominally the Church) in the rural world, where Mestre Mateo developed the work of his fruitful and influential school (Yzquierdo Perrín 2010: 5–12). Urban development in late medieval Galicia, however, was characterized by the Gothic style which spread in the first instance as a result of the arrival


of the Cistercian order in Galicia (Valle Pérez 1982: 25–9). The urban develop-ment of growing cities such as Pontevedra or Ourense, with their powerful merchant middle class, was associated with the boom of civil architecture which for the first time played a prominent role in Galician city landscapes (López Carreira 1991: 97–101). Mansions and town houses served as canvases for the ostentation, self-affirmation and legitimization of the new merchant elites, now competing with their lordships and bishops for social and economic prominence. Those monastic orders that depended on charity such as the Dominicans and the Franciscans complete the scenery of the walled Galician cities, commis-sioning religious constructions under the patronage of guilds and noble families who chose these churches to house their mortal remains.

The late medieval Galician landscape is rounded off by one of the paradig-matic constructions of feudalism, the castle, which needs to be understood historically as the architectural symbol of social coercion and violence dominat-ing the countryside in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The Irmandiño revolts – a spate of violent conflicts led by labourers against the landowning nobility in the fifteenth century – condemned the majority of these castles to the ruined state in which they have remained, in the best of cases, until the present day. Throughout the nineteenth century much Galician medieval urban architecture was destroyed in the name of progress, an example of which can be seen in the Episcopal towers of Pontevedra or the pazo (Galician manor house) of the Andrade family in Pontedeume. This progressive destruction notwithstanding, castles in more rural environments still remain as magnificent examples of the architectural evolution from Galician Gothic to Renaissance aesthetics. Old medieval towers such as the López de Lemos manor house in Sober (Terra de Lemos, Lugo), were augmented and eventually became part of the proto-pazos, displaying new Italian influences when the Galician Kingdom was going through a process of pacification by the Hispanic monarchy and the emigration of the Galician nobility. During this transitional period, cultured feudal lords such as Archbishop Alfonso de Fonseca introduced new architec-tural styles to Galicia: the Palacio de Fonseca in Santiago de Compostela, today housing the university’s Vice-Chancellor’s office and main library, and Cardi-nal Rodrigo Castro’s Herrerian-style College of Our Lady of Antiga in Monforte de Lemos are good examples of these new building styles.

The Baroque Galician Kingdom: from corn to the arco perpiaño

Galicia’s status as a peripheral territory within the Spanish political landscape, always distant from the centres of power of the Asturias and Bourbon monar-chies, was consolidated during this period (between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries). This was also the period when a new class of Galician fidalgos – the


autochthonous rural gentry, halfway between the landowning classes and the impoverished peasantry – emerged, leaving a mark on Galician architecture through their construction of pazos (manor houses) and small urban palaces (Pardo de Neyra 2006: 106–29). The large Galician pazos of Goiáns (in Boiro, A Coruña), Oca (in A Estrada, Pontevedra) or Tor (in Monforte de Lemos, Lugo) are veritable architectural indicators of the upward shift in economic and social status enjoyed by the local lords (similar, in many aspects, to their Portuguese counterparts, the quintas). The propitious economic circumstances of this class can be seen in these constructions’ garden designs, lush interior salons, balus-trades, grand staircases and archways, all symbolizing upper-class ostentation and affirmation (García Iglesias 1989).

Similarly, the consolidation of the modern state predictably brought about new architectural realities. From the beginning of the sixteenth century Galicia had enjoyed considerable geopolitical importance as a result of its geographical posi-tion on the Atlantic and its border with Portugal. The Spanish-Austrian monarchy considered it a priority to carry out a systematic fortification of the Galician coastline and southern borders, thus giving rise to the modern fortified landscape which was built according to typical feudal mechanisms but directed by expert engineers, architects and military master-builders, true bureaucrats of a fully modern state (Blanco Rotea and García Rodríguez 2006: 90–1). In this regard the network of fortifications in Baixo Miño is one of the best examples in Europe of the landscape of modern state security, built over centuries in conjunction with changing political circumstances, military advances – earthworks, star forts, better artillery – and the consolidation of the idea of state borders, particularly after Portugal’s independence from the mid-sixteenth century onwards.

A second example of the impact of state power in Galicia and its landscape was the city of Ferrol, plucked, as it were, from nowhere as a project of en-lightened despotism. During the second half of the seventeenth century the geostrategic conditions of the estuary convinced enlightened ministers of the convenience of establishing a naval centre for the north of the Peninsula in that area, thus complementing the already existing ports of Cadiz and Carta-gena in the south. A system of extant fortifications can still be observed today all around the ría of Ferrol – the castles of San Felipe and Palma, small watch-towers, batteries, guard posts, towers and bastions – which in the past made it impossible for enemy squadrons to reach the city at the back of the estuary (Blanco Rotea 2008: 75–7). The old centre of Ferrol is a true remnant of the aesthetics of enlightened despotism with its penchant for classical lines and models, themselves a prelude to the wave of city expansion projects developing across Europe in the nineteenth century.

Along with these new power-related architectural realities, a revolutionary process took place in Atlantic Galicia: the arrival of American corn. Its rapid


incorporation into the eating habits and production cycles of the peasant class brought about paradigmatic demographic changes. The average age of marriage decreased and birth rates went up significantly. The arrival of corn also increased the income of the members of a ruling class who partially used their surpluses to erect rural Baroque architecture, renovating old churches and parochial houses as well as constructing new ones. From the architectural point of view the Galician corn boom favoured the use of stone in popular construction, as exemplified by the appearance of a new form of granary – the Galician hórreo. Archetypal forms of architectural prestige also began to be emulated in rural settings giving way to the first farmhouses with large doorways, roof windows, balconies and perpiaños (vault arches).

An architecture of their own: regionalists, indianos and architects

The Spanish War of Independence (1808–14) and the subsequent Ominous Decade (1823–33) gave way to deep transformations in the status quo of the old Galician Kingdom, with its final official dissolution in 1833 and Mendizábal’s ecclesiastical confiscations in 1837, which swiftly stripped the Galician clergy of their land. These important transformations did not improve the lives of the country people but they did enable the urban middle classes, the gentry and richer labourers to buy up land. With the economic decline of the clerical class came the deterioration or gradual disuse of the great Galician monasteries (Oseira, Samos, Poio, Oia, Sobrado dos Monxes, Monferro, Celanova, Melón, San Estevo de Ribas de Sil). Many religious buildings were redeployed as of-fices of state administration. The rise of the industrial and merchant middle class was reflected in the urban development of Galician cities and towns which was overseen by a handful of internationally trained architects who, like Alejo An-drade Yáñez and Faustino Domínguez, acted as veritable channels for neoclas-sical styles sanctioned by an increasingly professionalized class. The appearance of large parks, tree-lined boulevards and the destruction of walled enclosures, towers, monasteries and convents were all part and parcel of this process of urban expansion or reorganization. Recent archaeological work in the old districts of Compostela, Lugo and Pontevedra has shed invaluable light on how this nineteenth-century process of urban transformation occurred.

Nineteenth-century architecture in Galicia bears the distinctive hallmarks of two main historical factors: the construction of the railway and the patronage of the indianos, a term used to refer to the (usually male) migrants who returned rich to Galicia. The construction of the railway was the result of the strong po-litical and public pressure exercised by Galician oligarchs in Madrid and went hand in hand with the industrialization of coastal cities. This explains why the first stretch of railway line was that between Santiago and Carril, thereby con-


necting the city to the main port on the Ría de Arousa where there was an im-portant fishing fleet as well as a sizeable tin industry and sawmills. The need to transport products unloaded at the large ports of Vigo and A Coruña overland to central Spain explains the subsequent expansion of the rail network during the 1880s, from which Monforte de Lemos emerged as a rail hub. Monforte was a small medieval market town built on the skirts of the old Dactonian hill fort, whose economy by the time the railway was constructed was supported by a few declining artisanal industries. The arrival of the railway spelled the definitive demise of the old town – most of its population moved to the bottom of the valley. The railway brought business and attracted a new population of young entrepre-neurs from the nearby cities of Lugo and Ourense. These sociological changes brought about a series of architectural transformations in terms of town expansion, the inauguration of roads with grand-sounding names such as Rúa do Progreso (Progress Street), promenades and modernist buildings similar in style to those in Vigo or Barcelona. In view of this accelerated development, the Spanish mon-archy conferred city status on Monforte and within a few years it had become the second largest town in the province of Lugo. The area around the railway station grew into a neighbourhood in its own right where a notoriously idiosyn-cratic mixture of working-class families and national railway employees lived. This working- and middle-class neighbourhood developed a prominent culture of left-wing trade unionism. Their activity had become rather prominent during the years of the Second Republic and was harshly quashed with the coup d’état of July 1936. The station neighbourhood constituted, in its turn, a perfect urban metaphor for modernity with a thriving infrastructure of cinemas, pharmacies, cooperative stores, schools and leisure centres and associations, which were lack-ing in other Galician towns and cities.

These were also the years when the return of the Galician indianos would leave an imprint on the country’s landscape and society. As living symbols of upward mobility in a still stagnant social environment, the Galician indianos needed to exhibit their success and demanded a new privileged position once back in their land of origin. This position was not theirs by birthright as it was for the landed gentry, but they felt they had the right to it nonetheless, having made something of themselves and possessing capital. Galician indianos, despite being heavily criticized by traditionalist galeguismo, played an important role in the transformation of the Galician sociological and architectural landscape. They participated actively in cultural and political life, led agrarian movements and were mayors on numerous councils. Indiano architecture, which is also found in Asturias, is the transplanted representation of these migrants’ socio-logical and aesthetic experience abroad (Alonso Pereira 2000: 55–60). Ostenta-tious in purpose and character in its use of lurid colours and alien decorative styles – often reminiscent of pseudo-historicist or Romantic forms – indiano


architecture in Galicia was very much at variance with indigenous construction models (Bores Gamundi 2009). The most powerful indianos erected isolated villas in highly visible locations or on plots of land adjacent to roads. But they also contributed private funding to the construction of public works such as schools, dance halls, cinemas and parks as well as to the restoration of chapels and churches which attracted a local, popular devotion. Typical examples of the indianos are the Naveira brothers in Betanzos – who commissioned among other projects the town’s Parque do Pasatempo – and Manuel Barreiro Cabane-las in A Lama (Pontevedra).

The American factor which was so important in the development of galeguis-mo as a political and cultural movement also left its mark on the urban archi-tecture promoted by elites who embraced regionalist ideals. In Vigo, for exam-ple, the architect Jenaro de la Fuente was the hand behind a large part of the city’s sumptuous modernist architecture and its tendency towards historicist eclecticism. Such was the preferred style also for other regionalist architects such as Antonio Palacios (Iglesias Veiga 1995; González Méndez 2004), as well as nationalist-identified architects associated with the Partido Galeguista such as Rafael González Villar or Manuel Gómez Román (Baldellou 1995: 179–200).

Attila in Galicia: the architecture of totalitarianism

The 1930s saw the late introduction via rationalist currents and the work of ar-chitects such as Santiago Rey Pedreira and Francisco Castro Represas of avant-garde aesthetics into the architecture of urban Galicia (Varela Alén 2004: 205–7). But this was also the decade when the senselessness of totalitarian fascism and its associated forms was to take hold of the country. The trauma caused by the brutal repression of the 1940s and the early 1950s, which occurred mainly in the rural areas, engendered a climate of fear among the population, the majority of whom avoided confronting the established power. In typical totalitarian style the regime integrated itself into all aspects of daily life, and even architecture was not exempt from its all-encompassing influence. Visible in the yoke and the ar-rows inscribed on the state-owned casas baratas (cheap houses), in public wash-ing places, street names and parish church walls where lists of martyrs were displayed, Galician architecture bore the mark of its own longa noite de pedra (long night of stone), while independent forms of innovation were entirely out of the question for a diminished, elite group of architects still anchored in regional-ist historicism or co-opted into Italian fascist models of monumentalism (the building of the Banco de España in Vigo is an example).

Without a doubt Franco’s dictatorship brought about a brutal transformation of the Galician landscape. Thus the obliteration of democracy in 1936 not only meant the repression of individuals and collectives but also had a tremendous


impact on the landscape through the construction of grand edifices which only benefited the business and industrial elites supporting Franco at the expense of the collective interests of local communities. Fascist infrastructures in Galicia, as in other parts of the Spanish state, adhered to the principles and economic policies of desarrollismo, causing widespread discontent, if not opposition, among the social classes that felt completely disenfranchised from these projects. The flooding and subsequent building of the dams of Os Peares, Belesar, Castrelo de Miño and Santo Estevo as well as the draining of A Lagoa de Antela are examples of this. Totalitarian architecture also became visible in the planned towns of the Terra Chá and the island of Ons, which were built to house workers coming to the wolfram mines, or in the hydroelectric plants or the Civil Guard quarters that had emerged in the rural areas as bastions in the fight against the anti-Franco guerrillas. Francoism also practised a predatory building policy based on over-development which, among other things, gave rise to the dismantling of popular Galician architecture and the systematic degradation of the historic town centres and the coastal towns. At the same time in the 1960s and 1970s rationalist and organicist building projects appeared, thanks to architects such as Xosé Bar Boo, Andrés Fernández Albalat and Alejandro de la Sota.

Rurbanism and architectural feísmo: the ugly houses of postmodernity

In 2007 Manuel Sendón, a photography lecturer, put together an exhibition entitled Casas doentes (Ugly Houses) with the aim of denouncing the dis-mantling of popular Galician architecture in contemporary times. His exhibi-tion certainly struck a chord with discourses about the Galician landscape today, particularly since it listed some shocking examples of feísmo (ugly-ism), the term used to refer to the widespread practice of poorly planned house building or restoration in Galicia. A great number of architectural aberrations do indeed pepper the Galician landscape and the contemporary visitor will not be spared a plethora of examples on her way. It would be unfairly sim-plistic, however, to limit our discussion of feísmo to a mere description of its visible results – and other initiatives already exist which aim to poke fun at this all too obvious phenomenon in Galician architecture, often mocking, in tandem, the Galician rural classes and their way of life (see, for example, the photographic catalogue entitled Chapuzas gallegas – Galician botched jobs – accessible in the online version of La Voz de Galicia since 2007). I shall now turn to a historicizing discussion of feísmo and focus on the socio-eco-nomic context underlying this particular phenomenon.

As I have pointed out, the Galician landscape underwent a series of profound changes in the late stages of Francoism owing to the slight openness demon-strated by the regime towards modernity, the gradual abandonment of tradi-


tional, rural lifestyles on the part of the Galician population, the impact caused by monies sent from abroad by Galician émigrés and the lax building regula-tions. As this chapter has attempted to show, the Galician landscape had always suffered from a high level of human interventionism. In the last decades of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first, however, this process accelerated. In the words of the economist Anxo Viña, Galicia is currently undergoing a process of ‘diffuse urbanism’ or ‘rurbanism’, so-called because of the blurring of boundaries between the urban and rural areas and a greater fragmentation of land owing to the unplanned growth of the periph-eries (Viña Carregal 1994). This phenomenon is evident in the countless county towns – Boiro, Ordes, Chantada, Carballo, Vilalba, Verín – which have systematically destroyed their architectural heritage (VV.AA. 2006). These towns still function as a metaphor for the passage from a traditional pre-modern agrarian society to an urban environment, and they have been unable to rid themselves of their rural substrate: cultivated plots of land still intersperse town neighbourhoods along with cattle or agricultural produce markets, fairs and the presence of an ephemeral architecture not that dis-similar from the peri-urban areas of sub-Saharan cities. Moreover, contem-porary town constructions show a clear intention of breaking with the rural Galician house and the negative associations with hunger and restrictions that the house possesses to this day for many Galicians. Instead contemporary constructions opt for a syncretism of architectural styles (González Ruibal 2005: 148–9; Fernández Vázquez 2005: 330–6).

For this reason, pilgrims and visitors who arrive in Galicia expecting to see a traditional architecture like that portrayed by the North American photog-rapher Ruth Mathilda Anderson in the 1920s or Walter Ebëling in the 1930s will be seriously disappointed. The pallozas of O Cebreiro which could be visited in the past are now no more than an archaeological fossil. Visitors will be greeted instead with the sight of a contemporary Galician architecture made up of hybrid and seemingly arbitrary or unidentified traits going by the un-compromisingly debased name of feísmo (ugly-ism). As Xosé Manuel Rosales, the coordinator of Proxectoterra, has pointed out, this term tries to foist re-sponsibility for the problem in a haphazard way on to individuals. The Galician rural classes are viewed in this instance as ‘good savages’ by an intellectual urban elite in the style of the De Correctione Rusticorum by Martiño de Dumio. It is necessary to remember that the country people are a (collective) subject that builds a social reality and employs architecture as a tool to reproduce and facilitate social and cultural exchange. Economic circumstances, the maximi-zation of benefits, the minimization of costs and the influence of emigration are all variables which explain the evolution of the rural Galician house from 1960 until the present day. Thus a lack of regard for tradition gave way to the


emulation of the prestige symbols of the new urban house (dining rooms, bathrooms) culminating in recent years with the neo-folk recreation of the times of labour (converted basements, French-style chimneys, open hearths, traditional work tools hanging on the walls).

Life after the Cidade da Cultura

The first Colexio Oficial de Arquitectos de Galicia (Association of Galician Architects) and the first Escola Técnica de Arquitectura (College of Technical Architecture) were created in A Coruña in 1973. Such institutional development favoured the appearance of a formally trained generation of architects – Manuel Gallego Jorreto, César Portela, Pascuala Campos, Xosé Manuel Casavella and Iago Seara, among others – whose vision and projects underwrote the drive towards modernity, eclecticism and a formal vindication of Galician identity (López Bernárdez 2005: 136). At the same time the appearance of new heritage management policies brought about a series of institutional efforts on behalf of broad sectors of Galician society to rehabilitate historic city centres and tradi-tional popular architecture wherever this was still feasible. This hiperenxebris-ta (hyper-native) movement can be observed, for example, in the mushrooming of casas de turismo rural (rural tourism houses) where the owners have gone to great lengths to emphasize the traditional origins and uses of the family house which has now been transformed into a kind of boutique hotel. At the level of town planning, restoration projects have fluctuated between respectful ap-proaches (the town at Allariz in the province of Ourense is a magnificent ex-ample of this) and the production of truly kitsch scenographies, as evident, for example, in the paradores (state-owned hostels) of Pontevedra, Cambados or Vilalba (Llinares García 2004).

Furthermore in the last few years Galicia has become a testing ground for the work of non-Galician architects such as Álvaro Siza, Arata Isozaki, Aaldo Rossi and Peter Eisenman, who have been recruited to design a series of grand construction projects that can act as tourist selling points for Galicia abroad. The Guggenheim effect clearly attracted the attention of a Galician political class in love with a modern monumentalism that was historically in tune with totalitarian tastes (Bermejo Barrera 2012). The best example of this tendency is without doubt the as yet unfinished Cidade da Cultura on the local hill of Gaiás in Santiago de Compostela: an unnecessary, disproportionately large and semi-vacant cultural repository that has consumed public investment while the vast majority of Galician architectural and archaeological heritage projects have gone to rack and ruin (Ayán Vila and Gago Mariño 2012).

Even while the Galician government has had to bring the building of the full Cidade da Cultura to a halt owing to the economic crisis, new architectural


landscapes continue to crop up in grand styles. Witness, for instance, the neo-pazos of the drug barons which would not look out of place among the palaces of the son of the dictator Obiang in Equatorial Guinea, restaurants in the shape of medieval fortresses, the alpine bungalows on the Costa da Morte, the chalets and strip clubs with impossible staircases made of pink granite perpiaños, the sub-standard housing to be found on the outskirts of Galician cities or the in-credibly modern and functional Casas do Concello (town halls), not to mention the countless Centros de Interpretación (Heritage Interpretation Centres) and Centros de Desenvolvemento Comarcal (Centres for Regional Development) built at the peak of EU funding, which have now closed. Nevertheless, these new realities continue to showcase the enduring spirit and characteristics of Galician architectural history, the Galician taste for eclecticism and the capac-ity always to reinterpret external influences – and, often, pressures – in an autochthonous way.

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Galician Architecture: From Foundations to Roof

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