ISBN 9789067183840

Edited by | Andrea Acri | Helen Creese | Arlo Griffiths

The Ramayana in the Literature and Visual

Arts of Indonesia

FROM LANKA EASTWARDS

FROM LANKA EASTWARDSThe Ramayana in the Literature and Visual

Arts of Indonesia

The Ramayana in the Literature and V

isual Arts of Indonesia

From Lanka Eastw

ards

The Kakawin Ramayana, arguably the oldest Old Javanese epic text in Indic metres (circa 9th century AD), holds a unique

position in the literary heritage of Indonesia. The poem has retained a remarkable vitality through the centuries in the

Archipelago, inspiring many forms of artistic expression not only in the domain of literature but also in the visual and

performing arts, from the reliefs of the majestic Central Javanese temples to modern puppet-show performances.

Displaying a virtuoso array of metrical patterns, the Kakawin Ramayana is among the very few Old Javanese texts for which

a specific Sanskrit prototype has been identified, namely the difficult poem Bhattikavya (circa 7th century AD), itself a

version of the great Ramayana epic ascribed to Valmiki (circa 6th–1st century BC). The Old Javanese poem is an original

and skillful work of re-elaboration that documents a fascinating interaction between cultural elements of the Sanskritic

tradition with those indigenous to the Javanese setting.

The studies included in this volume, written by experts in a wide range of disciplines, focus on disparate aspects of the

Kakawin Ramayana and the constellation of cultural phenomena revolving around it, providing the reader with a key to the

understanding of the rich Old Javanese textual heritage and the transcultural intellectual dynamics that contributed

to shaping the cultural heritage of Indonesia up to the present.

With contributions from Andrea Acri, Helen Creese, Arlo Griffiths, Thomas Hunter, Roy Jordaan, Lydia Kieven, Cecelia

Levin, Wesley Michel, Stuart Robson and Adrian Vickers, this book is the result of a workshop held at the KITLV branch in

Jakarta on May 26th–28th 2009 and supported by the Australia-Netherlands Research Collaboration, the École française

d’Extrême-Orient, and the Stichting J. Gonda Fonds.

FROM LA!K" EASTWARDS

V E R H A N D E L I N G E NVAN HET KONINKLIJK INSTITUUTVOOR TAAL-, LAND- EN VOLKENKUNDE

#$%

From La&k' Eastwards(e R'm'ya)a in the Literatureand Visual Arts of Indonesia

Edited by

Andrea AcriHelen CreeseArlo Grif*ths

KITLV PressLeiden#+,,

Published by:KITLV PressKoninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde(Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies)PO Box -.,.#/++ RA Leiden(e Netherlandswebsite: www.kitlv.nle-mail: kitlvpress@kitlv.nl

KITLV is an institute of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences(KNAW)

Typeset by Andrea Acri in ‘Adobe Minion Pro’ using X ELATEX

Cover: Creja Ontwerpen, Leiderdorp

Cover photo: R'm'ya)a relief at Ca)0i 1iva, PrambananPhoto by Andrea Acri (#++/)

ISBN 978-90-6718-384-0

KITLVPress applies theCreativeCommonsAttribution-NonCommercialNoDe-rivs /.+ Unported License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-ncnd//.+)to books, published in or a2er January #+,,.

Authors retain ownership of the copyright for their articles, but they permitanyone unrestricted use and distribution within the terms of this license.

Printed in the Netherlands

CONTENTS

About the authors 344Introduction 54

P678 4O9: J636;<=< K6>6?4; 6;: 8@< K6>6?4; RABAC6D6

Hymns of Praise in Kakawins(e R!m!ya"a and Other Examples

Stuart Robson 1

Poetic Conventions as Opposed to Conventional Poetry?A Place for kavisamaya-!di in Comparative K'vya/Kakawin Studies

Wesley Michel 11

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) in the Bha##ik!vya, the Raghuva$%a,the 1iwagEha Inscription and the Kakawin R!m!ya"a

&omas Hunter 25

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central JavaKakavin R!m!ya"a, #$.,,,–,,. and #..,-–##

Andrea Acri 53

R!m!ya"a Traditions in BaliHelen Creese 93

(e Old Javanese Kapiparwa and a Recent Balinese PaintingAdrian Vickers 119

34 Contents

P678 44T@< RABAC6D6 68 C6DF4 P76BG6;6; 6;: C6DF4 P6;68676;

Imagine La&kapura at PrambananArlo Grif'ths 133

(e Grand Finale(e Uttarak!"(a of the Loro Jonggrang Temple Complex

Cecelia Levin 149

(e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R!m!ya"a ReexaminedRoy Jordaan 179

Hanuman, the Flying Monkey(e Symbolism of the R!m!ya"a Reliefs at the Main Temple of Ca)0i Panataran

Lydia Kieven 209

Abbreviations 233

Bibliography 235

Index 253

About the authors

A;:7<6AH74 has recently obtained his doctorate at LeidenUniversity. He cur-rently holds an Endeavour Award for Postdoctoral Research and a Visiting Fel-lowship at the School of Culture, History and Language of the College of Asiaand the Paci*c, the Australian National University (Canberra). His textual-historical, and mainly comparative, research focuses on 1aivism in South andSoutheast Asia, Sanskrit and Old Javanese literatures, Balinese Hinduism.

H<9<; C7<<=< is Reader in Indonesian in the School of Languages and Com-parative Cultural Studies at the University of Queensland. Her research spansBalinese culture, literature and gender in both historical and contemporarycontexts. She has published extensively on Balinese kakawin traditions. Hermajor contributions to Old Javanese studies include P!rth!ya"a: &e Journey-ing of P!rtha; An eighteenth-century Balinese kakawin (,--I) andWomen of thekakawinworld;Marriage and sexuality in the Indic courts of Java andBali (#++$).

A79J G74KL8@= is Professor of Southeast Asian History at the École françaised’Extrême-Orient (French School of Asian Studies) and posted at its Jakartacenter. Trained as a Sanskrit philologist, his research covers the epigraphicalrecords and other written sources, in Sanskrit and vernacular languages, of an-cient Cambodia, ancient Campa and ancient Indonesia. His primary objectiveis the publication of primary sources.

T@JB6= HM;8<7 is a Visiting Lecturer in Linguistics at the Faculty of Arts ofUdayana University in Denpasar, Bali, Indonesia where he teaches courses inSanskrit and Old Javanese language, linguistics and literature.

RJC JJ7:66; is a graduate of Leiden University. He has published extensivelyon ancient Javanese history and culture. His last book, co-authored by BrianColless, is &e Mah!r!jas of the Isles; &e )ailendras and the problem of )r*vi-jaya (#++%), which deals with the position of the foreign 1ailendra dynasty inJavanese and Malay-Sumatran history (%$#–c. ,+++ 6:).

3444 About the authors

LC:46 K4<3<; is a lecturer at the Department of Southeast Asian Studies at theUniversity of Frankfurt, Germany. Her studies focus on ancient and traditionalJavanese art and culture, based on recurrent visits in situ. She has published var-ious articles on her speci*c research subject—the ancient East Javanese templereliefs, and is a co-author of Ann Kinney’s Worshiping )iva and Buddha. &etemple art of East Java (#++/). A revision of her PhD thesis on Panji reliefs atMajapahit temples, written at the University of Sydney, is planned to be pub-lished soon.

C<H<946 L<34; is an Associate in the Department of Sanskrit and Indian Stud-ies at Harvard University. Her career has spanned the teaching of Asian art his-tory at several colleges and universities in the United States as well serving incuratorial and research positions in the Department of Asian Art of Metropoli-tan Museum of Art,(e Asia Society, Inc., the Asian Art Museum of San Fran-cisco, and the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Levin’s scholarly work and pub-lications focus on the sculptural narrative tradition of the Central Javanese pe-riod; modes of pictorial narration of the R!m!ya"a in South and SoutheastAsia, and Classical Javanese gold.

W<=9<CM4H@<9 (MA, University of Chicago) is an independent scholar. Hiscurrent research interests include Javanese mysticism and discourses of super-natural powers in Indonesian media and society.

S8M678 RJG=J; is an Adjunct Associate Professor attached to the School ofLanguages, Cultures and Linguistics in the Faculty of Arts at Monash Univer-sity (Melbourne, Australia). Over the years he has been involved in editingand translating a number of specimens of Old Javanese poetical literature, themost recent being the Arjunawiw!ha (#++I), and has a continuing interest inJavanese lexicography. His latest publication is the course-book Basic Indone-sian (#+,+), with Yacinta Kurniasih.

A:746; V4H><7= is Professor of Southeast Asian Studies at the University ofSydney, where he is Director of the Australian Centre for AsianArt andArchae-ology. He completed his PhD at the University of Sydney, in ,-IN, under the su-pervision of Prof. Peter Worsley. A revised version of that thesis was publishedas Journeys of Desire (#++.). His books include Bali: A paradise created (,-I-),andA history of modern Indonesia (#++.). Hismost recent book was Peradabanpesisir (‘Coastal civilisation’, #++-). His Balinese art: Paintings and drawings of

About the authors 45

Bali +,--–.-+-, will be published by Tuttle at the end of #+,,. He has previ-ously worked at the University ofWollongong and the University of New SouthWales, and held visiting positions at the University of Indonesia, Udayana Uni-versity, and LeidenUniversity. He holds a series of Australian Research Councilgrants (Discovery and Linkage) looking at Indonesian-Australian connections,labour and industry in Southeast Asia, and Balinese art.

Introduction

T@< Australia-Netherlands Research Collaboration (ANRC) announced in#++I a call for applications for funding of workshops which must feature

collaboration betweenAustralian andDutch scholars, andmust actively involvescholars / experts fromSoutheast Asia, and had to take place in theNetherlands,Australia or Southeast Asia. (e announcement of this call coincided with thelatest round of cost-cutting measures in the humanities at Leiden University,one of whose results was the abandonment of the last vestiges of the academictradition, dating back to deep in the nineteenth century, of teaching and re-search in Old Javanese. In Australia, Old Javanese studies as such had alreadydisappeared from all the Universities in which they were previously established.In Indonesia, enrolments were continuing to decline at Universitas Indonesia inJakarta andUniversitasGadjahMada inYogyakarta, whileUniversitasUdayanaon Bali seemed to be the one positive exception in this regard.

It seemed that the call for applications announced by the ANRCwould con-stitute an excellent opportunity to do something positive for the *eld of Old Ja-vanese studies, by bringing together a number of international and Indonesianscholars—either af*rmed academics, independent researchers or enthusiasticrecent arrivals in the *eld, includingmyself—from a range of disciplinary *eldsto hold an academic workshop, which would also provide a context for explor-ing new ways of structuring teaching and research in Old Javanese philologyand related *elds, and have a signi*cant impact on capacity building. (is iswhy I proposed to three senior academics in the Netherlands (Arlo Grif*ths,my PhD supervisor, now at EFEO Jakarta), Australia (Helen Creese) and In-donesia (Titik Pudjiastuti) the idea to submit an application, in the hope thatour joint collaboration would stand a good chance in a competitive selectionprocess. We were indeed able to *nd the ANRC willing to act as main sponsorof a workshop, which was held at the premises of the KITLV branch in JakartaonMay #Nth–#Ith #++-, andwhichwasmade possible by substantial extra con-tributions from the EFEO and the Stichting J. Gonda Fonds of the Royal DutchAcademy of Arts and Sciences. (e theme of the workshop was &e Old Ja-vanese R!m!ya"a: Text, History, Culture.

544 Introduction

I proposed this theme inspired by something Prof. Andries Teeuw had re-cently told me during one of our reading sessions of Old Javanese texts, namelythat the time was ripe for a conference on the Kakawin R!m!ya"a—the *rst tobe ever organized. Indeed it seemed tome only natural to devote our workshopto the Old Javanese Kakawin R!m!ya"a, for the text holds a unique position inthe literary heritage of Indonesia. (is fascinating Kakawin, now generally re-garded as the earliest Old Javanese work of poetry (commonly assumed to datefrom the ninth century 6:), has played a special role as a catalyst in variousdomains of the cultural history of the Archipelago. (e poem has retained aremarkable vitality through the centuries, inspiring many forms of artistic ex-pression not only in the domain of literature but also of the visual and perform-ing arts, from the reliefs of the majestic Central Javanese temples to modernpuppet-show performances.

(e Kakawin R!m!ya"a, which has survived to us through a number ofpalm-leafmanuscripts from Java andBali, displays several unique features.(e-se features, including a virtuoso array of Sanskrit-derivedmetrical patterns andan idiosyncratic use of theOld Javanese language, set the poemapart fromotherOld Javanese belletristic works, which mostly originated in East Java in the pe-riod from the eleventh to the sixteenth century 6:. Furthermore, the KakawinR!m!ya"a is among the very few Old Javanese texts for which a speci*c San-skrit prototype could be found, namely the dif*cult Sanskrit poetic work Bha-##ik!vya (circa seventh century 6:), itself a version of the great R!m!ya"a epic,whose oldest extant version is ascribed to V'lmOki (circa sixth–*rst century GH).(e Old Javanese poem, far from being a mere translation, shows the featuresof an original and skillful work of re-elaboration.(e text, documenting a fas-cinating interaction between linguistic and cultural elements of the Sanskritictradition with those indigenous to the Javanese setting, constitutes a paradig-matic example of the phenomenon of ancient translocal cultural exchange re-ferred to since colonial times with the problematic but nonetheless convenientconcept of ‘Indianization’. It also poses interesting problems for concepts thathave come into academic vogue more recently, most importantly Sheldon Pol-lock’s idea of a ‘Sanskrit Cosmopolis’ and a ‘Vernacular Millenium’.

It is no exaggeration to observe that crucial, and o2en controversial, issueswithin various academic *elds relating to Indonesia involve the interpretationof facts drawn from the Kakawin R!m!ya"a. (e Old Javanese poem indeedconstitutes a source of primary importance for the historical study of ancientCentral Java. But the poem itself was clearly not the only version of the R!m!-ya"a story that circulated in Indonesia at that time.(e story as a whole, as well

Introduction 5444

as speci*c episodes, have continued to inspire new literary production throughthe ages. Moreover, beyond the domain of literature, the story has inspiredsome of the most exquisite examples of relief sculpture on Javanese temples,and continues to inspire Indonesian artists even into the twenty-*rst century.In due recognition of these facts, the workshop allotted time to discussion of therelationship between the Kakawin as well as others texts and the monumentalarchaeological remains of Central and East Java, especially sculptural reliefs dis-playing scenes of the R'ma story. We further discussed the general problemsconnected with the dating and geographical setting of the text in relation to thearchaeological remains, as well as with the political *gures allegorically men-tioned in sargas #$–#., whose historical existence is only known from ancientinscriptions in Sanskrit and Old Javanese. And we also took into considerationBalinese literary and artistic production of more recent centuries inspired bythe R'ma saga.

Far from being a mere display of old-fashioned bookish scholarship, thestudy of the Kakawin R!m!ya"a turns out to be highly relevant for achieving abetter historically informed understanding of a variety of cultural, artistic andreligious discourses of contemporary Indonesia.(e text is very much alive incontemporary Bali, where it takes a position of great relevance as literature, asperformance, as moral and religious handbook, et cetera. It was our hope thata new impulse to the research on the Kakawin R!m!ya"a, and on the study ofthe rich Old Javanese textual heritage in general, would therefore throw newlight on the fascinating transcultural intellectual dynamics that contributed toshaping the cultural heritage of Indonesia up to the present.

* * *

(is volume includes a selection of nine of the twenty-one papers presentedduring the workshop, which saw participation from four scholars af*liatedwithDutch academic institutions, *ve with Australian, seven with Indonesian, twowith American institutions, and one with a French University, as well as twoDutch independent scholars. Nationalities represented were Indonesian, Aus-tralian, Dutch, American, Italian, Singaporean and German. An Indonesia-based scholar from the USA,(omas Hunter, could not attend the workshopbut submitted a paper for publication, which we were glad to accept in the vol-ume as tenth contribution. One of the explicit conditions of theworkshop fund-ing received from the ANRC was the participation of Southeast Asian scholars,and the workshop indeed saw participation of seven Indonesian scholars, plusone Singaporean. One of the purposes of the ANRC workshop grants is capac-ity building, and so we were glad to count among these eight participants three

543 Introduction

Southeast Asian students at graduate level. We regret that none of the *ve se-nior Indonesian scholars submitted a paper for publication.

During our workshop we confronted a noteworthy academic divide be-tween what we may call the ‘indonesianizing’ and the ‘indianizing’ approachesto the study of ancient Indonesian culture. Indeedwe had hoped that the work-shop would contribute to overcoming contrasting viewpoints, emphasizing ei-ther indigenous or Indic elements and points of view, which have thus far char-acterized the study of ancient Indonesian cultural expressions, and try to revivethe close interconnection once characterizing the *elds of Sanskrit and Old Ja-vanese studies, which has long since disappeared as a result of the increasingacademic separation that the two have progressively undergone since the ,-.+s.In a way, one might consider some of the papers in this volume signs of such arevival, but one could also emphasize the fact that those studies that engagewithSanskrit and Sanskritic aspects of the Kakawin R!m!ya"a are indeed made byscholars whose academic background lies in Indian studies, while scholars whohave been trained only in Indonesian studies still steer clear from engagingwithsuch aspects. To the extent that this is more than a simple rePection of differinglinguistic competences, we hope that this volume may contribute to placing acritical but open engagement with Indological knowledge (back) at the heart ofOld Javanese studies.

Besides such programmatic concerns, we had to face the practical conse-quences of differing scholarly practices in dealing with matters of translitera-tion, transcription and spelling. We have decided to give virtually free rein tothe authors’ individual preferences, the resulting variability of usage being aneloquent rePection of the diversity of perspectives and scholarly backgroundswhich it has been the purpose of this volume to give open forum.

Before we move on to briePy characterize the contents of the papers and toexplain how we have tried to give coherence to the whole by the speci*c orderin which we have presented the individual contributions, wemay note here thatwe have uni*ed the individual bibliographies to yield one general bibliographystanding at the end of the volume. A list of abbreviations is to be found theretoo. We need mention here only the very frequently used abbreviation KR todenote the Kakawin R!m!ya"a.

We have presented the papers in two parts, the *rst entitled Old JavaneseKakawin and theKakawinR!m!ya"a, the second&e R!m!ya"a atCa"(i Pram-banan and Ca"(i Panataran. Part One starts with two papers giving generalperspectives on Kakawin as a genre. S8M678 RJG=J; starts from a perspec-tive internal to the genre, identifying a speci*c formal feature that might be

Introduction 53

characteristic of this type of literature: the hymn of praise inserted at a criticaljuncture in the plot, which is indeed found in a majority of known Kakawins,including the R!m!ya"a. W<=9<CM4H@<9, on the other hand, approaches thespeci*city of the Kakawin genre from the comparative perspective of IndianK'vya literature and poetology (ala$k!ra%!stra), focusing in his comparisonon poetic conventions, that is topoi, rather than on formal components suchas *gures of speech and prosody which have thus far dominated comparativeKakawin/K'vya studies.

Part One then continues with two papers focusing directly on the KakawinR!m!ya"a. T@JB6= HM;8<7, with another comparative paper, continues inthe footsteps of important earlier work by Christiaan Hooykaas in the analysisprecisely of some of the formal components we have just alluded to: speci*callythe *gure of speech called yamaka in ala$k!ra%!stra. (e demonstration thatthis formal feature predominates in both the R!m!ya"a Kakawin and the OldJavanese 1iwagEha inscription of I.N 6: provides signi*cant new evidence insupport of the hypothesis that the Kakawin is contemporary with the inscrip-tion, an hypothesis originally developed by Walther Aichele on the basis of astudy of the contents of both.(e present writer, A;:7<6 AH74, continues thisline of content analysis, speci*cally the identi*cation of allegorical meanings,whose use by the poet(s) had already been demonstrated by Aichele as a veryimportant feature of the Kakawin. He focuses on two notoriously dif*cult pas-sages from sargas #$ and #., and shows how these satirical passages bring intoplay such birds as the kuvo/, the vidu and the pikatan as allegorical alter egosof real-world *gures, explaining that the poetical casting of birds in allegoricalroles is a feature likely to have been adapted from Indian literature.

(e following two papers move us away from the R!m!ya"a Kakawin, tothe textual reception of the R!m!ya"a cycle in Bali from the sixteenth cen-tury to the present. H<9<; C7<<=< offers an overview of the locally composedKakawins inspired by the R!m!ya"a story. Despite the persistent popularity ofthe R!m!ya"a Kakawin itself in Bali, the Old Javanese prose version of the Ut-tarak!"(a turns out to have been much more inPuential in Balinese Kakawinproduction, both as a source of themes and as a point of reference for themes le2unexplored in that text but made the topic of a long stream of poetic composi-tions.(ese local Balinese Kakawins remain almost entirely unstudied, and theavailablemanuscript sources are therefore presented in detail. A:746;V4H><7=takes up a Balinese painting to show how also locally produced prose (parwa)works, in this case the thus far unstudied Kapiparwa, were composed in Baliunder inspiration from the R!m!ya"a cycle, and have themselves come to in-

534 Introduction

Puence artistic production in the visual arts down to the present. Such Balineseworks of literature and painting give expression to the local associations withthe concept of sakti, that is ‘spiritual power’, which will provide the conceptualframework for LC:46 K4<3<;’s paper in part Two.

(is second part opens with a paper by A79J G74KL8@=, who presents ahypothesis which links the fact that La&k' is (evidently) a dominant theme inthe R!m!ya"a Kakawin with the occurrence of the same toponym in contem-porary inscriptions, to support the previously proposed idea that the referenceto La&k' in the R!m!ya"aKakawin allude speci*cally to the 1aiva temple com-plex of Prambanan. He proposes the new hypothesis that this complex was in-deed known as La&kapura in contemporary Java.

(e following two papers then concentrate on the interpretation of the R!-m!ya"a reliefs on Ca)0i 1iwa and Ca)0i Brahm' at Prambanan, and the ques-tion as to which texts may have inPuenced the speci*c features of the sculpturalcomposition. C<H<946 L<34; focuses on the episodes that display no inPuencefrom the Kakawin R!m!ya"a, but whose source material can rather be iden-ti*ed in the Uttarak!"(a. RJC JJ7:66; focuses on the interpretation of onespeci*c episode, where the new identi*cation of a ‘girl from the sea’ providesextra support for the heuristic value of the classical Malay Hikayat Seri Ramain the interpretation of the Prambanan reliefs. Both studies tend to show thatother versions of the R'ma story rather than the Kakawin R!m!ya"a are likelyto have been of inPuence in the Prambanan case. (e reverse is true at Ca)0iPanataran, where it is precisely this text which provides the most important‘script’ for the visual narrative. LC:46 K4<3<; analyses how and why Hanu-man here came to assume the dominant role in the narrative, at the expense ofR'ma, using the concept of %akti in a manner that seems to me, frankly, rathermore local than this contributor’s references to Indian sources might suggest.

All in all, we believe we have been able to present here a fair representationof the state of the art in the study of Kakawin in general and the Kakawin R!-m!ya"a in particular, as also in the study of the role of the R!m!ya"a cycle inliterary and sculptural production over the centuries, from its earliest manifes-tations in Java eastwards to present-day Bali.

Andrea Acri Canberra, ,%May #+,,

P678 4

O9: J636;<=< K6>6?4;6;: 8@<

K6>6?4; RABAC6D6

Hymns of Praise in Kakawins(e R!m!ya"a and Other Examples

Stuart Robson

It is now common knowledge that there is a particular link, or there are links,between Kakawin and religion. We owe this insight to P.J. Zoetmulder, who asearly as ,-.$ wrote a paper on ‘(e Old Javanese Poet as Yogi’ for the #/rd In-ternational Congress of Orientalists held in Cambridge in that year. In ,-.. hepublished an Indonesian article under the title ‘Kawi dan Kekawin’ in Yogya-karta, and this was duly followed by an English translation, ‘Kawi and Kekawin’,which appeared in the Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (BKI) in,-.%. However, now we always refer to the relevant section in Zoetmulder’sKalangwan; A Survey of Old Javanese Literature, which was published in ,-%$.Of course, I mean the paragraph ‘Religio Poetae’ (Zoetmulder ,-%$:,%/–IN).

Hence there is no need to reiterate what has been said there. We acceptthe idea that in the opening passages of many Kakawins the poet gives a clearstatement of his aims and methods in terms of yoga. But the subject of theconnection betweenOld Javanese poetry and religion hasmoved on since then,with some writings by S. Supomo that deserve to be better known, namely thearticles ‘K'ma di dalam kekawin’ (,-I.) and ‘K'ma in Old Javanese Kakawin’(#+++), which consider the aesthetic theory underlying this art form in religiousterms.

At a certain time in the early ,-%+s, Romo Zoetmulder once said, whilesipping his tea and crunching a pèyèk kacang in the Pasturan refectory, that ifhe had time a2er the dictionary he would write whatmight be called a ‘theologyof theKakawins’. Hewould have been the ideal person to undertake that project,but as far as we know he did not get the time. It would have been interesting tosee what he wanted to say on the subject.

In recent years I have had occasion to look again at a special passage in theKakawin Arjunawiw!ha, namely Cantos ,+ and ,,, which are actually quitedif*cult to interpret. (is passage has been dubbed the ‘Hymn to 1iwa’, and

# Stuart Robson

again the study of it has a respectable ancestry, as it was discussed at great lengthby C.C. Berg in ,-// in his article in the Bijdragen, ‘De Çiwa-hymne van deAr-junawiw!ha’. He included Balinese paraphrases, a Kidung version andModernJavanese texts as well. I may perhaps be permitted to remind you of the settingwithin the story: Arjuna has been grappling with the hunter, in a dispute overthe boar that they have both shot, when suddenly the hunter reveals himselfas the highest form of 1iwa. At this point Arjuna utters these two short cantosin praise of the god. But before he can continue (stuti nira tan tulus), 1iwa in-terrupts him and replies, granting the boon that Arjuna had been focusing hisyoga on: 1iwa gives him the powerful arrow PaQupati.

(e signi*cance of this passage, at least in the mind of later generations,seems to be underlined by the use made of it in Bali, as I observed during amodest spot of *eldwork there in the second half of ,-%,. It was precisely thesewords that were chanted in the context of a dewayadnya, ceremony for the gods,held in a temple there. (is Kakawin is of course very well known in Bali, andthe sentiments expressed in Cantos ,+ and ,, were felt to be appropriate whengreeting the gods descending from Heaven to attend the ceremony being heldfor their bene*t in the temple.

We have just seen the Old Javanese term for the passage that Mpu Ka)wa,the author of theArjunawiw!ha, used for it, namely stuti, ‘song of praise, praise’.For stuti OJED (,I#.) provides: ‘In the context of ritual a distinction is madefrom p0j!, the acts of worship.’ Arjuna was well aware of the ritual needed forconfronting a god, and offered an abbreviated form, sangsiptap0j!, before ut-tering his praises (see Arjunawiw!ha -..).

Given the close relationship between the Arjunawiw!ha and the SanskritMah'k'vya Kir!t!rjun*ya, one suspects that a comparable passage might alsobe found there, and this does indeed turn out to be the case: at exactly the samepoint in the story, the Kir!t!rjun*ya (53444.#,–$/) also has a ‘grand hymn ofpraise’, inwhichArjuna ‘glori*es 1iva as the supremeDeity’ (Peterson#++/:,%.).It has not been possible (yet) to make a close comparison, but the Kir!t!rjun*yapassage is obviously much longer. (e term used there is stotra, a synonym ofstuti (indeed derived from the same root stu that also lies at the basis of stawa,which we will encounter below).

So at least one thing is clear—with the stutiwe are looking at a phenomenonseparate and distinct from the yogic opening passage of Kakawin. And we canalready say, on the basis of the stuti in the Arjunawiw!ha, *rstly that it is em-bedded somewhere in the midst of the story, and secondly that it is uttered bya main character. (e questions which now present themselves are: ,. Why at

Hymns of Praise in Kakawins /

this particular point? and #. What is its function?A search for answers takes us to other readily available Kakawin texts. Do

they also contain a hymn to a god?Naturally, I looked *rst at the Bhom!ntaka.(e passage there that immedi-

ately springs tomind is inCanto ,+I, which reads as follows (TeeuwandRobson#++.):

%. (e god Brahm' quickly came to pay respectful homage to LordKeQawa,And with devotion praised (angastuti) him, saying: ‘You are the highestruler, the supreme king;You are the arising, abiding and passing away of the world, and this iswhy you are the *rst of the gods;(e enjoyer of what is to be enjoyed, you are pure of soul, the superiorman, nothing but the highest reality.I. Regarding the deepest essence of the syllable Om, you are the em-bodiment of the letter,In the well-wrought, subtle Sutras you are bound as the highest truth,far to seek.In the science of astronomy, you and none other are the direction for*nding what is sought,In short, supreme among the three lords, the highest 1iwa, and thus thefavoured divinity.-. See how the world of men longs for the truth about the gods—buthow could they understand the ways of the Lord in his all-pervadingpower?(ey show wisdom if they apply mental concentration, but even so itsdomain does not extend as far as you.Even the prince of yogis is not capable of forming an idea about you—hekeeps silent, and his thinking falls short—Praise, meditation, concentration, the moral law and teaching are a dis-traction for him in his pursuit of spiritual learning’.,+. When Praj'pati had spoken such words of praise (mangastuti), allof the gods appeared …

It is not necessary to get involved in a debate over the details of the translation.An important point is that the general style is similar to the hymn of Arjuna-wiw!ha. Apart from that, we need to note the setting of this praise. It comes

$ Stuart Robson

immediately a2er the death of Bhoma in Canto ,+% at the hands of LordWiR)u.So this is the climax of the poem.(e demons have Ped. But there is still a prob-lem: LordKeQawa hasmade himself so huge that he threatens to block theworld(m!hêng göng kadi wuntwa tang bhuwana de nira; Bhom!ntaka ,+I.Nd). (isis where the god Brahm', the creator, enters with his praises, and all the godsappear, wishing to show respect to Lord WiR)u, including Lord ParameQwara.As a result Lord WiR)u is pleased with the host of gods (samangkana bha#!raWi1"u sukha de wat2k dewata; Bhom!ntaka ,,+.#c), and addresses them all, re-minding them of their duties. Having done this, he is free to resume a humanform in the world as its protector (nghulunmuwah ajanmam!nu1a rikang jagatrak1ak!; Bhom!ntaka ,,+.%d).

My second example is taken from the Hariwang%a. Here the story tells ofa conPict that comes to a head in a great battle, where we *nd (oddly enough)Arjuna and KER)a in combat. To quote from the summary in Kalangwan,

(e two antagonists suddenly assume divine forms. Both are partial incarnationsof N'r'ya)a (WiR)u) and as such one in being, so that now the *ght has lost itsmeaning. WiR)u (Hari) descends, enthroned on his lotus-seat and surrounded bygods and 31is (/I..–$+.,,). YudhiRShira (whose magic sleep has apparently beenbroken) worships him with a hymn in which he praises him as the god of gods,the essence of the unknowable. Brahma, WiR)u and Mah'dewa are one with him.He is the creator, preserver and destroyer of the universe. (e various sects of the1iwaites, TRis and Buddhists, in spite of their differences, know that he is the be-ginning and the end, and implore him to grant them *nal release. To this praiseWiR)u listens with evident pleasure and allows YudhiRShira to ask a favour, what-ever it may be. (e latter begs him to restore the world and bring to life all thosewho have died, without exception. WiR)u hesitates, but the other gods put forwardan urgent plea for him to grant the request, reminding him that the time of the endfor the world has not yet come…(ey pray that KER)a and Arjuna may resumetheir human form. WiR)u agrees, a shower of am3ta descends and all come to life($,.,–$...). (Zoetmulder ,-%$:#.$)

(e Kakawin Smaradahana (ed. Poerbatjaraka ,-/,) is a remarkable piece ofliterature, deserving much more study than it has received hitherto. In thisstory K'ma’s arrow has struck 1iwa and as a result he has been burnt by 1iwa’s*re. Indra andWEhaspati had promised to help him, and now have the duty ofasking 1iwa to restore K'ma to life. Quoting again from Kalangwan,

Together they return to the place where they had Ped in panic. (e 31is approachthe god reverently. With the aid of mantras they cause him to be present in theirhearts in visible form, seated on the eight-petalled lotus, whereupon they worshiphimwith a hymn praising him as the deity manifesting itself in all the beings, as the

Hymns of Praise in Kakawins .

aim of those striving a2er *nal release, and as the lord of creation (I.,–,,./).(isinduces 1iwa to relinquish his terrifying aspect […]. (Zoetmulder ,-%$:#-#–/)

(e hymn itself is found in Cantos ,+ and ,,, a total of only *ve stanzas, and istermed a stuti (in -.,%d and ,#.,a). Another example is to be found in theKakawin Gha#otkac!%raya (my personal favourite). Abhimanyu’s affair withKRiti SundarO has been discovered, and so Baladewa is furious and determinedto marry her off to Duryodhana’s son before KER)a can get back. Abhimanyu isforced to Pee, and while he is asleep the demon Kar'lawaktra *nds him. Quot-ing from the summary in Kalangwan,

On hearing that he is a servant of the goddess Durga, who has sent him to look forprey, either animal or human, which is to be brought for her to devour, Abhimanyupersuades him to accept him as a prospective victim. Together they go to the abodeof the goddess. She appears, frightening to behold, her hands outstretched to seizehim, but halts when she hears his mantras. She listens to him worshipping her andpraising her as the goddess who is one with the Supreme Being, and is merciful andgenerous to her devotees, but terrifying to her enemies, and so she becomes kindlydisposed towards him and favours him with her advice. He is to seek help fromGhaSotkaca […]. (Zoetmulder ,-%$:#NN)

(e canto containing Abhimanyu’s words is Canto /,, and this consists of *vestanzas. I did not *nd the word stuti here. (e passage begins with the wordsOm s2mbah ning an!%rayâm2kul i jöng paramasakala rena ning jagat (/,.,a),which gives a feeling for the style.

Moving ahead to the *2eenth century for another example, in the )iwar!-trikalpa we *nd that the followers of Yama have captured the soul of the sinfulLubdhaka, only to have it taken from them by the followers of 1iwa. Yama andhis troops proceed to the dwelling of 1iwa. Quoting from the existing transla-tion (Teeuw et al. ,-N-:,/.–%):

/#.%b. Meanwhile king Yama had arrived with his troops and had en-tered the audience court.He then hurried in, bowing respectfully, and devotedly wiped the feetof UQwara.And his praises (stuti) were very brilliant andmost distinct for Jagatpatito hear.//.,. Hail! Behold the homage of him who has no refuge (om s2mbahning an!%raya…), here at the lotus-feet of the Lord of the World.Outwardly and inwardly I pay homage to you, who are the constant ob-ject of my devotion.

N Stuart Robson

Visible and invisible are you in the whole world, you are the life of theliving, and bring about both good and evil;You are the permanent object of desire of those who purify the spirit byabandoning the ten senses.

//.#. In consecration and other rites you are present in the state ofcomplete abstraction, you are the consummation of what has gone be-fore—you par excellence and none other.In the sacred books you are the embodiment of the holy syllable, andnothing else will ever exceed you;You are corporeal and incorporeal, subtler than the slenderest body, andcoarser than the greatest;You are present in the stationary and the moving; you alone are the goalof him who takes refuge in the Void.

(is praise (now termed stawa, another Sanskrit synonym) is then answered bylord 1angkara, who gives an explanation of the celebration of the Night of 1iwa(Canto /$).

In the Kakawin Kuñjarakar"adharmakathana (Teeuw and Robson ,-I,),the king of theGandharwaswithKuñjarakar)a, having beenwarned of the dan-gers of hell, come before the Buddha and worship him (am0j!) with three stan-zas of praise (Canto ,%.,–/), again beginning with om s2mbah ning an!%raya…;in ,%.$a this passage is termed stuti. Having uttered it, they state their request,namely to be instructed in the supreme essence of the Law. (e Buddha thengives teaching on the road to release, at considerable length, and including anexplanation of the equivalence of the religious systems of the 1aiwas and Bud-dhists, saying:

#/.$. Such is the speci*cation of the world—you should know it truly.I amWairocana, the manifestation of both the Buddha and 1iwa, takenas teacher by the whole world;(at is why I am called Lord Teacher, renowned throughout the world.But it is I who pervade the whole world, the most superior of gods.

However, despite the similarity and frequent occurrence of this type of ‘hymnof praise’, we might not be justi*ed in assuming that it is a requirement of allKakawins. (is would call for a collection and comparison of all extant exam-ples of the genre, and such has not been possible, as not all have yet been pub-lished, let alone translated. But to show that caution is needed, one can men-

Hymns of Praise in Kakawins %

tion that well known specimens such as the Bh!ratayuddha (Supomo ,--/),,Sumanas!ntaka (Supomo and Worsley, forthcoming), Arjunawijaya (Supomo,-%%) and Sutasoma (English translation, O’Brien #++I) do not seem to containa stuti.

It is now time, at last, to turn to the R!m!ya"a Kakawin, more speci*callysarga ,%. Here we read that R'wa)a has ordered fake heads of R'ma and LakR-ma)a to be made, in the hope that SOt' will accept him a2er all. SOt' is deceivedby this ruse and is inconsolable.

In her lament she addresses the husband she believes to be dead. Were all theprophecies about his future only lies? What sense is there in cultivating the dharmaif this is the sole reward? Is it thus that the gods dispose the fate of man? She de-cides to follow R'ma in death, and asks R'wa)a to kill her. Full of shame andrage he retires. SOt' and TrijaS' prepare themselves for death by *re, but the latter,warned by a vibration of her le2 eyebrow, an auspicious omen, decides to see herfather WibhORa)a *rst. She *nds him on Mount Suwela in the company of R'maand LakRma)a, both alive and well. With these happy tidings and a report on thepreparations for battle she returns to console SOt'. (e latter brings offerings toAgni, the *re-god, the patron of purity and faithfulness. TrijaS' does her best todivert her mistress’ mind and cheer her up. Description of the amusements of ther!k1as*-maidens in the a%oka grove. (Zoetmulder ,-%$:##/–$).

(e mere mention of ‘offerings to Agni’ does scant justice to this passage. Itherefore propose to give an English translation of it in full.

Sarga ,%(TrijaS' is speaking to SOt')I-. ‘My lady, you should therefore wash your face and rinse your hairwith tamarind water;Here is the gurun grass that will help you let go of your pain.It will be an offering to relieve the pain in your heart—Happiness has almost arrived, and is coming to you!-+. Here is the substitute for yourself—come, look, arise!Come, cast it into the holy Fire, make haste,So that the impurities will be gone and burnt up,And in this way you can focus your mind on the prince’.

,. Dr. Supomo (email of ,I-$-#++-) has kindly pointed out that we *nd in Bh!ratayuddha#/.,+–,, a passage addressed to the dead body of Dro)a (who is likened to PaQupati), that istermed a stawa (Bh!ratayuddha #/.-d) and pangastuti (Bh!ratayuddha #/.,#a).

I Stuart Robson

-,.(e princess was elated and immediately did her worship:Flowers, incense and lamps were arranged,(e offerings for the sacred diagrams were complete,And the prayers of offering were carried out perfectly.

-#.(e wick of the Deity blazed up very quickly,And while she did homage she approached the ‘golden jewel’;J'nakO was indeed deeply devoted,And her petition (pr!rthana) was that the prince should be victorious:

-/. ‘Oh Lord Hutipati, consumer of oblations,You are the ‘Mouth of the Gods’, supreme ruler of the gods,Kind to worshippers, the Lord Gu)awidhi,(e bearer of mountains, earth and sea.

-$. You are the highest god, the supreme *re of 1iwa,You are the eight manifestations, the gods revealed;(e divine eight qualities are always with you,And likewise the three qualities you control.

-.. You are valiant and mighty, a powerful ruler—Gods and D'nawas praise you,Siddhas and celestial singers worship you,And your light can be compared to a hundred thousand suns.

-N. And you, Bh'rata (= Agni), are the welfare of the world, compas-sionate,You grant great happiness to your devotees;None other than you are the goal of those who perform austerities,And those who are endowed with right judgment, forever happy.

-%. You are always compassionate and full of goodness,You are the source of happiness and virtue,And it is you who endow a knowledge of the holy texts—You are the reason we reach the realm of release.

-I. You, Lord, are soul alone, and happiness is your purpose,(e reason that stains and impurities will be removed,And that existence will be freed from afPictions and calamities,Because of your love for all men.

--. Oh God of Fire, Lord of the(ree Worlds,Look upon me, Lord, with favour:

Hymns of Praise in Kakawins -

Let R'mabhadra be victorious,May he love me and may we be happy when we meet’.,++. (is was the princess’s intention (prayojana), indeed most won-derful.She ceased insisting on dying, now that she had heard that the princewas alive.But the pain of separation had not yet completely disappeared,And lying on her couch she amused herself with reading.

So SOt'’s address to the god Agni is quite long (and perhaps a little confused, inkeeping with her state of mind). We need not dwell on the philological details,but note a few important points. Firstly, SOt' begins with making offerings, be-fore embarking on her petition. Secondly, the Fire is seen as having the functionof burning up and removing impurities (,%.-+c and ,%.-Ib), and is thereforeappropriate in this context. And thirdly, SOt' hopes that the god will be kindlydisposed by her offerings and praise, and will grant her petition, which is speltout in full clarity (,%.--cd).

But this is not the *rst time that Agni has been invoked. If we turn back toan earlier passage in the same sarga, we *nd SOt' contemplating killing herselfby descending into the *re (,%.N,d).

N$. It was the middle of the night, when people were sleeping,No one uttered a sound, all fast asleep;(en she built a *re, that blazed up amazingly—She was praying, of course, that they should die together.N.. J'nakO was of goodly appearance and goodly birth,Her heart was pure and her spirit spotless;Her clothing was pure, well perfumed and lovely—Sad at heart, she was striving to reach the noble prince.NN. ‘Hail, oh king!’ she invoked the deity,Her thoughts unwavering, directed to the Lord;With intention she ardently desired it,Her petition (pr!rthana) was for Prince R'ma:N%. ‘Come, Lord, you who are called Bahni,See, I am going to die, as you have no regard for me.You do not give me any kind of happiness—See, I would prefer death, Lord.

,+ Stuart Robson

NI. However, let the fruits of my death be(at my body is consumed while worshipping the deity.Let me meet R'mabhadra,Providing that for my whole marriage I have been pure’.N-.(ese were her words, paying homage to the Deity …

We have now reviewed a number of examples of passages of stuti in Kakawins,and are in a position to compare them and draw some conclusions. Severalinteresting points stand out.

(ese ‘hymns of praise’ are found embedded in the narrative—they are notat the beginning or at the end of the text—and can therefore be expected to playa part within the narrative. When we take the overall plot into account, it be-comes apparent that the stuti occurs at a crucial juncture or turning-point in thestory. At this point, themain character (or characters) confronts a problem—heis unable to go on.(en the deity appears or intervenes, and this introduces thepossibility of solving the problem. But for this to happen, the deity has to beworshipped and addressed with appropriate words, using language that under-lines both the deity’s supreme power and the worshipper’s humility and help-lessness (an!%raya). All this has the effect of making the deity well disposed,willing to assist the supplicant with his power in order to *nd a way forward, bygranting a weapon, special knowledge, or whatever is needed. (e result maybe immediate, as in the case of Arjuna and his weapon PaQupati (granted nowbut used later), or it may be delayed, as in the case of SOt' and her prayer forR'ma, where the victory and reunion will only be achieved later, a2er muchstruggle.

On a literary level, the stuti is a means of moving forward in the story, andon a ‘theological’ level it is a means of harnessing divine power for the purposeof ful*lling the desires of the humble worshipper and the needs of the world.

We note that the identity of the deity is not always the same—it can be Para-maQiwa, WiR)u, the Buddha Wairocana or Agni—but each time this *gure isdepicted as the highest in the pantheon. What governs the choice is the re-quirements of the story; it is not a matter of private devotion on the part of theauthor.

Finally, it may be possible to speculate on a further level of signi*cance,beyond that of the particular story being told: the depiction of themobilizationof divine power for the bene*t of the world in itself imbues the literary workwith a particular signi*cance, so that when recited it goes beyond being a mereexciting story, in order to ful*ll a function of wider application, as part of a‘theology of the Kakawin’.

Poetic Conventions as Opposed toConventional Poetry?

A Place for kavisamaya-!di in ComparativeK'vya/Kakawin Studies

Wesley Michel

(e relation of Old Javanese Kakawin to the Sanskrit K'vya ‘poem, imaginativework, poetry in general’ and speci*cally its long form ‘court epic’ (mah!k!vya)has not received a great deal of attention., What studies there are have usually,and quite correctly, taken as a point of departure Sanskrit literary theory, espe-cially in the form more or less contemporaneous with the composition of theBha##ik!vya (BK) and its adaptation the KR.(is early phase of Sanskrit poet-ics primarily focuses on formal aspects such as *gures of speech (ala$k!ra), ofsuch central concern that the discourse of literary theory as a whole was there-a2er known literally as the ‘science of *gures’ (ala$k!ra-%!stra). Hermeneuti-cally this is sound procedure, in that modern inquiry thus rePects the concernsof the original readers and writers of the cosmopolitan language of South andSoutheast Asia, Sanskrit, and the cosmopolitan vernaculars which arose in re-sponse to it.# But this approach tends by nature to have the effect of emphasiz-ing the similarity of the vernacular to the cosmopolitan rather than differences

,. (e ongoing research of(omas Hunter is an important exception. I generally use the termK'vya rather than Mah'k'vya; though the latter is in terms of genre the direct counterpart toKakawin, Sanskrit theory addresses ‘imaginative literature’ in broad terms, even if it is in practiceoriented toward the long form.All translations from Sanskrit are my own. Being an inexpert reader of Old Javanese, I have as arule quoted others’ translations, though with the help of OJED I have at times modi*ed them.#. Sheldon Pollock uses the term ‘Sanskrit cosmopolis’ for ‘the transregional culture-powersphere of Sanskrit’ as spread ‘across all of South and much of Southeast Asia’ and de*nes ‘cos-mopolitan vernacular’ as a ‘synthetic register of an emergent regional literary language that lo-calizes the full spectrum of expressive qualities of the superposed cosmopolitan code’ (Pollock#++N:,/, ,#, /##). I use phrases like ‘cosmopolitan-vernacular comparison’ to mean comparisonof cosmopolitan literature (Sanskrit) to literature produced in a cosmopolitan vernacular (in thiscase, Old Javanese).

,# Wesley Michel

between the two. (is paper proposes another approach as a complement tothe formal analysis of Kakawin in K'vya terms, namely the comparative studyof literary conventions divided into speci*c categories. For this I look to a littlediscussed conceptual *eld in certain treatises of poetics in Sanskrit before try-ing to show, briePy and tentatively, how it can help get at what is speci*callyOld Javanese about the Kakawin texts.

One reason the juxtaposition of Sanskrit theory and Kakawin practice is sorare is a certain defensiveness on the part of contemporary Old Javanese stud-ies, perhaps a reaction to the legacy of antiquated notions like ‘Greater India’.Take the assertion by the authors of a recent text edition and translation that‘while Kakawinmay share the metrical system of the Sanskrit K'vya, andmuchelse, they are nevertheless authentic, autonomous products of Javanese culture’(Teeuw and Robson #++.:/N). (is claim to autonomy is most clearly beliedby Kakawin adherence to the poetic requirements, if not quite ironclad laws(nomoi), of Sanskrit Mah'k'vya form and content. But even when scholarsfreely acknowledge instances in Kakawin of the prescribed battle scenes, dal-liances inwater, and the like, the vast corpus of Sanskrit literary theory is treatedas if extending little beyond the two terse, albeit oldest and famous, descriptionsof the Mah'k'vya genre by the theorists Da)0in and Bh'maha (Supomo ,-%%4:$#–I; Creese ,--I:.+–/). As I will showwith reference to later treatises, whichdescribe conventional content in greater detail, these foundational theoreticaltexts need not be considered the non plus ultra for comparative analysis.

Before we move on to a de*nition of literary conventions, though, a ter-minological note is in order. Certain terms that o2en appear in scholarshipon the genre of court epic, whether Sanskrit or Old Javanese, rePect a signif-icant critical misunderstanding when confronted with conventional material,a post-Romantic attitude revealed by epithets with negative connotations suchas ‘stereotyped’, ‘clichéd’, ‘hackneyed’, or ‘stock’. (is position is as anachro-nistic as assuming the relation of Sanskrit and Old Javanese literary cultures isthat of trunk and branch, original and derivative, or major and minor. EdwinGerow (,-%,:%#) describes a poetic sensibility, shared by K'vya and Kakawin,that clearly demands a radically different critical outlook from that which themodern reader typically brings to it:

Much that appears at *rst blameworthy in classical poetry is explicable in termsof the de-emphasis of the story. (e story is never central; it is at best a pretextfor stringing together admirable verses—really just a narrative theme. (e storymay at any time be interrupted by long descriptive irrelevancies on the sunrise, themountains, the moonset, which appear extraneous by standards emphasizing theunity of the plot.

Poetic Conventions as Opposed to Conventional Poetry? ,/

Hence, to preserve a more objective tone than ‘cliché’ and the like convey, albeitless elegantly than the cosmopolitan/vernacular distinction does in the case ofSanskrit and Old Javanese, and at the risk of monotony, I try to maintain theuse of ‘convention’, a word both relatively neutral and a Latinism equivalent tothe literal Sanskrit meaning of samaya, a ‘coming together’, in this case, of poets(kavi).

In any attempt to understand what this term kavisamaya, commonly trans-lated as ‘poetic convention’, means to Sanskrit theory, chapters fourteen to six-teen of R'jaQekhara’s K!vyam*m!$s!/ must serve as the basis, as this *rst ex-position of the concept would largely be followed by later writers. Overall, thistext is iconoclastic, the earliest example of what would come to be called ‘educa-tion of the poet’ (kavi-%ik1!), a genre sometimes excluded from general poetics(ala$k!ra%!stra) due to its concern with literature’s ‘practical object which de-veloped side by side with the theoretical consideration of general principles’(De #++N:.I.). Subjects addressed for the *rst time include the daily activitiesof the poet, types of literary borrowing, and matters of geography, all of whichare important in a cosmopolitan-vernacular context but lie beyond the scopeof this paper.$

In the section under consideration, R'jaQekhara gives us a de*nition: a ka-visamaya is a signi*cationwhich poets produce that is contrary to both receivedknowledge and worldly experience (a%!str*ya, alaukika), yet is passed on by tra-dition (parampar!y!ta). Perhaps proceeding from the evocation of the threeworlds (triloka) evoked by alaukika, he states that these expressions are of threekinds, earthly (bhaumya), celestial (svargya), and hellish (p!t!l*ya). Under eachof these headings are subdivisions of kind (j!ti), thing (dravya), quality (gu"a),and behaviour (kriy!), under which in turn appear three more categories, atwhich most speci*c level of the scheme he provides examples..

,. Description contrary to reality (asato nibandhanam), for example thingsinvariably described a certain way though such is not necessarily the case inreality, like mountains always described as rich in gold and precious gems.

#. Description ignoring reality (sato ’pi nibandhanam), for example thefruit-bearing a%oka tree never being described as such.

/. Arti*cial restriction (niyama), for example of things to particular places,as pearls being produced only in the T'mrapar)i river.

/. Written between the end of the ninth and the beginning of the tenth century 6:.$. For other contributions of R'jaQekhara, see Pollock #++N:#++–$... K!vyam*m!$s! pp. ,-I–-.

,$ Wesley Michel

I have given only the examples under the heading of ‘kind’ rather than re-peat the entire account.N (e other categories are clear enough; one easily seesthat certain members of the K'vya bestiary such as the moonbeam-drinkingcakora bird appear in statements about behaviour contrary to reality (kriy!vadasato nibandhanam), and the assigning of colours to emotions entails describ-ing a quality contrary to reality (gu"avad asato nibandhanam).

However, this systematicity breaks downwhenR'jaQekhara leaves the realmof the earthly. (e celestial kavisamayas consist not of unrealistic imageryper se but rather of conPicting identi*cations—the moon has in it either arabbit or a deer, K'madeva’s emblem can be either a crocodile (makara) or a*sh—and interchangeable names, such as N'r'ya)a and M'dhava for ViR)uand/or Indra. Also, despite the Puranic assertion that there are twelve suns,poets speak of them as one. As regards the netherworld, the names of tech-nically distinct classes of inhabitants—daityas, d!navas, and asuras—are alsoused interchangeably.

Not surprisingly, the many later writers who take up R'jaQekhara’s accountof kavisamaya (and who generally give identical examples) discard altogetherthe non-earthly categories. A2er all, since lived experience as a human being,not to mention the composition and reading of texts, takes place only in oneof the three worlds, by de*nition descriptions of the other two are contrary toobservable reality (alaukika). What is le2, namely, cosmological and termino-logical conventions, falls into the category of restriction (niyama) inwhat seemsa broader sense of ‘rules, usage’. So it is somewhat surprising to *nd the latertheorist ViQvan'tha cite as a kavisamaya the description of K'ma’s bowstringas a row of bees, to the exclusion of other gods’ supernatural attributes; pre-sumably the suggestion stems from the frequent allusions to the god of love inK'vya imagery.%

(e only scholar to discuss kavisamaya at length in English, V.S. Kulkarni,in a brief but informative article lists a series of theorists who follow R'ja-Qekhara’s account of kavisamaya and occasionally add a new example or two.In the course of this sketch, Kulkarni makes an interesting comment about thelater theorist KeQavamiQra, whose treatment speaks to the issues I want to con-sider. (is KeQavamiQra delineates ‘the topics to be described’, expanding thescope of kavisamaya far beyond the bounds of R'jaQekhara’s original de*nition.Kulkarni protests, ‘KeQavamiQra here confounds conventional poetry and poetic

N. A full summary is given by Kulkarni ,-I/:#+–/. Note that his list confuses the examplesfor gu"a and kriy!.%. S!hityadarpa"a %.,-; cited by Kulkarni ,-I/:#$.

Poetic Conventions as Opposed to Conventional Poetry? ,.

conventions. Poetry becomes conventional on account of set themes, phrasesready-at-hand, standards of comparison like the lotus in describing the hands[…] stereotyped and hackneyed descriptions and use of poetic conventions’(Kulkarni ,-I/:#.). Despite his unsympathetic choice of words and somewhatimprecise phrasing, I agree with Kulkarni’s implicit point: kavisamaya is moreuseful as a descriptive category if limited to its most speci*c de*nition, thatby R'jaQekhara which I will call ‘kavisamaya proper’, description sanctioned bypoetic tradition though speci*cally contrary to observable reality. Of course,Kulkarni’s distinction between ‘poetic conventions’ and ‘conventional poetry’is an arbitrary one, since nothing in the term kavisamaya inherently appliesmore to R'jaQekhara’s notion than to a conventional description of scenery or aking, and any instantiation of a poetic convention would by de*nition be con-ventional poetry anyway. Yet beneath this semantic nicety lies an intimation ofa more systematic approach.

A closer look at KeQavamiQra’s treatment, toward the end of his little-re-marked-upon Ala$k!raturyhara, given its *nal form in the sixteenth century,turns out to reveal a useful catalogue of the constituent elements of K'vya com-positions. He goes into great detail on the conventional standards of compari-son (upam!na) in similes of women and men, and notes some cases applicableto both. (e kavisamayas proper of R'jaQekhara are summarized in a briefsection, a2er which comes a long list of the things to be described (var"ya) inK'vya:

A king, a queen, a region (de%a), a village, a palace, a river, a pond, theocean, a forest, a garden, a mountain, a journey, a battle, a horse, an ele-phant, the sun, themoon, the seasons, marriage (viv!ha), svaya$vara (aprincess’ choosing from a gathering of suitors), drinking, the delights ofPowers and water, separation (of lovers), a hunt, a hermitage, the arts,linkage of seasons or periods of life, metals, trees, and the abhis!rik![woman on a secret rendezvous].I

(e conventional attributes of each of these objects or phenomena follow, oneverse for each, with some additions to the list like love-play (surata). Whileno single topic could possibly receive exhaustive treatment in such a presenta-tion, nonetheless this is an unusually detailed catalogue of the kinds of thingsK'vya deals with besides narrative; anyone who has read even short excerpts of

I. Ala$k!ra%ekhara p. .I.

,N Wesley Michel

Mah'k'vya or Kakawin will recognize some elements.- (at such a basic guideto embellishment is so rare indicates a certain inadequacy of Sanskrit theorywhen consulted for the purposes of cosmopolitan-vernacular comparison.,+ Asa result, these three exceptional threadswhose entanglement Kulkarni deplores,the unrealistic conventions (kavisamaya), conventional standards of compari-son,,, and conventional topics of description (var"an*ya), are worth consider-ing in addition to formal components such as *gures of speech and prosody.

Still, Kulkarni’s point stands. Given free rein, the idea of poetic conven-tion can indeed swell to include a huge range of literary techniques. What Kul-karni with mild derision calls ‘conventional poetry’ serves as the very basis, in adifferent context, for the monumental work of Ernst Robert Curtius, EuropeanLiterature and the Latin Middle Ages, *rst published in ,-$I. For Curtius, ‘[i]nthe antique systemof rhetoric topics is the stockroom [inwhich] are found ideasof the most general sort’ and as such topics serve as a key for the continuity andindependent development of both postclassical Latin and European vernacularliteratures. (ese ‘intellectual themes, suitable for development and modi*ca-tion’, in Greek called koinoi topoi and in Latin communes, came to spread be-yond the *eld of oratory in which they were *rst recorded, and this ‘elaboratelydeveloped system became the common denominator of literature in general’(Curtius ,--+:%-, %+).

While Curtius, a giant in the *eld of Romance philology and an icon ofcomparative literature, then goes on to display a breathtaking range of scholar-ship in multiple vernacular languages, the system he relies on is conspicuouslyunsystematic.,# (e many topics he describes include attributing to a preco-cious young prince the wisdom of an old man (itself a kavisamaya proper), var-ious personi*cations of Nature, the characteristics of epic landscape, standard(‘mannered’) metaphors, and even technical *gures of sound andmeaning akinto the Sanskrit ala$k!ras.(e overall result is a series of demonstrations of theunity in diversity of antiquity, late Latin, and the medieval European vernacu-lars.

(e sheer volume and range of texts that Curtius brings to bear in present-

-. Although earlier theorists include similar lists, they do not specify conventional descrip-tions for each particular item. K!vy!dar%a ,.,N–,% gives roughly two-thirds the number of itemson KeQavamiQra’s list. Hooykaas (,-.I:,/) provides a translation, and helpfully shows where inBK such descriptions can be found, pp. $#–$.,+. In defense of the ‘adequacy’ of *gure-based poetics is Gerow ,-%,:%+–$.,,. I am hesitant to coin a Sanskrit word, but upam!nasamayamay be appropriate here.,#. (e bibliography on Curtius and hismagnum opus is vast, and for present purposes I havenot made recourse to it, since my point about his topics is a simple one.

Poetic Conventions as Opposed to Conventional Poetry? ,%

ing the topics perhaps precludes amore speci*c categorization. Sanskrit literarytheory, on the other hand, deals with a de*ned genre, K'vya, generally empha-sizing Mah'k'vya in particular (Gerow ,-%,:%,). Why, then, did the discourseof poetics disregard wholesale the conventions of K'vya? And why, in those ex-ceptional instances when they do appear, are they not subject to the ‘ ‘‘minuteclassi*cation’’ and ‘‘subtle hair-splitting’’ [which] is the mainstay of Sanskrit lit-erary theory throughout its history’? (McCrea #++I:N)

(e answer perhaps can be related to the exceptional nature of one of themost important writers of ala$k!ra%!stra, "nandavardhana. In his Dhvany-!loka, Sanskrit literary theory advances beyond the mere classi*cation of ‘dis-crete, isolatable elements of poetic language’ in the form of the *gures of speechto a ‘teleologicalmodel of literary aesthetics’ basedon suggestedmeaning (dhva-ni), speci*cally aestheticized emotion (rasa). In other words,"nandavardhanamanages to account for the ends of poetry, the establishment and maintenanceof a dominant emotion in a uni*ed work, rather than the means, conceivedas *gures of speech and stylistic qualities con*ned to individual stanzas. Yetdespite widespread acceptance of the dhvani theory, later writers moved awayfrom this teleological aesthetic and toward detailed analyses of the cognitiveand semantic processes producing poetic meaning. And even the earliest the-orists of K'vya, Da)0in and Bh'maha, seem uncomfortable with the quartet of‘anomalous, content-based’ *gures of speech on their lists, uncharacteristicallypresenting examples of them without explanations (other than tautology).,/(is same epistemic resistance to considerations of the content of poetry, inso-far as it rePects a fundamental critical orientation, may account for the lack ofinterest in conventional elements.

In the light of this tendency, perhaps the very absence of a tradition of OldJavanese literary theory contributes to the success of P.J. Zoetmulder’s surveyKalangwan, in that the formalistic prejudices of Sanskrit theory do not discour-age him from presenting an original conception of Kakawin aesthetic teleology(providing, as it did for "nandavardhana, the title of the work) along with for-mal qualities of prosody and an attentiveness to historical and social context.(e work is full of topics in the Curtian sense. Nonetheless, while continuallyalert to questions of Sanskrit sources, Zoetmulder’s aim is not primarily com-parative but rather descriptive of a literary culture as a self-contained whole.Now, post-Kalangwan advances in Old Javanese studies such as Zoetmulder’sdictionary and a growing corpus of recent text editions have greatly facilitated

,/. McCrea #++I:,+,; $$,, $$% on post-"nandavardhana theoretical concerns; $#–$ for treat-ment of the content-based *gures.

,I Wesley Michel

the project of qualifying not only the much that is shared by Sanskrit K'vyaand Old Javanese Kakawin but also the ‘palpable, if elusive, local character’that distinguishes the latter.,$ And despite the problematic nature of conven-tions, a content-based approach utilizing them in a reasonably systematic fash-ion should have its place alongside strictly formalist ones.

Given their extraordinary relationship, the BK and KR present an obviousstarting point for any comparison of K'vya and Kakawin. (e KR, in its ca-pacity as a free translation for roughly its *rst half of the *rst Sanskrit ‘poem-textbook’ (k!vya-%!stra), illustrates perfectly the cosmopolitan dictum, ‘[a]s forlearning the %!stra itself, this is the necessary commencement of the tradition’(Pollock ,-I.a:.+%). R'jaQekhara and the BKmake the same point, stating, re-spectively, ‘because K'vya has theory as its antecedent, one should *rst go intotheory; surely unlit lamps in the dark do notmake things visible as they are’ and‘this poem is like a lamp for those who understand the qualities of words […]it should be read with a commentary’.,. Continuing with the visual imagery,I wonder if such powerful exhortations to strictly %!stra-based analysis, com-ing even from the KR’s source text, may even now encourage a critical blind-ness to important aspects of K'vya (and Kakawin) aesthetics largely ignored byala$k!ra%!stra itself.

In the instances that follow, since conventions are by de*nition generic (inthe sense of manifest in works by different authors), the ones proposed as par-ticularly Old Javanese are attributed this status only provisionally. Comparisonfocused only on two texts can produce only hypotheses with respect to genre.Hence a certain disproportion of theory to practice arises, this paper neces-sarily being more programmatic than positivistic in largely restricting itself toonly oneOld Javanese work, the KR, against not only the BK but Sanskrit K'vyamore generally.

Starting with the kavisamaya proper, the question arises: do these con-ventional non-narrative unrealistic descriptions translate, as it were, and doesKakawin language have similar expressions of its own? A simple example isafforded by the representation of the crying and dancing of peacocks (may0-ra/%ikhin) at the start of the monsoon to the exclusion of any other time at KR%.,I as well as the corresponding BK %.%, a behaviour which R'jaQekhara notes

,$. Pollock #++N:,/, is discussing Sanskrit inscriptions from Java, but the phrase is equallyapplicable to Kakawin.,.. K!vyam*m!$s! p. . (start of Chapter #): %!strap0rvakatv!t k!vy!n!$ p0rva$ %!stre1v a-bhinivi%eta. na hy apravarttitaprad*p!s tamasi tattv!rthas!rtham adhyak1ayanti; BK ##.//–/$:d*patulya4 prabandho ’ya$ %abdalak1a"acak1u1!m […] vy!khy!gamyam ida$ k!vyam.

Poetic Conventions as Opposed to Conventional Poetry? ,-

occurs in other seasons as well (gr*1m!dau).,N In this case, a frequently oc-curring kavisamaya is linked to a conventional topic of description found onKeQavamiQra’s list, the changing of seasons.

Amore independent usage on the part of theKR is evident at %.#%, where thefragrance (gandha) wa2ing on the breeze from the Malaya mountain range re-minds R'ma of SOt'’s cheek (pipi).(e anatomical reference indicates that san-dalwood, used as a perfume and body ointment, is meant, though not named.(is is another kavisamaya of restriction explicitly noted by R'jaQekhara: ‘onthe Malaya [mountains] alone are sandalwood trees found’.,% At this particularpoint in the BK text nomention ofMalaya is found, although it and its exclusiveproduct are mentioned elsewhere, for example, ‘covered with sandalwood trees[you will see] the foothills of the Malayas’.,I Clearly, then, the KR text demon-strates an understanding of this special quality of the Malaya mountains, butwithout con*rmation of their appearance in other Kakawin it remains doubt-ful whether this kavisamaya took hold.,-

A kavisamaya that appears not to have found favour even with the KR per-tains to the description of darkness as if it ‘can be grasped in one’s *st or piercedby a needle’, in other words that it takes physical form.#+ At BK ,#.,+, the hulk-ing body of R'va)a ‘has the shape of a heap of darkness’ (tama4sam0h!k3tim),whereas KR ,/.,N gives only a translation of the preceding BK verse (,#.-),retaining the comparison of R'va)a’s body to smoke while clarifying that hisbody is black (awak nir!hir2/). In another place, the KR explicitly contradictsthe idea of this kavisamaya when R'ma says ‘darkness […] is tenuous, ungras-pable, though I see it’.#,

Another kavisamaya the KR leaves untranslated is not mentioned on thetraditional lists but is familiar to readers of K'vya. (is is LakRma)a’s descrip-tion of R'ma’s eyes as reaching to his ears (aupakar"ikalocana, BK $.#$), amarkof beauty in either a male or a female. By its physiological impossibility it *tsthe category of description of non-existent quality (gu"avad asato nibandha-nam). Attesting to the traditional character of the image is the *2h verse ofBh'nudatta’s Rasamañjar*, where a girl at the start of adolescence thinks she

,N. K!vyam*m!$s! p. #+I (end of Chapter ,$).,%. K!vyam*m!$s! p. #+.: malaya eva candanasth!na$.,I. BK ##.$: candanadrumasa$cchann! […]malayopatyak!4.,-. (e OJED entry for ‘Malaya’ yields references to the Malaya range only in KR and Brah-m!"(a Pur!"a.#+. K!vyam*m!$s! p. #+/: mu1#igr!hyatva$ s0c*bhedyatva$ ca tamasa4.#,. KR %.,,: andhak!ra […] s0k1ma tar pagam2lan katon tuwi. Translation modi*ed, takingtar pagam2lan as stating impossibility.

#+ Wesley Michel

sees in her rePection a lotus petal caught at her ear only to realize it is the cor-ner of her eye. Given the straightforward speech of LakRma)a, one wonderswhether the image made sense in the world of the ubiquitous ‘blossom worn atthe ear’ (sumpi/) such as that of 1Vrpa)akh', the mention of whose Poral orna-ments (KR $./#) says nothing of her eyes. While one omission in one text whichitself is hardly aword-for-word translationmay carry little probativeweight, thediscrepancy at least raises the possibility that this is another kavisamaya whichKakawin do not adopt.

Besides kavisamayas that Kakawin may not take up, there are those appar-ently unique to it. One such convention featured in the KR which strikes me asforeign to Sanskrit K'vya is the quotation of the explicit thoughts of everydayanimals.## (e simple attribution of emotion is common to both traditions, asin the kavisamaya of the cakrav!ka birds’ agony at their nightly separation orthe memorable image of the lion angered at his echoing roar (BK #.-). But theKR goes further, offering animal thought as language. In its version, insteadof an indistinct roar (n!d!n) the lion perceives a taunt: ‘ ‘‘Hey, dumb lion!’’ hethought he heard an enemy shout [in reply]’.#/ A similar example occurs earlierin the same nature description, where the BK’s distracted hunter is replaced inthe KR by a deer who, disturbed by the cries of geese, ‘cursed in her heart, ‘‘Ahunter!’’ as sleep slipped away’.#$ A more comical misapprehension is the re-action of an anteater Peeing the destruction of La&k'’s pleasure garden: ‘at thesight of a porcupine wanting tomate with his female […] ‘‘Ah, how disgusting!’’((öh ah o h*na ya) said the anteater and penetrated into other undergrowths’(KR -..%).(is strong anthropomorphism, where a human-like reaction is rep-resented not as just a state of mind but as actually verbalized, certainly distin-guishes the style of the KR from that of the BK, and may possibly be an aspect

##. Other genres in Sanskrit make extensive use of talking animals, as in the gnomic Pañca-tantra, written in a very different register. Of course, the R!m!ya"a narrative has monkeys andgiant birds talking, but these are characters of a qualitatively different nature from the fauna ofpoetic scenery.#/. KR #.,%: ! si/ham0(awinali/nyamusuhnyamon*. Translationmodi*ed, mostly for punc-tuation, though it appears this could also be interpreted as the poet interjecting.#$. BK #.%; KR #.-: ca"(!la yekana manahnya luput pwa denya. Translation modi*ed. (atca"(!la may mean ‘hunter’ in Old Javanese is pointed out by Lokesh Chandra ,--%:#+#; I amgrateful to Arlo Grif*ths for this information. Note that ca"(!la can also mean ‘of lowest caste,despised,’ a strong term of abuse in Sanskrit, making this a %le1a ‘pun’, in that the deer could beunderstood either as misinterpreting the sound of geese as the sound made by a hunter or assimply annoyed at the geese for having woken it. Given K'vya poets’ fondness for *gures ofspeech (ala$k!ra), the presence of the %le1a supports the reading of ca"(!la as direct ‘speech’ ofthe deer; with the translation ‘the deer thought it was a hunter’, the pun is lost.

Poetic Conventions as Opposed to Conventional Poetry? #,

peculiar to Kakawin in general. Indeed, in a later text we *nd the passage: ‘(ered patches of rust on the water were like blood on a kain, still Puid, [a]nd thepeacocks kept looking down (as if to say), ‘‘What’s that thing we can see?’’ ’#.Once again, the animal ‘extras’ in the background are given a one-line speak-ing role, which in Sanskrit would require an iti clause tomark quotation. As theeditor-translator comments, these are ‘all too human peacocks’ (Supomo ,-%%44:,%,).#N

Whereas the animal thoughts in the examples above may seem generally toadd an element of humor to nature descriptions, the last convention I want toconsider here lends a touch of sorrow. Although absent from the KR itself, theimage of a ruined temple occurs o2en enough in Kakawin that it can be calleda conventional subject to be described.#% I am not prepared to assess how itsfrequency may relate to Javanese society or history, rather to point out that thisappears to be another instance of the characteristically Kakawin as opposed toK'vya. Such scenes can arise in the midst of a charming and pleasant tour ofthe countryside (‘[(e temple-complex’s] roofs were broken and had fallen in,and beyond repair their pillars stood askew, swaying back and forth’), a peace-ful riverbank setting suitable for a scholar’s meditation (‘A temple of stone hadcollapsed, and its K'la-head ornament seemed about to weep, its eyes *lledwith tears’), or a journey through a countryside ravaged by an enemy army (‘Asanctuary had disappeared from sight, completely overgrown, its walls scatteredwithout trace’).#I Again, the KR features no such site of deterioration, but doesstate that one of the duties of a ruler is to keep temples in good condition, aprecept followed in a later Kakawin, as ‘the king continued on his journey, de-voting himself to the restoration of dilapidated temple-complexes’.#- (e image

#.. Kuñjarakar"adharmakathana $..: sawa/ r!h ni/ siñja/ drawamara tahi-hya/ nikamab!/ /tumu/kul-tu/kul mrak nika mapa tika/ wastu din2lö.#N. Here ‘we [also] have a cliché, found many times in scenes of the dePoration of a virgin: thered blood-stains on the kain’ (Supomo ,-%%, 44:,%,). (ough this is surely the unique Kakawinconvention par excellence, due to its frequent and varied usage and obvious social and psycho-logical interest it deserves more thorough investigation than the present paper can afford. SeeCreese #++$a.#%. Zoetmulder (,-%$:#+.–N) mentions the frequency of the image but does not speculate onits aesthetic effect.#I. )iwar!trikalpa /.#: bwat-dhant2n ri natarnya %*r"a makih0wa/unan ika gigal waneh awuk;Arjunawiw!ha ,..,/: ca"(i %ilanan!/ cawiri pi"(a mana/isa ma/2mbi-h2mbiha; Bhom!ntaka%.N: dharma hila/ t2las ka(2(2tan kabubak i lalayanya tan kahuni/a.#-. KR /.%+ pahayunta […] umah bha#!r!m2r2n ‘you should preserve with care the houses ofthe gods’ (my translation); Arjunawijaya /#.$: n!han hetunira titir mahas adoh l2/2/ amahayudharma si/ rusak.

## Wesley Michel

is attested in Sanskrit theory, in still another context: on a list of places appro-priate for the furtive tryst of the woman going to meet her lover./+ Despite thisprescription, I have yet to encounter such a ‘shattered house of gods’ (bhagnade-v!laya) in this or any other context in Sanskrit poetry, whether anthologized (asverses on this type of heroine, known as abhis!rik!, o2en are) or inMah'k'vya.(e Prakrit G!th!-Sapta%at* mentions a temple which sighs with the voices ofthe pigeons resting on top of it, but the state of disrepair is not explicit./,

In the absence of a fully-formed classi*catory scheme and a wider range ofdata, the multiplication of examples would be superPuous. But the selectionof conventions above demonstrates, I hope, the promise such a system wouldhold for articulating the relation of K'vya to Kakawin. I have not discussedconventional standards of comparison, though they form a category as impor-tant as the others; they include, for example, the use Old Javanese makes of thecoconut in relation to women’s bodies, and equally the use it does not make ofthe bimba fruit, which Sanskrit K'vya regularly compares to the lips./# But itwill at least be evident ‘what a desideratum it is for Sanskrit literary studies tohave a comprehensive catalogue or glossary of such poetic conventions’ (Pol-lock ,-I.b:,I.), especially for comparative purposes. If folklore studies canconstruct the Aarne-Stith catalogue, facilitating the study of kinds of storiesacross the most varied cultures, is it not possible, in the relatively limited cor-pora of (Mah')k'vya and Kakawin, to compile something similar? I am think-ing along the lines not of that universal scheme but one adapted to a speci*ccontext, like Wendy Doniger O’Flaherty’s chart (,-%/:##–/) for motifs in themythology of 1iva.

(ose mythemes are derived from narrative, of course, whereas conven-tions are precisely what is added to the narrative. Also, the role of traditioncomplicates the picture; per my disclaimers as to what may or may not beKakawin conventions *rst appearing in the KR, the individual genius of thewriter(s) is original (for lack of a better, less-valorized word) by default unlessother instances are found in other texts, in which case genre-comparative state-ments become possible.

If, however, an adequate catalogue could be assembled, we would then have

/+. S!hityadarpa"a /.-$./,. Basak ,-%,:,. (verse ,.N$). (e ch!y! runs: upari darad31#asth!"ukanil*nap!r!vat!n!$virutai4 / nistanati j!tavedana$ %0labhinnam iva devakulam. (e editor must see in this ‘as ifpierced by a stake’ (%0labhinnam iva) a ‘reference to temples in broken condition’ (Basak,-%,:##)./#. Zoetmulder provides a great deal of standard objects of comparison, though even this sen-sitive critic can grow weary of these ‘endless clichés’ (Zoetmulder ,-%$:#+#). OJED entries for‘bimba, wimba’ do not indicate any instances of these words denoting a fruit in Old Javanese.

Poetic Conventions as Opposed to Conventional Poetry? #/

not a checklist of the hackneyed, but a guide to comparison between cosmopoli-tan and vernacular texts or even between texts written in different cosmopoli-tan vernaculars, say, Kannada and Old Javanese. It would serve as a referencefor what we might call formal content so we might better appreciate its varia-tions. For it would seem that the poets and theorists of the Sanskrit cosmopolis,and not the Greek Sophists as Nietzsche supposed, ‘laid the strongest emphasisupon form [and] created the most form-demanding audience that has ever ex-isted’.// If wide-ranging aesthetic study of vernacular K'vya along the lines ofCurtius’ project is ever to be possible, not only text editions but also the toolsof traditional poetics will be necessary. A typology of conventions in the ser-vice of an aesthetic morphology of cosmopolitan-vernacular literary cultures,rudiments of which have been given here, would enable a clearer articulationof what makes K'vya K'vya, Kakawin K'vya, and Kakawin Kakawin.

Printed Sources in Sanskrit and Prakrit

Ala$k!ra%ekhara of KeQavamiQraEd. Bijoya Goswami. Calcutta: Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, ,--I.

Bha##ik!vya (R!va"avadha) of BhaSSiEd. Vinayak Narayan Shastri Joshi and Wasudev Laxman Shastri Pan-sikar. Bombay: Nirnaya Sagar Press, ,-#+. [Nth ed.]

K!vy!dar%a of Da)0inEd. Rangacharya Raddi Shastri. Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental ResearchInstitute, ,-%+. [Second edition.]

K!vyam*m!$s! of R'jaQekharaEd. Ganga Sagar Rai. Varanasi: Chowkhamba Vidyabhawan, ,-N$.

G!th!-Sapta%at*See Bibliography, Basak ,-%,.

Rasamañjar* of Bh'nudattaEd. Janardana Pandeya. Varanasi: Sampurnanand Sanskrit University,,--,.

S!hityadarpa"a of ViQvan'thaNo editor. # vols. Delhi: TBBC, ,-II. [Reprint, ,--%.]

//. Quoted with approval by Curtius ,--+:NI.

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) in theBha##ik!vya, the Raghuva$%a, the 1iwagEhaInscription and the Kakawin R!m!ya"a

&omas M. Hunter

Introduction

(e aim of this paper is to reopen a discussion of the poetic *gures called ya-maka in the Bha##ik!vya (BK) and their rePection in the KR that goes back to aseminal review of the subject in an essay by Christiaan Hooykaas (,-.Id) andearlier work byWaltherAichele (,-#N, ,-/,b)., I will proceed by*rst reviewingthe comments of Hooykaas and Aichele, then turning to more recent studies ofyamaka in the Sanskrit tradition, and *nally looking at instances of yamaka inthe ninth canto of theRaghuva$%a ofK'lid'sa, the BK, the 1iwagEha inscriptionof I.N 6: and the KR.

Gerow (,-%,:##/–/I) has catalogued and commented on the various typesof yamaka found in the Sanskrit tradition, and given us a good working de*ni-tion of this *gure

[…] in which a part of a verse, speci*ed either as to length or position or both,is repeated within the con*nes of the same verse, usually in such a way that themeaning of the two readings is different.#

As should be clear from a review of Söhnen’s study (,--.) to follow there was anevolution of the understanding of yamaka in the Sanskrit tradition that beganwith the simple repetitions (!mre(ita) of the Vedic hymns, thenmoved through

,. All references in this paper are to the KR edition by Soewito Santoso (,-I+a). However, ina few cases I have made emendations based on metrical or contextual considerations.#. (e sequence pramad!pramad!- (‘young women, joyless’) in BK ,+.- is a typical case of ya-maka.(e initial phrase pramad!, ‘proud young women’ is followed by a repetition of the samephrase, but with a differing interpretation, as apramad!, ‘without joy’.

#N &omas M. Hunter

several stages to a state where the tendency for the two repeated phrases to differin meaning became a *xed rule of composition. I will suggest in this paper thatthe stage of development rePected in yamaka of the Old Javanese tradition isthat of the BK, a work which is well-known to have served as a model for theKR that was produced at a time when ‘*gures of sound’ (%abd!la$k!ra) werehighly regarded in the Indian tradition.

Walther Aichele on yamaka in the KR and other works of Old Javanese literature

Aichele (,-#N)was the*rstWestern scholar to note the popularity of alliteration(anupr!sa, anupr!savat) and the related ‘*gures of repetition’ (yamaka) for thepoets of ancient Java. He traced this fact to the inPuence of the BK, whichhe grouped with works like the Raghuva$%a of K'lid'sa as a major source ofthe Javanese development of a tradition of ‘*gures of sound’ (%abd!la$k!ra)and ‘*gures of sense’ (arth!la$k!ra) based on Indian models. Hooykaas foundAichele’s remarks of such compelling interest that he translated his article ‘DieForm der Kawi-Dichtung’ (,-#N) into Dutch (,-/,b), and based his later study(,-.Id) of what he termed ‘four-line yamaka’ on Aichele’s comments.

Aichele (,-#N:-/$) *rst notes frequent cases of the repetition of syllables(KR #/.,,d, #/.,#e) and the great frequency of yamaka in sarga #$, describing‘the depiction of the curiosities of the miraculously regenerated Langk' em-pire’ and sarga #., describing ‘the journey home of R'ma with the reclaimedSOt'’. He goes on to call attention to line-initial yamaka in KR ,N.,. and #N.#+,then a large number of ‘end-[line]-placement of the yamaka’ that he notes mayhave been the source of the development of end-rhyme in India (KR %.#,ab;,+./$bcd; ,N./+, ,N./%–$+, #,.,$$; and #N.#+cd).

Moving on to ‘linked yamaka’ (kañci-yamaka), which he describes as ‘theagreement of the*nal syllables of a p!dawith the beginning syllables of the next’,Aichele (,-#N:-/$) again notes a large number of examples (KR #.,-; ,N.#$–#-;#$.I,–IN; #..,,/; #N.,#–,.; #N.#,bc)./ (ese examples include a use of thistype of yamaka as part of the *gure ek!val* in KR #.,-.$

/. See note /- and pp. $N–.+ below for further discussion of the term kañci-yamaka, withexamples. Gerow (,-%,:##-) follows the N!#ya%!stra in describing this yamaka under the termcakrav!la-yamaka, rather than the term given to this *gure in the early commentators on BhaSSi.$. See Hunter (forthcoming) for a discussion of the translation of this *gure from the BK(#.,-) into Old Javanese. For a de*nition of ek!val* see MW (#/+). Based on the literal meaningof ek!val* (‘a single string of pearls or Powers or beads’) the *gure consists of a series of sen-tences ‘where the subject of each following sentence has some characteristic of the predicate ofthe preceding one’.

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) … #%

Aichele (,-#N:-/.) makes an especially interesting point when he demon-strates the way that a correct understanding of yamaka can reveal copying er-rors that can then be deconstructed by way of yamaka. First he corrects ikomu-rub (‘that blazed up’) of KR ,N.#$c to ikomarab (‘that Pared up’).(en he showsthat KR ,N.#N–#% can be reconstructed by recognizing in these verses a series of‘linked yamaka’ (verschränkte Yamaka) whose presence has been obscured bylater copyists unfamiliar with the *gure. Aichele’s reconstructions based on theyamaka allow us to dispense with the anomalous uses of amogha (‘it happenedthat; suddenly’) and ik! (‘that’), replacing them with aho yateka (‘ah, behold’)and rik! (‘to that’) to arrive at a more felicitous reading of the original:

kucur nika/ wway um2l2kah sake/ watuwWtunya %*tala tuwi y!lila/mahoaho yateka milu maweh panas rik'.ri k'la ni/ priyawirah! tatan mat*s (KR ,N.#N)(e gush of water spouting from stone,Emerges coolly, and is moreover pure and clear,Ah, behold!(at too joins in giving a feeling of heat to him (the sufferer),At the time one suffers the pangs of separation (cool water) has no cool-ness.N

While yamakas are rarely found in works later than the KR, Aichele (,-#N:-/.)has noted that what he terms ‘the two-way yamaka’ was employed as late asthe fourteenth century by the learned author of the De%awar"ana (DW), orN!garak3t!gama. Noting that this dif*cult *gure ‘[…] was clearly—and hap-pily—not taken up very enthusiastically by the Kawi poets’, Aichele (,-#N:-/N)cites DW -%./ as an illustration of this type of yamaka used by a poet (Mpu Pra-pañca) writing nearly six hundred years later than the composition of the KR.In this complex use of the *gure yamaka the *rst clause (mataru/ tuhu wany)is then repeated in a clause that, in terms of ak1aras used, is the mirror image

.. Prior to the corrections Aichele made based on an analysis of yamaka, KR ,N.#Nc has beenread by Santoso (,-I+a:/-N), in agreement with Kern, as: amogha teka milu maweh panass ik!.N. Aichele’s translation (,-#N:-/.) reads:

Sprühend strömt das Wasser aus dem Fels,Kühl kommt es heraus, hell und klar.Aber ach, auch es bringt ihm (nämlich dem nach seiner S*t! sich sehnenden R!ma) nurwieder neue brennende Qual.Denn ist man von der Geliebten getrennt, erscheint es nicht kühl.

#I &omas M. Hunter

of the *rst ([pra/]nya wahu turu/ tama):%

mataru/ tuhu wany apra/, pra/nya wahu turu/ tamaHe clashes truly, daring to give a *ght.His *ght is just begun, he is not yet skilled.I

Robson (,--.:,.+–,) in his notes on DW -%.,–/ expresses strong displeasurewith these verses:

(ese stanzas are utter doggerel; the Old Javanese is scarcely susceptible of trans-lation into sensible English. (is is because in each stanza lines a and b, c and dare the mirror-image of each other, a feat that could only be achieved at the cost ofsense.

While Robsonmay be justi*ed in his complaint against Prapañcawewill briePydiscuss recent works by Bronner (,---) and Tubb (#++/) that suggest that usesof *gures like yamaka and %le1a (overlaying of two separate meanings in a sim-ilar word or phrase) were an essential part of the Sanskrit tradition whose re-Pections in the Old Javanese tradition deserve a less pejorative reading.

C. Hooykaas on yamaka in the BK and KR

In one of several articles written in the period ,-..–,-.I Hooykaas demon-strated the remarkable resemblances between the BK and KR and claimed thestatus of ‘exemplary Kakawin’ for the KR, noting that of all works from thecorpus of literary creations in the Old Javanese language the KR most clearlyincorporates South Asian *gures of speech that were the focus of the work of

%. See Minkowski (#++$) for a discussion of ‘bidirectional poetry’ in the Sanskrit tradition.I. (e translation here is that of Robson (,--.:I.). (e third and fourth hemistichs of DW-%./ are also in the form of a ‘two-way yamaka’, as are each of the half-verses of DW -%.,–#. DW-%./cd reads as follows:

masa li/gara %0nya prih / prihnya %0ra gali/ sama

See Pigeaud (,-N+:%.) for the Old Javanese text of this verse. Robson (,--.:-N) translated theselines as follows:

He would never falter, for the Void he strives,His striving is heroic, he is *erce in quietude.

Robson understands gal of DW -%./d as perhaps related to Modern Javanese ‘agal, ‘‘rough,coarse’’ or […] Old Javanese agul-agul, ‘‘*erce, warlike’’ ’; and sana as perhaps derived from‘sama, ‘‘quietude’’ ’.

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) … #-

early theorists like Da)0in and Bh'maha.- As he notes these were exempli-*ed by the poet BhaSSi in his BK. He called special attention to BhaSSi’s treat-ment of ‘*gures of sound’ (%abd!la$k!ra) in BK ,+.,–## and his treatment of‘*gures of sense’ (arth!la$k!ra) in BK ,+.##–%$, noting that in the *rst casethe exposition of %abd!la$k!ra by BhaSSi is not directly mirrored in the the-matically corresponding passages of the KR, but is rather dispersed throughoutthe entire work.,+ Addressing the question of the chronological order of theseworks Hooykaas (,-.%:/.N, /.I) noted that a group of early copyists of the BK,whom he aptly termed ‘precommentators’, added explanatory sub-headings tothe *gures exempli*ed in the tenth canto of that work. In doing so they madea number of errors of identi*cation when they assumed that BhaSSi followedthe order of presentation of yamaka as found in the K!vy!dar%a of Da)0inand K!vy!la$k!ra of Bh'maha, which were later corrected by the commen-tator Jayama&gala (circa eighth–ninth centuries 6:), or still later byMallin'tha(circa ,/#.–,$#. 6:).,, Hooykaas concluded from these considerations thatBhaSSi was writing prior to the time of Da)0in and Bh'maha, thus sometimeprior to the early seventh century 6:.,# We will return to this point below.

-. Departing somewhat from Hooykaas’ description (,-.., ,-.Ic) of the KR as ‘exemplary’, Ihave claimed elsewhere (Hunter forthcoming) that the KR is ‘exemplary’ only in the sense of itsrePecting most closely the *gural tradition of the K'vya of South Asia, and that it is the Arju-nawiw!ha of Mpu Ka)wa, composed circa ,+/. 6:, that is most clearly ‘exemplary’ for the latertradition of composition in Kakawin form. To this the caveat must be added that the Kakawincomposers of the Balinese tradition drew heavily on the poetics of the KR, and in that sense thelatter work remained ‘exemplary’ alongside the Arjunawiw!ha and its successors. See Creese(,--I:,//) on the latter point.,+. (e thematically corresponding verses for BK ,+.,–## are KR ,,.,–%, which are developedin terms of lengthy verses in Da)0aka metre that do not directly rePect BhaSSi’s exposition ofanupr!savat (BK ,+.,) and twenty-one forms of yamaka (BK ,+.#–##). On the other hand not afew of BhaSSi’s examples of ‘*gures of sense (arth!la$k!ra) in BK ,+.##–%$ are directly rePectedin KR ,,.-–-N. Hooykaas (,-.%) intended to make a thorough comparison of the *gures of KR,,.-–-N to those of BhaSSi, but was not able to accomplish this goal during his lifetime.(e samegoal remains a desideratum for the present author, and represents a theme that calls out for theattention of the next generation of scholars.(at the arth!la$k!ras of BhaSSi are developedmoregenerally in the KR, as well as speci*cally in KR ,,.-–-N, makes this a more challenging projectthan it would be had the composers of the KR con*ned their development of arth!la$k!ra tothe passages directly rePecting the exposition of BhaSSi.,,. In his Ek!val*, a work on rhetoric, Mallin'tha refers to king VOra-NarasiXha whowas reign-ing in ,/,$ 6:, while in another work on rhetoric, titled Prat!parudr*ya, he refers to King Prat'-parudra, who reigned ,#-.–,/#/6:. Based on these considerationsKale (,-I,:xxxix) concludesthat ‘the date of Mallin'tha approximately falls somewhere between ,/#. and ,$#. A.D’.,#. On the date of Da)0in, see Rabe (,--%). He uses the autobiographical prologue to theAvantisundar*kath! as the basis of his estimate of a period between NI.–%#- 6: for Da)0in’s life.

/+ &omas M. Hunter

In his study of the occurrences of yamaka in the KR, Hooykaas (,-.Id)called attention to two aspects of the use of yamaka in the text that have a con-tinuing role to play in further studies of the subject. (e *rst of these is hisrecognition that the various types of yamaka exempli*ed by BhaSSi in BK ,+.#–## were not directly translated into corresponding verses of the KR. He foundinstead that the poet (or poets) of the Old Javanese text made use of yamaka onnumerous occasions and that they are thus spread throughout the work.,/ Per-haps more important still, he also noted a number of points at which numerousyamaka are employed in what he termed ‘yamaka blocks’. (ese are found atthe following three points in the KR:

• the depiction of the building of the bridge to La&k' (KR ,N.,–$+)

• the description of the restoration of La&k' (KR #$.-%–,#/)

• the description of the return of R'ma and SOt' to Ayodhy' by an aerialchariot (KR #$.#./–#N.-)

A second important point put forward by Hooykaas (,-.Id:,/+–#) is the ques-tion of what he termed ‘assonances’. It appears that in his efforts to demon-strate the large number of yamaka to be found in the KR, Hooykaas was led toinclude passages that may not have been framed so much as yamaka as combi-nations of yamakawith effects of alliteration and assonance, the anupr!savat ofBK ,+.,. For our purposes, what is most interesting about his presentation ofthese effects of assonance is not so much what they tell us about the relativelyfree interpretation of phonological constraints on the construction of yama-ka in the many instances Hooykaas enumerates in the appendix to his article(,-.Id:,/N–%) but what they reveal about working methods of the poets andpedagogues of ancient Java.

One type of assonance which Hooykaas describes is based on the pairingof words where a medial or *nal /k/ can alternate with a medial or *nal /g/ insets like warak/war2g (KR #.#Nd) and s!k/s!gara (KR #$.//a). (is suggeststhat while /k/ and /g/ were phonemic in Old Javanese there was a tendencytoward similarity of pronunciation, especially in the *nal position, where thenon-release of the *nal stop reduces the degree of acoustical difference betweenvoiced and unvoiced velar stops.(at the poets of ancient Java appear to accept

,/. See Hunter (forthcoming) for a discussion of the possibility that the KR was composed bymultiple authors, in this sense comparable to the collective work that went into the R!m!ya"areliefs of Ca)0i Loro Jonggrang.

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) … /,

assonant sets likewarak/war2g suggests that they were sensitive to the relativelylow degree of acoustical difference between these phonemes of Old Javanese,and incorporated this sensitivity into their construction of yamaka. A similardegree of latitude at the phonemic level can be found in works of the Sanskrittradition, where (as is the case in the extended yamaka series of Raghuva$%a-.,–.$) yamakas apply at the pre-sandhi level, and so appear ‘assonant’ in thepost-sandhi realization of the text.

Another type of assonance studied byHooykaas in connectionwith yamakaof the KR corresponds to the accommodation of phonemes that are contrastivein Indian phonology to the Old Javanese case, where they are not. (ese arevery telling cases of ‘assonance’ in that they suggest an early understanding ofdifferences between the phonological contrasts of Sanskrit and those of OldJavanese thatwas later rePected in the development of a systemof ‘orthographicmysticism’ in Bali.,$ In the Balinese case the development of a metaphysicsof the written sign appears to have grown out of the close attention paid inthe priestly tradition to retaining Indian phonological contrasts in orthographythat were not rePected in pronunciation, thus preserving in graphemic formthe high status language of liturgy (Sanskrit) and thus in a sense recapitulatingthe Indian concern with correct preservation of the Veda that had given rise toauxiliary sciences (ved!/ga) like metrics, phonetics and grammatical analysis.

Hooykaas (,-.Id:,//–$) developed his brief comments on the types of ‘as-sonance’ that rePect alternations between Indo-European andAustronesian pho-nological systems in his rules numbered ,, (t and #), ,# (d and (), ,/ (n and"), ,$ (p and ph), ,. (b and bh), ,% (b/bh with w), ## (s and %), #/ (s and 1) and#$ (1 and %). A few examples should bring out the fact that these are all con-trasts that depend on sensitivity to differing phonological constraints betweenSanskrit (an Indo-European language) and Old Javanese (an Austronesian lan-guage). We have printed in roman type cases of yamaka that result from thesediffering phonological constraints:

• assonance of Old Javanese /d/ and Sanskrit /dh/:

asi/-asi/a ta s'dhy'n / dadya tan dadyamadw! (KR N..-d)

• assonance of Old Javanese /b/ and Sanskrit /bh/:

biRama bhORa"a (KR /./$bc)

,$. See Hunter (#++%a) for a study of ‘orthographic mysticism’, Rubinstein (#+++) for a studyunder the term ‘alphabet mysticism’.

/# &omas M. Hunter

In the ‘orthographic sets’ reproduced above we *nd evidence of a consciouschoice around the treatment in Old Javanese of contrastive phonemes of San-skrit that had no parallel in the Old Javanese phonological system.(e decisionmade by the poets and scholars of ancient Java—and I believe we must countit as a decision—was to retain the contrasts orthographically, but to treat themas non-existent with respect to the production of yamaka. In these cases, theyamaka of the KR are thus *gures that depend not on orthography (or a unityof orthography and pronunciation) but on pronunciation.(ese were thus ‘*g-ures of reading’ whose enjoyment depended on their sonorous qualities as ap-preciated in the environment of a public reading of the text, but also referredback to phonological contrasts retained in orthography that bespeak the im-portance of the written letter in the Javano-Balinese tradition.

Other instances of what Hooykaas regarded as ‘rules of assonance’ evidentin the KR can be understood as rePecting matters of morphosyntax that appearto provide evidence of a particular treatment of crucial morphophonemes inthe Old Javanese system of voice af*xes. A careful examination of the ‘rules’ ad-duced by Hooykaas suggests that the ancient Javanese poets and theorists wereaware of the difference between morphosyntactic markers and the lexical baseof their language. (is comes out in their treatment of voice af*xes like -um-and -in-, which can be described in terms of what Himmelmann (#++.:,,#–/)calls Actor and Undergoer Voice constructions in his study of the typologicalcharacteristics of Austronesian languages.,. Hooykaas describes these underhis Rules #. and #%, in so doing citing several examples that suggest that thesemorphosyntactic makers were regarded as ‘invisible’ with respect to the forma-tion of yamaka. Let us *rst review his discussion:

• Rule #. (Hooykaas ,-.Id:,/$): assonance that depends on disregard ofthe Undergoer Voice marker -in-For the purpose of assonance the grammatical in*x -in- […] may not be heardand can be overlooked: pi"(an pina"(2m (554.,-%a); aku/ kinu/ku/ (444.#,c),pinatih patih (543.,-); awurahan/winarahan (534./Icd).,N

,.. Himmelmann speaks of ‘symmetrical voice’ as a de*ning characteristic of one of two ba-sic types of western Austronesian languages (the other being ‘preposed possessor languages’). Inthis type of language ‘[t]he de*ning characteristic […] is the presence of at least two voice alterna-tions marked on the verb, neither of which is clearly the basic form’. (e two voices correspondwith those called Active and Passive in the terminology traditional before the development oflinguistic typology as a *eld of scienti*c enquiry.,N. (ere is no doubt that an in*x like -in- or -um- would be ‘heard’ in the recitation of a text;what is crucial is that these af*xes were understood as operating at a higher level of linguistic

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) … //

• Rule #% (Hooykaas ,-.Id:,/$): assonance that depends on disregard ofthe Actor Voice marker -um-(e grammatical in*x -um- […]: agali/ gumulu/ (34.,/%d); ak2l2m kum2l2m(34.,/Ib), lumumpat, analimp2tak2n (3.$#d), tumurun mat!ku matur0 hanê/l2mah (3444.,.-).

Whilemore evidence from the KR supportingHooykaas’ rules #. and #%wouldbe useful, yamaka sets like pinatih patih and ak2l2m kum2l2m are suf*cientlyclear to offer convincing evidence that the poets of ancient Java did indeed un-derstand voice-marking af*xes as distinct from the lexical base, and thereforecould be treated as ‘invisible’ with respect to the formation of yamakas.

In conclusion, the ‘rules of assonance’ of Hooykaas can be reanalysed inways that shed light on phonological phenomena within Old Javanese (similar-ity of voiced and unvoiced *nal velar stops), betweenOld Javanese and Sanskrit(sets like d/( and b/bh that were non-contrastive in Old Javanese) and betweendiffering levels of morphosyntactic arrangement within Old Javanese (the ‘in-visibility’ of voice-markers in the construction of yamaka sets).

Some of the yamaka adduced by Hooykaas are based on the full or partialreduplication of a lexical base, thus fallingwithin themore primitive category of!mredita and arguably not eligible as true yamaka, at least in Da)0in’s system,where a difference in meaning in the repeated phrase is required.,% At othertimes, however, the use of reduplicated words is positioned in such a way thatwe can be sure a yamaka is intended. KR ,%.,#%, for example, is a case of whatappears to be intended as a p!d!di-yamaka (yamaka occurring at the beginningof each of the four lines of a verse):

madulur-dulur y!rampukan asanama/idu&-idu& y!ca/krama kasukanmaturu-turV ro"-(on pinaka-tilamtumW&a-te&' ri/ candra-wilasita || KR ,%.,#% ||Together they arranged Powers in each other’s hair,Singing together they strolled about happily,

organization than the lexical, and hence could be treated differentlywith respect to the formationof yamaka. We should also note that Hooykaas’ examples incorporate other types of ‘permissibleassonance’ in the formation of yamaka, for example the equivalence of -"(an and -"(2m in his*rst example for Rule #..,%. A typical example of a simple repetition !mre(ita that in terms of the classical Sanskrittradition should not be eligible for interpretation as a yamaka can be found in the phrasew*n!ni-w!ni (metri causa for win!ni-w!ni) in KR I.N+a, cited by Hooykaas in his discussion of yamaka,where the reduplicated form is redundant, both w!ni and win!nimeaning ‘brave’.

/$ &omas M. Hunter

At times they reclined to sleep on sleeping mats made of leaves,Or looked up again and again at the play of the moonlight.

With this charming example of theways that the poets of ancient Java developedyamaka as a prominent form of *gure in the KR we will close this brief reviewof the work of Hooykaas and move on to a consideration of more recent worksdealing with yamaka in the Sanskrit tradition.

Renate Söhnen (+556) and Gary Tubb (.--7) on yamaka

Söhnen’s critical study (,--.) of yamaka in the Sanskrit tradition representsan important step forward in our understanding of the history of Indian po-etics in that she traces the development of systematization in the analysis ofyamaka. While we can only briePy summarize her work here, it is important tonote that she traces a line of development from the !mre(ita, or ‘simple redu-plications’ of the Vedic hymns, through the exposition of a variety of yamakain the N!#ya%!stra of Bharata. As she notes, the yamakas of the N!#ya%!straare presented without any apparent attempt at systematization, and the workof BhaSSi in BK ,+.#–## is thus innovative, in that there is very clear evidencethere of a systematization based on the materials of Bharata. She notes, forexample, that BhaSSi has based his sarvayamaka on Bharata’s caturvyavasita-yamaka ‘where the same p!da [‘verse-quarter’] is to be read $ times, each witha different meaning’ (Söhnen ,--.:$-I). In a similar vein she notes that BhaSSi’smah!-yamaka (repetition of an entire stanza) ‘seems to be one logical step fur-ther from [Bharata’s] samudga-yamaka (the repetition of half a stanza)’ (Söh-nen ,--.:$-I). She further notes that BhaSSi has rearranged the materials ofBharata so that all representatives of what she terms ‘end-rhyme’ and ‘gemi-nate’ types of yamaka are grouped together.,I

Our understanding of the historical sequence of BhaSSi with respect to Da)-0in and Bh'maha is also greatly enhanced by Söhnen’s study. As she notes, itwas not BhaSSi, but Da)0in who *rst introduced a fundamental distinction be-tween avyapeta (contingent) and vyapeta (non-contingent) forms of yamaka,a theoretical move of great importance that she notes is rePected in the Agni-pur!"a, but not in Bh'maha.,- Söhnen’s study thus supports Hooykaas’ con-clusion noted above that BhaSSi should be understood as anterior to Da)0in

,I. See Söhnen (,--.:.+I–-) for a concordance of the N!#ya%!stra and BK. As she notes, aclose examination of the list suggests that ‘one can hardly maintain any longer that the sequence[introduced by BhaSSi] is due to chance’.,-. (e terms ‘contingent’ and ‘non-contingent’ here mean that the repeated phrase of a yama-ka falls immediately a2er its original (‘contingent’) or is separated by several other words, phrases

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) … /.

and Bh'maha, thus falling sometime in the late sixth or early seventh century,well a2er the time of K'lid'sa and roughly contemporaneous with Bh'ravi.#+

Another important contribution to the study of yamaka has been put for-ward by Gary Tubb (#++/) in a seminar paper titled ‘K'vya with Bells On: Ya-maka in the )i%up!lavadha’ that draws immediate attention to the importanceof sonorous or musical effects in the composition of *gures like yamaka. Forthe present purposes one of the most useful insights to be gained from a reviewof his work is his analysis of an extended series of yamaka in the *rst *2y-fourverses of the ninth canto of K'lid'sa’s Raghuva$%a (Ragh). First of all, we notehis comments on the sonorous aspects of this series of yamakas (#++/:#,):

(is passage is apparently the model for many of the features connected with theuse of yamaka inM'gha and in Bh'ravi before him, including some things that canbe seen in BhaSSi as well, such as the association of yamakawith the Drutavilambitametre and with the use of a series of different metres.[(ese yamakas follow] a very regular and simple scheme, in which the series ofsounds composed by the second, third and fourth syllables in the last quarter ofeach verse is repeated once:

˘ ˘ ˘ Y [y] ˘ ˘ Y [y] ˘ ˘ Y | Y̆ |#,(e regularity of repetitions, verse a2er verse, allows for the use of the hypnoticpossibilities of extended yamaka performances.

As Tubb also notes (#++/:,I), BhaSSi’s emphasis on the systematic aspects of ya-maka means that he cannot ‘exemplify effects that depend upon the repeated

or lines (‘non-contingent’). (e repeated phrase pramad!pramad!- (‘proud young women [be-came] devoid of joy’) of BK ,+.- (see above, note # and below, p. /I) is an example of a ‘con-tingent’ yamaka, while the phrase n!r*"!m repeated at the beginning of each of four lines of BK,+.,/ (see below, p. /I) is an example of a non-contingent yamaka.#+. We should not fail to note that Tubb (#++/:,-) has problematized Söhnen’s account, *rstby noting that one of the yamakas in BK ,+.#,may have been borrowed from verse ..,/ of theKir!t!rjun*ya of Bh'ravi. He concludes:

If we look at literary borrowings within the poetry of the yamaka sections, however, thereare possible connections not only with K'lid'sa and Bh'ravi, but even with M'gha, andthe direction of borrowing in each instance is not immediately clear.

I myself *nd less reason to doubt Söhnen’s reconstruction of a chronology that positions BhaSSiprior to Da)0in (seenote ,# above for a dating of Da)0in in the period NI.–%#- 6:), and cer-tainly to M'gha, whose )i%up!lavadha is said to have been inspired by Bh'ravi. More cautionmay be necessary in the case of Bh'ravi, whose terminus ante quem is provided by RavikOrti’smention of his fame in the AihoZe inscription of N/$//. 6:.#,. For this paper I have used the identifying symbol [y] tomark the yamaka, which aremarkedin Tubb’s seminar paper by enclosing the yamaka in boxes. I have also altered Tubb’s original(#++/:##) by adding a vertical line following the penultimate division of the metre.

/N &omas M. Hunter

use of a particular variety of yamaka’. At the same time, an analysis of the in-teraction of yamaka-based groupings of syllables withmetrical constraints sug-gests that BhaSSi was well aware of the sonorous qualities of yamaka and coulduse them to great effect.

To take one example, we note that BhaSSi has chosen PraharRi)O metre forhis exposition of the line-initial ‘stem-yamaka’ of BK ,+.,/. Here he takes ad-vantage of the three heavy (guru) syllables that initiate each line of the metre tostrengthen the ‘stem-like’ effect of the v3nta-yamaka:

n'rO)'m apanunudur na dehakhed!nn'rO)'mala-salil! hira"ya-v!pya4 |n'rO)'m anal!par*ta-patra-pu1p!nn'rO)'m abhavad upetya %arma v3k1!n || BK ,+.,/ ||##

Y Y Y [y] ˘ ˘ ˘ | ˘ Y ˘ | Y ˘ Y | Y̆Y Y Y [y] ˘ ˘ ˘ | ˘ Y ˘ | Y ˘ Y | Y̆ |Y Y Y [y] ˘ ˘ Y | ˘ Y ˘ | Y ˘ Y | Y̆Y Y Y [y] ˘ ˘ ˘ | ˘ Y ˘ | Y ˘ Y | Y̆ ||

When we turn from formal to *gural aspects of BhaSSi’s use of yamaka, we canalso pro*t from Tubb’s insights. Like Bronner (,---), Tubb is interested in de-veloping a critical understanding of *gures like yamaka and %le1a that dependeither on differing interpretations of repeated phonological sequences (yama-ka), or the overlay of two differing meanings on identical sequences (%le1a).While the advent of the ‘school of suggestion’ (dhvani) appears to have led to ade-emphasis on ‘*gures of sound’ (%abd!la$k!ra) like yamaka in South Asia,%le1a continued to grow in popularity to the extent that entire works might besuperimposed one upon the other in K'vya like the R!ghavap!"(av*ya that isthe focus of the dissertation work of Bronner (,---).

Tubb focuses his analysis of the literary effects of extended passages of ya-maka with a study of K'lid'sa’s use of yamaka in the ninth canto of his Raghu-va$%a to bring out inherent tensions between DaQaratha’s ordinarily restrainednature and the intoxicating—andultimately disastrous—effects that the thrill ofthe hunt has on his career. We can follow Tubb’s lead here to look more closelyat how K'lid'sa achieves these juxtapositions through the use of yamaka. Inthe beginning of an extended series of verses containing yamakas that focuson the virtues of DaQaratha (-.% of the sequence Ragh -.,–.$) K'lid'sa hints atwhat is to follow by portraying DaQaratha as being ‘not carried away’ (na […]

##. See p. /I below for a translation of this verse.

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) … /%

ap!harat) by ‘the pleasures of the hunt’ (m3gay!bhirati4), and develops a ‘non-contingent’ (vyapeta) yamaka that contrasts the ‘striving’ of DaQaratha in theservice of his kingdom (yatam!nam) with the potentially intoxicating effects ofthe youthful beauty of ‘his beloved’ (priyatam!). Near the end of this sequenceof verses containing yamakas, K'lid'sa more clearly presages the tragic con-sequences of DaQaratha’s slaying of the son of a sage in a hunting accident. Ina verse (-.$-) that lays out the reasons he has given to his ministers to ensuretheir agreement to his setting out for the hunt, K'lid'sa develops a yamaka thatshi2s attention from the positive effects of the act of hunting on the health andstrength of the king’s body (tanum) via a conjunction of cause or reason (ata4)to the agreement of his ministers (anumata4):

paricaya$ cala-lak1ya-nip!tena |bhaya-ru1o% ca tad-i/gita-bodhanam |%rama-jay!t pragu"!$ ca karoty asau |tanum ato ‘numata[ sacivair yayau || Ragh -.$- ||#/

Becoming familiar with shooting down amoving-mark, knowledgeablein the subtle gestures that reveal the fearful or ferocious disposition ofone’s (prey) and making one’s body full of good qualities through theconquest of fatigue, he set out, having received the consent of his min-isters on these grounds.

Returning to the analysis of Tubb we cite here at some length his comments onhow BhaSSi achieved similar effects with his use of yamaka in BK ,+.#–##, andthe more general theme of relationship of yamaka to %le1a:

Probably the most important difference between yamaka and %le1a is that while%le1a may lend itself to treatments of disguised characters because it involves twomeanings masquerading as one, yamaka is more likely to be used in connectionwith two identities that are both on public display […] whether these two identitiesare simultaneous, as we […] see in K'lid'sa’s […] description of DaQaratha, withits exposure of the contrasts and balances in his character, or sequential, as we willsee in the fear and destruction brought about by the violence in the battle cantos ofBh'ravi and M'gha, and as can be seen in BhaSSi’s description of the effects of the*re in La&k' […][BhaSSi] announces the theme of discord in his *rst yamaka verse and, in manyof the yamakas that follow, the effect is one of the deconstruction of an identity

#/. Note that in this verse yamakas are assumed to be based on phonological sequences priorto the application of rules of euphony (sandhi). (is exempli*es the process of basing yamakaon the pre-sandhi reading of a phrase mentioned above, p. /,.

/I &omas M. Hunter

previously assumed to be stable—a sort of linguistic examination of the reliabilityof designations:na gaj! nagaj! dayit!dayit!vigata$ vigata$ lalita$ lalitampramad!pramad!mahat!mahat!mara"a$mara"a$ samay!t samay!t || BK ,+.- ||Mountain-born elephants, prized, were not protected;Flocks of birds vanished; the cherished was tortured’Young women became joyless, injured by running;Death without a *ght came to the great because of fate.#$

We can add here that the same ‘unreliability of designations’ comes out clearlyin the previously analysed verse BK ,+.,/, where the normally cooling effectsof water and shade-trees have been cancelled by the *re raging in La&k':

n'rO)'m apanunudur na dehakhed!nn'rO)'mala-salil! hira"ya-v!pya4n'rO)'m anal!par*ta-patra-pu1p!nn'rO)'m abhavad upetya %arma v3k1!n || BK ,+.,/ ||#.

Women were not able to ward off the intense heat of their bodies,With the dried-up pure water of golden wells,And there was no comfort for those women of the enemy sidewho came near to trees whose leaves and Powers had been seized by *re.

BhaSSi also uses yamaka to heighten particular aspects of a description. In BK,+.,-, for example, he capitalizes on the insistent repetition of a sarva-yamakato bring a veritable crescendo to a description of Hanuman’s triumphant returnfrom La&k' to suggest that all nature, and even the gods revel in his victory:

babhau marutv!n vi-k3ta4 sa-mudrobabhau marutv!n vik3ta4 sa-mudra4babhau marutv!n vik3ta4 sa-mudrobabhau marutv!n vi-k3ta4 sa mudra4 || BK ,+.,- ||[Hanuman], son of the wind, who had accomplished many tasks andwho bore [the crest-jewel of SOt' as his] insignia, shone forth,

#$. Cited from Tubb (#++/:#+–,).#.. I have taken the liberty of changing the syntax of the (a) and (b) lines, which should have theextended noun phrase of the (b) line as subject to the verb phrase of the *rst line, using insteada passive formation using ‘with’ rather than the usual ‘by’ of a by-phrase.

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) … /-

[Indra], lord of the gods of wind, alongwith the apsaras, became radiant[on account of Hanuman’s victory],(e ocean broke free from its banks, churned by the gales [roused byHanuman’s Pight],[Even V'yu], lord of the winds, joyous [at the arrival of his son], took aslower pace, and became all the more attractive.

As Tubb (#++/:#,) has suggested, BhaSSi’s uses of yamaka ‘bring out the possi-bilities available in the device […] that [were] put to good effect by other poets’.As we will see below, several poets of ancient Java can be counted among thosewho made effective use of the yamaka exempli*ed by BhaSSi. We cannot yetbe certain that BhaSSi was the only Indian author whose uses of yamaka inPu-ence the poets of ancient Java—indeed we must consider at least K'lid'sa inthis respect—but the evidence that he was an important inPuence is no longerin dispute.

Yamaka in the )iwag3ha inscription of ,68 9:

As De Casparis (,-.N:#I,) has noted, the metrical inscription of I.N 6: is im-portant to students of the Indonesian archipelago for three distinct reasons:

• *rst, it gives us the *rst evidence for writing in the Kakawin form, usingthe Old Javanese language but incorporating metres, *gures and tropesof the Sanskrit tradition

• second, it is an important source of information on the history of centralJava in the mid-ninth century

• third, it describes in some detail a major temple complex that may wellbe the 1aivite complex at Ca)0i Prambanan

I follow here Aichele’s claim (,-N-:,$#–%) that the description of a ‘sanctuaryof Shiva’ (%iw!laya) in this inscription is strongly suggestive of the 1aivite com-plex of Ca)0i Prambanan and that both the language of the inscription anda similar description of a %iw!laya found in KR I.$/–.-, suggest that the KRand the 1iwagEha inscription are products of the same historical period. WhileDe Casparis’ interpretation (,-.N:#I+–//+) of the historical details rePectedin the inscription has been largely accepted in the past, there may be reasonto doubt his claim that it refers to the dedication of an important temple byRakai Pikatan, possibly upon his abdication in I.N 6: in favour of his son Pu

$+ &omas M. Hunter

Kayuwangi, and his simultaneous dedication of a temple whose functions in-cluded the apotheosis of his father, Pu Gading. I will not attempt to carry for-ward an analysis of claims for and against those of De Casparis, but will simplynote that the inscription itself speaks of a momentous occasion, one that wouldquite reasonably be expected to exemplify the kind of rhetorical compositionfavouring yamaka that Tubb has spoken of as being favoured (in this time pe-riod) when (royal) identities are on public display.

Recalling Tubb’s comments (#++/:#+) on the use of yamakawhen ‘two iden-tities are on public display’ and the crescendo-like effects of sequential yamakain the praise of Hanuman in BK ,+.,-, there are good reasons to suppose thatthe author(s) of the 1iwagEha inscription employed yamaka for similar effects,seeking through the repetitions of the yamaka form to addweight and grandeurto the dedicatory verses for a monument that must have been of great impor-tance to the ruling monarch. (at the work of BhaSSi may have served as amodel for the composition of this inscription as much as it did for the compo-sition of the KR comes out in the fact that yamakas in this inscription are linkedwith a variety of metres, thus parallel with BhaSSi’s practice in BK ,+.#–##.

(ere are serious lacunae in the transcription of De Casparis due to weath-ering of the stone on which it was engraved, and several lines pose challengesto analysis that to date remain unresolved; however, there are also a goodmanylines containing yamaka that can be understood with reasonable certainty thatour interpretation has not gone too far astray. I will review a number of repre-sentative lines below:#N

a. From verses in Vasantatilaka metreN.b ma/rak1a bh0mi ri jaw'rjawa Y Y

sincere andupright (arjawa) he protected the landof Java (jawa).,+.a r!jñe ta sa/ patih ayat patih!kala/ka

the primeminister began to prepare spotlessly pure royal funer-ary rites for the king.#%

#N. All translations aremy own except where otherwise indicated. In large part my translationsare consonant with those of De Casparis (,-.N).#%. De Casparis (,-.N:/,-, note #,) claims that r!jñe ‘is not a Sanskrit dative’ but rather rep-resents the Old Javanese-Sanskrit amalgam ra-!jñ! + locative preposition i. However, it is clearthat he misunderstood the construction, since it is impossible for the locative preposition (i) toprecede the main marker of discourse prominence in Old Javanese (ta). It appears rather thatthe Sanskrit r!jñe is indeed intended here and that the phrase should be read ‘for the king’. SeeHoff (,--I) for a recent discussion of discourse salience in Old Javanese. De Casparis notes that

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) … $,

,+.c mera/ &uni n &uni-&uni n samar!n than*wu/

He was ashamed that in the past the battle in Iwung village hadbeen excessive.#I

b. From verses in RajanOmetre

,..d mahayu kuaih ta p'nti tinap'n tiruan sawaluy#-

beautiful were the many smaller buildings, *tted out as hermit-ages, proper to be imitated in their turn./+

,N.b nika#a bha#!ra yan tuwuh apVrwwa ri pVrwwa-di%a

its being close to a deity was the reason for its unprecedentedgrowth, there in the eastern quarter (of the temple yard)./,

patiha is a derivative of tiha, otherwise (and more commonly) spelled tiwa; see OJED (#+#N) s.v.tiwa, ‘cremation, funerary rites’.#I. It can be argued that /uni-/uni should be taken in the more usual sense of ‘moreover’;however, I believe the context supports my interpretation of this reduplicated form as ‘in thepast’. As De Casparis notes the inscription partly concerns the gi2 of ‘tax-free’ (s*ma) land toWantil, who may be presumed to be the of*cial termed pam2gat (perhaps: ‘ritual surveyor ofs*ma lands’) of Iwung, a village that presumably had been devastated in a war referred to in theinscription, which De Casparis takes to be the struggle of Rakai Pikatan with B'laputra whichhe believed marked the end of 1ailendra power in Central Java.#-. (e treatment of the Undergoer Voice in*x -in- in the phrase tinapan of ,..d as ‘invisible’with respect to the formation of yamaka gives us another illustration of Hooykaas’ ‘Rule #.’ dis-cussed earlier in this paper (p. /#). It seems possible as well that the ‘complementizing particle’n/an was counted among these morphosyntactic elements understood as representing a level oflinguistic structure separate from the lexical base, and that sequences including the complemen-tizing particle n/anwere also treated as ‘invisible’ with respect to the formation of yamaka.(usthe sequence /uni n /uni-/uni should be read as a ‘contingent’ (avyapeta) yamaka, parallel withthe other yamaka in this sequence of verses./+. De Casparis (,-.N:/#/, note .%) doubts that small buildings designed to be used by asceticswould be beautiful (ma-hayu), but there are many descriptions of beautiful hermitages in theKakawin. Note that once again the Undergoer Voice marker -in- (in the phrase tinapan) hasbeen treated as transparent with respect to the formation of the yamaka. It need hardly be addedthat the identical treatment ofmorphosyntactic markers as ‘invisible’ in the formation of yamakain both the KR and the 1iwagEha inscription strongly supports Aichele’s claim (,-N-) that thesetwo works were products ‘of the same workshop’./,. Referring to a great tree *rst mentioned in ,N.a.

$# &omas M. Hunter

,N.c atisaya p!rij!taka-tarVpama rV<pa>niy!n/#

extraordinary, comparable to a heavenly-corral-tree, its form.,%.d sa-gupura parhya/an aga)it'/gana t' pacal!n

the sanctuary had tall, temple-gates (and) countless immobile(sculptures of) beautiful women//

,Ia apa ta pa(anya diwyatama diwyak2n! ya han!what could be its equal in divine splendour? it existed in orderto be dei*ed./$

,Id atiQaya ta& &aranya ta&aranyamah'tisa yait could only be called extraordinary; that was the sign (that it)might bring relief.

(is *nal example from themetrical inscription of I.N 6: calls for special note.In formal terms itmust be counted among the type of yamakaDa)0in describedunder the category of du1kara, ‘dif*cult’. It begins with a ‘non-contingent, verseinitial and *nal’ yamaka (vyapeta, p!d!dyanta-yamaka) based on the mirror-ing of verse-initial ati%aya with verse-*nal [mah]!tisa ya. (is is followed bya contingent, verse-medial yamaka (avyapeta, p!damadhya-yamaka) based onthe mirroring of ta/ /aranya in the following phrase ta/aranya. But note thatthe second half of the line (ta/aranya [m]ah!tisa ya) represents a redistribu-tion of the elements of the *rst half, and is thus a type of mirror of the *rst half

/#. (ere are a number of points that should be clari*ed here: ,) atisaya should read ati%aya;#) <pa> represents a reconstruction where there is a lacuna in the text; the reconstruction of DeCasparis is perfectly reasonable; /) the sequence -niy!n represents a variant on -niya, written thusmetri causa (and fairly commonly) for the more familiar form -nya; there are two morphemesspelled nya in Old Javanese; one (nya 44, OJED ,#+$) represents the dependent form of the thirdperson pronoun, while the other (nya 4) is explained as a ‘deictic particle: look! see! here!’. It isthis form of nya/niya that we *nd here.(e addition of -n appears to represent the incorporationof a particle n/an that o2en appears as a complementizing morpheme, but sometimes appearssimply to be a ligature. See Uhlenbeck (,-IN://$–$,) for a discussion of several particles andclitics in Old Javanese, including n/an.//. Gupura is metri causa, but is also quite common in this form in the later language; t! is aknown variant on the negative morpheme tan. De Casparis supposes that the phrase tan (m)a-cal!n likely derives from Sanskrit cala, ‘moving’ and is part of a compound phrase which includesthe pre*xma- and suf*x -an, thema- converting to pa- following -n of the negative morpheme(or its equivalent), and to be read ‘not moving, immobile’. (e slight differences within the pre-sumed yamaka-sequences -ga"it!- and -ganat!- appear to be acceptable duplets in Old Javanese,as such variants can also be included as yamaka in the KR./$. See De Casparis (,-.N:/#., note NN) for a discussion of diwyatama and diwyak2n!.

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) … $/

of the verse (ati%aya ta/ /aranya ta)./. (e complexity of the uses of yamakain this verse, and the identical treatment of voice-marking af*xes as ‘invisible’with respect to the formation of yamaka in both the 1iwagEha inscription andthe KR suggest that both of these works were produced ‘in the same workshop’and that both were exposed to a high level of learning in Sanskrit, especiallyin terms of the study of the BK. We are on somewhat less *rm ground whenwe look for the inPuence of rhetoricians like Da)0in on these works. However,considering the widespread popularity of Da)0in in mainland Southeast Asia,Tibet and other areas outside of the subcontinent, we are not without cause inentertaining the possibility that Da)0in’s K!vy!dar%a was known and studiedin the Indonesian archipelago./N

From the selection of examples of yamaka in the 1iwagEha inscription enu-merated here it seems clear that the composer of this inscription understoodyamaka as a very special *gure indeed. If we consider that the composer ofthe inscription appears to have been tasked with recording the inception ofpost-mortem rites for Rakai Pikatan, the deceased elder brother of the reigningking, Rakai Kayuwangi, as well as the description of the dedication of a mag-ni*cent temple complex that may have served as the site of apotheosis of RakaiPikatan, and then consider Tubb’s comments (#++/:#+–,) on the role of yamakawhere identities are on public displaywe can understandwhy yamakamay haveseemed the proper poetic vehicle with which to create a literary simulacrum ofthe splendours of kingship, and its realization in architectural form.(at it wasspeci*cally yamaka that was chosen in this case suggests an orientation towardthe poetic norms of the sixth and seventh centuries on the Indian Subconti-nent, well before the period when the rasa theory of "nandavardhana and hisfollowers had begun to erode the position of eminence that %abd!la$k!ra like*gures like yamaka enjoyed in the time of BhaSSi, Bh'ravi and M'gha. (is inturn suggests that a long history of pedagogy and literary praxis of a translocalcharacter lies behind the metrical inscription of I.N 6:. No other explanationcan account for a state of development in which the conventions of yamaka

/.. I concur with De Casparis (,-.N:/#., note %+) in reading ta/aran as t2/2ra, ‘sign, standard,Pag’ and mah!tisa as a compound based on tis, ‘cool’ plus the pre*x maha-, which is used withadjectives with the sense ‘make-be-x’ (where x is the quality of the base), and the irrealis suf*x-a.(is would thus mean, ‘that it might bring relief ’ (from spiritual pain, as well as the physicalheat of the sun)’./N. For studies of the inPuence of Da)0in on the literary traditions of Tibet and Southeast Asiasee Hudak (,--+), Van der Kuijp (,--N), Terwiel (,--N) and the review of Hudak by Teeuw(,--/). Hooykaas (,-.N, ,-.%, ,-.Ic) has noted in his conclusions that Da)0in was the primaryinPuence in Java in a number of articles.

$$ &omas M. Hunter

could be applied in a manner so close to the Indian practice exempli*ed in theBK, yet with frequent adjustments to the ‘vernacular’ norms of Old Javanese.

Yamaka in the KR

We now turn to the question of the role played by yamaka in the poetics of theKR. AsHooykaas has shown yamakas are spread all throughout the KR, thoughrather sparsely in the *rst ten cantos. Surprisingly, the yamakas of BK ,+.#–##are not rePected in the corresponding passages from theKR, but thismay be be-cause the poet has chosen to portray the vigorous scene of Hanuman’s burningof La&k' and return to Mount M'lyaw'n through the use of extended passagesin da"(aka metres, which lend themselves to vigorous and o2en virtuoso dis-plays of descriptive power.

Hooykaas has called special attention to three extended passages that makeuse of yamaka in some form in nearly every line.(ese are the depiction of thebuilding of the bridge to La&k' in KR ,N.,–$+, the description of the restorationof La&k' in KR #$.-#–,#/ and the description of the return of R'ma and SOt' toAyodhy' by aerial chariot in KR #$.#./–#N.-. While these extended passagesin many ways represent the highest degree of frequency of yamaka in the KRthere are other somewhat shorter passages that use an extended ‘block’ of yama-ka verses with what appear to be particular purposes in mind./% I thus proposehere to look closely at several ‘yamaka blocks’ that occur prior to KR #$.-# inorder to gain some understanding of how yamakamay contribute to the larger,thematic structure of the KR. I call attention *rst to KR I.,.., where a tightlyconstructed series of yamaka is used to heighten the effect of a description ofSOt'’s despondency:

kapan!nta nora ta kunW& [/]-ike/ unW&manan!manah-kumanasar man'/ lan!manaranta sa/Madana medi ma/laremamanah sir!manasi ma/rurah hati || KR I.,.. ||When will there be an end to it, then, this longingMy heart is annihilated, wondering aimlessly, crying out without cease,(e Love God is tormenting me, teasing me, causing biting pain,Shooting his arrows he has inPamed and overthrown my heart.

/%. For purposes of the present paper I have chosen to avoid a discussion of the yamaka pas-sages occurring a2er KR #$.-#, since these have to do with the ‘change of voice’ that Zoetmulder(,-%$:#/+) has noted comes into the poem at this point, and which appears to me to represent asuf*ciently different aesthetic to require a special treatment.

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) … $.

In formal terms we can speak here of a series of yamaka of the ‘verse medialand *nal’ (p!damadhy!nta-), ‘verse-medial’ (p!damadhya-) and ‘verse-initialand *nal’ (p!d!dimadhya-yamaka) types. But the greater power of the versederives not just from its extended use of yamaka, but in its insistence on the se-quencemana- and the ‘painful’ aspect of a series lexical items concealed withinverbal predicates based on the Actor Voice pre*x maN-. (ese include sasar,‘go astray, wander aimlessly’ (in manasar), an!/, ‘wail, whimper’ (in man!/),saranta, ‘tormented’ (in manaranta), panah, ‘arrow’ (in mamanah, ‘shoot witharrow’) and panas, ‘hot’ (in mamanasi, ‘to inPame’). (e cumulative effect ofthese concealments and their concentration within the hypnotically repeatedyamaka-groupingmana- creates a sense of tension and despair that is perfectlysuited to this expression of SOt'’s pain and longing.

In the description of the building of the causeway to La&k' in the sixteenthcanto of the KR a ‘yamaka block’ is used for purposes that are reminiscent ofuses of yamaka in the metrical inscription of I.N 6:, the BK or KR I.,.. citedabove. In KR ,N.# a series of assonances that in some instances can be said toconstitute full yamaka are used to suggest the enormous size of the undertakingof the building of the causeway, in this sense reminding us of the use of yama-ka in the inscription of I.N 6: to suggest the grandeur of the sacred sanctuarydescribed there. Note that there are both intra-line yamakas and yamakas thatextend across two lines in this passage and that in some cases they overlap, withthe result that the yamakas of this passage are as ‘layered’ as any architecturalconstruction:/I

tib!k2n ikana/ gunu/ anu/ agö/ ya tomu/gwi sortum0t gunu/ anak[k] anekana ik!/ umu/gwi/ ruhur%il!tala subaddha kapwa tinat!n tinumpa/ tinapya teka tinib!n l2mah ya marat! tum0ta/ h2n* || KR ,N.# ||Mountains, each one enormous, were thrown down, taking a positionat the base,While smaller hills were piled up, taking their position as the upper sec-tion,A well-formed stone surface was then arranged, formed in well-organ-ized layers,(at was then overlaid with soil until it became level, with sand joiningin as the top layer.

/I. (e ‘layering’ of yamakas in descriptions of architectural features in themetrical inscriptionof I.N 6: and the KR may be more than a coincidence.

$N &omas M. Hunter

A2er the completion of the construction of the causeway to La&k' is describedthe poet turns attention to the arrival of R'ma and his troupe onMount Suwelaon the island of La&k'. (is leads into an extended, K'vya-like descriptionof the beauties to be seen on Mount Suwela. Perhaps not surprisingly, as thedescription of Powering and fruit trees reaches a crescendo, the poet introducesameditation on the power of the LoveGod to bring pain and longing.(ere canbe little doubt that this passage harks back to the yamaka-laden description ofSOt'’s longing in KR I.,.., nor is there much doubt that several passages in thissequence hark back to several of the yamaka verses of BK ,+.#–##. It must thenbe more than a coincidence that the entire passage on the power of the LoveGod (KR ,N.#$–#-) are couched in a series of kañci-yamaka (or: cakrav!la-yamaka) that are not only internal to the verses, but connect each succeedingverse to its predecessor./- (is produces a tightly controlled formal structurethat might be read as a meditation on the power of Madana to ‘bind’ hearts inthe same way that a kañci-yamaka binds the lines and verses of the poem:

(a(ap matöb dalima pa(!n2(2/ kabehkaweni ta/mulati ya sa/%aye/ apuyapuy nira-/Madana kun2/ [/] ikomarab$+maran g2s2/ hati nira sa/ wiyoga weh || KR ,N.#$ ||

/-. It is important to note here that Aichele (,-#N:-/$) followed the system of the early com-mentators on the BK (and the tradition following upon the BK) in assigning the name kañci-ya-maka to the concatenation of lines and verses of a sequence throughmirroring of the phonologi-cal sequences at line-end and line-beginning.(is type of yamakawas termed cakrav!la-yamakain the N!#ya%!stra (,N.%#), and in the Agnipur!"a (/$/.,N). Gerow (,-%,:##I–-) adopts the us-age of Bharata for his glossary of Indian *gures, and so uses cakrav!la to describe concatenatedlines and verses. He then bases his explanation of kañci-yamaka on the usage of theN!#ya%!stra(,N.NN), Agnipur!"a (/$/.,.) and Ala$k!rasarvasva of Ruyyaka (/.$$):

kañci, ‘Conjeeveram’ […] a type of yamaka in wich the repeated elements are locatedseverally at the begining and end of each p!da, or in the manner ofmadhya yamaka and!dyanta yamaka, are the *rst and last quarters and second and third quarters of eachp!da […]cakrav!la, ‘circle’ […] a type of yamaka in which the last part of each p!da is the same asthe *rst part of the following p!da.

(e implication of Gerow’s choices appears to be that he views the version of ‘BhaSSi’ not asresponding to the system of BhaSSi himself, but of the early commentators, who are known tohave at times introduced confusing elements into their analysis of the *gures of BhaSSi. See alsonote # above.$+. I have used ikomarab here rather than ikomurab based on Aichele’s emendation (,-#N:-/.;see above, p. #%).

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) … $%

\a0ap andpomegranate treeswith luxuriant foliagewere all at the heightof their bloom,Along with kaweni [blossoms], to look at them one might think theywere aPame,With the *re of the Love God, then Paring up,So that the hearts of those separated from their lovers might indeedconsumed with *re.gawe nira-/Madana lare/ jagatjag'/ayat laras anih!/ak2n panahpan'dhya ri/ priya-wirah!tik!taratatan wuru/ rucira kata/ga yan kucup || KR ,N.#. ||$,

(e work of the Love God is to bring pain to the world,Ever alert [he stands] with his bow outstretched, putting his arrows atthe ready,(at are the means of causing excessive pain to those separated fromtheir lovers,Never failing, formed from buds of rucira and kata/ga blossoms.kucur nika/ wway um2l2kah sake/ watuwWtunya %*tala tuwi y!lila/mahoaho yateka milu maweh panas rikari k'la ni/ priyawirah! tatan matOs || KR ,N.#N ||$#

(e gush of water spouting from stone,Emerges coolly, and is moreover pure and clear,Ah, behold!(at too joins in giving a feeling of heat to him (the sufferer),At the time one suffers the pangs of separation (cool water) has no cool-ness.atOta sa/ wiraha karih niroRadhasadharmma l!wan ikana sa/ k2ne/ un2/up!ya tan hana kaw2na/ma(ömanamanah k2ne/Madana-%ar!gni t*k1)a ya || KR ,N.#% ||$/

$,. Observe the apparent lack of yamaka at the transition between lines c and d. (is mightindicate that the received text is corrupt here.$#. See above (p. #%) forAichele’s emendations toKR ,N.#Nc based on his analysis of the yamakaof this verse.$/. (e sequence un2/ upaya in KR ,N.#%bc suggests the possibility of a scribal error like thosecorrected in KR ,N.#N by Aichele, but I am at a loss to see what the proper sequence might be.

$I &omas M. Hunter

Excessive are the pains of one separated [from a lover], [an illness] forwhich there is no medicine,One in nature are they with those who are struck hard by passionatelonging,(ere is no means that might be capable of quenching the *res,Of a heart struck hard by the sharp, *ery arrows of the Love God.nay'di tan papak2na teki nirgu)agu)'/liput ya kasakitan ta denya wehnya wehmanah Raghusuta %okam!nasasasar hi(2p nira hum2n2/ sir!suwe || KR ,N.#I ||Moral guidance and the like that might be applied have no value in sucha case,[(e three] gu"as envelop one, their very nature to cause pain,(us indeed the heart of the scion of Raghu was deeply grieved,His life-force went astray and he remained silent for a long time.Suwela parwwata rama"*ya uttamatam'la kamala tamalah rike tWmWntaman nira-/Madana hi(2p-ku y!nurunn ururwak2n priya-wirah!ma/un[n] un2/ || KR ,N.#- ||(e Suwela mountain is foremost in attractiveness,Tender tam!la trees blossom there, truly without cease,I think it must be the garden of the Love God, come down to earth,To intoxicate thosewho suffer the pain of separation from their beloved,causing deep feelings of passionate longing.

(e poet has at this point not only employed a series of kañci-yamaka in thisverse to achieve particular aesthetic effects, but also produced a passage that isrich with inter-textuality.(e entire passage is highly suggestive of SOt'’s lamentin KR I.,.,–,%N, and indeed repeatsmany of the same themes, while KR ,N.#N,based on the *gure of water which cannot bring coolness, is strongly suggestiveof BK ,+.,/, where the golden wells of La&k' no longer have the power to coolthe burning heat of the bodies of the women of R'va)a’s kingdom.

(e *nal series of yamaka that I will discuss in the present paper is to befound in KR #$.I,–IN, in a series of verses once again ‘bound’ together througha series of kañci-, or cakrav!la-yamaka. Here the purpose of the yamaka seriesis not to enhance the description of strong emotions, but rather to lend thepower of a tightly controlled rhetorical structure to the culminating verses ofR'ma’s instructions toWibhORa)a on the ethical behaviour be*tting a king.(is

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) … $-

passage is of special interest because it remains in contemporary Bali among themost well-known and o2-repeated passages from the KR:

prih2n t2m2n dharmma dhum!ra"a/ sar'tsar'ga sa/ s!dhu sireka t0tanatan artha tan k!ma pi donya tan yaQaya Qakti sa/ sajjana dharmmar!kRaka || KR #$.I, ||Strive intently for the Dharma that supports the world,It is the passion of the holy man that you should follow,It is not wealth that should be your aim, neither pleasure nor fame,(e power of good men depends on their protection of the Dharma.sak'nika/ r!t kita yan w2na/manVtManVpade%a prih atah rum!kRa yakRay' nika/ p!pa nahan prayojanajan'nur!g!di tuwin kapa/guha || KR #$.I# ||$$

You will be the supporting-post of the world if you are able to follow(e teachings of Manu—it is that which you should strive to protect,Sin and evil will be destroyed if you make them your means of accom-plishment(e affection of the people will then be ensured.guh' p2t2/ ta/mada moha ka%malamal'di yol!nya magö/mah!wiRawiR' ta sa/ wruh rikana/ jura/ kalikalO/an i/ %!stra suluh nik!prabh' || KR #$.I/ ||Like a dark cave are intoxication, vanity and de*lement,Impurity and the like are its snake, immense and very poisonous,Powerful is the onewhounderstands the straightway of the river chasm,(e meaning of the sacred texts, the torch that gives light.prabh' nika/ jñ!na su%*la dharmma weh$.maweh kasiddhyan pa(a mukti nirmmalamal'mil2t tan pamatuk makin$N mari&mari& wi%e1!/ ya%a siddhat!pasa || KR #$.I$ ||

$$. Santoso (,-I+a:N/+) gives munu1ade%a as the *rst phrase of KR #$.I#b, but Zoetmulder(OJED ,,+I, s.v.man0pade%a) has noted that this should be emended toman0pade%a.$.. I have emended Santoso’s (metrically incorrect) jñana to jñ!na.$N. I have emended Santoso’s maki/ of KR #$.I$c to makin, which he notes as the reading ofKern’s text, K (,-I+a:./,). Maki/ is not attested in the OJED and would force us into an unlikelyreading based on aki/, ‘dry’ (OJED I%#).

.+ &omas M. Hunter

(e brilliant light of discerning wisdom, right behaviour and the Dha-rma indeed,Bring the attainment of spiritual powers, all pure and free [from thefetters of existence],Impurity ensnares us, though it doesn’t bite—the more it ensnares us,the quieter it becomes,So we abandon the supreme state of the merit of perfected asceticism.

(e unique feature of the various kañci-yamakas in this passage is the way inwhich each line-*nal word, or section of a word, provides a cue to the didacticcontent of the following line. At times the line-*nal phrase is consonant withwhat is to follow (ya%a, ‘fame gained through goodworks’matchedwith ya %akti‘that is the power [of good men]’ in #$.I,cd), at times it cues a ‘turn-around’ inthe following line (rumak1a ya ‘protect that’ matched with k1aya, ‘destroyed’ of#$.I#bc). It is surely this elegant application of the yamaka form to a didacticpurpose that has helped to ensure that this classic example of the tutur (‘in-structional’) aspect of the Kakawin literature has remained a lasting favouriteamong the Balinese.

Conclusion

I have endeavoured in this chapter to call attention to the development of ya-maka in the context of the culture of Central Java during the formative era ofJavano-Balinese civilization (circa %++–-#I 6:), a periodwhen theArchipelagowas deeply immersed in the larger, transcultural world of the Sanskrit cos-mopolis. (rough a review of comparative work on yamaka in the Indian andJavanese traditions (Aichele,-#N; Hooykaas ,-.Id) and a reviewof recentworkon yamaka in the Sanskrit tradition (Söhnen ,--.; Tubb #++/), I have laid thebasis for further efforts to understand the status and role of yamaka in twoclosely related products of the textual tradition in Old Javanese, the KR and the1iwagEha inscription of I.N 6:.

In addition to demonstrating the degree to which the poets of ancient Javawere sensitive to the rhetorical possibilities of the yamaka, and expert at em-ploying them for a variety of literary purposes, I have shown thatminute detailsof the exposition of yamaka can shed light on matters of literary chronologyand the question of local understanding of syntactic form in a tradition thatappears not to have developed an explicit tradition of grammatical analysis likethat of the subcontinent.(e ‘invisibility’ of voice af*xes in the construction ofyamaka sheds light on both these matters, in the *rst instance since the ‘rules’

Figures of Repetition (yamaka) … .,

on the construction of yamaka are identical for both the KR and the 1iwagEhainscription, and in the second instance because of the uniformity of these rulesof ‘invisibility’, a fact that can only be related to a consistent form of syntacticanalysis that must have been part of the pedagogy and practice in the teachingof Old Javanese, which by the time of the 1iwagEha inscription had clearly beentransformed from a language of everyday speech into a vehicle of inscriptionaland literary expression with a status equal, or nearly equal, to that of Sanskrit.

It may also be that we can learn something about the state of the Indianpractice of poetics during the second-half of the *rst millennium 6: by givingrenewed attention to developments in the Archipelago. Our understanding ofthe function and importance of yamaka may be obscured to some degree bya tendency, most notable in Indian studies of poetics, to devalue *gures thatdepend largely on formal, sonorous aspects of the sign in favour of *gures thatdepend on the effects of ‘suggestion’ so highly valued by "nandavardhana andhis followers. An understanding of the importance of yamaka in the poetics ofthe Central Javanese periodmight thus act as a corrective to this over-emphasison one side of the familiar equation of ‘sound and meaning’ (%abd!rtha) andstimulate a reappraisal of the development of *gures like yamaka as a source ofinnovation and inspiration that appears to have enjoyed great popularity duringthe *rst centuries of the second half of the *rst millennium 6:.

A renewed attention to the study of yamaka may also prove bene*cial inefforts to understand the complexities of language and diction that are amarkedfeature of the KR following what Zoetmulder (,-%$:#/+) termed a ‘change invoice’ at KR #$.-#. It may be that there are consistencies with the use of yamakain earlier sections of this important document that suggest a similar period andlocus of authorship, or it may be that we will *nd differences that are strikingenough to suggest a different period and/or locus of authorship for the sectionsprior to, and following KR #$.-#. One thing is certain: the study of yamaka inthe KR cannot be exhausted in a single study, but rather calls for a continuingattention to this important formof poetic text-building in the ancient traditionsof India and Indonesia.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central JavaKakavin R!m!ya"a, #$.,,,–,,. and #..,-–##

Andrea Acri

In an earlier article (Acri #+,+) I have introduced stanzas -.–,#N of sarga #$and the whole of sarga #. of the KR, which present the most dif*cult and leastunderstood pieces of poetry in the whole of Old Javanese literature., (e twosections, displaying a close relationship on account of several shared lexicalitems and corresponding motifs, describe in allegorical terms animals, birdsand plants in order to satirically represent ascetic and political characters ofmid-ninth century Central Java. Because of their idiosyncratic language andstyle, and because of their allegorical content which *nd no correspondencesin the Bha##ik!vya or other Sanskrit versions of the R!m!ya"a, they have beenfor long regarded as a corpus alienum in the poem.

(e thesis of interpolation has been criticized by Hooykaas (,-.Ia, ,-.Ib,,-.Ic), who, however, did not rule out the possibility of these sections havingbeen composed by a ‘second hand’. Having tried to distinguish the various tex-tual layers that characterize those sections, I turned to analyse their contentsalong the lines set out in the masterful article by Aichele (,-N-) ‘VergesseneMetaphern alsKriterien derDatierungdes altjavanischenR!m!ya"a’, discussingthe allegories depicted there in comparison with the contemporary 1ivagEhametrical inscription. By taking into account additional Old Javanese textualand visual documents, I suggested a *ne-tuning for some of the identi*cationsadvanced by the German scholar. In particular, I argued that the character ofVibhORa)a (instead of LakRma)a, as argued by Aichele) in the poem could al-legorically represent King Rakai Kayuva&i, and that the satirical descriptionsof various kinds of water-birds of the heron family (ja/ku/, kuntul, bisu, baka)

,. In the present paper I transcribe Old Javanese according to the system implemented byZoetmulder in OJED, but with the following deviations: w becomes v; ; becomes /; 2 becomes< and ö becomes <l. In order to avoid confusion, the spelling of quoted primary sources, bothpublished and unpublished, has been standardized according to these conventions.

.$ Andrea Acri

deceiving the freshwater *shes are to be taken as a critique directed to historical*gures representing covert agents of the 1ailendra prince B'laputra disguisedas 1aiva (and not Buddhist) ascetics.

My conclusion was that the satirical themes displayed in the stanzas repre-sent a case of ‘localization’ of materials widespread in Sanskrit literature, whichshould be taken into due consideration in order to understand the identity andreligious af*liation of the ascetic *gures allegorically represented in sarga #$and #.. I *nished my article by announcing that ‘in future research I shall tryto identify other allegorical characters mentioned there, in particular the ku-wo/-bird, with political and religious *gures of mid--th century Central Java’(Acri #+,+:.+#).

In the present contribution I focus on a group of stanzas, namely ,,,–,,.of sarga #$ and ,-–## of sarga #., which have so far not been satisfactorilyinterpreted, and advance a tentative identi*cation of the ascetic *gures that thebirds, depicted there with clearly negative and ridiculing undertones, allude to.I argue that the poet, drawing from awell-known repertoire of stock *gures andanecdotes pertaining to both the natural and human realms, developed a satirethat is likely to be understood only against the background of the contemporaryreligious ideologies as rePected by textual sources from Java as well as fromthe Indian Subcontinent. Starting from the presupposition that the religioustheme of these stanzas has so far been insuf*ciently tackled,# I shall detail thespeci*c elements rePecting a 1aiva background, and argue that the ‘tension’ inthe text is between a mainstream, householder-oriented form of religiosity andthe extreme asceticism of certain groups belonging to the P'QVpata or Atim'rgadivision of 1aivism,/ who may also have been involved in covert activities ofpolitical maneuvering.

(is paper aims at*lling a gap in our knowledge of the religious backgroundof the KR, and of the religious history of pre-Islamic Java in general.$ It also

#. (e only exception I am aware of being Nihom (,--N), by whose approach I feel deeplyinspired. While introducing his discussion of the religious themes of KR #$.,,% and #..#., Ni-hom (pp. N./–$) remarked that ‘the methodological point to be advanced is that these cantosof the Old Javanese R!m!ya"a, despite their indubitable Javanese nature, are not likely to beunderstood without consideration of the beliefs of various schools of Indian religious sects’./. On the Atim'rga and Mantram'rga traditions of 1aivism, see Sanderson ,-II.$. (e following considerations by Hooykaas (,-.Ic:N.–N) remain valid until today: ‘(ewhole problem of ‘‘Religion in the KR’’ by Stutterheim and Poerbatjaraka was reduced to thesimple and antiquated antithesis ViR)u/1iva, and further simpli*ed by assuming that nearly thewhole of sarga 553 is ‘‘interpolated’’. […] 1aivitic = T'ntric features of the KR may not be sur-prising for these early centuries, but the spread and inPuence of T'ntrism in Java remain largelyto be investigated’.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java ..

aims to contribute toward the reconstruction of the history of 1aivism in theSubcontinent, by adding new data on ascetic groups whose features are onlyscantily documented in Sanskrit sources.

On Birds and Ascetics: KR .=.+++–++6

Stanzas ,,,–,,. of sarga #$ represent one of the most obscure and intrigu-ing passages of the entire KR. Various scholars have confronted these verses inthe past, each trying to make sense of them by offering a different translationand interpretation. (e *rst was Aichele (,-/,a), who translated this series ofstanzas in connection with his study on the vidu—a *gure standing betweena performer and an ascetic—in ancient Java. (e same scholar took this pas-sage up again in his later work of ,-N-, in which he broadened his materialsto include other stanzas of sarga #$ and #. as well as the 1ivagEha inscriptionof I.N 6:. Aichele analysed these documents against the background of cer-tain contemporary historical events that occurred during a period of social un-rest that stormed Central Java as a result of the dynastic struggle for succes-sion opposing the 1ailendra B'laputra to Rakai Pikatan. According to Aichele,the idiosyncratic language and allusive contents of these sources make them soobscure that we may assume that even the contemporary readers (or hearers)would not have understood this passage if the context and referents of the satireenacted by the poet were not immediately intelligible to them as ‘matters of ac-tuality’. Aichele, however, only marginally focused on religious aspects, anddid not attempt to compare the characters depicted in the stanzas with San-skrit counterparts.. In between Aichele’s two contributions, Hooykaas (,-.Ia)published a translation of stanzas I%–,#N of sarga #$. As far as our stanzas ,,,–,,. are concerned, he added little, if anything, to the work of his predecessor.Santoso (,-I+a) offered only a very free and o2en unsatisfactory translation ofthese stanzas. While generally pointing in a note to the discrepancy betweenhis translation and the one produced by Hooykaas,N he simply remarked—notunreasonably—that ‘only by closely studying the behaviour of those animals intheir natural habitat can a translator be inspired to make a good translation ofthese kind of descriptions in the R!m!ya"a’ (Santoso ,-I+a:I+#).

(e *rst group of stanzas I am going to analyse comes right a2er the idyllicdescription of the return of splendour in La&k' (stanzas IN–,,+). As Hooykaas(,-.Ia:,I) noted,

.. As Jordaan (,---:N-) admitted, ‘the allusions to the social positions and involvement in thepolitical situation of these birds remain simply too cryptic to be understood today’.N. It is apparent that Santoso did not consult either of Aichele’s contributions.

.N Andrea Acri

Animals which normally prey upon each other now live peacefully side by side,thoroughly enjoying the fortunate opportunities bestowed upon them; they onlytease one another, and even then the subject is as elevated as the problem whetherit is preferable to live in a hole like a nakedmonk or to swerve about like a religiousmendicant.

It is only from stanza ,,, onwards that the harmony among the animals issuddenly broken and their animated discussion begins. (e allegorical refer-ences become widespread and the narration acquires the character of a satire.(e lively dialogue between twomain bird-characters, a kuvo/ (cuckoo?) and astarling (jalak) who despise each other, is depicted in a peculiar theatrical style.(eir verbal exchange is witnessed by other bird characters, as if it were a kindof stage performance.(e debate begins in #$.,,,a:

manya/-manya/ ya me/!/alula-/alula ri/ prajñojvala jalakCalling to a challenge, the bright starlings are lively, being the servantsof Gnosis.

I trace the formmanya/-manya/, not found in OJED, to the root sya/ 4 (OJED,I-+: ‘call, invitation’), attested in the non-nasalized form asya/-asya/ ‘to call,invite to come, challenge (to a *ght)’.% (e equally reduplicated form a/alula-/alula ‘to be the servant or follower of, to serve with’ is attested only in thepresent passage of the KR.I (is line apparently contains puns. For instance,the word ujvala, meaning, among other things, ‘Paming, shining, radiant’ and‘*ery, *erce, violent’, might be a plain reference to the bright-red colour of thestarling; but it can also be taken as the epithet ‘bright[-minded]’, metaphoricallyrelated to the expression a/alula-/alula ri/ prajña ‘servants of Gnosis’; or, wemay render it simply as ‘*erce’. (e latter possibility is suggested by the factthat this bird is referred to in the second quarter of stanza #..,I as being galak(magalak), that is ‘wild, *erce, furious, passionate’,- involved in a debate withthe ‘logician’ (tarka) green-parrot (atat):

%. Both Aichele and Hooykaas, judging from the lack of any note or remark, considered thisform unproblematic. (ey translated this line quite freely, so that it is guesswork to ascertainwhichmeaning they attributed to this form. Aichele (,-/,a:,./): ‘welk een gejubel en gevriemelonder de spreeuwen met hun helder verstand!’; Hooykaas (,-.I:#%-): ‘they scream and wheelabout among the quick-witted and Pashing starlings’ (apparently the subject was deemed to bethe kakatu, appearing in the preceding stanza).I. (e root-form kalula ‘servant, follower, assistant’ is only found in this text and in inscrip-tions before -/, 6:, see OJED %%- s.v.-. (e semantic closeness of the two adjectives is suggested by their proximate occurrence in apassage of theHariva/%a (/-.#): sira ma/kin ujvala galaknira ‘as for him, more andmore furiousis his *erceness’.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java .%

mac</il cumodya si jalak magalak(e *erce starlings are engaged in debate and raise dif*cult questions.

According to OJED %,-, jalak denotes ‘several varieties of bird resembling thestarling (pastor) […] One variety can be taught to talk’. In modern Javanesethe word still refers to a variety of talking bird kept in cages as a pet. (at thisquality was attributed to the jalak already in Old Javanese sources is suggestedby a passage in the >1i%!sana (p. ,.), where, in the list of the birds whose meatis forbidden to ascetics, we *nd a mention of the latter just before the manuknarasabdh! ‘the bird(s) with human voice’. It is perhaps not too far fetched tosee in their being ‘servants of Gnosis’ a reference to their commitment to theGoddess of speech SarasvatO, who in Sanskrit lexicons is also indicated withthe appellative prajñ! (see MW, s.v.). (e apparent context of debate in whichthe jalak appears in both #$.,,,–,,. and #..,I suggests that their ‘calling to achallenge’ is to be interpreted not literally (namely, to *ght) but metaphorically(to a verbal debate). Such a verbal exchangewith the kuvo/does indeed occur inthe course of our passage, starting in the last line of the stanza—but not beforea naturalistic scene has been depicted, in which a weaver-bird (hiji), from itswell-cra2ed nest on the branch of a tree, looks down with contempt at a quail(puyuh) squatting on the ground (#$.,,,bc):

pr<ñjak-pr<ñjak tumañjak / hiji ma/ajir umah tiñjo puyuh i sorde ni/ buddhyarddha m0(!n pakidupuh akip0 tan pomah aram<h(e Prinias (pr<ñjak-pr<ñjak) are eatingwith eagerness; theweaver-bird(hiji) plaits a house, looking at the quail (puyuh) beneath, who—becauseof his very stupid mind—is squatting on the ground, scratching aboutto make a resting-place, without running a household, dirty.

Since I have discussed these lines and their relationship with stanza #+cd ofsarga #. elsewhere (Acri #++I), I shall not comment upon them in detail here.Suf*ce it to say that in the latter stanza a quail is satirically linked to an as-cetic (viku) and given the epithet of alepaka—‘spotless’ in Sanskrit but (also)‘stained’ in Old Javanese—a term that in Tutur texts refers to the 1aiva sect ofthe Alepakas, which I have linked to the Vaimalas known from rare Sanskritsources.

In the last line of the stanza (#$.,,,d) the kuvo/ comes to the stage, enthu-siastically showing off while taking as his abode a hole in the ground:

.I Andrea Acri

kuvva /ke ndo kuvu/ /ke aku makuvu kuvu/ li/ny!n uni/ kuvo/‘(ere could be a residence here—look!—here is a hole! I use a hole asresidence!’ Such were the words that the kuvo/ was crying out.

Before advancing any hypothesis as to the identity of the religious characterrepresented by this bird, I *nd it useful to devote some attention to its ornitho-logical identi*cation *rst. A correct identi*cation may indeed play an impor-tant role in our understanding of these satirical descriptions, which aim at stig-matizing the behaviours of certain ascetic characters by linking them to theirimagined counterparts in the natural world.

As it appears from previous secondary literature, the identi*cation of thekuvo/ is a matter of disagreement. Kern (,I%.:,,-), commenting on the occur-rence of that word inV3ttasañcaya #%, rendered it as ‘peacock’ (pauw); Juynboll(,-+#:,/%), hesitantly, as ‘a type of crow’; Aichele (,-/,a:,./, ,-N-:,/#–$) as‘cuckoo’, corresponding to the male of the bird called kokila (p. ,/#, note ##);Hooykaas (,-.Ia:#%-) as ‘owl’; Santoso (,-I+a:N$+) did not translate it, givingkuvva/.,+ (e uncertainty about the type of bird in question was summarizedby Zoetmulder (,-%$:#++) as follows:

Infatuation with the moon is also ascribed to the walik. […](is is probably thenight-bird which is now called kolik. Whether its sound was considered to be in-auspicious or to announce the coming of a thief, and whether it was the femaleof the tuhu, as it is now, cannot be determined from the Old Javanese texts. (elatter appears only rarely (under the name tuhutuhu or tutuhu). Since the namestuhutuhu and walik are apparently onomatopoeic and we *nd the verbs anuhu andangalik-alik (or kakulik-kulik) used to indicate the sound of the kokila as well as ofthe kuwong, the conclusion seems warranted that all these different names desig-nate one and the same bird, namely a black species of the cuckoo variety.

(e above considerations are subsumed under the relevant entries of OJED.,,As evinced by Zoetmulder’s accounts, the identi*cation of the kuvo/ poses sev-

,+. (e author apparently read the *rst words of line ,,,d as kuvva/ (/)ke and not kuvva /ke(that is, the irrealis of kuvu ‘residence, house’ plus the adverbial particle /ke ‘here’), which I *ndmore likely.,,. [,] kokila (II$): ‘(Skt the kokila or koïl, black or Indian cuckoo; frequently alluded to inpoetry, its musical cry being supposed to inspire tender emotions) a kind of cuckoo […] judgingfrom the call (anunuhu or a;alik-alik), the Cuculus Orientalis is meant—the male called tuhuand the female kolik in modern Java, where their call is considered as ominous. Is it the same asthe walik, q.v.? It appears to differ from the ta(ah-asih, q.v. (Cuculus Flavus) and the cucur, q.v.(the male?).(e kokila is not mentioned as weeping for the moon, but the walik does. In TantriKe(iri $.%/b and ff. it is also called kuwo;, q.v.’ [#] kuwo; (-$,): ‘a part. kind of bird of thecuckoo variety, prob. = kokila, tutuhu, the black cuckoo. But also: peacock ? […] Tantri K2(iri

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java .-

eral problems. (e designation provided by OJED, that is Indian Cuckoo (Cu-culus Micropterus), corresponds to a noisy species with a persistent four-notebo-ko-ta-ko call. (is rather reminds us of the cry of the Cockatoo, and in anycase hardly conforms to a musical cry ‘supposed to inspire tender emotions’(OJED II.).,# (e second candidate for the kuvo/ suggested by OJED is theCuculus Orientalis, whose cry tuhutuhu can be regarded as melodious.,/ (ebird is associated with such a call in V3ttasañcaya #%b: kuvva/ a/li/ tuhutuhu‘the cuckoo cries: tuhutuhu’ (or: ‘really, indeed’, with an evident pun).,$ But, asOJED -$,notes, his cry is also referred to as tavva/, which, confusingly enough,is attributed to the peacock by other sources. And the confusion goes even fur-ther, for, as reported by OJED -$$, kuwu; (444) may also indicate the cry of themanuk vidu (= kuvo/),. ‘hollow like a drum?’, which meaning was arrived aton the basis of its unique attestation in Bhom!ntaka %+.,.

I would now like to draw attention to textual evidence on the tuhutuhu andthe kuvo/ thatwas not taken into account by previous authors. For instance, Tu-tur >1i%!sana (p. ,.) presents a list of so-called kr0rapak1i ‘*erce, wild, bloody,terrifying’ birds, whose meat is forbidden food for ascetics (viku) of the 1aivaSiddh'nta (sa/ siddh!nta or siddh!ntabrata). (is list features, among others,

$.%Na: (here kuwo; and kokila indicate the same bird, which in Tantri D2mu/ is called tutuhuand anyabr2ta, that is, the cuckoo) […] a;uwwa;, pa/uwwa; (avs) of the sound of the kuwo;and the cry of the peacock […]; has there been a confusion between a;uwwa; and anawwa;,even to the point of causing ambiguity in kuwo; itself (cuckoo or peacock)? Surak seems to suitthe cry of the peacock better than the call of the cuckoo (anuhu)’ [/] tuhu 44 (#+$-) tuhu-tuhu:‘a part. kind of bird, the black cuckoo (= kokila, kuwo; q.v.); its call’.,#. KR #..%,a does not leave any doubt about the musical skills of the bird: ri kuvu/ kuvo/umuni kon</-un</ ‘In a hole the kuvo/ sings in an enchanting way’. It is noteworthy that theform kon</-un</ ‘enchanting’ is attributed to the sound or tones (svara) of the v*"! in the OldJavanese Uttarak!"(a (sarga #N, p. .#), where V'lmOki addresses KuQa and Lava (see Gomperts#++#:.I+–,).,/. Such a cry may be indeed linked with that attributed to the dwarf koel (MicrodynamisParva), whose song, according to Payne, Sorenson and Klitz (#++.:/NI), ‘is a series of notes ofmedium to high pitch, a series of resonant upslurred whistles, ‘‘touei touei touei’’ […] Anothercall is a rapid, rising, liquid series of notes, the series rising in pitch then leveling at the end, ‘‘tew-hodohodohodohodohodohodo…’’ ’. Although the dwarf koel is only found in New Guinea, it isunder the following entry describing the genus Eudynamys that we *nd the Cuculus Orientalis.One species of this genus, *rst described by Linnaeus as early as ,%NN, is widespread from Indiathrough Indonesia to Eastern Asia.,$. (e polysemy of the word tuhutuhu (which in Old Javanese can also mean ‘true, right, sin-cere’) is also exploited by the author of theNavaruci (/,.##), introducing a pun in the descriptionof call of the bird: tan mithye/ vacana tuhutuhu ‘not false in speech is the tuhutuhu’.,.. See below, p. N#.

N+ Andrea Acri

the manuk vidu and the tuhutuhu separately.,N It seems reasonable to assumethat these birds are considered taboo for the vikus because of their predatorynature.(is is interesting, for one would not expect to *nd themanuk vidu andthe tuhutuhu in a list of carnivores; at least, not if we accept their identi*cationwith the cuckoo, for the dietary regimen of most species of this bird is vegetar-ian. (is has become proverbial in the realm of Old Javanese animal stories,and is for instance con*rmed by the Tantri Kama"(aka B (p. /N), where thenarrator introduces the stories of the ‘wager between the cuckoo (kuvo/) andthe crow (gagak)’ and the ‘cuckoo and waterbirds (ja/ku/)’ as an illustration ofthe unsuitability for herbivorous animals to seek the friendship of carnivores.,%(ere the cuckoo represents the quintessential vegetarian, feeding himself andhis offspring with (the leaves or fruits of) the vari/in and hambulu-trees, whilethe crow and the waterbirds are carnivores par excellence, the former living ondead bodies and the latter preying upon *shes and even small birds.,I

Now, the descriptions found in the above Old Javanese sources, which arelater than the KR, appear to be in contrast with those given in sarga #$ and #..From the latter sarga it would seem that the bird in question is terrestrial, sincehe is dwelling in a hole, and is a carnivorous predator, for he is repeatedly ac-cused of having cruel intentions and being deceitful.(ese characteristics applyto the pro*le of the coucals, belonging to the cuckoo class and present in Javawith several species, such as the Greater Black Coucal, Centropus Menbeki, andthe Sunda Coucal, Centropus Nigrorufus. (ese are indeed terrestrial, preda-tory and opportunistic feeders. My conclusion is that the Old Javanese authorsdid not clearly distinguish the identity of cuckoos and coucals, both de*ned bythe term kuvo/ and possibly tuhutuhu. In order to preserve this ambiguity, I

,N. (is list *nds a parallel in the Vrati%!sana.(e Old Javanese commentary to Sanskrit %lokaI, mentioning birds whose meat is impure (k!kolukag3dhra%yenaka/kakokilas0cik!4 / k*ra%uk!%ca s!rik!4 sarvam abhak1yam!$sakam • abhakRya ] conj. ; acokRa Ed.), lists the same series ofkr0rapak1i: gagak, dok, aya/ bakikuk, ulu/, trilaklak, kaka [ms. ; kak ed.], tuhutuhu [ms. ; tuvu-tuvu ed.], domdoman, atat, syu/, nori, cod, gagandhan, alapalap, bibido, daryas,manuk vidu.,%. (ese two stories are found neither in the Tantri K!mandaka (A) nor in any Sanskrit orSoutheast Asian digest of fables, but are narrated only in Tantri Kama"(aka B, Tantri D<mu/and Tantri K<(iri (Klokke ,--/:#.#–N.).(is suggests that these additional stories were originalJavanese (or Balinese?) additions.(e relationship of the two stories with stanzas #$.,,,–,,I ofthe KR is, to mymind, very likely, but its detailed discussion would require a separate paper. Seealso the following footnote.,I. (e enmity between the kuvo/ and the ja/ku/ must have been proverbial too, for it is at-tested (albeit not very clearly) also in stanzas #$.,,N–,,I of the KR, where the speaker despisingthe waterbirds of the heron-family seems to be the kuvo/ (note that the ja/ku/ is the *rst birdto be mentioned in stanza ,,%). See Acri #+,+.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java N,

will refrain from translating the Old Javanese term in either way.Let us resume the diatribe between the kuvo/ and the starling, which we

le2 at stanza #$.,,,. In the *rst quarter of stanza ,,# the author compares theperformance of the kuvo/ with that of a vidu:

l*/an l0/an ya h0/an muni manukk uyakan yek!midu-midu

l*/an l0/an (?) cries with much noise, the manuk uyakan—he is per-forming like a vidu.

(e words l*/an and l0/an are problematic. (e former is not listed in OJED,while the latter *gures there as a hapax,,- allegedly meaning ‘a kind of bird?’.Another problem is that, from the syntactical structure of the line, the subjectof the line is not apparent, and it is not sure whether the second part is to beinterpreted as a direct speech.#+ According tomy understanding of this and theadjacent stanzas, the kuvo/ should be regarded as the understood subject of theline, de*ned by the attribute manuk uyakan and the predicate mamidu-midu.In doing so I go against Aichele (,-N-:,//), who translated the line as ‘swingingaround, the alarmed birds cried, while he was only play-acting’,#, thus takinguyakan as an adjective (‘alarmed’) to manuk (‘birds’), which refers back to agroup of unspeci*ed birds among those appearing in lines abc of the preced-ing stanza. I also go against OJED, which tentatively links themanuk uyak(an)with the hiji (weaver-bird) on the basis of passages occurring in the Tantri lit-erature.## From the context it is in fact apparent that the interlocutor of the ku-vo/ is the starling (jalak), who is apostrophized by the former in the followingstanza and accused of encamping near the weaver-bird (hiji), who, therefore,is disquali*ed from being the referent of manuk uyakan. (e form is attestednowhere apart from KR #$.,,#, ,,$ and ,,., except in Tantri D<mu/ $...a(manuk uyak), narrating the well-known story of the monkey and the weaver-

,-. In fact it occurs also in stanza ,+-d, which however can be emended into lu/h!.#+. (e speci*cation of the speaker in these stanzas is o2en unclear as it may occur not at thebeginning of the speech but in the *rst line of the stanza immediately following, that is a2er itsutterance has been pronounced.#,. Umherschwirrend rufen die aufgescheuten Vögel, während der nur seine Possen trieb.##. OJED -$$ kuyaka: ‘a particular kind of bird. Tantri D2mu; $..Na: tan kadi; kuyaka tosnika; wesmakarmi nity!madu; taru; (amadu; suggests a woodpecker. If this is right, kuyakais not the same as manuk uyak(an) in the preceding verse; see uyak 44)’, and OJED #,.% ‘uyak*= uya, q.v. [uya* inuya (pf) to pursue, chase, pester]’ • inuyak ‘(pf) to pursue, chase • manukuyakan (also manuk uyak) a part. kind of bird […] From Tantri K!mandaka ,$I.#I it appearsthat themañar (weaver-bird) is meant. Somañar = iji =manuk uyakan’.

N# Andrea Acri

bird.#/ Since there are various reasons suggesting that the latter text is not tobe regarded as a reliable source to draw upon in order to identify the birds ap-pearing in these stanzas of the KR,#$ I suggest to interpretmanuk uyakan not asa name of a bird, but rather as an adjective qualifying a bird calling to a verbal*ght, as in the case of both the hiji in Tantri D<mu/ and the kuvo/ in the KR. Asthe root uyak ‘pestering’ suggests, the attribute would denote a trait of a trou-blesome personality, which is in our stanzas *ttingly represented by the kuvo/.(e bird is in stanza ,,$ attributed the denigratory attribute ofmanuk vidu anddescribed in ,,#a as ‘acting like a vidu’, which gives us a clue as to the de*nitionof the features of the bird as much as the identi*cation of the human counter-part that he is meant satirically to represent. What these activities comprise isexplained, through the mouth of the starling, in the rest of stanza ,,# (linesbcd). (ere the bird is depicted as a homeless and unattached wayang-player,and, at the same time, ironically compared to a ta"(a#. functionary:

sambeg! ni/ kuvo/ tekana hin!/<n-a/<n dony!n pam<jahiko/ ta"(a/ ko/ kani1#!ku#a makuvu-kuvu/ ko/ ka%mala kuvo/tan pomah t! kat31"!n laku vidu mavaya/ kom gu"ya sagu"a

[Starling:] (e studious kind disposition of that kuvo/, it is to be pon-dered over, as his aim is to kill!You are a ta"(a! You have a very mean ‘palace’, living in holes in theground! You are stained, kuvo/!Homeless, unattached, while leading the life of a vagabond performer,a wayang-player, you are endowed with manifold abilities, having mag-ical powers!’

#/. (e story narrates ] the *ght between aweaverbird and amonkey (identi*edwithHanumanin the text). Having praised his skills and industriousness and scorned the monkey for being awanderer without a *xed household, the weaverbird has its nest destroyed by the monkey.#$. For instance, Klokke (,--/:$N) has pointed out that, according to a personal communica-tion of H. Hinzler, the Tantri D<mu/ is likely to have been composed as late as the eighteenthcentury by Ida Pedanda Nyoman Pidada and his brother Ida Pedanda Ketut Pidada in Sidemen,Bali. Given the signi*cant chronological priority of the R!m!ya"a and the exemplary status ithas enjoyed in Old Javanese literature, it cannot be ruled out that the usage of the term kuyakanin Tantri D<mu/might have even been derived from a wrong interpretation of these stanzas ofthe KR by the Balinese author(s). (at this is more than a mere guess is suggested by certainelements in common between the stories of the Tantri and our stanzas.(is makes it likely thatthey were taken as a source of inspiration by the author of the Tantri D<mu/, who, accordingto Klokke (,--/:$%), ‘has clearly made an effort to display his profound reading knowledge byreferring to various texts and mythological stories not referred to in other Tantri texts’.#.. See below, note $I.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java N/

&e vidu: A )aiva ascetic in ancient Java

In order to understand the link between the kuvo/ and the vidu, and because themetaphors advanced in the stanza may be fully grasped only a2er we becomefamiliar with the *gure of the vidu, I should like to make a substantial excursuson the latter *gure in ancient Java.

In a passage of the Bhom!ntaka (%+.,) the kuvo/ is called, as in KR #..#,a,manuk vidu, and his voice connected with thunder. (e stanza, using the im-agery of a ceremony,#N allegorically depicts the sounds producedby atmosphericagents and animals (the kuvo/ and bull-frogs), evoking the accompaniment ofmusical instruments during some kind of performance (trans. Teeuw and Rob-son #++.:/I%):

mijil hya/ aru"!hal<p valinir!n ghan!rj!sina/ika/ limut avar"a-var"a ya navagrah!/de rarasg<r<h kadi curi/ bina"(u/an i ku/ka/ i/ gro/ l</<l/pat<r kuvu/ ika/manuk vidu tah<n tan imb!/ig<l(e holy sun emerged *ttingly attired, as its lovely clouds were shining,And the mist in its various hues was its navagraha cloth, moving one’sheart.(e thunder was like the cymbals, accompanied by the bullfrogs in thegullies,And the thunderclaps were the boom of the vidu tah<n (‘tree dancer’)birds, dancing without interruption.

(e association of the kuvo//manuk viduwith a call resembling the rumbling ofa thunder is found in other Old Javanese passages, namely in the prose TantriKama"(aka B and its cognate Kidu&#% versions Tantri K<(iri and Tantri D<-mu/.#I (e former text narrates the story ‘cuckoo and waterbirds’, where thekuvo/ features under the nomen omen of V'kbajra ‘thunder-voice(d)’ (p. /N).#-(e kuvo/ has a bajrag*ta ‘song of thunder’ and is able to chant in a beautifulmanner (lituhayu kidu/ana) to accompany dance (a/ig<l). In a passage of the

#N. (us according to Teeuw and Robson (#++.:N$+).#%. An Old Javanese or Middle Javanese composition in indigenous metres.#I. (e Tantri Kama"(aka B, which has been preserved in only one lontar from the Tabanandistrict in Bali, embeds six additional stories and #. %lokas not present in the Tantri K!mandakaA; see Klokke (,--/:$+–,).#-. (us the transcription, whereas both Tantri D<mu/ and Tantri K<(iri read Bajrav'kya (seeHooykaas ,-#-, Appendix 3).

N$ Andrea Acri

Gha#otkac!%raya (..,/), the chanting of the kuvo//manuk vidu is metaphori-cally referred to as an accompaniment for a wayang performance.(e transla-tion and commentary by Zoetmulder (,-%$:#,+–,,) run:

‘(e trees began to grow faintly visible, like wayang puppets; the kuwong sang songsto them.(e day broke over the *elds along the hill slopes’./+

Here another feature is introduced in the comparison. For a wayang performanceneeds the accompaniment of song (kidung), and the kuwong is introduced to sup-ply them. Apart from the fact that its voice is commonly heard at dawn, there maybe a further, special reason for associating it with the wayang here. Another namefor the kuwong ismanuk widwan, in which the wordwidwan is derived from widu.From the oldest charters onward we *ndwidus mentioned among classes of peopleconnected with the performing arts, and there is ample evidence that one of theirmajor functions was mangidung, the singing of songs. It was therefore the name‘widu-bird’ which made the kuwong of all the singing birds most eligible to fea-ture as singer in the wayang comparison. But how did he ‘sing to them’ as the textsays? We may possibly have to assume something like a chorus accompanying theperformance. But it may be that widu refers to the dalang himself. […] Perhapshe is there, but unrecognized by us, because he is called widu rather than dalang.A short passage from the RY [= KR] seems to con*rm this. In an imaginary dis-cussion between various birds the kuwong is railed at for being despicable, of lowmorality, lacking his own home or family-ties (an obvious allusion to the cuckoo),and wandering about as a widu mawayang, a wayang-performing widu.

According to OJED ##N/, the word widu denotes an ‘actor (dancer, singer, re-citer, leader in a performance?). It is not clear whether a particular kind of per-formance is meant. Widu appears o2en to be quali*ed byma/idu/,mawaya/,or connected with acarita’. In his study ‘Oudjavaansche beroepsnamen’, Aichele(,-/,a:,.#, ,.$) introduced the vidu as follows:/,

(e group with the title widu included singers, mask-dancers, actors, buffoons,shadow-players. Just as pa"(ay generally indicated the various specialists of theblacksmith profession, and kabayan the individual of*cers of spiritual brother-hoods, so was the Sanskrit widu = wise, intelligent, a comprehensive term for thecategory of actors.From the verses of the R!m!ya"a it is clear that in Medieval Java the shadow-player is an itinerant comedian, whose profession expelled him from his home,who should remain solitary and who cannot maintain friendship nor conduct aregular family life.

/+. Gha#otkac!%raya ..,/ (a2er Zoetmulder ,-%$:.$+): tapvan avas tah<nya savaya/ kuvo/nyalalit!lal<h ma/idu/i./,. Both passages are my translations from the original Dutch.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java N.

Textual evidence from the Tantu Pa/g2laran and the De%avar"ana suggestingthe status of bard of the vidu has been gathered by Robson (,-%,:,%–-), whoconcluded that the vidu had the speci*c functions of reciting Kidu& of amagicalnature as well as royal genealogies. In fact, while going through Damais’ Réper-toire onomastique (,-%+:N#.–N) one may *nd several occurrences of the termvidu, o2en accompanied by ma/idu/, in Old Javanese charters. (ese *guresare invariably mentioned, along with other performers as well as the ma/ilaladrabya haji ‘royal tax collectors’, as ‘undesirable’ people who are forbidden toenter religious freeholds.(eir appearance side by side thema/ilala drabya hajidoes not imply that they are to be considered as part of the latter category; onthe contrary, as argued by Gomperts (#++#:.I.–N), any people who demandedmoney for their services were equally forbidden to carry out their activities inthe freehold’s premises. According to Robson (,-%,:,%), the vidus, like ascetics,were living at the king’s expense and as such mentioned among the above cate-gory of people. But that the vidus were held in a particularly low position is sug-gested by a passage of the Javano-Balinese Tutur )eva%!sana (/,a.#, see OJED#/#N s.v. wulu 44) that refers to those performing like vidus (amidu) as vulu-vulu, namely ‘persons of an inferior social status (having an occupation whichis considered inferior)’, and linking them—along with avaya/ ‘wayang-players’,menmen ‘musicians’, ijo-ijo/# and abaca/ah ‘reciters’—to the lowest category ofpeople in the social scale such as %0dras ‘members of the fourth estate’, ca"(!las‘outcastes’ andmlecchas ‘barbarians’.

(e *gure of the vidu and his ambivalent status cannot be explained by at-tributing to him only a role of performer, dancer and actor. It is in fact clear thatin Old Javanese sources the vidu is also described as a religious *gure charac-terized by ascetic traits and attributed the honori*c pre*x sa/. To illustrate thisaspect, Aichele (,-/,a:,.#–.) quoted a short but highly signi*cant line froman allegorical passage of the N*tis!ra ($.I):

sa/ vidv a/ga vanaprave%ana samudragati manut i lampah i/ kali(e ascetics go in the forest and to the sea, and follow the course of therivers (?).//

(e line is part of a larger passage (stanzas $.%–,.) describing the disruption ofthe social and religious order in the Kali-age. Aichele (,-/,a:,.N) envisaged the

/#. OJED N#$: ‘a particular kind of performance (which?); to perform hijo-hijo’.//. A2er the edition and translation by Drewes (,-#.:,N+–#): ‘De asketen gaan in het woud ennaar de zee, en volgen de loop der rivieren (?)’.

NN Andrea Acri

presence of puns in the line and advanced a compelling interpretation. For in-stance, he argued against Drewes’ translation of the words vidv a/ga as ‘ascetics’,interpreting it in the light of Modern Javanese m!r! badan ‘naked’, attributedto the topeng (the name of the mask-dancers coming naked at a performance),where the Arabic loanword badan ‘body’ would be a synonym of the Sanskrita/ga. (us, the translation of sa/ vidv a/ga would be ‘[the reverend] nakedmask-player vidus’. Furthermore, he analysed the word samudragati ‘going tothe ocean’ (also: samudrag! = ‘river’), but also sa+mudr!+gati ‘assuming ges-tures’, which is coupled with the Old Javanese kali ‘river’, but also ‘the Kali age’.(e image of the river entering the ocean is a well-attested simile in Sanskritand Old Javanese 1aiva literature to describe the *nal liberation of the Soul,/$and hence it *ts in well as a description of ascetics./. (is interpretation is alsosupported by the fact that the word na%a ‘annihilation’ (hence, a synonym ofmok1a) can be arrived at, as noted by Aichele, if we read vanaprave%a na%a mu-dr!gati./N Aichele proposed the following alternative translation:

Without a costume the mask-dancers begin to live as hermits, whilethey performmudr!-gestures, in harmonywith the fashion of the Kali(-age)./%

It is apparent that the above passage links (in a negative way, given the associa-tion with the Kali-age) the *gure of the viduwith both a performer and ascetic.(e reference tomudr! in particular leads to the above conclusion, for their usewas common to both dancers and religious men.

Aichele concluded his study by pointing out that such a *gure is also at-tested in ClassicalMalay (bidu, biduan) andCham (buduo’n) as denoting a classof comic dancers and musicians, and referring to the existence of the modernBuginese form widu-widu, meaning ‘to joke, to play about’, and of the Tagalogbiro, meaning ‘quirk, joke, jest’./I Robson (,-I/:#-/), in agreement with his

/$. See Bhuvanako%a ,+./$, Kum!ratattva f. /+ verso, Rauravas0trasa/graha I.,+cd–,/ab./.. Perhaps one may also interpret it as a reference to the fact that favourite places to performascetic observances were, besides forests, the banks of rivers and especially the conPuences ofmany rivers (note that the Sanskrit samudra literally means ‘gathering together of waters’)./N. (e %a being in fact not distinguished from the sa in the mss. of the text./%. ‘Zonder kostuum beginnen de masker-dansers als kluizenaars te leven, terwijl ze mudr!-gebaren verrichten, in harmonie met de gang van de Kali(-tijd)’./I. Aichele (,-N-:,/$) elaborated further on these parallels, providing the meaning of‘scherzen, schäkern, Unsinn machen’ for the Buginese widu-widu and comparing the Tagalogreduplicate form pagbibiro attested in a passage of a text dealing with the practices of a magicianto themamidu-midu found in KR #$.,,#a.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java N%

predecessor, related the term vidu to the Malay bidu and biduan, ‘a singer at ashamanistic seance’ according to Wilkinson’s dictionary, and argued that theroot was indigenous Javanese and not Sanskrit. About the mention of the viduin sarga #$ and #. of the KR he remarked:

It seems that the widu also performed a kind of drama, possibly the same as theshadow-theatre of today. (e context where the words are found suggests that thewidu mawayang was ‘homeless and unattached’ and did not stand in particularlyhigh regard. Probably alongside the sophisticated written literature of which theR!m!ya"a itself is an example there also existed a repertoire performed by lowlypractitioners wandering the countryside. (#-/)It appears that the terrain of the widu was one that linked ritual, drama and thedeeds of ancestors, likening him to the *gure of the dalang (a term found only oncein Old Javanese) who performs wayang and exorcises today. (#-$)

Now, it seems to me that no convincing explanation for the controversial traitsof the vidu has been advanced so far.(e attempts to link this *gure to shaman-ism, magic, ritual or exorcism remain no more than educated guesses, also be-cause they fail to explain the apparent ascetic character of the vidu. On theother hand, the Old Javanese textual evidence discussed so far suggests that thevidu may be connected with counterparts known from the Sanskrit traditionrather than regarded as a uniquely Javanese *gure. His solitary and wanderingasceticism, unitedwith the practice of dance, drama, buffooneries and generallystrange behaviour *nds a compelling correspondence in the kind of asceticismfollowed by the P'Qupata 1aivas in the Subcontinent. In the guise of ascetic per-formances, these carried out similar picturesque practices, including babbling,making animal noises, inopportune jokes, and so on. To Ingalls (,-N#:#-$–%),who interpreted these behaviours as manifestation of ‘shamanism’, Lorenzen(,--,:,II) replied that the acts of P'Qupata adepts were not, as in the case ofthe shaman, manifestations of supernatural powers meant to cut them off fromsociety, but rather aimed at provoking the contempt of others and thus gaingood karma on the basis of a complex mechanism of transfer of merit (see alsoHara ,--$).

(e ambiguous status of the vidu who, in spite of being a man of religion,is despised because of his involvement in performance and extravagant obser-vances reminds us of the treatment accorded to certain classes of 1aiva ascetics,including the P'Qupatas, in Sanskrit sources. Parodies of these ascetics are infact commonly encountered in plays and poetic texts, which rePect the stereo-types and values of courtly society and mainstream religiosity. (ese parodiesare important because they provide us with precious, if partial, descriptions of

NI Andrea Acri

the practices of such groups, whose own writings have for the greatest part notsurvived. Yet, in the case of the P'Qupatas, it is mostly through an original text,the P!%upatas0tra with the commentary Pañc!rthabh!1ya (circa *2h century6:), that we gather the most detailed picture of their peculiar beliefs and as-cetic practices. Scholars of 1aivism have characterized this tradition as follows:

(e P'Qupatas […] particularly enjoined the use of song and dramatic forms inthe worship of 1iva, and this emphasis occurs from the earliest documents rightthrough the life of the order. […] Kau)0inya’s commentary to P!%upatas0tra ,.Iindicates that when worship is performed using song, it should be done accordingto Gandharva%!stra; and when veneration is by dance/drama, it should be accom-plished in consonance with theN!#ya%!stra, the latter presumably Bharata’s classictext. (Davidson #++#:##/)

It was prescribed that he [the P'Qupata adept] snore, tremble, limp, play the lecher,act improperly and speak nonsensical words in full view of people. Such ridiculousactions were to be performed so as to give the impression that he was a madman(unmatta) and thus provoke disgust and contempt (avam!na)./- (Hara ,--$:,#+)

In the*rst stage of his ascetic career the practitionerwas also to besmear himselfwith ashes, bathe in them (bhasma%ayana) and worship Rudra in a temple bymeans of the ‘offerings’ (up!h!ra) consisting in dancing (n3tya), chanting (g*ta),boisterous laughter (a##ah!sa) and drumming on his mouth (hu((ukk!ra).$+S'ya)a M'dhava (fourteenth century 6:) in the account of the P'Qupata sys-temgiven in his digest Sarvadar%anasa$graha (chapter N) commentedupon thepassages of the P!%upatas0tra describing the last two observances as follows:

Of these laughing (hasita) is a wild laugh, ahaha, accompanied by opening widethe throat and lips. […] Dancing (n3tya) is to be performed with the rules of theN!#ya-)!stra and should include all motions of the hands, feet and so forth. […](e sound hu(uk is the sacred utterance like the bellowing of a bull, produced bythe contact of tongue with palate. (Translation Hara ,-.I:#N)

Let us compare the above characterizations of the P'Qupata adepts with the de-piction of themanuk vidu given in KR #..#,a:

tat ujar manuk vidu vidagdha dahat praka#!ka#ak ma/aji n!#aka yaDo not say that the vidu-bird is very clever! Making much noise, actinglike a frog, he practices the art of play-acting.

/-. References to these acts can be found in P!%upatas0tra /.., /.,#–,%, $.I.$+. See Sanderson (,-II:NN.). (e original reading of the manuscript is (u$(u$, which hasbeen shown to be a corruption of an original hu((uk (Sanderson #++#:/+, note /#); Bisschopand Grif*ths (#++/:/#%, note .-) propose hu((u/.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java N-

(e passage above links themanuk vidu with the performance of noisy sounds(praka#a, probably referring to boastful laughing) and dance or play-acting (n!-#aka). OJED I,- s.v. ka#ak (a hapax) gives the meaning of: ‘frog?’ (on accountof KBNW), but also advances another possibility: ‘is aka#ak perhaps the call ofthemanuk vidu? If ‘frog’, read: praka#a/ ka#ak?’. All in all, the meaning of frogmay *t in the present context. For instance, frogs are mentioned in KR #$.,,%as being disciples of the coot, whose identi*cation with a P'Qupata master hasbeen proposed byNihom (,--N); furthermore, bull-frogs are said to accompanythe thundering melody of the kuvo/ in stanza %+., of the Bhom!ntaka.$, Butthe term may also be a pun, having a meaning related to the art of play-actingor dance. For instance, kathak is one of the six classical dance forms of India;and the Sanskrit word kathakameans ‘to recite; a professional story-teller’.(emention of the bird as not ‘very clever’ (vidagdha dahat) satirically plays on thesimilarity between the Old Javanese word vidu and the Sanskrit vidvan (that is,vidv!n, ‘clever, intelligent, sage, seer, possessing the gnosis, etc.’), a motif thatappears also in stanza #$.,,$, where themanuk uyakan (=manuk vidu) is therereferred to as pak1i vidvan.$# (e Sanskrit adjective vidv!n is frequently met inSanskrit 1aiva texts as a technical term describing Brahmans in general and alsoapplied to the P'Qupata practitioners.$/ Furthermore, the N!#ya%!stra (/..,+N)makes an explicit connection between cleverness and the ability to play music.(e passage documents the traditional Sanskrit semantic analysis of the wordku%*lava ‘performer’: ‘He who can apply the principles of instrumental music(!todya) and is himself an expert in playing instruments, is called a ku%*lava be-cause of his being clever (ku%ala) and re*ned (avad!ta) and free from agitation(avyathita)’.$$

$,. Quoted above, p. N/.$#. See OJED ,,$: ‘vidvan = avidvan? Prob. an intentional ambiguity’; see also Aichele,-/,a:,.#, ,-N-:,/$.$/. See, for instance, P!%upatas0tra /.,-: ‘For a wise man, being ill-treated, accomplishesthereby all asceticism’ (paribh0yam!no hi vidv!n k3tsnatap! bhavati); and Pañc!rthabh!1ya/.,-.,N: ‘Knowledge (vidy!) is the distinguishing mark of a Brahman, consisting in the clari-*cation of the meanings of the words found in the scriptures’ (vidy! n!ma y! granth!rthavar-tipad!rth!n!m abhivyañjik! vipratvalak1a"!). (e Guhyas0tra (,#.,#ab) of the Ni%v!satattva-sa$hit!, an early 1aiva scripture in Sanskrit that has preserved P'Qupata materials, calls vidv!n aP'Qupata ascetic dwelling in the forest: ‘(us he roams about, possessing the Gnosis, having sub-dued anger, winner of the senses’ (eva$ carati vidv!nso jitakrodho jitendriya4; the form vidv!nsomay be an irregular thematization of vidv!n).$$. Quoted from Gomperts #++#:.I+. Note that the term ku%*lava appears in the Sanskrit-OldJavanese lexicon Amaram!l! (part of the Ca"(akira"a) as a gloss of the word pirus—anotherkind of performer-cum-ascetic whom I hope to discuss in a future article.

%+ Andrea Acri

Additional textual evidence in support of the suggested identi*cation is pro-vided by a few stanzas from the thirteenth century Kakavin Sumanas!ntaka byMpu Monagu)a. Stanzas /–$ of canto ,,/ give a detailed and fascinating de-scription of a performance enacted by vidus and other *gures in the proximityof the palace of Vidarbha on the occasion of the wedding of prince Aja andprincess IndumatO:$.

rasa bubula t</ah ni/ r!jy!pan padha gum<r<hpara ratu saha g<"(i/ go/ rojeh tab<tab<hanapituvi para ta"(!sra/-sra/an mid<r arigan$Nsaha pa(ah* gum<nt<r l!gy!try!surak a/avatIt seemed that the middle of the kingdom would split open, for they allwere thundering.(e vassalswith large gongs, cymbals and other percussion instruments;and furthermore, the ta"(as were vyingwith each other, turning aroundand crowding together.With drums they made thunderous noises, at the same time shoutingand crying to call-up the melody of the orchestra.$%

para vidu s<(</ ayvan sa/ ta/kil hya/ acaritapa(a gumuyu kap0han sakveh ni/ vidu binisahana kavat<k ujarny!n guyv!var"a macaritau(uh u(uh u(uh !h!h!h!h!h bisa dahat<n(e vidus were acting together; the ta/kil hya/s were reciting a story.Laughing all together and [appearing] highly astonished were the vidus,skillful.Some of them felt compelled to cry out while laughing, narrating andreciting:u(uh u(uh u(uh !h!h!h!h!h—with too much power.

(e vidus here enact their comic performance together with dignitaries such asthe ta"(as, whom OJED describes as low-rank dignitaries with military func-

$.. (e following two stanzas constitute just the beginning of the passage describing the wholeceremony, continuing through stanza -.$N. Following the reading of OJED ,#N (s.v. arigan) and not that of the typewritten translitera-tion (ta"(!sra/ s!/an mid<r aritan).$%. OJED ,N-: awat* a;awat, (a;awati?), pa;awat (avs) ‘to come or go *rst, precede, go in frontof, be the ‘‘leader’’, lead in, introduce, call up, especially of the part of a melody, which introducesthe theme before the full orchestra (agam2l, a;idu;, surak) joins in’.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java %,

tions,$I and ta/kil hya/s, a category of unidenti*ed religious functionaries.$-What is striking here is the vidus’ triple uttering of the sounds u(uh u(uh u(uh,which may be compared to the exclamation hu((uk or hu((u/ attributed tothe P'Qupatas,.+ followed by !h!h!h!h!h, a boisterous laugh reminding of theSanskrit a##ah!sa (a##a ‘high, over-measured’ is identical in meaning to the OldJavanese dahat<n in stanza $d) prescribed by the P!%upatas0tra. (e ta"(asaccompany the performance of the vidus with a ‘thunderous noise’ (gum<n-t<r) made with their drums. (ese details remind us of the association of thevidu and the kuvo//manuk vidu with thunder-like sounds; and the stanzas asa whole remind us of KR #$.,,#, where the kuvo/ is compared, with appar-ent denigratory intent, to both a vidu playing wayang and to a ta"(a. But whywere the ta"(as associated with vidus and music-cum-acting performances?It is possible that, besides their of*cial and military activities, this category offunctionaries also had the prerogative to take an active role in ceremonial per-formances. In this respect, I should like to point out that ta"(aka in Sanskrit,among other signi*cations, can mean ‘juggler’ (MW $/#).., It is not unlikelythat the ta"(as were involved in mock ‘war dances’, as is suggested by the ex-pression asra/-sra/an ‘vying with each other, trying to compete’ in stanza /c..#(is possibility is not as remote as it may seem prima facie, for a description of‘warriors’ performing together with vidus and enacting a mocked war-danceaiming at causing the laughter of the public is found in the *rst three lines ofstanza NN.. of the De%avar"ana (translation Robson ,--.):

$I. OJED ,-#I s.v. ta"(a #: ‘a category of dignitaries or of*cials. Is it (originally): in chargeof a banner or company? It seems, however, that it does not always point to a military rank.Pigeaud renders it with ‘‘headman’’. Is it distinguished from mantri? But ta"(a-mantri, cer-tainly in catu1-ta"(a-mantri, denotes one rank of dignity (chief of*cer?). See also catu1-, pañca-’.Aichele (,-N-:,//) translated it as ‘Landstreicher’, without providing a justi*cation.$-. (us OJED ,-$/.(e verbal form ata/kil or ana/kilmeans ‘to appear before, wait respect-fully’, while hya/ denotes either a god or a person connectedwith the divine, such as an anchoriteor monk (OJED N.-–N+)..+. I am aware that u(uh in Old Javanese is attested as an exclamation (‘Oh! Ah!’, OJED #,+#);however, it is possible that the exact nature and ‘technical’ meaning of this exclamation, utteredthree times, was not grasped by Mpu Monagu)a, who rendered it with the more familiar u(uh.Furthermore, I do not know of any other Old Javanese passages where the interjection appearsmore than once in a row, as it does here..,. From the root ta"(, ‘to beat’. See also ta"(u: ‘name of an attendant of 1iva (Bharata’s teacherin the art of dancing, cf. t!"(ava)’..#. Although the range ofmeanings listed inOJEDdoes not imply physical attack, asra/-sra/anin the present context might be taken in a less *gurative manner (as it is s2rang in Modern Ja-vanese and Indonesian, meaning ‘attack’). (e form asra/, preceded by apra/ ‘to *ght’, is usedin a context of battle in Kidu& Har1avijaya #.N-a.

%# Andrea Acri

s!si/ k!ryya maveha tu1#a rikana/ para jana vina/un nare%vare huvusna/ vidv !maca/ah./ rak<trak<t a/anti sah!na para g*tada pratidin!!ny!t bh!#amapatra yuddha sahaja/maglaglapan a/hyat a/dani pac<hEvery performance that might please the people the King held:See the storytellers (vidu) and masked dancers (amaca/ah).$ takingturns with all kinds of singers every day!Not to mention the warriors shouting challenges—naturally the ones asloud as thunderclaps.. gave people a fright and made them laugh.

Pigeaud (,-N#:,-N) interpreted the last line as a description of a mock-battlerather than of warriors shouting verbal challenges. According to him, the ‘war-riors eager for a *ght’ (bh!#amapatra yuddha) are to be identi*ed withmodernJavanese performers of mock *ghting dances.

A burlesque performance featuring a ‘woman of the 1aiva’, a female dig-nitary and a ‘woman of the vidu’ is described in another series of exceedinglydif*cult stanzas of the Sumanas!ntaka (,/+.,–/):

str* ni/ %aiva tan era/-era/ a/ig<l kaguyu-guyu v<r<-v<r< daw!tan har1e/ svara ni/m3da/ga salukat /uni-/uni ya ni gita ni/ vanehhetuny!n pa/idu/ vijil ni/ aji yah sah ulih-ulih ik!/r</<l-r</<lsah to te pratham! kidu/nyan a/avat mid<m a/ujivat !mbahan tayoh(e woman of the 1aiva was not ashamed to dance, causing laughter,very drunk.Shewas not happywith the soundofm3da/gahand-drums and salukats,let alone with the songs of others.For that reason, she chanted the beginning of the manual ‘yah sah’—areminder for [the spectators] who were listening attentively..N‘sah to te pratham!’ were the words of her song as she called up themelody of the orchestra, giving a knowing look and glancing at [the au-dience], and then shouting: tayoh!

./. Pigeaud’s edition (p. .,) reads v*dv!maca/a4.

.$. Grammatically it is also possible to take !maca/ah as a stative form referred to vidu ratherthan a substantive; hence, ‘the vidus were reciting’.... Robson’s comments (,--.:,//) on the form mag<la-g<lapan run as follows: ‘Z [=OJED]‘‘making a sound like thunderclaps’’; whatever it is, it is meant to be funny, as people laugh. Orcould it be connected with Mod. Jav. glag2pan, ‘‘to grope for words, fall over oneself ’’?’..N. (e translation is not sure. OJED #,,# glosses ulih-ulih as ‘that which one brings back(home), esp. for those le2 behind’; but see also a;ulih-ulih ‘to talk about, discuss, deliberate(upon); to talk, tell a story’. I take a/r</<l-r</<l to be the equivalent of rum</<l-r</<l ‘to listen inan effort to hear everything that is said’ (OJED ,./N).

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java %/

dha/ hadyan tumurun gumanty a/ig<l o/sil a/avak akikat rum!mpayak/hi/ kahyunya kidu/ buvun ya kinidu/nyan a/alik-alik endah i/ sabh!r!my!r0m sinlanya g<"(i/ i tutuk kaguyu-guyu ginañjar i/ larihgihgih pu/ ri kipah dhura/ dinivay0h hamamati juga denik!mbahan(en a female dignitary came down to dance in her turn, moving toand fro, turning around and assuming the ‘posture of the peacock’,.%with the arms stretched sideways.Her desire was only [to sing] the kidu/ buvun;.I that was sung whilesounding and shrilling with a high pitch—what an unusual [sound] inthe assembly!Beautiful and lovely, the g<"(i/-gongs were alternated with [the soundscoming from] her mouth; having caused lots of laughter, she was remu-nerated with drinks.(en she shouted: gihgih pu/ kipah dhura/ dinivay0h!.-

endah bh!va nika/ vaneh saha kidu/mid<r a/ila/ak<n vva/ i/ sabh!nd! str* ni/ vidu rakva mogha kavat<k sava/ acarita denik!/ig<ldhik hah ka%mala n!han !mbahanik!/gyat anudi/i mat!/j<j<k lmahjhaig l<s li/nya nh<r mulih matlasan ma/umik-umik a/añjali/ tava/How amazing was the performance of the others with songs: it sur-rounded and overpowered the people in the assembly.But look, suddenly the—so to speak—woman of the vidu felt compelledto dance as if to recite [at the same time].‘Fie! Wretched!’(us was her shouting, suddenly pointing her *ngerand stamping on the ground.N+‘Quick! Swish!’ she said, thereupon ending [her performance], mutter-ing and offering a reverential salutation to the heaven.

(ese amazing stanzas offer a ‘live’ description of a stage performance that isreligious as much as burlesque in character.N, It is not clear to which charac-

.%. OJED INN: kikat* akikat ‘(of a dancer and of a peacock) Does it refer to sound (song, etcetera)? Bal. comm. in Lamba; Salukat hasma;okok (see s.v. kokok). Or is it a dancing posture?’;II$ kokok* a/okok ‘(of the sound of the peacock, but not its cry) to cluck’..I. OJED IN$: ‘special kidu;’..-. I have not been able to make a sense of this utterance, which consists in several ono-matopoeic sounds (hapaxes); see OJED .#$ (gih) ‘onomat. particle?’; ,$$. (pu; 444) ‘onomat.particle?’; I%$ (kipah) kipah? kinipahan (pf) ‘to overwhelm?’.N+. OJED %/% s.v. j<j<k (hapax): ‘to put the feet on, stamp on (the ground)’.N,. (e level of detail and the spontaneity of the narration leave no doubt that the author of theKakavin,MpuMonagu)a, himself witnessed one of such performances. For a similar assessment

%$ Andrea Acri

ter the ‘woman (or wife) of the 1aiva’ (str* ni/ %aiva) mentioned in stanza ,arefers; perhaps to a female attendant (d0t*) accompanying 1aiva (K'p'lika orP'Qupata) ascetics in their performances?N# In any case, both her and the ‘1aiva’must have been characters familiar to the readers.(e ‘woman of the vidu’ (str*ni/ vidu) appearing in stanza /b is quali*ed by the particle rakva ‘so they say, asyou know; as it were; imagine, deem’, which here may function either as a dis-claimer in order to ‘relativize’ that quali*cation—contrast the celibate lifestylethat vidus were supposed to observe; or used as an attribute referring back tothe dignitary lady of stanza # who, in giving her performance, looked like ‘awoman of the vidu, as it were’.

(e words yah sah,N/ sah to te pratham!N$ and tayohN. pronounced by thewoman of the 1aiva are Sanskrit.(e aji yah sah or ‘manual on yah… sa4’ (cor-relative pronouns, nominative singularmasculine) seems to serve as a reader forthe burlesque ‘lecture’ on Sanskrit pronouns that the woman begins to deliverto the audience to the rhythm ofmusic.NN (e expression sah to te pratham! in-deed represents the declension of the *rst case (pratham! = pratham! vibhakti= nominative) of the masculine demonstrative pronoun: sa4 (singular), to (al-ternative spelling of tau, dual), te (plural); tayo4 is the dual genitive and locativeof the same pronoun.(at a female (1aiva) stage-performer chose such an un-likely occasion and manner to display her knowledge of Sanskrit grammar isan interesting fact, and one that indirectly supports my view that the *guresinvolved may be linked with characters known from the Sanskrit tradition. Aswe have seen, the P'Qupatas spoke improperly and out of context, to give thefalse impression of being insane and thus be made object of public derision.

To bring this long excursus on the *gure of the vidu to a conclusion, I briePymove into the realm of the visual arts, and in particular of Central Javanese

of the genuineness of the descriptions of places and events found in the Sumanas!ntaka, seeSupomo #++,:,##–..N#. References to such female characters abound in Sanskrit literature: see below, notes NI, %.and IN.N/. OJED /$–.: ‘ajiyah (jiyah?) ‘(perhaps the *rst words: ‘‘aji yah’’ or ‘‘aji yahsa’’, from a textor mantra which is sung)’.N$. OJED ,.-- (s.v. sahtote): ‘It seems to be Sanskrit from the beginning of a song or mantra’.N.. OJED ,-N-: ‘opening (Sanskrit?) word of a song?’.NN. It is relevant to quote here a passage of the Sanskrit-Old Javanese grammarK!rakasa/graha(verses /–$ab), containing the words ya4, sa4, tayo4 and pratham!: karma kart! tayor yoga$yo vetti sa4 vicak1a"a4 / yat k3ta$ karma tat prokta$, sa kart! ya4 karoti v! // t3t*ya pratham!1a1#h* tisra4 kart3tvaj!taya4 / ‘He who knows the action, the agent, the union between them, heis a clever one. (at which is done is called action, he who acts is called agent. (e third, *rst,sixth [cases] are the three forms of agency’.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java %.

temple reliefs. In a fascinating article, Stutterheim (,-.N:-/–$) described themysterious ‘dancing Brahman’ appearing on some reliefs of Prambanan (seeFigs. ,, # and /) andBorobudur (Fig. $) depicting scenes of dance and recitation.(e author described this enigmatic *gure, both a Brahman and a performer,as follows:

[Borobudur:] ‘(ere are always a few women present, probably also dancers, whohandle little handbells, and aman in Brahman dress frequently appears, apparentlymarking the time with his hands; occasionally he also has little bells in his hands’[Krom andVan Erp ,-#+:%+N].(is refers to a companywhich evidently belongs tothe dancing-scene, but which does not perform the actual dance. (e remarkablething in the passage quoted is the man ‘in Brahman dress’ […]; whether or not hebelongs to the highest caste is immaterial. What are we to think of this holy manwho, judging by his beard or moustaches, should be in a hermitage rather than ina dancing scene?[Loro Jonggrang:](at he is a ‘brahman’ can be deduced mainly from the fact thatin most cases he hasmoustaches and a beard […] Besides, judging by his position,posture and other characteristics, he appears to take part actively in the course ofthe dance. He is not completely absorbed in his own action, as the musicians ofthe reliefs usually are, but his movements and actions are clearly intended for thedance, while it is being performed by the dancing-girl or -girls. Furthermore, onseveral reliefs he appears to sing or recite; […] *nally he claps his hands or handlesthe little hand-bells. [Italics are of Stutterheim]

To explain this *gure Stutterheim does not refer to the vidu but makes insteada thousand-year leap, turning to the early twentieth century Central Javaneseroyal palaces of Surakarta and Yogyakarta, where we do *nd *gures who com-bine all the above actions.(ese are the cha"#ang balung and p2si"(èn talè(èk.(e former was described by European observers as a bearded buffoon withthe upper part of his body naked, ‘whose duty is to become fuddled in publicwith gin or arak and to dance in an intoxicated state’ (Stutterheim ,-.N:-I–-).Stutterheim further pointed out that this *gure is also called kri(a astama, inwhich ‘perhaps a trace of the Sanskrit root of the word ‘‘laugh(ing)’’, has, can befound […]; jeering laughter also plays a role in tantric rites’.

%N Andrea Acri

Figure ,: Loro Jonggrang, relief 344.,,cd (from Kats ,-#., relief 5)N%

[From Stutterheim ,-I-:,#$–N] H: Awomanwith a sword and a shield is doingawar dance. In front of her, on thePoor, is a vessel full ofPowers andnext to heragain Powers and a fruit. On the other side there is a woman seated, similarlydecorated as the dancer, holding in her right-hand a bell and a bow in her le2.Between both women there is a diadem (?).:: A group of persons playing music. In the foreground there is a man with amustache, who is reciting from a manuscript and another who is playing withthe hand on two drums. Behind there are two women with hand-drums andtwo more where, however, it is not possible to determine what they are doingin the concert. On ,#e there is a sitting musician, with a bell or (amaru.[…] It is clear that here some sort of celebration is taking place. (e dancinggirls, the musicians and the priests leave no doubt about it. […](e dance ofthe woman is typically tantrik, as we can see in the Buddhist iconography ofthe \'kinO’s and other creatures of the ferocious type. It is a dance which canbe seen till today as a religious dance in Tibet. Perhaps it would be good, if weconsider the dance on our relief as belonging to the celebration and not justmeant for the pleasure of the audience. […](e smaller drums are (amarus,as they are o2en to be seen even today with snake-charmers, but seldom usedfor ceremonies. But I must, however, point to the non-Indonesian character ofthe ensemble.

N%. (e subject of the scene and its position in the R!m!ya"a narrative are disputed; for asummary of the previous interpretations, see Worsley (#++N:#/,–#). He suggested it should beinterpreted neither as Bharata’s nor as R'ma’s consecration, as had been previously proposed, butas a depiction of the festivities held on the occasion of the return of R'ma and SOt' in Ayodhy'.

Figure #: Loro Jonggrang, detail of relief344.,, (note the Brahman reciting from alontar) (particular of photo OD /$%%, Lei-den University Library, Kern Institute)

Figure /: Another dancing Brahman? (Ca)-0i Sari, Prambanan, circa ninth century 6:)(photo Kassian Cephas, OD +$$$$N, LeidenUniversity Library, Kern Institute)

Figure $: Female dancer, Brahman and musicians (Borobudur, B ,a #//a)

%I Andrea Acri

(e *rst attempt to update Stutterheim’s *ndings in the light of Sanskrit 1aivaliterature and to link the *gures described by him with P'Qupata ascetics wasmade by Becker (,--/:,%%):

In addition to the *rm textual evidence of their presence in Java, there is less-*rm,but suggestive, evidence of the involvement of P'Qupatamonks in performance tra-ditions.(e reliefs of a 1aivite priest dancing and singing or reciting in the companyof dancing women on temple reliefs at Borobudur and Prambanan (Stutterheim,-.N:-/) may indicate P'Qupata monks in the ‘marked’ or *rst stage of spiritualpractice. (e women could also be P'Qupata. In India, women as well as personsfrom all castes could receive P'Qupata initiation, a practice that scandalized ortho-dox brahm'ns [sic] in India.

Becker noticed the similarity between the Javanese *gures and the P'Qupatapractitioners, but did not corroborate her intuition with additional evidence.Her concluding remark, based as it is on an outdated account by Rao (,-,N:I),about the women’s admissibility to the order is incorrect: as documented in allthe known scriptures of the P'Qupatas, the order was only accessible to maleconsecrated Brahmans.NI But what is important here is that Becker’s (and Stut-terheim’s) considerations concerning the reliefs in question may be extendedto the *gure of the vidu (and of his ‘women’), thereby lending persuasivenessto my identi*cation of that *gure with a P'Qupata ascetic or, more likely, witha local development of the same character. As a matter of fact, the observancesof the P'Qupatas, like bathing in ashes, dancing, play-acting and antisocial be-haviours were also followed by other 1aiva groups such as the L'kulas and theK'p'likas, who added to them a few more extreme practices like the drinkingof alcohol and sexual promiscuity; the cemetery lore, which was in the P'Qupatamovement limited to the last stage of practice, became more pervasive in thoseother orders.

Part of the L'kula stream of P'Qupatism were the K'rukas, also knownas K'ru()i)kasiddh'ntins and K'Shakasiddh'ntins,N- about which little apartfrom their name is known from rare references in pre-eleventh century San-skrit texts. From the secondary accounts found in rival 1aiva texts it appearsthat the group was accorded an extremely low status in the 1aiva hierarchy,even lower than the P'Qupatas themselves. (e word k!ruka can mean either

NI. See Sanderson (,-II:NN$). (is unlike the K'p'likas and Bhairavikas, who admitted out-castes and women (kap!lin*). Since, however, we still know very little about the various forms ofP'Qupatism in the Subcontinent, the possibility that certain groups of P'Qupatas admittedwomencannot be ruled out; and we cannot even exclude that such a development might have occurredat some time in Java itself.N-. See Lorenzen ,--,:, and ,%#; Brunner, Oberhammer and Padoux #++$:-#.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java %-

‘singer’ (from k!ru, ]k3 #, ‘one who sings or praises, a poet’),%+ or ‘maker, doer,artisan’ (from ]k3 ,). (e former meaning of k!ru, when referring to a 1aivaascetic group, makes better sense.%,

In the light of the evidence on performance-oriented 1aiva groups found inSanskrit as well as Old Javanese sources, one may argue that both the K'rukasand the vidus represented a category of low-status ascetics of the 1aivaAtim'rga,who ‘specialized’ as dancers and storytellers—professions which in both Indiaand Java were held in particularly low esteem.

On Birds as (False) Ascetics

Let us now turn to the last three lines of stanza ,,# of the KR, which we le2 atp. N#. If we read them once again in the light of the materials presented above,these lines, which like several others in sarga #$ and #. can be de*ned as awell-cra2ed example of double-entendre, assume a new signi*cance and addnew elements to corroborate the view that the kuvo/ (alias vidu) is to be linkedwith the *gure of a 1aiva Atim'rga ascetic. (ere, the kuvo/ was accorded anextremely low status (kani1#a) by the starling and was blamed for being impureor stained (ka%mala), which may allegorically represent the low position of thevidu in the eyes of courtly, householder-oriented and urban Javanese society.In line b the bird is said to be a ta"(a, whose ‘fortress’ or ‘walled palace’ (ku#a)is nothing else than a hole (kuvu/). (e low status of ta"(as, associated withperformances, was made object of satire.

(e depiction of the kuvo/ as not having a *xed residence (tan pomah) and‘taking residence in a hole in the ground’ (makuvu/, line ,,#c) appears to be areference to the P'Qupata observance of lying in ashes.%# It may also be pointedout that the inscription of Para0ah 44 issued in -$/ 6: (line $.–$N, see Brandes,-,/:,+#) mentions various *gures of performers playing music during reli-

%+. (e -kamay be a mere expletive but may also have the function of pejorative.%,. In certain Siddh'nta- and Bhairavatantras these P'Qupata devotees are sometimes referredto as K'rakas (from ]k3 ,)—most probably on account of textual corruption, for the most fre-quently attested form is K'ruka. Interestingly, the form K'raka occurs in N!#ya%!stra /..##,part of a series of verses describing the various people forming a theatric company.(e word iscompounded with ku%*lava ‘bards, heralds, actors, mimes’ (see above, p. N-). Even though themeaning of ‘artisan’ still makes sense in the context, it is not to be excluded that the intendedword was k!ruka, meaning ‘singer’.%#. (at the living in a hole on the ground (kuvu/) is to be associated with this particular ob-servance is con*rmed beyond any doubt by stanza /# of sarga #., linking it to the ‘the excellentlying in ashes’ (bhasma%ayan!ti%aya). Compare also stanza #$.,,,c (Acri #++I:#+#–/).

I+ Andrea Acri

gious festivities held in the presence of amah!r!ja.%/ Although no mention ofthe vidu is found there, line $. speaks about such performers playing drums(anab2h) as sa/ makuvu/ ‘He who lives in holes’, thereby testifying to a con-nection between a musician and a ‘reverend person’ (sa/) who perform the ob-servance of lying in ashes.(is *gure, on account of the data presented above,is likely to have been either a vidu or a similar kind of ascetic performer.

(e negated passive form tan kat31"a in ,,#d can be translated in differentways: ‘without desire, unattached’ thus referring to the conduct of the asceticwho controls the bodily organs;%$ ‘without a beloved one, without wife’, refer-ring to his celibate status; ‘unloved’, referring more generally to his being de-spised by people as ‘conducting the life of / behaving like a vidu’ (laku vidu).(e word sagu"awas translated by Aichele (,-N-:,.$), on the basis of its meta-phorical usage in sarga #$.,#.ab, as ‘du in allen Rollen Gewandter’, being a ref-erence to the ability of the kuvo//vidu to ‘*t in all roles’ (namely, play-acting).(is, according to the German scholar, would have alluded to his skills in cam-ouPage, for the character indeed represented a spy of prince B'laputra disguisedas a (Buddhist) ascetic. (e hapax gu"ya, a Sanskrit word meaning ‘endowedwith good qualities’, closing the stanza could have been used to obtain an ironiceffect. But the word may be translated in the more technical sense of ‘endowedwith supernatural powers’; indeed, gu"a is commonly used as a synonym ofsiddhi in Sanskrit sources as well as in Old Javanese.%. But, of course, the termcould also be interpreted in a less technical sense, simply referring to the vidu’s‘magical skills’.(is is a typical motif in Sanskrit literature, where 1aiva asceticsof the P'Qupata and K'p'lika sects are made object of satire and described as aclass of evil magicians.

%/. Gomperts (#++#:.IN) understands lines $.–$N of the inscription differently, suggesting thatamah!r!ja (probably Si)0ok) danced (ma/igal) during festivities to music played by musicians.%$. Detachment and victory over the senses is indeed required of adepts of Atim'rga 1aivism;see, for example, Pañc!rthabh!1ya /.,,.N and P!%upatas0tra ..,,. In theMattavil!sa (,/, p. .$),a K'p'lika ascetic replies to a Buddhist monk, who begs for his pity, that if he would show pity,he could no longer satisfy the condition of being ‘free from passion’ (v*tar!go).%.. OJED ../ records s.v. the meaning of ‘magic’ and refers to the eight supernatural facul-ties s.v. a1#agu"a, ,$/–$. (e mention of these powers as a1#agu"a, a1#ai%varya or a1#asiddhiis widespread in Sanskrit-Old Javanese Tuturs. (e powers listed in Jñ!nasiddh!nta ,,.., ,,.,,and ,,.,I run in parallel with those of P!%upatas0tra ,.#/–#N, #,–##, #I–/%. According to P!%u-patas0tra ,.#I–/%, among the goals of the P'Qupata ascetic was the obtainment of the eight super-natural powers (ity etair gu"air yukta4, ‘He is endowed with such qualities’), among which therewas k!mar0pitva, ‘the ability to assume any form at will’. In the Mattavil!sa (N, p. #), a drunkK'p'lika praises his Kap'linO for having obtained a beautiful appearance through the power ofk!mar0pat! achieved by means of tapas.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java I,

Let us now turn back to line ,,#b, where the starling warns the other birdsabout the alleged kind disposition (sambega) of the kuvo/, who is accused ofusing his call inviting to perform asceticism in holes as a way to conceal hisintention to kill (dony!n pam<jahi). (e meaning of sambega ‘kind disposi-tion’ in Old Javanese is the result of a semantic shi2 from the original Sanskritsa$vega ‘violent agitation, excitement’. However, this term is also attested inboth Sanskrit and Old Javanese philosophical texts with the technical meaningof ‘desire for emancipation’ or ‘intensity [in yogic practice]’.%N Here we haveanother pun: the ‘desire for emancipation’ of the bird, manifested in his attireand observances, is not to be taken seriously. Why this is the case, andwhomheis supposed to kill—an accusation that is reiterated also in stanza ,,.a—does,however, not become clear to us unless we analyse the stanza against the back-ground of a comparable Indic motif, namely the satire of sham asceticism inthe realm of fable stories. According to Bloom*eld (,-#$:#+#–.), the positionof the quintessential sham ascetic

is held in India by mendicant ascetics, especially of the class who worship 1iva andhis consort K'lO […] In accordance with the character and needs of these gods,their ascetic devotees are engaged in cruel practices, especially human sacri*ce.(e reward for these is, as a rule, the acquisition of some magical science (vidy!)which confers upon the ascetics superhuman power, or puts them in possession ofgold. (ey […] are smeared with the ashes of dead bodies, live in cemeteries, andare distinguished by many other outward signs of their calling. (#+#)(e K'p'likas are depicted, further, as falling from grace thru the lure of beautifulwomen, and other worldly desires. (o they exercise skill and cruelty, the storyregularly shows them foiled in their purposes of whatsoever kind. When theseascetics try to inveigle their victims, or to satisfy their lusts in any way, they usetheir holy calling as amantle, with which to cloak their designs; this trait, construedas hypocrisy, is seized upon by the storyteller as the constant psychic motif of thisclass of stories, no matter how various are the incidents which they entwine withthis prime idea. (#+$)As far as *ction is concerned, the theme next broadens out a good deal by introduc-ing all sorts of people who are not ascetics at all, but sham the get-up and behaviourof ascetics for all sorts of nefarious purposes.(ieves do this so regularly as tomakeit a shrewd guess that the Steya-)!stra, or(ieves’ Manual, if ever found, will con-tain one ormore s0tras recommending thieves to operate in the guise of a K'p'lika,P'Qupata, or Parivr'jaka. Most important is the following:(e last mentioned idea

%N. See Yogas0trabh!1ya ,.#,. (is particular meaning, not recorded in OJED, is found in V3-haspatitattva / (kasambegan, see Sudarshana Devi ,-.%:%/), and in theDharma P!tañjala (folioN# recto), listing three categories of yogins who practice with, respectively, gentle, moderate orkeen intensity (sambega).

I# Andrea Acri

is exported from human affairs into the *eld of beast-fable, so that there is scarcelyever an animal, which wishes to eat or injure another animal, that does not appearin the role of sham ascetic. (#+.)

I argue that the ‘orders’ uttered by the kuvo/ in stanzas #$.,,#–,,$, againstwhich the starling warns the other birds, accusing him of deceit, suggests thatthe character represents a sham ascetic—perhaps an agent disguised as a 1aivaP'Qupata sent by a hostile faction to in*ltrate Central Java, either to preventRakai Pikatan’s succession to the throne le2 vacant by his father Rakai Garu&,or to overthrow him.%% However far-fetched and inconceivable to the mod-ern man it may appear, there is little doubt concerning the application of suchstratagems in the pre-modern Indic world.(e use of this kind of ‘secret agents’is well attested in Sanskrit sources, being one of the most important strategicalweapons recommended toKings in theArtha%!stra.%I Such prescriptions, iden-

%%. On the basis of the ‘Wanua Tengah 444’ inscription, it is possible to *x the date of reign ofRakai Pikatan to I$%–I.. 6:; see Wisseman Christie (#++,), who interprets the king’s decisionto move the palace to M^0a& in Mamrati as evidence of political unease (p. $+). Accordingto De Casparis’ reading (,-.N:#-.) of the 1ivagEha inscription, Java witnessed the expulsion ofthe 1ailendra dynasty and the defeat of the Buddhist prince B'laputra at the hands of the 1aivaKing Rakai Pikatan, who later abdicated in favour of his younger brother Dyah Lokap'la (RakaiKayuva&i) before I.. 6: and then became a hermit (r!ja31i), knownunder the name ofKumbha-yoni. De Casparis’ historical reconstruction, and especially the identi*cation of Rakai Pikatanwith the Kumbhayoni appearing in the corpus of Sanskrit inscriptions from the Ratu Baka hill,has been criticized by historians and is now generally regarded as untenable in the light of thedata contained in the Wanua Tengah 444 inscription. (e dynastic struggles in ninth-centuryCentral Java have been recently revisited by Worsley (#++N; see below, p. IN), Sundberg (#++-),Jordaan and Colless (#++-). (e last two authors believe that B'laputra, who may have beena 1ailendra viceroy in Sumatra (not in 1rOvijaya at Palembang), attempted a coup d’état againstRakai Pikatan’s rule or tried to prevent his abdication in favour of his probable son and successor,Rakai Kayuva&i, in order to safeguard the 1ailendra interests and his own claim to the paramountthrone.(e issues are too complex to be dealt with here, but there seems to be no problem withassuming the minimal amount of political turmoil that my argument implies.%I. See Davidson (#++#:,%$–.): ‘Artha%!stra speci*es almost a dozen situations in which anindividual might masquerade as a siddha using their speci*c practices to accomplish the endsof realpolitik [… It] proposes many deceptive activities to be employed exclusively in the desta-bilization of neighboring states, and these actions frequently involve agents posing as siddhasor other religious characters to lure monarchs to secluded spots while promising them wealth,horses, or sex, not necessarily in that order’. Compare Olivelle (,-I%:$-): ‘(e most widespreadand signi*cant use of ascetics was made by what today would be called the state secret service.(e use of spies and secret agents for domestic security and for foreign conquest was a hallmarkof the KauSilian state. Ascetics made ideal spies’ (their treacherous activities, including assassi-nation and provocation aimed at achieving social turmoil, are described through pp. .+–I of thesame article). Itmay also bementioned that, as appears from a relief of Ca)0i 1iva at Prambanan,R'va)a used the attire of a 31i-ascetic to approach SOt' and abduct her (see Acri #+,+:$-%).

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java I/

tifying in vagrant ascetics ideal spies, were taken so seriously that the Artha-%!stra goes so far as to prescribe the following special restrictions: for instance,ascetics either showing ‘fresh’ emblems (li/ga) of their asceticism or lackingthem were forbidden to cross inter-state borders; special restrictions and ar-rangements were applied with regard to the presence of ascetics in the vicinityof kings or queens; and actors, dancers, singers, musicians, minstrels and thelike were excluded from freely roaming in the countryside, so as to control theirmovements (Olivelle ,-I%:$#–.).

Let us proceed with stanzas #$.,,/–,,$a, where the starling becomes theobject of the invective of the kuvo/:

ko t!ku/ keval!s!makuvu-kuvu rik! sa/ %re1#hi pu hijik!sy!sih ko/ jalak ko mama/un umah um<lt tonton tiru-tirun/el-/el<n sva/ ya mamrih makuvu-kuvu t<vas sa/s!ra kavil<tt<kvan ku"(a/ta li/ku d-laku t-aviku kuvu/ kuvvanta t-atapan! li/ ni/ pak1i vidvan manukk uyakan akon vikv!susupana‘You, without desire, only dejected, encamp over there in the nearnessof the distinguished, learned weaver-bird!You are in a pitiable condition, starling! You plait a house, hiding your-self, giving a performance which serves as an example!Overcome by fatigue and error, he takes pain to live in temporary lodg-ings and the only result is that [he is] bound in the cycle of rebirths!And also your partner, I say: go and become a wandering ascetic, a holewill be your dwelling-place, while you do penance!’(us spoke the intelligent bird, themanuk uyakan, ordering to becomea wandering ascetic living in solitary places.

(e manuk uyakan, alias kuvo/, is speaking again, replying to the starling andimputing him that he ‘encamps’ near the ‘distinguished’%- weaver-bird (hiji).Since the starling and the weaver-bird were already mentioned in #$.,,,, theword ku"(a/ta ‘your companion’ most probably refers to the hiji. I take t!ku/as t! (negative particle) aku/, also on account of a similar expression, men-tioning both tan aku/ and (m)!%!, in KR N.$+d: tat han!ku/ ya m!%! (‘therewas not desire [in him], he was depressed’). Aichele (,-N-:,//) translates it

%-. (e Sanskrit term %re1#hin, besides ‘a distinguished man, a person of rank or authority’,can mean ‘an eminent artisan, the head or chief of an association following the same trade orindustry, the president or foreman of a guild’ (MW ,,+#; not reported in OJED), hence denotinga member of the vai%ya-class. (is is in harmony with the description of the weaver-bird in theTantri D<mu/ $..Na as tos nika/ vesmakarmi, ‘the son of a house-builder’ (that is, an artisan).

I$ Andrea Acri

differently: ‘du freilich ersehnst und trachtest nur danach’, in which case t!ku/is to be read as opposed to the tan kat31"a referring to the cuckoo in the preced-ing line. Akuvu-kuvumeans ‘to encamp, pitch tents, erect temporary buildings,move into or live in temporary lodgings’ (OJED -$/, s.v. akuwu-kuwu). It mayof course be an apt way to describe the nest of a bird, but it may also hint inallegorical sense to the householder lifestyle, which is generally regarded as su-perior (implied in line b) and yet is criticized from the ascetic standpoint of thekuvo/. Here the verbal attack of the kuvo/ alias vidu, a follower of the asceticpath of the 1aiva Atim'rga, seems to contain a critique of the householder-oriented religiosity typical of the Brahmanical (or laukika) mainstream, whichwould be followed by the starling and his companion referred to in line d, ulti-mately leading to re-birth in the cycle of reincarnation.(us, the kuvo/ inviteshis interlocutors to become wandering anchorites (t-aviku) doing penance inholes (kuvu/ kuvvanta t-atapa), an evident allusion to the P'Qupata observanceof lying in ashes. In the remaining part of stanza ,,$ a new character, who wasapparently part of the quarrel, makes its appearance:

konan ta/ kokil!n0t n-uni kakuli-kulik %abdanya masulitko kilya/ kokil!pan ma/inaki kalavan lagn!mutusanabhukt* bhakte/ alas g<l/makula-kula kulit mol<s kuli-kulitA female-kuvo/ [standing there] approved the order, and as she spokeemitted her call with a melancholic voice: kuli-kulik![kuvo/:] ‘You, she-kuvo/, should become a female-ascetic, so that youbring satisfactionwhile togetherwith nakedwandering ascetics wishingto obtain perfection,object of enjoyment among the worshippers in the great forest who havelower-ranking wives and are wrapped in a tree-bark cloth kuli-kulitI+!’

(e speaker of stanzas ,,/–,,$, reiterating the order to follow solitary asceti-cism (vikv!susupana), is the kuvo/. He is mentioned in the *rst line with theattributemanuk uyakan and pak1i vidvan ‘intelligent bird’; the latter two wordsare taken from Sanskrit (pak1* vidv!n) and recall the name under which the birdappears to have been known, namelymanuk vidu (see KR #..#,a and Bhom!n-taka %+.,d).(e second line introduces the kokila, who presumably was presentat the verbal exchange between the two opposed parties and took the occasionto approve the order of her male partner.(e kokila indeed seems to be the fe-male of the kuvo/, also known as valik, ‘nightbird of the cuckoo family; female

I+. Perhaps a play with words (not in OJED), by assonance with kakuli-kulik in line a.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java I.

of the tuhu?’ (OJED #,I$, s.v. walik 444). Her cry kuli-kulik (OJED -,%) may beconsidered a variant of (k<)lik-<lik, which occurs in the second quarter (b) ofstanza #..,-:

si valik k<k<l kav<likan lik-<lik(e valik is convulsing with laughter, turned upside-down, crying lik-<lik!

Why the valik, that is the female of the kuvo/, is ‘convulsing with laughter’(k<k<l) is not clear, unless we assume she is involved in some kind of perfor-mance in which laughter plays a role—another allusion to the a##ah!sa of theP'Qupatas? According to OJED $.$, the cry lik-2lik* is the same as a;2lik anda;alikalik, the call of the valik; the last form is translated as ‘sounding andshrilling with a high pitch’. Interestingly, the verb a/alik-alik occurs in one ofthe above-mentioned stanzas of the Sumanas!ntaka, namely ,/+.#b (see above,p. %/), uttered not by a bird but by the female dignitary ((a/ hadyan), dancingand chanting the kidu/ buvun, who was also called ‘the woman of the vidu, as itwere’.(is, I believe, strongly suggests the existence of a series of allegorical cor-respondences, namely between the valik/kokila and (a/ hadyan, who appearsto have some kind of relationship with, respectively, the kuvo/ and the vidu.(at the valik/kokila is connected to the kuvo/ is also suggested by stanza ## ofsarga #., which describes a bird called k<lik as following themode of asceticismof the kuvo/:

kavat<k kuvo/milu mani/galak<n, ri van* nika/ kayu v<na/matapasi k<lik t<ke/ kal<pas<n saphala, makam!rga m!rga ni kuvo/makuvu/(e kuvo/ felt impelled to join together in leaving behind [the world];in the barkI, of a tree they perform asceticism.(e one who cries ‘k<lik’ has obtained the liberation successfully; shefollows the path of the kuvo/, who takes residence in holes.

(e hapax k<lik was doubtfully glossed by OJED ($.$, s.v. 2lik) as ‘(to be readthus?) idem? or a certain bird or insect?’.I# (e identi*cation of the si k<lik‘the one [who cries] k<lik’ in the verse with the kokila was already hinted at

I,. (e wordwan* is not found in OJED, and is perhaps derived from the Sanskrit vana ‘wood’.I#. Note that elsewhere (N,#) OJED interprets the k<lik as h<la/ (hawk), a bird which usually‘Pies very high and if it comes lower, e.g. to drink at a river, the other birds set on it, so thatit longs for rain’. But, since the h<la/ already appears in both sarga #$ and #. under differentcircumstances, it is unlikely that it represents the same bird as the k<lik.

IN Andrea Acri

by Aichele (,-N-:,/I, note /#) on account of the similarity of his cry with ku-lik.I/ Stanza #..##, depicting the k<liks as dressed in bark and following theascetic path of the kuvo/, may be regarded, therefore, as the ‘sequel’ to stanza#$.,,$cd,I$ where the kuvo/maliciously invites the kokila to become a femaleascetic. (e ‘worshippers’ referred to in #$.,,$d may be P'Qupatas, who werealso called %ivabhaktas and were prescribed to wear bark-tree clothes.I. (eywere satirically (mis)represented in Sanskrit literary sources as living in sexualpromiscuity, followed by female yogin*s.IN

On Birds as Kings

Having demonstrated the existence of an extended allegory between birds andreligious characters, the question now is: what are the historical *gures, if any,alluded to in stanza ,,$? Although this is bound to remain a mere guess un-til new data is found, I offer the hypothesis that the word kuli, which in OldJavanese primarily denotes a ‘lower-ranking queen’, might have been used ina meaningful way as alluding to a royal female character close to the ‘lured’king Rakai Pikatan (see below, stanza ,,.)—perhaps one of his wives. (isfemale character is ordered to follow her husband in his ascetic retreat, be-coming a female viku (kili). Worsley (#++N:#/-) has argued that the dynasticstruggle between Rakai Pikatan and B'laputra was caused by the (second)mar-riage between the former prince and a 1ailendra princess, who was B'laputra’sstep-sister. Indeed both princes claimed succession over the Central Javanesekingdom on account of, respectively, marriage and direct 1ailendra descent.To him, the plot of the KR is an allegory of the events that occurred duringRakai Pikatan’s reign, and the whole series of reliefs in the south-western cor-ner of the balustrade of Prambanan’s 1iva temple (to which *g. , also belongs)bears witness ‘to anxieties inherent in the relationships between factions in thepolygamous Javanese royal households of the time’. To see in the kokila alias kiliridiculed in the stanza a (Buddhist) 1ailendrawife of Rakai Pikatan is a fascinat-ing hypothesis, and one that agrees very well with the historical reconstructionproposed by Worsley.

I/. See above, #..,-, and #$.,+-a, where the valik emits the sound lik-lik alik.I$. I have discussed the apparent structural and linguistic relationships between parts of sarga#$ and #. in Acri (#++I, #+,+); see also Nihom (,--N).I.. See, for example, Bharata’s N!#ya%!stra #,.,/+–,/,.IN. See Bloom*eld (,-#$) and Lorenzen (#+++:I#). (e stereotype of a lustful P'Qupata eagerto break his vow of celibacy is found in theMattavil!sa (,$), where the 1aiva ascetic, coveting theKap'linODevasom', acts as a judge between a K'p'lika and a Buddhist litigant over a skull-bowlin order to get the girl of the former for himself.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java I%

(e real purpose beyond the order of the kuvo/ is again made manifest inthe next and last stanza of the series (#$.,,.):

kabvatnyan sor ujar ni/manuk uyakan ak<n kvany!m<jah-m<jahsa/k! ri/ har1a dony!r vulati hayu nika/ r!jyojvala muvahmolih !mb<knya mapr!rthanan uvah apulih / udy!na saphalahetuny!n arddha medan mamidu-midu dumon rova/nya pikatanDue to his lowliness, the saying of themanuk uyakan is to be consideredas an intentionI% to kill.Out of joy, he set out to see the beauty of the kingdom, splendid again.He attained in his heart the desire that the Powering park return againto the former condition;for this reason he, very mad, acted like a vidu, having in his mind hisdecoyed (pikatan) companions.

It is dif*cult to escape the impression that in this enigmatic verse the author wasplayingwith doublemeanings, for the use of theword pikatan could hardly havegone unnoticed by an educated audience of ninth- or even tenth-century Java.While the form apikat, papikat, pinikatan (from *pikat, OJED ,/..) ‘decoy-bird’ or ‘decoyed bird’ are well attested in Old Javanese, the form pikatan is onlyattested here and in sarga #..,/b—a fact that has been considered by Aichele(,-N-:,/.) as a convincing argument of its being a double-entendre alluding tothe historical *gure Rakai Pikatan.II He translated dumon rova/nya pikatan inline d as ‘(er) zog los gegen seine angelockten Genossen’, and as an alternativepossibility ‘er griff an die Bundesgenossen von Pikatan’, with reference to somedecoyed followers of the king.(e Pikatan is said to be acting or behaving like avidu (mamidu-midu) in a very crazy way (arddha medan).(is aptly describesthe behaviour of a P'Qupata ascetic.I- But what is the connection between themanuk uyakan-vidu-P'Qupata and king Rakai Pikatan? Does the stanza hintat a closeness of the 1aiva ruler with (false) P'Qupata ascetics,-+ or even to the

I%. I derive this form from kwan 4 (OJED -$.): ‘place; one’s position or rank in relation toanother; what one is concentrating on (thinking of)’; contrast kwan 44 = kon 4 ‘to order’.II. Aichele’s hypothesis has found further support in additional evidence drawn by ArloGrif*ths from the Sanskrit portion of the Wanua Tengah 444 inscription, where verse ,+ presentsa translinguistic gloss on the name Pikatan as pak1i (Sanskrit for ‘bird’): see Acri (#+,+:$I%–I).I-. Compare P!%upatas0tra $.I: unmatto m0(ha ity eva$ manyante itare jan!4, ‘other peoplewill thus think: ‘‘he is a stupid madman’’ ’; $.N: unmattavad eko vicareta loke ‘He must wanderabout by himself like a madman’. Compare also the attribute buddhy ardha m0(ha ‘with a verystupid mind’ attributed to the quail alias Alepaka in #$.,,,c (see Acri #++I:#+#–/).-+. Onemay suppose that Rakai Pikatan himself was lured by these false ascetics, who promised

II Andrea Acri

fact that he himself assumed their ascetic practices? However far-fetched thelatter possibility may appear, I may point at the occurrence of the attribute pumanuku qualifying a Rakai Pikatan in two ninth century inscriptions,-, whichis remindful of the attributemanuk uyakan qualifying the kuvo/ ormanuk viduin the above stanzas of the KR.(e fact that the sequencemanuku occurs alsoin manuk uyakan would seem to imply that both attributes may be playfullyalluding to one and the same (historical) *gure.-#

By way of comparison, I should also like to point to Klokke’s interpreta-tion of the allegorical relief depicting the story, widespread in Sanskrit sources,of the ‘hypocritical cat’ (disguised as a sham ascetic in order to eat the mice)on the Buddhist Ca)0i Mendut (regarded to have been built a2er I++ 6:) asa satire of a 1aiva King. Klokke (,-IN:/I–-) envisages in the cat an allegoricalreference to the historical *gure of Kumbhayoni, the 1aiva king (or prince) ‘de-noting himself as a sage and intent upon overruling the established Buddhistdynasty implicitly mocked at through the depiction of the hypocritical cat pro-vided with the attributes of the sage Agastya’. (e iconographical attributes ofthe cat, namely a trident, a rosary and a Py-whisk, are actually not exclusiveto Agastya but also common to those of 1aiva ascetics and especially of the Ja-vanese sect of the TRis, which have been regarded by Sanderson (#++/–+$:/%N)as representing followers of the Atim'rga stream of 1aivism. On account of thehistorical reconstruction I have proposed, it is arguable that instead of Kum-bhayoni the cat may represent Rakai Pikatan himself.

(e situationof ‘tension’ described in stanza#$.,,. appears to have changedin stanza #..,/, which, featuring the second occurrence of the word pikatan,

him supernatural powers that would enable him to win the struggle for succession, eventuallyfalling into a trap prepared by his adversaries.(ismodus operandi is frequentlymetwith in San-skrit literature. Olivelle (,-I%:.I), for example, quotes a passage from theArtha%!stra (,/.#.,–.)describing the stratagem that the agent-sham ascetic should choose in order to kill the king of anantagonist state: having spread false news about the holiness of his master living in the forest, heshould induce the ministers and the king to pay a visit to the holy ascetic; in order to be granteda boon, the king should be invited to stay in the forest with his wives and sons for *ve nights,a2er arranging a festival with shows; the king is to be killed on that occasion.-,. Namely the Ca)0i Argapura inscriptions (also called Wanua Tengah 4 and 44) issued in IN/6:. (e same epithet is attributed to a Rakai Patap'n in the Ca)0i Perot inscription issued inI.+ 6: (see Weatherbee #+++:/$-). Since it is now believed that in IN/ Rakai Pikatan was nolonger alive, Weatherbee suggests that Rakai Pikatan Pu Manuku ‘would have been a youngerbrother or son of rakai Pikatan who then inherited the Pikatan title during the reign of his uncleor older brother rakai Kayuwangi’.-#. OJED (,I$$) glosses the verbal forms anuk0, sumuk0, sinuk0, panuk0 as ‘to go to war, goon a military expedition, wage war on, attack’; compare my remarks on the root uyak ‘pestering’(p. N#).

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java I-

may be regarded as a ‘sequel’ to the former stanza. When describing the peace-ful hermitage of the sage Bharadv'ja, the narrator notes (line b):

pikatan tatan mav<di dibya mari/(e pikatan-birds are not scared at all; excellent, they feel at ease.

It is possible to interpret this line as an allusion to the fact that the period ofinstability and internecine clashes causedby parties hostile toRakai Pikatan hadcome to an end, when, according to the 1ivagEha inscription, the power passedto his brother Dyah Lokap'la. On the other hand, if we regard the presentportion of text as composed a2er Rakai Pikatan’s death, the line can also betranslated as: ‘the [King] Pikatan is not scared at all; in a divine form, he feelsat ease’, in which the word dibya refers to his status of hermit but also to hispost-mortem dei*cation form.

Conclusion

Starting from the hypothesis, developed in Acri #+,+, that allegory was used inancient Javanese textual as well as visual documents as a means to criticize rivalpolitical and religious factions, I have taken up sarga #$.,,,–,,. and #..,-–## of the KR.(ose stanzas mainly present a satire of the kuvo/, an enigmaticbird who is linked with the no-less enigmatic *gure of the vidu. On the basis ofevidence gathered from Old Javanese sources, I have proposed to identify thelatter as a 1aiva ascetic-cum-performer, whose practices are similar to those at-tributed in Sanskrit sources to the 1aiva ascetic of the P'Qupata order. Giventhe apparent leaning of the mode of worship of the vidus toward performance,singing and buffoonery, I argue that those characters may be regarded as a lo-calized development of a little-known sub-group of the P'Qupatas, namely theK'rukas (‘those who sing/recite’?), who were attributed a very low status in thehierarchy of the 1aiva groups. In the light of the above identi*cation, I haveoffered a new interpretation of the relevant passages of the KR and proposed a*ne-tuning of Aichele’s hypotheses about the political dimension of the allegorybetween the kuvo/ bird and the vidu, as well as their relationwith the decoy(ed)bird pikatan, in the framework of the crucial historical events that took place inmid-ninth century Central Java.

-+ Andrea Acri

Manuscript Primary Sources

Bhuvanako%a Romanized transcript by I Gusti Ngurah Rai Mirsha et al.; Pusat Doku-mentasi Budaya Bali, Denpasar (,--,).

Dharma P!tañjala Palm-leaf MS, Schoemann 4.#,, Berlin Staatsbibliothek (see Acri#+,,).

Kum!ratattva Romanized transcript K 444 c ##.N by I Gusti Nyoman Agung (,-$,),of a lontar from Singaraja.

Ni%v!satattvasa$hit! [,] Palm-leaf MS, early Nepalese ‘Licchavi’ script, NAK ,-##%,NGMPP Reel No. A $,/,$; ,,$ leaves. [#] e-text (Roman and Devan'garO)prepared by Dominic Goodall, with the contribution of Diwakar Acharya,Peter Bisschop and Nirajan KaPe, from MS NAK ,-##%, supplemented withreadings from its two Devan'garO apographs, MS .-#$+,, NGMPP Reel No.A ,.-/,I and Sanskrit MS 4.// of the Wellcome Institute for the History ofMedicine, London. [Includes the Ni%v!samukha, Ni%v!sam0la, Ni%v!sottara,Ni%v!sanaya and Ni%v!saguhya.]

>1i%!sana Romanized transcription, typed by Ketut Sudarsana, Pusat DokumentasiBudaya Bali, Denpasar.

)eva%!sana Romanized transcription, typed by Soegiarto (BCB portfolio $) from cod.LOr /-N#.

Sumanas!ntaka Romanized transcription, Pusat Dokumentasi Budaya Bali No. ,---,Denpasar.

Tantri D<mu/ Romanized transcription, LOr ,/.+,-.Tantri K!mandaka (B) Romanized transcription, LOr ,N.N#/.Tantri K<(iri Romanized transcription, LOr ,/./$+.

Printed Primary Sources

Bhom!ntaka see Teeuw and Robson #++..De%avar"ana (N!garak3t!gama) see Pigeaud ,-N+.Hariva/%a ed. A. Teeuw, Hariwang%a; Tekst en critisch apparaat, vertaling en aan-

teekeningen. ’s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, ,-.+. [# vols.]Har1avijaya ed.C.C. Berg,KidungHarsa-Wijaya; tekst, inhoudsopgave en aanteekenin-

gen. ’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff, ,-/,.Jñ!nasiddh!nta ed.H. Soebadio, Jñ!nasiddh!nta; Secret lore of the Balinese )aiva priest.

(e Hague: Nijhoff, ,-%,.K!rakasa/graha see Lévi ,-//.Mattavil!sa ed. P.N.Unni,Mattavil!sa Prahasana ofMahendravikramavarman. Trivan-

drum: College Book House, ,-%$.

More on Birds, Ascetics and Kings in Central Java -,

N!#ya%!stra see Ghosh ,-.+–N%.Navaruci ed. M. Prijohoetomo, Nawaruci; Inleiding, Middel-Javaansche prozatekst,

vertaling, vergeleken met de Bimasoetji in Oud-Javaansch metrum. Gronin-gen: Wolters, ,-/$. [PhD thesis.]

P!%upatas0tra ed. R. Anantakrishna Sastri, Pasupata Sutras with Pancharthabhashyaof Kaundinya. Trivandrum: (e Oriental Manuscripts Library of the Uni-versity of Travancore, ,-$+.

Pañc!rthabh!1ya see P!%upatas0tra.R!m!ya"a Kakavin see Santoso ,-I+a.Rauravas0trasa/graha ed. N.R. Bhatt (as the Vidy'p'da of the Raurav!gama). Pondi-

cherry: Institut Français d’Indologie, ,-I..Tantri K!mandaka (A) ed. C. Hooykaas, Tantri K!mandaka; Een oudjavaansche Pa-

ntjatantra-bewerking. Bandoeng: Nix, ,-/,.Uttarak!"(a (Old Javanese) ed. P.J. Zoetmulder, Uttarak!"(a; Teks Jawa Kuna. Yog-

yakarta: Penerbit Universitas Sanata Dharma, #++N.Vrati%!sana ed. Sharada Rani, Wrati%!sana; A Sanskrit text on ascetic discipline with

Kawi exegesis. New Delhi: IAIC, ,-N,.V3haspatitattva see Sudarshana Devi ,-.%.V3ttasañcaya see Kern ,I%..Yogas0trabh!1ya (Sam!dhip!da) crit. ed. P.A. Maas, Sam!dhip!da; Das erste Kapitel

des P!tañjalayoga%!stra zum ersten Mal kritisch ediert / &e First Chapter ofthe P!tañjalayoga%!stra for the First Time Critically Edited. Aachen: ShakerVerlag, #++N.

R!m!ya"a Traditions in BaliHelen Creese

(e unique status of the KR as the only surviving Kakawin dating from theCentral Javanese period has ensured its place in Indonesia’s cultural and literaryhistory. A key item in the Sanskrit ‘repertory of cultural forms in the package ofempire’ (Pollock ,--N:,--, #++N), the central place of theR!m!ya"a tradition isevidenced in the richness of its multi-faceted representations. From its earliestrenderings on palm leaf and stone, it served as a source of political, strategicand moral guidance for rulers and as the inspiration for generations of poets,artisans and performers.

On Bali, where the R!m!ya"a’s signi*cant stylistic and thematic inPuencehas endured until the present, the Old Javanese R!m!ya"a is regarded as the"di-Kakawin (Hooykaas ,-.%, ,-.Ic; Robson ,-%#), that is, as both the *rstKakawin and as the preeminent example of the Kakawin genre., For over amillennium, the Old Javanese KR has remained a powerful force in the cul-tural, literary and religious life of the Balinese. Nevertheless, just as elsewherein South and Southeast Asia, on Bali too, there is no single ‘R!m!ya"a’ but in-stead a number of distinct literary, visual and performing arts representationsthat have each contributed to the creativity that underpins the vitality of R!m!-ya"a traditions broadly considered.

(is chapter will provide a regional perspective on Kakawins from Bali thatare linked to this enduring R!m!ya"a tradition. (is survey will take us farfrom the origins of the KR in ninth-century Java, and even further from anyconsideration of the speci*c linguistic and stylistic inPuences of Sanskrit onOld Javanese. Instead, it will explore Kakawin representations of the R!m!ya-"a story at the far end of the chain of transmission. Most of these Kakawinwere composed from the late eighteenth century onwards although the earliest

,. Since Indian tradition hails the V'lmOki R!m!ya"a as the "dik'vya (Brockington ,--I:,;Saran and Khanna #++$:,), this designation may well be less an indigenous category than a con-cept borrowed from Sanskrit literature, but it is, nonetheless, a designation that has been perpet-uated by both Old Javanese R!m!ya"a scholarship and local Balinese tradition alike.

-$ Helen Creese

examples may date from the sixteenth century. Because of the crucial role thatBalinese manuscript traditions have played in the development and preserva-tion of Old Javanese literature more generally, it will also touch on the conti-nuities that can be traced in the adaptation and evolution of textual knowledgeshared between Java and Bali over the longer term.

A new R!m!ya"a

In #++/, the literary achievements of I Wayan Pamit (b. ,-/.), a respected andwell-known author and a strong proponent and supporter of Balinese culture,language and traditional literature, were recognized with the conferral of theprovincial-level ‘Dharma Kusuma’ award. One year earlier, I Wayan Pamit hadpublished four of his original Kakawin compositions: the two-volumeKakawinR!wa"a, the N*la Candra, the Candra Bhuwana and the Candra Bhairawa (Pa-mit #++#a, #++#b, #++#c, #++#d). In #++N, he was again recognized, this timeas one of Bali’s six most prominent literary *gures, in the inaugural round ofthe provincial ‘Widya Pataka’ awards. Now in his %+s, I Wayan Pamit, a for-mer school teacher, has been involved in classical Balinese literature as an ob-server, composer and performer since he was seven years old. (e KakawinR!wa"a details R'wa)a’s entire life from his birth to his death. It is a volumi-nous work of ,,% cantos, composed in Old Javanese; with its accompanyingBalinese gloss (t2g2s) printed on each facing page, it stretches to over $++ pages.He had completed this work several years earlier but had been unable to *nda publisher until #++#. Wayan Pamit’s focus on the character of the archetypalvillain, R'wa)a, rather than on the quintessential hero, R'ma, attracted inter-est and some local criticism. In an interview with Darma Putra for the Bali Poston % September #++/,#Wayan Pamit claimed that R'wa)a’s character providedmore than ample scope for the didactic exposition of the core moral and so-cial values he wished to highlight for contemporary Balinese. He noted thathis composition was based on his reading of a wide variety of lontar and othersources, including the Bhagavadg*t! and N*ti%!stra and, it would seem, in par-ticular the Uttarak!"(a (UtK), as we will explore in more detail below.

In his interest in the didactic possibilities of the R!m!ya"a story, WayanPamit proves himself a worthy twenty-*rst century heir to one of the long-standing, characteristic aims of Kakawin composition, that is, to provide ed-ifying, morally-upli2ing teachings on right conduct (dharma) to individualsand ‘a sort of pattern for princes’ (Friederich ,-.-:,%) for those who govern.

#. http://www.balipost.co.id/BaliPostcetak/#++//-/%/pot#.html (accessed ,/-$-#++-).

R!m!ya"a Traditions in Bali -.

(ese lessons remain central to Balinese identity formation even in contempo-rary times, and have found a ready audience under the renewed impetus of theAjeg Bali movement which seeks to foster a resilient and strong Balinese cul-ture based on deeply-held religious and cultural traditions (Allen and Palermo#++.; Schulte Nordholt #++.). Indeed, ‘traditional’ literary life is Pourishing inBali in unprecedented ways, particularly in the electronic media on radio andtelevision (Putra #++-; Creese #++-a).

Moreover, in his use of textual sources, in drawing on the UtK, the tenth-century Old Javanese prose rendition of the *nal k!"(a of V'lmOki’s epic com-posed during the reign of DharmawangQa (r. --+–,+,N), IWayan Pamit typi*esthe centuries-long Balinese compositional and thematic reliance on the Old Ja-vanese prose versions of the Sanskrit epics. For, rather than the Old JavaneseKakawin version of the R!m!ya"a, it is the UtK that sits at the centre of the de-velopment of R!m!ya"a textual traditions in Bali. While the UtK is not strictlyspeaking one of the Parwas since it is not a prose rendering of one of the ,I Par-was of the Mah!bh!rata, as Zoetmulder (,-%$:I/) notes, it is in every respectsimilar ‘in treatment of the subject matter, in language and in style’. We knowthat the Old Javanese Parwa provided one of the primary sources for Mah!b-h!rata-inspired Kakawin composition in Bali (Creese ,--I:N.–I$, ,---:.N–I).Similarly, in the development of R!m!ya"a traditions, the UtK has remained akey source of literary inspiration. For, in addition to the traditional core themesof R'wa)a’s abduction of SOt' and R'ma’s subsequent defeat of his enemy, Ba-linese poets have produced creative works based around ‘satellite’ stories and*gures from the R!m!ya"a cycle. Many of these later Balinese compositionswere ignored or dismissed by earlier generations of scholars, for example, Zoet-mulder (,-%$) and Pigeaud (,-N%, ,-NI, ,-%+, ,-I+), as being of little value orno literary merit. In the last several decades, however, our perceptions of ‘texts’and of the literary canon have changed dramatically. We have long-sincemovedaway from the earlier stereotype of the Balinesemerely as ‘preservers’ of theOldJavanese literary and textual heritage. Rather than being viewed as a moribundtradition dedicated to preserving earlier Javanese ‘classics’, it is now recognizedthat the Balinese contribution to Old Javanese literature was equally a creativeone.(is chapter, then, seeks to document some examples of this Kakawin lit-erary creativity in Bali directly inspired by Old Javanese R!m!ya"a traditions.

&e Balinese Kakawin tradition

(e consideration here of the Balinese Kakawin works that are linked to OldJavanese R!m!ya"a traditions necessarily elides a number of important ques-

-N Helen Creese

tions concerning Balinese textual and literary history. (ere is overwhelmingevidence for the existence of a long and deep Sanskrit-inPuenced textual tra-dition in the Indonesian archipelago. (is tradition encompassed many formsof textual knowledge, not just epic traditions and courtly literature but also re-ligion, philosophy, language, law and so on. (e exact nature of this sharedcultural and textual world remains obscure and we know relatively little aboutthe local and regional networks in which Kakawins thrived. Nevertheless thesheer scope of the Balinese textual heritage points to complex and multilayeredinteractions of long standing between Java and Bali, as linked components ofan Old Javanese ecumene that arose in response to the expansive Sanskrit cos-mopolis in premodern South and Southeast Asia (Pollock #++N). Until the endof theMajapahit period at least, some level of ongoing direct contact was main-tained between Java and the Indian subcontinent. Even as late as the end of the*2eenth centurywhen the last dated East JavaneseKakawin, the )iwar!trikalpa,was composed, there is clear evidence of links with South India (Teeuw et al.,-N-). But what of Bali?

We do not know whether Sanskrit literary, cultural and religious traditionswere mediated entirely through Java, or whether Balinese writers and schol-ars maintained an independent literary tradition that brought them into directcontact with India over a period of many centuries. What we can be certainof, however, is the fact that Kakawins were being composed in Bali in the OldJavanese language in a period long a2er Kakawin-writing had ceased to be amode of creative expression on Java itself. More than a hundred such BalineseKakawins are recorded (Creese ,---). Equally clear is the fact that this largelycourt-sponsored Balinese Kakawin tradition that Pourished until the late nine-teenth century both on Bali itself and in the Balinese courts of western Lombok,owes much to its Java-based forerunner.

(e earliest traces of a distinctly Balinese Kakawin tradition date from thesecond half of the sixteenth century, but only from the late eighteenth centuryis it possible to identify substantial numbers of Kakawins written in Bali. Al-though all the extant Kakawins written in Java prior to the *2eenth century,from a period of more than .++ years were preserved in Bali, no contempora-neous works of known Balinese provenance have ever been discovered. Nor dowe know whether the major Javanese Kakawins, including the KR, that havesurvived the journey down through the centuries, circulated in Bali at the timethey were written. Rather, the apocryphal tale posits the sudden and panickedPight to Bali of the Javanese Hindu-Buddhist priests and scholars in the faceof the spread of Islam in the late *2eenth century, bearing with them their

R!m!ya"a Traditions in Bali -%

centuries-long literary and textual heritage. Balinese historical traditions, in-cluding a number of the historical Kidung and genealogical Babad texts, sup-port this version of events. Nonetheless, the sheer scope and scale of the Bali-nese textual legacy makes this scenario rather improbable.

How, though, are we to account for the appearance of so many BalineseKakawins a2er an interval of several hundred years? And how are we to explaintheir links to earlier Javanese Kakawin traditions? Has every Balinese Kakawinwork from the earlier period simply been lost? Can the lack of any tangibleevidence for a parallel creative Balinese literary life prior to the sixteenth cen-tury simply be attributed to the exigencies of environment and climate or theloss and destruction of court libraries and documents arising from the constantwarfare and frequent destruction of court centres thatmarked Balinese history?

Sheldon Pollock (#++N:I+) has recently cautioned against making unfound-ed assumptions that entire bodies of literature and textual knowledge can sim-ply disappear without trace and has argued persuasively for the possibility ofthe sudden—and spontaneous—emergence of fully-formed literary genres. Ifwe accept that vernacular Balinese genres such as Gaguritan and Babad cameinto existence at a comparatively late stage in Bali’s textual past, probably noearlier than the sixteenth century, then, rather than assuming a widespread to-tal loss of all earlier Balinese Kakawins, should we instead posit the emergenceat more or less the same time of an entirely ‘new’ tradition of Balinese Kakawincomposition, the renaissance of a genre fallen into disuse and then revived un-der court patronage? While this argument certainly opens up the possibilitythat the Balinese Kakawin tradition represents the independent developmentof a rediscovered literary form, it cannot entirely explain the extensive preser-vation of Old Javanese Kakawin literature of a much earlier time from Java,nor the continuities of literary form and thematic concerns in the two abuttingKakawin traditions.

In Java, Kakawin composition survived intense periods of political and so-cial upheaval, although we should not lose sight of the fact that the number ofsurviving Javanese Kakawin works, just *2een from a period of more than .++years, is really very small. Nevertheless, the court-sponsored writing of Ka-kawins seemingly re-emerged time and time again: *rst a2er the shi2 of thecentre of power from Central to East Java in the late tenth century, then againin the wake of the fall of the Kadiri and Singhasari dynasties in the thirteenthcentury to Pourish in the Majapahit era (Hunter #++%b). Even a2er the end ofthe Majapahit golden age, it continued until the very end of the ‘Indic’ Javaneseperiod in late *2eenth century. So too, in Bali, Kakawin continued to thrive

-I Helen Creese

with remarkable tenacity as the genre par excellence of royal courts in Bali andLombok until the colonial period at the very end of the nineteenth century.

When we are able to enter the unequivocally Balinese Kakawin world fromthe eighteenth century onward, we can immediately recognize themes, textualpractices and forms evident from earlier periods in Java. Kakawin activity inBali encompassed both the preservation and study of the Javanese Kakawinlegacy and the creation of new works. Many of these Kakawins are virtually in-distinguishable from examples composed at the height of the Javanese period.In fact, until more recent studies revealed the extent of Balinese poets’ masteryof Kakawin technique, a number of works now known to be of Balinese originwere assumed to have come from Java (see Zoetmulder ,-%$:/I#–/).

Whether the Balinese Kakawin tradition represents continuity or revival,there is absolutely no question concerning the inPuence of the Javanese literarypast on Balinese poets. As the examples to be discussed below further attest, Ba-linese poets relied heavily on the tenth-century Old Javanese prose adaptationsof the Sanskrit epics, the Parwas, including the UtK, for thematic source mate-rial, while Javanese Kakawins, including the KR, provided models for Kakawintextual practices and poetical conventions. Poets made use of the full range ofcultural and literary resources to hand, including their own talents. Even in agenre as bound to poetical convention as Kakawin literature, there was amplescope and, indeed, an imperative for exercising creative genius.

&e Old Javanese R!m!ya"a Kakawin in Bali

Before turning to newer compositions, however, we will explore briePy therole and status of the KR itself in Bali. Stuart Robson (,-%#) has highlightedthe importance and popularity of the reading, or rather singing, of excerptsfrom theR!m!ya"a, particularly its didactic passages, in textualmabasan studygroups and in ceremonies connected with life-cycle rituals and other religiouscelebrations. (is enduring cultural practice of textual exegesis accomplishedthrough the vocalization of Kawi (Old Javanese) texts and vernacular para-phrasing into Literary Balinese is attested in material form in the extant R!-m!ya"amanuscripts.(e interpreting and performance of texts, *rst recordedin the tenth-century premiere performance of the Wir!#aparwa (Zoetmulder,-%$:-N.–N), remains a signi*cant performance tradition in Bali and is an in-creasingly popular mass media phenomenon on radio and television (Creese#++-a; Putra #++-).

(e Balinese glosses integrated into I Wayan Pamit’s four recent Kakawincompositions described above represent a contemporary manifestation of this

R!m!ya"a Traditions in Bali --

ancient exegetical tradition. Many nineteenth-century palm-leaf manuscriptsincorporate interlinear Balinese translations, which as Robson notes (,-%#:/,.)are also worthy of an editor’s attention as evidence of an interpretation of awork by those who held it to be important at a particular moment in time.Extra-textual information, including these interlinear glosses and details aboutdating and provenance contained in colophons, provides additional importantinsights into the signi*cance and function of the KR, particularly in the nine-teenth century when the major manuscript collections were formed.

(e signi*cance of individual Old Javanese Kakawins has conventionallybeen judged by the number of available manuscripts. By this measure, the ma-jor catalogues of Old Javanese and Balinese manuscripts in Indonesian and Eu-ropean collections—namely Brandes (,-+,, ,-+/, ,-,.:I–#%, ,-#N), Juynboll(,-+%–,,:,,%–##, ,-,#), Poerbatjaraka (,-//), Pigeaud (,-N%:,%N–I, ,-NI,,-%+, ,-I+)—bear witness to the ongoing relevance of the KR until the latenineteenth century and beyond in Bali. It is perhaps worth noting that a sig-ni*cant proportion of KR manuscripts are what these catalogues describe as‘fragmentary’ texts, that is manuscripts that do not comprise the entire workfrom sarga , to sarga #N, but just a section, sometimes only a very small one, ofthe Kakawin. Textual fragments of this kind were once dismissed as evidence oflack of diligence or understanding on the part of Balinese scribes and copyists,but we now recognize that what comprises a ‘work’ in the context of Balinesetextual traditions does not necessarily overlap with older European notions ofa ‘complete’ text and that the manifold uses of textual works in traditional Baliis appropriately rePected in the varied nature of physical artefacts, includingin such fragmentary texts (see, for example, Vickers #++.:,–,$).(at so manyextant KRmanuscripts are indeed fragments, and that many of these fragmentsinclude interlinear glosses, is indicative of the day-to-day, practical use on Baliof certain parts of the Old Javanese R!m!ya"a for speci*c ceremonial or studypurposes. For contemporary lovers of the KR, numerous published editionsand Indonesian translations are also now available.

A partial snapshot of the provenance and dissemination of KRmanuscriptsfrom the late nineteenth century onwards is provided by the major collectionsof Balinese manuscripts (see Appendix). It is striking that the extensive LeidenUniversity nineteenth-century collections hold only four complete texts—LOr##+,, LOr ##+# (with interlinear Balinese gloss), LOr$$/N andLOr $$/I (gloss-ed) (Pigeaud ,-N%:,%%–I). Of a total of thirty-nine KR manuscripts from theVan der TuukCollection (Br _I-+–-#+), only two have the complete text (Bran-

,++ Helen Creese

des ,-,.:I–#%)./ (ree R!m!ya"amanuscripts are found in the Lombok Col-lection acquired during the Dutch conquest of the Lombok court at Cakrana-gara in ,I-$; all are fragmentary texts.

(e Kirtya Liefrinck Van der Tuuk Collection (K), established in Singarajain ,-#I, has also documented Balinese textual interests, particularly in the colo-nial period in the *rst half of the twentieth century, but in a representativerather than comprehensive way. Finally, the more recent and extensive BaliManuscript Project, the Hooykaas-Ketut Sangka (HKS) Collection establishedby C.C. Hooykaas in the early ,-%+s (Hooykaas ,-%-; Pigeaud ,-I+:-$–N) nowcontainsmore than N+++ transcriptions of Balinese texts of every kind and givesa comprehensive view of the Balinese textual legacy in the late twentieth cen-tury (Pigeaud ,-I+; Hinzler ,-I/, ,--/). (e HKS collection (Creese #++$a;Witkam #++N–+%) has only three transcriptions of the KR, of which one (HKS//-+) comprises the complete text of the Kakawin.

We cannot of course be sure if the representation of KR manuscripts inthe Kirtya and HKS collections is indicative of a decline in popularity of theKR in the twentieth century. Because the works transcribed or copied havebeen drawn principally from private collections, this relatively small numberof manuscripts may instead rePect the special, sacred, nature of this Kakawinor reluctance on the part of the owners ofR!m!ya"amanuscripts to allow themto be copied.

&e R!m!ya"a ‘corpus’

(ere is clear evidence of the direct inPuence of the Old Javanese UtK in laterBalinese R!m!ya"a literary traditions. (is inPuence crosses genre bound-aries and is evident not only in the Kakawins discussed here but also in proseworks and in Kidung and Gaguritan poetry. A comprehensive, although byno means exhaustive, survey of the extant Balinese manuscript corpus revealsa range of Kakawins that draw on broader R!m!ya"a themes. Although theOld Javanese KR might be considered to occupy a special place in Balinese R!-m!ya"a traditions, it is striking that the core KR story—the marriage of R'maand SOt', R'wa)a’s abduction of SOt' and her subsequent rescue, R'ma’s attackon LWngka with the assistance of Hanuman’s monkey army and the defeat ofR'wa)a—does not appear to have provided sustained thematic inspiration, orat least not for BalineseKakawin poets. Instead,most of these BalineseKakawin

/. Two of the thirty-nineR!m!ya"amanuscripts in theVan der Tuuk collection listed in Bran-des’ catalogue (Brandes ,-,.:I–#%; Br _I-+–-#+), namely Br _-+# = LOr /I-- (.) and Br _-+/= LOr /I%I (#) are missing from Pigeaud’s summary list (,-N%:,%%–I).

R!m!ya"a Traditions in Bali ,+,

works draw thematically on the UtK, and take as their heroes such *gures asAja, Arjuna Sahasrab'hu and R'maparaQu or anti-heroes such as R'wa)a andhis descendants.(ese wide-ranging thematic interests demand in turn a broadde*nition of works that might be considered to belong to the R!m!ya"a ‘cor-pus’ of Balinese Kakawins.

Deep and wide-ranging interest in the vast mythical, genealogical and nar-rative repertoire of Sanskrit epic traditions is already evident in the Javaneseperiod where it found expression in numerous literary works and in temple re-liefs, as the chapters in this volume attest. As in Bali in later times, a number ofthe East Javanese Kakawins focus on characters and events drawn from the farreaches of the epic traditions or from Sanskrit K'vya literature more generally.Examples abound: the burning of the ill-fated god of love in the Smaradahana,KER)a’smilitary and sexual conquests in theHariwang%a andK31"!yana, the ex-ploits of minor heroes such as GhaSotkaca in the Gha#otkac!%raya and Bhomain the Bhom!ntaka. More directly connected to the R'ma cycle are JavaneseKakawins such as the Sumanas!ntaka, in which Mpu Monagu)a relates an an-cestral story which tells of the tragic death of IndumatO, the wife of Aja, scionof the lineage of Raghu, father of DaQaratha and grandfather of R'ma, and theArjunawijaya, which centres on an episode from the UtK, namely the defeat ofR'wa)a by Arjuna Sahasrab'hu.

In his discussionof theArjunawijaya inKalangwan, Zoetmulder (,-%$:$++)suggested that there was insuf*cient evidence to determine whether Mpu Tan-tular drew on the Old Javanese UtK. Any uncertainty was laid to rest by thesubsequent publication of Supomo’s edition of the Arjunawijaya (,-%%) withits detailed analysis of the relationship between the Kakawin and the Old Ja-vanese UtK. Supomo (,-%%:,N–#N) showed that although Tantular might havedrawn on a number of sources, there was no question that he also derivedmate-rials for his Kakawin directly from the Old Javanese UtK. Interestingly, it seemsthat just as in the case of the KR itself, closer textual dependence is found in the*rst part of the poem (cantos ,–,-) with a freer treatment of UtK themes in theremainder of the poem.

(e *gure of Arjuna Sahasrab'hu is an intriguing one. In the Javanese pe-riod, he occurs only in the accounts of his conPict with R'wa)a in the Arju-nawijaya and UtK, but he emerges as a central *gure both in Javanese wayangand in later literary traditions in the golden age of literary activity in Surakartain the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Zoetmulder ,-%$:$+/–$).$ As we

$. See also the discussion below (p. ,,,) concerning the possible dating of the R!mawijaya tothe early Majapahit period.

,+# Helen Creese

will see, his exploits are also recounted in a number of works from Bali.All the Balinese Kakawins that embrace R!m!ya"a themes draw in some

measure on theUtK. Even in a genre as bound to poetical convention asKakawinliterature, there was ample scope and, indeed, an imperative for exercising cre-ative talent and for expanding the concise prose text into a long poetical work.On the basis of its treatment of the subject matter, and its language and style,the Old Javanese UtK is believed to have been composed at roughly the sametime as the Parwas of theMah!bh!rata, that is, in tenth-century East Java (Zoet-mulder ,-%$:I/). Centuries later, these ancient Old Javanese prose works, in-cluding the UtK, functioned as the principal source for Balinese Kakawin poets.(e prominence of the UtK is further attested by the more than twenty extantmanuscripts of this text in the manuscript collections.

(eBalineseKakawins belonging to theR!m!ya"a-UtK epic cycle discussedbelow can be divided into two groups on the basis of their thematic concerns.(e *rst group comprises works that revolve around a number of satellite sto-ries from the UtK, principally related in Agastya’s account to R'ma of R'wa)a’shistory prior to the events described in the KR, or from events that take placein the *nal stages of R'ma’s reign and life. (e second group of Kakawins ex-pands on the *gure of a single UtK hero, Arjuna Sahasrab'hu, whose defeat ofR'wa)a narrated in sargas ,I–,- is the subject of Mpu Tantular’s fourteenth-century Kakawin, the Arjunawijaya.

By the end of the nineteenth century, almost the entire UtK had been trans-posed into Kakawin verse. In fact, there seems to have been what might becalled a ‘Kakawin-writing project’ to versify the seventh and *nal k!"(a ofV'lmOki’s epic, at least if we include here, for the sake of completeness, theArjunawijaya—which to judge by the number of Balinese manuscripts datingfrom the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Supomo ,-%%:I/–I, ,%I–-) wasa well-known and popular work in Bali in this period.

(e UtK ‘Kakawin project’ begins with the Hari%raya (sargas .–I), contin-ues with the Arjunawijaya (sargas I–,-a) and the Indrabandhana (sargas ,-b–#-), and ends with the R!mak!"(a (sargas /I–N%).(e only missing section inthe sequence is the episode that immediately follows Agastya’s narration of theearly history of R'wa)a to R'ma (sargas /+–/%). At this point, the text resumesthe story of the core *gures of the KR, dealing with the period of SOt'’s exile,when R'ma, now re-established in Ayodhy', responds to the rumours circu-lating in the city that question SOt'’s *delity while held captive by R'wa)a inLWngka, and sends his pregnant wife away to live in the forest. As we noted ear-lier, in the world of the Balinese Kakawin poet, the core R'ma-SOt' story seems

R!m!ya"a Traditions in Bali ,+/

to have been ‘off-limits’; perhaps no poet dared to consider his talents adequateto the task of recreating the "di-Kakawin. (e same may have been true forthis *nal episode in the R'ma-SOt' story related in the UtK.

Below, I describe each of the Balinese Kakawin works belonging to this ex-tended R!m!ya"a-UtK ‘corpus’ and trace their thematic concerns, commenton their dating and provenance where possible, and explore their intricate andvaried intertextual links.(eKakawins canbe ordered chronologically, if some-what tentatively, according to the time in which they entered the manuscriptcollections.. Occasionally more reliable dating information is available for in-dividual works. A summary list of the works to be discussed is provided in theAppendix.

Uttarak!"(a myths and stories

Hari%raya A and Hari%raya B (‘Hari’s Succour’)

Based on sargas .–I of the UtK, the Hari%raya deals with events prior to thebirth of R'wa)a, namely the battle between the gods and the demon kings ofLWngka in whichWiR)u defeats the three demon brothers, M'lyaw'n, M'li and(R'wa)a’s father) Sum'li. (ere are two versions of the Hari%raya, a short ver-sion, the Hari%raya A comprising ,-I stanzas in #+ cantos and a long version,the Hari%raya B with /+$ stanzas in ./ cantos.N A summary and the introduc-tory stanzas and epilogues of each version are given in Zoetmulder (,-%$:$+,,$-%). (e Hari%raya A has been edited and translated into English by Wulan-

.. Where no more speci*c information on dating or provenance is available, works registeredin the Van der Tuuk Collection (Pigeaud ,-N%:,%%–I), have a terminus ante quem of ,I-N, whilethose in the Lombok Collection date from the time prior to the sacking of the royal palace ofCakranagara by the Dutch in ,I-$ (Pigeaud ,-NI:.–N). For the twentieth century, the situa-tion is more complex since both the Kirtya Collection and HKS Collection comprise translit-erated copies of original palm-leaf manuscripts borrowed from private collections all over BaliandWestern Lombok. Many Balinese works were recorded for the *rst time in the Kirtya Collec-tion, but the Kirtya records provide little speci*c information about ownership or provenance,and thus are of limited usefulness for dating purposes. (e Kirtya transcriptions made duringthe years immediately following its establishment in ,-#I can be tracked in stages through thelists that were published at regular intervals between ,-#- and ,-/. in theMededelingen KirtyaLiefrinck Van der Tuuk. (e HKS Collection comprises transcriptions of manuscripts copiedmainly between ,-%# and #++#. (e manuscripts transcribed for the Kirtya and HKS Collec-tions frequently have much earlier origins, and the individual transcriptions sometimes providevaluable information about the ownership and provenance of the manuscript concerned.N. (e designations A and B are those assigned to each version by Van der Tuuk and incorpo-rated into Brandes’ (,-+/:,%–##) and subsequent catalogues.

,+$ Helen Creese

dari (#++,; see also Jákl #++I).(eHari%raya B has not yet been edited or stud-ied in detail. Zoetmulder (,-%$:$+,) concludes that the two versions are bydifferent hands but are similar in terms of language and verse technique. Nev-ertheless, in the light of the more extensive research into the Balinese Kakawintradition since the publication of Zoetmulder’s invaluable survey that has ledto a reassessment of the facility of Balinese poets in composing Kakawins inOld Javanese until recent times, we should be very cautious about assessmentsof intertextuality and relative dating that are based on linguistic and stylis-tic features. (e relationship between the two versions of the Hari%raya re-mains unclear. (ey appear to be independent renditions of the same storytaken from the UtK, in contrast to other known examples from the BalineseKakawin repertoire of interdependent recensions of the same work, includingthe P!rth!ya"a/Subhadr!wiw!ha (Creese ,-I,, ,--I:I.–,$+), the ?stik!%rayaA and B and theK31"!ndhakaA and B (Zoetmulder ,-%$:/-.; Creese ,--I:I.–%). A detailed study of both versions of the Hari%raya would be needed to de-termine the exact nature of their interrelationships.

We do, however, know a little about their dating.(eHari%rayaA is knownfrom two copies both transcriptions in Balinese script of original lontar man-uscripts from the Van der Tuuk collection, LOr $#/$ and LOr /III (Pigeaud,-N%:,-+–,) and two transcriptions from the Kirtya and HKS Collections (KN/. = HKS ,IN$). LOr /III has a brief colophon, referring to a time of de-struction that incorporates dating elements which Damais (,-.I:#,/) has cal-culated as equivalent to Friday, /+ January ,I-,.% (e dating of this copyof the text provides a terminus ante quem of ,I-, for the Hari%raya A.(ereseems little question that this Kakawin is of Balinese provenance. It displays anumber of characteristic features which we might consider to be a hallmark ofnineteenth-century Balinese Kakawin composition.(e introductory hymn ofdevotion begins with the customary phrase used before the invocation of thename of the tutelary deity, the great priests or the master poets: ‘I bow downin homage at the feet of …’ (s2mbah ni nghulun ring jöng …).I In this case, the

%. (e description of theHari%raya in Creese (,---:%%) contains some inaccuracies.(e num-ber of stanzas originally reported in Zoetmulder (,-%$:..%) and repeated in Creese for the Ha-ri%raya A and Hari%raya B versions, ,-. and #-% stanzas respectively, was incorrect. (e in-formation has been revised by Wulandari (#++,:#). LOr ,..++I (= K N/.; HKS ,IN$) has beenerroneously listed as a manuscript of theHari%raya B. It is actually a copy of theHari%rayaA.(e%aka year ,I,# given in the colophon corresponds to the period from March ,I-+ to February,I-,, not ,-++.I. (is formulaic expression occurs in the N*ti%!stra, ?stik!yana, W3t!ntaka, P!rthawijaya(Iraw!ntaka), Indrabandhana, Bh!rgawa%ik1!, Dharmakusuma, Si W3ta, and Parik1it, as well

R!m!ya"a Traditions in Bali ,+.

poem is offered to SaraswatO, goddess of learning, a prominent deity in Bali-nese Kakawin from the nineteenth century (Zoetmulder ,-%$:,%$; Wulandari#++,:%–I). (e poem ends with the short, one-stanza, self-deprecatory epi-logue typical of Balinese poets.

(e situationwith regard to theHari%rayaB is less clear cut.(e third stanzaof the introductory invocation contains a hidden chronogram giving the timeand place of composition as ‘six-nine-water-moon’ (sad sangañjala candra), ayear equivalent to ,$-N %aka (,.%$ 6:) in L'wan'dipura.- Because the eventsrelated in theHari%raya B immediately precede those detailed in the Arjunawi-jaya, Supomo (,-%%:,+–.) suggested that the two works may have been con-temporaneous and argued, somewhat tentatively, that if the reading of añjala(water = $) were emended to añjali (s2mbah = #), the chronogram of the Hari-%raya B might be read instead as ,#-N %aka or ,/%$ 6: and the text would thusbe dated to the Majapahit period.,+

As I have argued elsewhere (Creese ,--I:IN–%, ,---:./), there is no reasonnot to accept the chronogram at face value since L'wan'dipura can equally beread as a synonym of Amlapura, that is, of Karangasem, East Bali. If this inter-pretation is valid, then theHari%raya B is the earliest known Balinese Kakawin.

Both available manuscripts have additional colophons indicating thatmorecopies of theworkwere beingmade in the late nineteenth century.(e colophonin LOr $#/. (Brandes ,-+/:##) breaks off abruptly so that the reading is notentirely clear but indicates that ‘the time of writing was Sunday, Kliwon in theweek Julungwangi, on the ,/th day of the dark half of the moon in the *rstmonth of the year, / units / tens’ (din!nrat, a, ka, wara julungwangi, pang,ping, /, wlas, %a%ih, ,, rah /, t2ngg2k /). Damais (,-.I) does not include this

as in a closely synonymous phrasing in the Kh!"(awawanadahana, Ratnawijaya, K31"!ntaka,R!mapara%uwijaya and P!rthakarma (see Zoetmulder ,-%$:$IN–.+.).-. Hari%raya B ,./ (Zoetmulder ,-%$:$-I):

Nghing pinantangkwa ri sang w2nang sunga w2nangkw*ki n sakahyun mamimwang sang wruh pwa ri bh!1a towi hana ring sunggutnya chandakramalwir m!sung wibhawe nghulun hi(2p iki n singgih kaw*ndreng dangusad sangañjala candra k!la winangun ring L!wan!dipura.

,+. Until recently, we were forced to rely on a single manuscript for the text of the Hari%rayaB, namely Van der Tuuk’s autograph transcription in Latin characters (LOr $#/.), so a marginfor error is certainly possible. A second copy of this Kakawin, however, has now come to lightin the HKS Collection (HKS /,I$ = LOr ,N./#I).(is transcription provides a slightly differentreading of the chronogram in question (sad sang añcala candra—six-nine-mountain-moon) thatprovides a reading of % for the hundreds since (a(n)cala or acala ‘mountain’ has a value of %.(echronogram year is thus equivalent to the %aka year ,%-N or ,I%$ 6:.(is reading would pointvery clearly to a Balinese origin for theHari%raya B, although amuch later one than the sixteenthcentury one indicated in the chronogram in LOr $#/..

,+N Helen Creese

manuscript in his list of dated manuscripts from Bali, indicating that not all ofthe dating elements (the days of the seven-day and *ve-day week, the Balinesemonth (wuku), the phase of the moon and %aka year) could be reconciled.,,(e year ’// %aka included in this dating is equivalent to the year ’,, 6:. At thevery least, the colophon suggests a terminus ante quem of ,I,, for the Van derTuuk copy of the Hari%raya B.

(e colophon of HKS /,I$ identi*es the text somewhat misleadingly asthe story of the Arjunawijaya from the Uttarak!"(a. It indicates that the yearof copying was ’,, %aka or ’I- 6:.,# Since the transcription entered the HKScollection in February ,-I,, it cannot refer to ,-I- and the colophon itselfmustdate back to at least the nineteenth century, ,I-+ 6:; the use of the Indonesian‘Kamis’ to indicate the day of the seven-day week, however, points to a recentdate or editorial change.

(ere is little further evidence to allow us to date the Hari%raya B withgreater accuracy. (ere are, nevertheless, other clues that point to Balineseprovenance for theHari%raya B. In the epilogue (./.#), where we learn that thetitle of the work is Hari%raya, the unnamed poet observes that, whereas oncepoets roamed the mountains and seashore, he is composing his poem in themidst of the battle *eld as he marches against the enemy carrying a bow as hiskaras (writing board) and arrows as his tanah (stylus). (e allegorical aptnessof the theme of the poem and a military campaign is obvious. Moreover, inBalinese manuscript traditions there are frequent direct links made betweentextual activity, particularly the copying of appropriate texts, and times of warand destruction throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Vickers,--+; Creese ,--N, #++-c). (e almost constant interkingdom rivalries andarmed skirmishes in precolonial Bali provided ample opportunities for a poetto accompany his royal master into battle. Finally, its place as one literary workin the larger UtK-derived R!m!ya"a corpus from Bali proposed here perhapslends further support to its Balinese heritage.

As we have already noted, the following sections of the UtK (sargas -–,-)detailing the defeat of R'wa)a by Arjuna Sahasrab'hu are taken up by Tantu-lar in the Arjunawijaya (Supomo ,-%%). (e Balinese Kakawin tradition thenprovides two Kakawins to bring the retelling of the prose work to completion in

,,. For a recent overview of the challenges for interpreting dates in Balinese texts, see Proudfoot#++%.,#. Iti Ari Sraya samapta pinrakreta prangi Arjuna Wijaya ri Utarakandha. JB Saraswattyenamah, JB `BM;` Ganapataye namah, JB Sri Gurubhyo namah. Kunang prasta tinurun, kalaning dalu, ri makara cala, ring aramptra, banjar kilara, duki waya, kmis, wisnu, hretiya kresna,masa posya, sonita mwang tandha samasatu, wara, watek.

R!m!ya"a Traditions in Bali ,+%

Kakawin-verse form.(ese two works are the Indrabandhana and R!mak!"(a(or )atrughna).

Indrabandhana (‘Indra Bound’)

(e Indrabandhana continues the story of the UtK from the point at whichthe Arjunawijaya *nishes with the release of R'wa)a. (e poet describes a se-ries of battles between R'wa)a and his enemies (Zoetmulder ,-%$:$++–,).(epoem takes its name from the *nal episode (,-.$–#N.#,), which concerns thewar against the gods when Indra is captured by R'wa)a’s son Meghan'da. Forthis feat, he is given the name Indrajit, ‘victor over Indra’.(ere is a close parallelwith the prose text to the end of sarga #- which completes Agastya’s account ofR'wa)a’s history. Zoetmulder (,-%$:$++) observes that the language suggestsit is of recent date, but that ‘its verse technique is almost faultless’.(ere are sev-eral copies of this work, two of which indicate the year of copying as ,-+. (CB..) and ,-,, (K NII) respectively (see Appendix). (e Indrabandhana musttherefore date from no later than the beginning of the twentieth century.

R!mak!"(a ()atrughna, R!mayajña, Sang Hyang )ry ?tma%uddha)

(e *nal part of the UtK provides the framework for the events related in theR!mak!"(a from the episode concerning the expedition of R'ma’s brother, 1a-trughna, against the demon Lawana in sarga /I ()atrughnapr!yana) until R'-ma’s ascent to heaven (Swarg!roha"a) at the end of the text in sarga N% (Zoet-mulder ,-%$:$+#, $-I). Although it is by no means unusual for works to beknown by a variety of titles in Balinese manuscript traditions, this work has anunusually large array of titles and is also known as )atrughna, R!mayajña andSang Hyang )ry ?tma%uddha.

Although these titles are cross-referenced in the index to Pigeaud’s supple-mentary catalogue (,-I+:,+-, ,N#, ,-$, ##-), their intertextual relationships arenot apparent from the individual entries. A closer reading of the manuscripts,however, con*rms that they are all transcriptions of the same work (see Ap-pendix).

(e Kakawin runs in close parallel with the Old Javanese prose text. Zoet-mulder (,-%$:$+#) notes that ‘the Kakawin and the prose Uttarak')0a are soalike, even in their vocabulary, as to allowme to use the Kakawin for correctingfaulty readings inmy copy of the prose work’, but this statement perhaps under-rates the creative skills of the poet. While it is true that core phrases have beentaken from the prose text and in the order in which they occur there, the work

,+I Helen Creese

is far more than a simple versi*cation of the prose text.(is Kakawin containsthe usual mixture of digressions on the natural world, long battle scenes and thefull array of other poetic requirements for which the unnamed poet’s succinctprose model would have provided little assistance.

(e poet notes that he is creating his poem from the ‘eighth k!"(a’ of theR!m!ya"a. He dedicates his Kakawin to the eminent ascetic (yat*wara), pos-sibly W'lmOki, who is said to be like the great lotus (mah!padma) of whichthe eight k!"(as (a1#ak!"(a) form the petals. Zoetmulder (,-%$:$+#) suggeststhat this apparent deviation from the seven k!"(as of Sanskrit R!m!ya"a tra-ditionmay arise from conPation with the analogy in the poet’s dedication to theeight-petalled lotus. He argues that the reference to the eighth k!"(a probablysignals the last part of the UtK where the story of R'ma continues, a suggestionborne out by the name R!matantra given to the poem in this stanza (Zoetmul-der ,-%$:$-I–-). (ere is no evidence to indicate that a division into eightk!"(as represents any kind of wider Balinese tradition, and it must thereforebe regarded as an idiosyncratic (mis-)understanding of the poet himself.

(ere is a considerable number of copies of this Kakawin, which *rst cameto light in the Kirtya Collection (K N#I) with a transcription of a lontar of *2y-*ve leaves originating from the collection of Gusti Putu Jlantik, the foundationcurator of the Kirtya Collection. (is manuscript has a colophon mentioninga scribe in Cakranagara Lombok in ,I$N %aka / ,-#$ 6: (Pigeaud ,-NI:%NN)and was part of a group of texts acquired by Jlantik from Lombok at that time.(e work may date from the mid nineteenth century since the epilogue ap-pears to contain a chronogram referring to the third month (katiga m!sa) inthe year ‘body-eight-mountain-moon’, awak (,) asta (I) ning hacala (%) candra(,), equivalent to ,%I, %aka or ,I.- 6:.,/

Kakawin R!wa"a

I Wayan Pamit’s contemporary Kakawin, the Kakawin R!wa"a, also deservesa mention here. (e *rst part of the work relates the stories of R'wa)a’s birth,life and battles against the gods before his encounter with R'ma as set out insargas ,–,I of the UtK. It includes the events related in the Arjunawijaya, suchas his encounters with the female ascetic WedawatO and his capture by Arjuna

,/. (e text reads: !pan tan hana ramya ning katiga m!sa rumacana <pa>lambing ing karas /medran m!nawak asta ning acala candra nika ma(angi k!la ning kul2m (Zoetmulder ,-%$:$--).(e interpretation of the date is not altogether clear. If the value of the units is not read as awak(body = ,) but asmanawak ‘to call out, request’ and thus related to speech, which has a value ofN, this would give the year ,%IN %aka or ,IN$ 6:.

R!m!ya"a Traditions in Bali ,+-

Sahasrab'hu. In addition, it relates the core KRnarrative fromR'wa)a’s abduc-tion of SOt' to the destruction of LWngka and his defeat by R'ma.(e poem endswith R'wa)a’s death. (e contemporary character of this Kakawin is perhapsrevealed in the poet’s comprehensive treatment of the entire R'ma-R'wa)astory in a single work.

Two R!mas, two Arjunas: Balinese Kakawin based in wider epic traditions

In the epilogue of the Arjunawijaya, the poet Tantular dedicates his poem toWiR)u at whose hand in former incarnations both R'wa)a (DaQamukha) andArjuna Sahasrab'hu have met their fate in battle. As Zoetmulder (,-%$:/$$)notes these two references allude to two distinct R'mas: R'ma, son of DaQara-tha, the hero of the KR who defeated R'wa)a, and R'ma Bh'rgawa or ParaQu-r'ma (‘R'mawith the Axe’), the slayer of Arjuna Sahasrab'hu.(e *rst of thesedeaths is the one recounted in the core story of the KR; the second is the deathof Arjuna Sahasrab'hu in his battle against R'ma Bh'rgawa.(ere are two Ar-juna’s and this Arjuna recast as the hero of Tantular’s poem is not, of course, themore well-knownMah!bh!rata epic hero, Arjuna P')0awa. In the UtK and inthe Arjunawijaya, Arjuna Sahasrab'hu proves himself capable of conqueringR'wa)a, the sworn enemy of the exemplary hero R'ma; in his confrontationwith R'ma Bh'rgawa, however, Arjuna Sahasrab'hu has now become the en-emy of those seeking to maintain the world order. Arjuna Sahasrab'hu, who isalso a prominent *gure in later Javanese literary andwayang traditions, appearsto have captured the imagination of Balinese poets. His confrontation with hisnemesis R'ma Bh'rgawa is recorded in two Kakawins, the R!mapara%uwijaya(‘(e Victory of R'maparaQu’) and the R!mawijaya (‘(e Victory of R'ma’).

(ese epic heroes, R'ma and Arjuna, twinned incarnations of WiR)u withtheir parallel names, underpin the fundamental intersections between the dif-ferent branches of epic tradition that are evident in Java in the fourteenth cen-tury and continue into the later Balinese period of Old Javanese literature. InSanskrit literature too, both R'ma Bh'rgawa and Arjuna Sahasrab'hu *nd aplace in each of the core epic traditions. In the Mah!bh!rata, R'ma Bh'r-gawa *gures as the warrior-ascetic who vows to annihilate the k1atriya race toavenge the death of his father, Jamadagni at the hands of the sons of ArjunaSahasrab'hu. (eMah!bh!rata relates the story of the combat between R'maBh'rgawa and Arjuna twice, once in the third book, the ?ra"yakaparvan, theBook of the Forest (/.,,.–,,%), and again in the twel2h book the )!ntiparvan(,#.$-) when KER)a is relating the ancestral tale to YudhiRShira (Brockington,--I:#I/–N; Van Buitenen ,-%/). (e catalyst for the conPict that results in

,,+ Helen Creese

the death of Arjuna Sahasrab'hu and sets off the train of events in which R'maBh'rgawa slaughters the k1atriyas and *lls the *ve lakes (pañcat*rtha) with theirblood, differs somewhat.(e )!ntiparvan version is believed to be a secondaryretelling of the ?ra"yakaparvan (Brockington ,--I:#I$).

R'ma Bh'rgawa also makes a brief appearance in the Old Javanese KR insarga #, where he encounters R'ma returning to Ayodhy' a2er his marriageto SOt' and challenges him to a contest to bend his bow. R'ma accomplishesthis feat with such ease that R'ma Bh'rgawa goes away in perplexity. R'maBh'rgawa is also a central character in the Amb!%raya (‘Amb' seeks Succour’),a Balinese Kakawin derived from the Mah!bh!rata traditions as related in theUdyogaparwa. (is time it is BhORma who is challenged to combat by the seer.(e gods, alarmed by the potentially dangerous outcome of this encounter, in-tervene and R'ma Bh'rgawa is forced to accept defeat. All the available manu-scripts of the Old JavaneseUdyogaparwa end abruptly and the sections dealingwith this episode in the Old JavaneseUdyogaparwa are missing.(erefore, it isno longer possible to ascertain if the inclusion of the quarrel between BhORmaand R'ma Bh'rgawa in theAmb!%raya relates to the earlier Old Javanese Parwaor even KR tradition or is a speci*cally Balinese adaptation of the Sanskrit epictale (Zoetmulder ,-%$:%$, $++).

R'ma Bh'rgawa appears to have been a prominent *gure more widely inBalinese religion and philosophy. Teachings ascribed to him are containedin the Bh!rgawa%ik1! (‘(e Teachings of Bh'rgawa’), a didactic Kakawin de-tailing the imminent destruction of the world as a result of human misdeedsand immorality. He is also cited in Balinese law codes as a source of wis-dom and guidance (Creese #++-b:#NN). Zoetmulder (,-%$:$++) suggests thathe may have had strong appeal to the Balinese brahmanical caste and links himto the Supreme Teacher (parame1#higuru) to whom the Bh!rgawa%ik1! itself isdedicated in homage, as well as to the unidenti*ed sage or teacher referred tofrequently in the introductory stanzas of a number of Balinese Kakawins in-cluding the Kh!"(awawanadahana, Iraw!ntaka, Indrabandhana and Si W3ta(Zoetmulder ,-%$:,%$).,$

In the twoKakawins discussed here, there arewide deviations fromSanskrittraditions relating to the episode detailing the battle between R'ma Bh'rgawaand Arjuna Sahasrab'hu.(ese divergences rePect the processes of adaptationthat are characteristic of Old Javanese literature as a whole, and also raise in-teresting questions about the poets’ sources. Only eight of the eighteen books

,$. For the discussion of the possible connection between Bh!rgawa%ik1! and the Old JavaneseKu#!ram!nawa law code, see Creese #++-b.

R!m!ya"a Traditions in Bali ,,,

of theMah!bh!rata are found in Old Javanese renderings. On the basis of theextant Old Javanese sections of the epic, Zoetmulder (,-%$:-I–,++) has pro-posed that the Parwas, up to and including the sixth book, the Bh*1maparwa,may have formed part of a comprehensive ‘project’ intended to encompass theentire epic which for some reason was then discontinued, and further that thethird of these six parts, theWanaparwa later disappeared. As evidence for hisargument that an Old Javanese Wanaparwa may once have existed, Zoetmul-der suggests that it might have been expected ‘to have a special appeal becauseof the variety and colourfulness of its stories’, and because of the fact that oneof the most well-known East Javanese Kakawins, the Arjunawiw!ha, derivesfrom an episode related in this third Parwa.,. In the Sanskrit Mah!bh!rata,the episode of R'ma Bh'rgawa’s defeat of Arjuna Sahasrab'hu is found in theWanaparwa, and the two Kakawins discussed below dealing with this R'maBh'rgawa-Arjuna Sahasrab'hu episode may also point to local knowledge oftheWanaparwa in the Archipelago for which no direct textual traces remain.

In spite of their thematic similarities these two Kakawins, the R!mapara-%uwijaya and the R!mawijaya are independent works. (ere is no question ofdirect interdependence since the two works treat their common theme quitedifferently. (ere is even a possibility that these two works may in fact be sep-arated geographically and temporally as we will explore in more detail below.

R!mawijaya (‘R'ma’s Victory’) or Arjun!ntaka (‘(e Death of Arjuna’),N

(e R!mawijaya commences with lengthy descriptions of the splendours of thekingdom and the palace, the delights of the love-making between Arjuna Sa-hasrab'hu and his wife (who is not named), and the beauties of nature theyencounter as they undertake their pleasure trip with their full entourage of fol-lowers.(ey encounterN'radawhowarnsArjuna of the power of R'maparaQu.

,.. (ere is another Kakawin registered under the title of ?ra"yakaparwa in the RotterdamMuseum (RtMLV #II.%; Pigeaud ,-NI:IN#) which appears to have theWanaparwa as its source.LOr ,+.%.% contains a transcription made in ,-$+ by Soegiarto for the University of Leiden.(etext *nishes abruptly at canto #N... (e poem deals with the fate of the P')0awas a2er the lossof their kingdom to the Korawas in the game of dice.,N. Pigeaud (,-N%:,I$) includes cod. $N-% (= BCB portfolio #/ and ,N$) in his major Kakawingroup A, and describes it as a work entitled Arjuna Sahasra B!hu: ‘An unknown twel2h centuryKa0iri Court poet wrote a poem on the struggle of the epic heroes Arjuna Sahasra B'hu alsocalledKartaWirya, andR'maBh'rgawa (ParaQuR'ma, J'madagnya).(e greater part includingthe conclusion of the poem is missing in the only available manuscript. Interrelationship of thetwel2h century fragmentary Arjuna Sahasra B!hu Kakawin and the fourteenth century ArjunaWijaya by the Majapahit Court poet Tantular […] is as yet unproven’.

,,# Helen Creese

Arjuna then vows to seek him out and defeat him in combat. Further scenic de-scriptions, episodes of love making and a detailed account of preparations forthe battle follow. (e poet then provides a lengthy account of the war and thecombat betweenR'ma andArjuna Sahasrab'hu that results in the latter’s death.(e *nal section of the poem contains a vivid account, of the sat* death of Ar-juna’s wife on the battle *eld, where she stabs herself with her kris in order tojoin her beloved in heaven, which is reminiscent of similar descriptions of sat*found in many Kakawins from both Java and Bali (Creese #++$b:#,+–#/).

Initially, I had classi*ed the R!mawijaya as a hitherto undescribed BalineseKakawin, but that conclusion has turned out to be an open question in need offurther investigation. Although the Kakawin ends with a lengthy colophon thatappears to locate it in the Balinese tradition, closer inspection of the text revealsthat the R!mawijaya may instead be of late thirteenth-century East Javaneseorigin, dating from the time of the transition from Singhasari to Majapahit po-litical and cultural hegemony, a period from which no other Kakawins survive.

(e Van der Tuuk Collection holds a ‘fragmentary’ text in $+ cantos de-scribed along with other untitled Balinese Kakawin works by Brandes in thefourth volume of his catalogue (Brandes ,-#N:/–N; Br ,$N, = LOr $N-%). Com-prising $# pages in Balinese script, LOr $N-% is a copy of a lontar of #. leavesbelonging to ‘Dalang GWde RWnWh di Sung (?)’. As Soegiarto noted in his latertranscription of Van der Tuuk’s manuscript (BCB #/; BCB ,N$ [.]), the actualcontent of the Leiden manuscript is the description of a pleasure trip under-taken by Arjuna and his wife. Brandes, however, had already hinted in the earlytwentieth century that some sections of thismanuscriptmay have beenmissing.He drew attention to a hand-written note on the manuscript by Van der Tuuknoting that this poemmay have been written ‘under K'meQwara of Ka0iri’ andthat it concerned ‘the battle between Arjuna Sahasrab'hu and R'ma Bh'rgawa’(KWkawin gedicht onder K'meQwara (?) van Ka0iri (Ardjuna Sasrabahu’s strijdmet R'maparaQu)). Brandes (,-#N:N) suggested that Van der Tuuk’s completemanuscript must have dealt with the combat of R'ma Bh'rgawa and ArjunaSahasrab'hu, and thus that Arjun!ntaka (‘(e Death of Arjuna’) would be anapposite title, a speculation that later found its way into Pigeaud’s (,-N%) cat-alogue.,% Not surprisingly, this ‘incomplete’, fragmentary Kakawin has beenaccorded no further attention.

,%. Juynboll (,-+%–,,:,I+) gives no title, but describes it as ‘pure’ (zuiver) Old Javanese andnotes it has more of a descriptive than epic character. Pigeaud (,-N%:,I$, ,-NI:#$#, %-/, I+N)gives it the title Arjuna Sahasra B!hu and ascribes it to an unknown Ka0iri poet. (e poem iscross-referenced as Arjun!ntaka in the index (Pigeaud ,-%+, s.v.).

R!m!ya"a Traditions in Bali ,,/

Nevertheless, Van der Tuuk’s marginal note points to the fact that the textfrom which he was working included additional cantos describing the battle aswell. For some reason, either the copying of the text came to a halt at canto$+, midway through the copying process, or pages were subsequently lost andthis incomplete manuscript then passed into the Leiden collection. More thana century later, it has now been possible to recover the complete text, thanks tothe HKS Collection where the entire Kakawin of %NN stanzas in ,+% cantos, isfound under the title of R!mawijaya as HKS $//+. Moreover, the introductoryeulogy and epilogue to this poem contain considerable information about thepatron and poet, Taningrat (‘Not of this World’), who clearly identi*es the titleof his work as R!mawijaya, ‘(e Victory of R'ma’.,I

R!mapara%uwijaya

(ere is little doubt about the Balinese origins in the case of the R!mapara%u-wijaya, the second Kakawin that takes as its theme the R'ma Bh'rgawa and Ar-juna Sahasrab'hu story. (e poem has two loosely-connected episodes. It be-gins with the story of two star-crossed lovers, the heavenly nymph, Renuka, andthe apsara king, Anggarapar)a. Renuka has been locked up in Indra’s palaceand Anggarapar)a wanders the mountains in lovelorn misery before seekingthe help of his friend Arjuna Sahasrab'hu in rescuing her. Indra, apprehensiveabout the outcome of the looming battle, enlists the aid of the Brahmin, Ja-madagni, and persuades him to take Renuka as his wife. She provides him witha son, R'ma Bh'rgawa. N'rada, ever-ready to shape the destiny of the world,advises Arjuna Sahasrab'hu of themight of R'ma Bh'rgawa. Arjuna, who hereis known by his name of K'rtawOra, sets off immediately to confront his foe.(eRenuka-Anggarapar)a subplot, however, remains unresolved, although there isa brief interlude in the midst of Arjuna’s battle preparations when the lovers domeet once again secretly and escape to a secluded spot. At this point the twodifferent Kakawin versions converge. Arjuna Sahasrab'hu marches out withhis armies and his many allies but, with Indra’s aid, R'ma Bh'rgawa kills all thetributary kings in the ensuing battle. Arjuna *nally assumes his divine form asRudra but is defeated by R'ma Bh'rgawa, who manifests himself in the formof WiR)u. Arjuna returns to heaven and his wife, CitrawatO, follows him indeath. (e k1atriyas are completely annihilated and their blood turns into the

,I. Since its place in the Balinese tradition now seems less certain, further discussion of theprovenance and dating of the text, including its possible relationship to the R!mapara%uwijayamust be le2 for another occasion.

,,$ Helen Creese

*ve bathing places (pañcakat*rtha) possessed of extraordinary purifying pow-ers.

(e R!mapara%uwijaya appears to be of nineteenth-century Balinese ori-gin. One copy of the text from the Van der Tuuk Collection, LOr /II% (also,-N%:,-%), has a colophonwhichDamais (,-.I:#/I) has dated precisely to Sun-day, ,March ,I-,. (is date provides a terminus ante quem for the work. (etime of composition, however, is not known. Zoetmulder (,-%$:$+#–$), whoprovides a summary, notes that this work displays stylistic similarities with anumber of other eighteenth and nineteenth-century Balinese Kakawins such asSubhadrawiw!ha, Hariwijaya and Abhimanyuwiw!ha. Nevertheless, this workalso rePects the legacy of poetic conventions of Javanese Kakawins. For ex-ample, the pleasure trip is reminiscent of the R!m!ya"a, and there are obvi-ous and very close thematic and structural parallels with the Arjunawijaya. Wehave suf*cient evidence of the close study of Javanese Kakawins in Bali for theseparallels to be unremarkable but theR!mapara%uwijaya remains a literary workworthy of closer consideration.

Sumantri (Mahispati)

Another Kakawin that belongs to theArjuna Sahasrab'hu cycle is the Sumantri.Zoetmulder (,-%$:$+#), who makes only a single reference in passing to thisKakawin, describes it as ‘an endlessly protracted work of no literary value thathardly deserves the name Old Javanese’. In the introduction to the poem, thepoet explains that he wishes to tell a Parwa story from his desire to hear of thetrue nature of the UtK, so that clear insight might be imparted and, further,that he wishes to tell the story of Arjuna Sahasrab'hu. In the epilogue, he re-veals that the story he has just related was commissioned by ‘he who rules onthe boundary of Amla’.,- (is reference indicates the Sumantri is a work ofKarangasem provenance originating from East Bali or from the Balinese king-doms of western Lombok.

But is there only one Sumantri? (e Sumantri, whose introductory versesand epilogue are included in Zoetmulder’s appendix in Kalangwan (,-%$:.++),is a different work from the one bearing the same title found in two transcrip-

,-. (e interpretation is not altogether certain. (e text reads (ndah s!mangk! hingan ikangkath!wiwak1an, de sang ar!jya ri pag2r nag!raAmla, de sang ar!jya ri pag2r nag!raAmla, nd!tanlen patra nira manggal!sing ahyun). (e repetition of the second line suggests a copyist error.We can reasonably assume that the poet is not speaking about himself in lines # and /, when hementions ‘he who rules within the compass (or on the outskirts: pag2r) of Amla’ and, further,that an original second line may have provided a link to the patron of this work. Zoetmulderdoes not indicate the manuscript he used and I have not been able to verify the reading.

R!m!ya"a Traditions in Bali ,,.

tions from the HKS Collection, HKS ,$N- and HKS .#$I. (e two HKS tran-scriptions match Pigeaud’s brief description (,-I+:,-,) that the Kakawin con-cerns ‘the story of Sumantri, a member of the Bh'rgawa family and his youngerbrother Sukasarana’. In the Kakawin, Sumantri, who in Javanese wayang isknown as Arjuna Sahasrab'hu’s younger brother, becomes Arjuna’s patih. Heis called Suwanda. Arjuna himself plays a minor role. (e text, replete withnumerous battle scenes, includes in its cast of characters the many vassal kingsfamiliar from other epic tales, including the Sumanas!ntaka, R!mawijaya, Ar-junawijaya and R!mapara%uwijaya, chief amongst whom are the rulers of Ma-gadha and Widarbha. (e intertextual links with Old Javanese literature morebroadly are clear, but the precise source of this poem remains unresolved. Ihave not been able to trace the text Zoetmulder cites as the Sumantri.

As noted above, there are two transcriptions of this Kakawin in the HKSCollection: HKS ,$N-where it is calledKakawin Sumantri andHKS .#$Iwhereit is given the title Kakawin Mahispati.#+ (ere are some differences betweenthe two texts, but they derive from a common source. HKS .#$I comprises$/ cantos. HKS ,$N- omits cantos ,$–#I, and ends at Canto $, (erroneouslynumbered .+ [L] in the transcription) and *nishes with a three-stanza epilogue.(ere are other minor variations in readings and, here and there, an extra oromitted stanza. (e epilogues are paraphrases of each other and closely inter-related. Both mention that the poem is written in homage to Sang MapandhyaWara Buddha and both appear to contain a chronogram date in the last stanzabut the interpretation is uncertain. HKS ,$N-mentions the place of copying asthe AQram'kara NirarRa Nag'r'mlapura. NirarRa is synonymous with Singarsa,that is, Sidemen, Karangasem, an important, if not the leading literary centrein the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries and this information thus links thistranscription with the Karangsem provenance of the version of the Sumantricited by Zoetmulder.#,

(e catalogues also include two additional Kakawins thatmay be connectedto theUtK cycle, one dealing with R'wana’s early history, and the other with theArjunawijaya story. Both are very short texts. (e *rst of these, the )akak!la,comprises just seven cantos. It dates from the late nineteenth century and re-lates the struggle of R'wa)a andM'ruta. A Kakawin with this title is named asone of Prapañca’s works in theDe%awar"ana but there is no evidence to suggest

#+. HKS ,/+# (LOr ,/.%.-) and HKS //+$ which also bear the titleMahispati are copies of theArjunawijaya. HKS //+$ includes a Balinese gloss.#,. (ere are Gaguritans and Parikans called Sumantri in the HKS Collection (HKS ,###, HKS#$I$) but these are not connected to the R!m!ya"a story, nor it would seem to the KakawinSumantri/Mahispati described here.

,,N Helen Creese

the reference is to the )akak!la described here. Two other short Kakawins areincluded in the same lontar, the Padma Sari, and another dealing with smokingopium and gambling which has a colophon dated ,I,+ %aka ,III 6: (Pigeaud,-NI:I..).

(e other, the Wi%!l!gni, is un*nished. It is an Arjuna Sahasrab'hu tale,which Pigeaud (,-N%:,-N) describes as being like the Arjunawijaya.

&e Next Chapter…

(ere can be no doubt that the broad R!m!ya"a epic tradition remained a coreliterary focus in premodern Bali. Although there are a considerable number ofKidung and Gaguritan works, as well as various prose works and summariesthat take up the R!m!ya"a story, it is not possible here to deal with the entirecomplex of Balinese R'ma stories and the discussion has therefore been con-*ned to works belonging to the Kakawin genre. It is also necessary to leavefor another occasion the discussion of the myriad adaptations of the R!m!ya-"a in other genres, both traditional and modern, such as wayang, painting andthe performing arts, not to mention modern literary and performance adapta-tions, although these too might legitimately be considered part of the story ofthe R!m!ya"a in Bali. Vickers takes up one example in his contribution to thisvolume.

To return briePy tomy starting point: the #++#KakawinR!wa"aby IWayanPamit. (is very recent Kakawin represents a radical change in Balinese ap-proaches to Kakawin composition. No longer requiring the painstaking pro-duction of a palm-leaf lontarmanuscript, it has been written on a computer andmass produced. It can be re-produced in*nitely and on demand.(e tanah andkaras, the pengutik and leaf of the tal tree have been set aside.(e text still usesBalinese aksaras, but now the letters are a uniform shape and size; there maystill be the occasional scribal (typographical) error, but mistakes and quirky, id-iosyncratic changes in readings, asminds skip ahead and letters change physicalshape, unnoticed, are unlikely to creep into this text on account of human lim-itations, to be passed to the next generation. (e text has become *xed andstatic.(e text as artefact has presumably also lost its sacred character; the ak-saras will no longer ebb and Pow. (e poem retains its introductorymanggalathere on page one in the form of a Preface, which still incorporates the formu-laic apology for its inadequacies—that tradition has not yet died.(e poet is nolonger anonymous, no longer does he hide behind a parab; not only his nameis there, so too is his photograph. He has been interviewed for the newspapers.He is a modern kawi.

R!m!ya"a Traditions in Bali ,,%

Against all odds, ‘traditional’ Balinese literature continues to defy those direpredictions in the ,-I+s and ,--+s that manuscript-based literary forms woulddie. But there is certainly change and transformation. Twenty-*rst centuryKakawin composition may remain a niche area of creative endeavour, but thestudy of Bali’s literary heritage, and the composition of new works, seems tobe going from strength to strength, via the medium of electronic broadcasting.Kakawin poetry has always been a dynamic genre, has always responded tocultural and technological change. It remains a part of Balinese creative life. Amillennium on, it is not too dif*cult to imagine that there may well be manymore chapters to come in the R!m!ya"a story in Bali.

,,IAp

pend

ix:R

!m!ya"

aKa

kawincorpus

from

Bali

Hari%raya

ALO

r/III(=,+.I%I

=BC

Bpo

rtf.,N$),$#/$;K,,#/.,..++I(=

KN/.,HKS,IN$)

Hari%raya

BLO

r$#/.(=

BCBpo

rtf.#/),,N./#I(=

HKS/,I$)

Indraban

dhan

aLO

r-$,+(=

BCB#.,KNII;,I//

%aka

(,-,,6:

),,+.,I-

(=CB..,K###I;,I#%%aka

or,-+.6:

),,/.-.$

(=HKS,.+N),#,.#.,

(=HKS.,+%),#,..I#

(=HKS.$/N)

R!maBh

!rgawa

%ik1a

Also

calledBh

!rgawa

%ik1a

LOr.,/N(=,+..#/,B

CBpo

rtf.#$,BC

Bpo

rtf.,N$),,/.N++

(=K$/%,HKS

Bund

le,I//+),,/.I.+(=

HKS,/-,)

With

Balin

eseg

loss:L

Or,N.#.N(=

HKS/,,#),#,.NI%

(=HKS..$+),#,.%,,

(=HKS..N$);K,/%$

(=HKS#+%%)

R!ma(para%u)w

ijaya

Also

calledBh

!rgawa

wijaya

LOr/II%(=

CB$/,B

CBpo

rtf.#.,

K.IN,,/

-,I-,),,#.-/+(=

HKS

Bund

le$//),,/.I%/(=

K.IN,

HKS,$,$),#$.,+$

(=HKS

.-.#)

With

Balin

eseg

loss:L

Or,N.#.N(=

HKS/,,#)

R!mak!"

(aAlso

called)atru

ghna

,R!m

a-k!"(

a)atru

ghna

,R!

mayajña

,Sang

Hyang)

ry?tma%0d

dha

R!mak!"

(a:L

Or,/.-$I(=

KN#I,HKS,.++),-..+#(=

HKS$/.I)

)atru

ghna

:LOr,/..N%(=

HKS

Bund

le,%/#I);,N..#%(=

HKS//I/),,N..NI

(=HKS/$#$),,N.%,/

(=HKS/.N-);,-.$I.

(=HKS

$/$+),#,.,+#

(=HKS$-.I)

R!mak!"

(a)atru

ghna

:LOr,$.I-/(=

KN#I;CB$,,BC

Bpo

rtf.#N)

(Pigeaud,-NI:%NN)

R!mayajña

:LOr,/.IN/(=

HKS,$+$);HKS$N,,

Sang

Hyang)

ry?tma%ud

dha:

LOr,#.I,I(=

KN#I,HKS,%$-)(Pigeaud,-I+:,+-)

R!maw

ijaya

=Ar

jun!ntaka

LOr$N-%(Br,$N,;un

titled

)HKS$//

R!m!ya"

aKa

kawin

Complete:LO

r##+,,##+#

(glossed),$$/N

(+N-+--,I+%),$$/I(glossed;,%/.%aka

=,I,/6:

);HKS.$I#

(=LO

r#,.N#%)

Fragmentsandselec

tions:L

Or%,,,I%I,#+.-,##,%,#/+,,/I%,

(com

pend

ium,%

extra

cts),$$/%,.#N#,./I$,,,.+-%;H

KS//-+

(=LO

r,N../$)

Fragmentsandselec

tions

with

interlinear

gloss:LO

r##++,/%$%

(=$$$+),/%N,

(=$$$/),/I#+

(=$$$,),/I/I,/II,(

compend

ium

Nextra

cts),/II#,$$/-,$$$#,$$$$,.+-$(.-+N-,I#I),Ad

GUB.N;H

KSN,I,

(=LO

r#$.//#)

R!wa

"aIW

ayan

Pamit(#++#)

)akak!la

AdKI

T,/I#/#

=BC

Bpo

rtf.,N$

Sumantri

Also

calledMahisp

ati

LOr,/.-,%=HKS,$N-;H

KS.#I$

Wi%!

l!gni

CB$$

=BC

Bpo

rtf.#N

(e Old Javanese Kapiparwaand a Recent Balinese Painting

Adrian Vickers

On a visit to Bali a few years ago, I was asked to identify a painting by the lead-ing classical artist of Bali, I Nyoman Mandra, which featured the monkey heroHanuman, or Anoman as he is known in Bali., At *rst the painting was a mys-tery to me, since it did not show the usual stories involving Anoman, althoughone scene looked like the visit of Anoman to Sita in Rawana’s asoka garden.Solving the mystery of this painting led me to greater insights into the Bali-nese iconography of Anoman, and ultimately led me to greater understandingof why Anoman is regarded as a signi*cant *gure of power in Java and Bali.While it offers no direct textual insights into the Old Javanese KR, the paintingdemonstrated the importance of the narrative accretions and variations thathave grown around the text.

I Nyoman Mandra (born ,-$N) is the main teacher of the classical stylecontinued by the village of Kamasan, in Klungkung, and my mentor in the re-search I have carried out since ,-%I on Kamasan art. We have o2en discussedthe fact that there are many narratives in existence in Bali, but only a few ofthese are commonly known and used by Balinese painters. Nyoman’s interesthas always been in utilizing the full repertoire of stories, and he regularly soughtout dalangs (wayang puppeteers) and others knowledgeable in such narratives.During the twentieth century Kamasan village had around a dozen dalangs, in-cluding many members of Nyoman’s descent group, but they had almost diedout by the twenty-*rst century, the last dalang of Kamasan being Pan Sadera, aneighbour of Mandra’s.

,. (e research for this paper was carried out as part of an Australian Research Council Link-age Project Grant, held in conjunction with the Australian Museum and the Batuan Project.(e author would like to thank the participants in the Jakarta conference for discussion, ChrisCarlisle, Adrian King, and especially Nyoman Mandra, and to Leo Haks for providing Figure #.I will follow Modern Balinese pronunciation for the spelling used in this article.

Figure,:

Nyoman

Mandra,&

eBirthofAn

oman

,#++$.

Privatec

ollec

tion

&e Old Javanese Kapiparwa and a Recent Balinese Painting ,#,

(e painting had been commissioned by Chris Carlisle, a long-term resident ofBali, who was involved in a project in Karangasem, and had taken Nyomanto the area to ask him if he would provide a painting to illustrate the senseof the area. Nyoman spent a long time in the cool and pleasant greenery ofthe Karangasem hills pondering what he would do. As with other works, hemeditated on the subject matter of the painting, then produced this work in#++$, without providing an explanation as to what it depicted. (is was notunusual, as Nyoman is o2en very loathe to talk about themeanings of his paint-ings, and clearly this had some kind of deep connection to his experiences inKarangasem.

One of the Balinese who worked on the project with Chris, and his businesspartner Adrian King, suggested a narrative explanation.# Like me, the Balinesecra2sman thought the scene of Anoman kneeling before a woman of high rankshowed the scene of Anoman and Sita. But there was one crucial difference.Usually in depictions of the asoka grove, Sita is shown giving Anoman a ring, intoken of her love for Rama.(ere was no ring in the right-hand scene. Further,this explanation did not really help solve the problem of the le2-hand scene,which showed the gods Siwa (the white *gure surrounded by an aureole) andBayu (Pawana, the other *gure surrounded by an aureole, whose iconographyis identical with that of his son, Bima). In that same scene was a priest on theextreme le2-hand side of the painting, holding up his hand in a gesture thatmay indicate surprise, and a seated, partially-clothed woman with somethingin her hand, and a servant seated behind her. (e Balinese collaborator sug-gested that the right-hand scene might show the origins of Bima, from theMa-habharata, but that story did not explain all the *gures in the scene, and alsodid not explain why two completely different narratives would appear in thesame painting. (e servant was also the same as the one who sits behind thehigh-ranking woman on the right, so presumably the partially-clothed womanand the high-ranking woman were one and the same. On the extreme right,Anoman is shown attacking the sun-god, Aditya (Surya), who was seated onhis divine vehicle, Aruna. Between the two scenes was a shape indicating amountain in Kamasan iconography, and there was water all around, consistentwith a garden or jungle setting.

(e partial scene of Anoman and Aditya was something I had seen in anumber of modern Balinese paintings, including two from the ,-/+s that camefrom Ubud. (ese works depicted Anoman actually trying to eat the sun, andthe presence of the highest God, Atintya, trying to prevent this. Such a scene

#. Personal communication Adrian King in an email to me (#I-+#-#++I).

,## Adrian Vickers

is not mentioned in the Kakawin version of the Ramayana, in fact the Old Ja-vanese KR was not much help in explaining the other aspects of the paintingeither. (e scene where Anoman goes to the asoka grove did indeed containmany references to the wind (Bayu) and the sun, hinting that there were levelsof meaning that have not been explored in this passage, but that did not helpidentify the subject matter of the painting.

Figure #: I Dewa Nyoman Leper, Anoman trying to eat the Sun, .. a /%..cm.Pengosekan, ,-/+s, formerly Haks and Maris collection (,II), originally collected by

Gregory Bateson and Margaret Mead/

/. (ere is a more recent painting of this scene (possibly from the ,-%+s) in theWredi BudayaArt Centre, Denpasar, painted by Gusti Made Baret, from the same village as Dewa Leper.

&e Old Javanese Kapiparwa and a Recent Balinese Painting ,#/

Trying theUttarakanda, the prose versionof stories leadingup to theRamayana,was also not helpful, and Zoetmulder’s guide (,-%$) to Old Javanese literaturemade no mention of these stories. (e only other source of different types ofParwa or prose literature of the epics, Ensink’s study of the Sutasoma episodein the Cantakaparwa (,-N%), was more helpful. Ensink’s description of the ‘en-cyclopædic’ nature of the Cantakaparwa indicated that it contained a numberof sub-texts, one of which, the Kapiparwa, or ‘Monkey Parwa’, told the storyof Anoman, Bali and Sugriwa. (e earliest reference to this text that Ensink(,-N%:,#) could *nd came from the middle of the nineteenth century, whenFriederich referred to the existence of the text.$ (is was then one of the otherprose works that held ‘branch stories’ to the Ramayana. Creese’s guide (#++$b)to theHooykaas-Ketut Sangka collection of Balinesemanuscripts indicated thatthere were six prose versions of the Kapiparwa and two poetic versions or Pa-rikan.

(e Kapiparwa turned out to hold the key to the story. (ere were severalversions of this text in the Hooykaas-Ketut Sangka collection, and althoughthey usually contain similar narrative elements, the variations between themwere quite wide. (e longest version, of ./ pages, came from Puri Madura,Karangasem,while other prose versions came from Jadi inTabanan, GeriaDudain Selat, Karangasem, and Puri Kawan, Singaraja.. (ese containedmany otherstories of high priests and other *gures who were related to the narrative of theRamayana. I selected the version from Geria Pidada KlungkungN because thispriestly house is the closest geographically to the village of Kamasan. Kamasanprovided court artists to the high king of Klungkung, to whom Geria Pidadasupplied high priests.(e village and the priestly house had other connections,including paintings and an illustratedmanuscript now inGeria Pidada that hadoriginally come from Kamasan (Vickers ,-I#).

On *rst impression, the Kapiparwa was the kind of text that recorded nar-ratives used in wayang performances. (e language was not very dif*cult andincluded Balinese words (for examplembok, ‘sister’), meaning that it could evenhave beenwritten downvery recently.(e large variations betweenmanuscriptswould also con*rm this impression. Longer versions of the text treated variousBhagawan or semi-divine priests at length, but also contained a number of keystories about the monkeys who appeared in the Ramayana. (e text usually

$. Strangely the word kapi does not have an entry in KBNW... HKS #+$N, ,/$#, ,.-# and /N$- ($#/.##, #$.+I, #-.$I and ,,I.+I) respectively, note that inthe on-line database the Geria Duda version is described as having % pages, but actually has ,..N. HKS ,I/. (/N, $).

,#$ Adrian Vickers

began with the story of Bhagawan Gottama.(e name Kapiparwa comes fromthe fact that it dealt with histories of the monkeys (kapi), especially the storyof (Su)Bali and Sugriwa, of their twin meditations, and of the conPict in whichRama intervened. Bhagawan Gottama was the father of Anjani (or Naranjanior Ranjani) by Dyah Jambikawati. Such was Jambikawati’s beauty that the Sun-god, Aditya, wished to have sex with her, and gave Anjani a gi2 of the cucupumanik-astagina, a jewel of power, so that she would keep quiet about this. Jam-bikawati gave birth to twins, (Su)Bali and Sugriwa.(e twins were induced bya student of Gottama to ask Anjani for themanik-astagina, which she said camefrom a great priest. (ey then went to their father to ask him about this, andwhen he asked Anjani about the jewel, he cursed her and attempted to destroyit by splitting it into pieces. In *ghting to get the split jewel, Bali and Sugriwawere turned into monkeys.%

All version of the Kapiparwa that I could locate described the birth of Ano-man. Anjani journeyed with her brothers to a mountain forest, at the lake ofTaman Kaliwarna, where they meditated in an attempt to have the curses li2edfrom them. At the peak of the mountain the brothers fought with Dasagriwaor Rawana,I the king of Selamra, causing the animals in the mountain forest toPee.(ey then went to Giri Semi (Spring Mountain, literally Mount SproutingSeeds), to meditate. Ranjani went to the north, above Selasayana. Her asceti-cism was to eat whatever she found near her sitting place, which was on a rock.

Siwa (Pasupati; Guru) was disporting with the Goddess at Giri Semi. (esight of the beauty of themountains aroused Siwa, and they had sex; but BhataraBayu saw them and was jealous (kemburu) and enraged at their violation ofthe site. Disturbed by the wind, Siwa’s sperm fell on a banyan leaf, which wasthen carried by the wind/Bayu onto the lap of Anjani. She ate it, and becamepregnant, giving birth to a white baby in the form of a monkey. A voice camefrom the sky, telling her that this was a child unmatched in power (sakti) calledMaruthi because he was born of sperm carried on the wind (marutha).

(e child was hungry, and asked his mother what was appropriate food.She said to look for something red in the East. When the Sun came up, Maruthiattempted to eat him, and almost succeeded. Siwa and Anjani had to stop him,since he would destroy the world. His mother explained that when she saidsomething ‘red in the East’, she meant rambutan,manggis, kukap, salak or otherfruits.

%. I have glossed over some of the complications of this story, which emphasizes the rivalry ofthe brothers. Initially Anjani is cursed to become a stone pillar.I. Probably invoking a pun on ‘forest’: wana.

&e Old Javanese Kapiparwa and a Recent Balinese Painting ,#.

Anoman asked for a boon from Siwa in return for not eating the Sun: thathe be given human form. Siwa told him to bathe in the dirty pool at Suranadi.(ere Maruthi saw two bathing places (ertali), one muddy (putek), the otherpure (suci). He bathed in the *rst and became a very handsome man. Butdespite a warning from Siwa, he then bathed in the second and resumed hismonkey form.

Other versions of the text vary in their language, but the story-line is simi-lar.(is kind of variation is typical of orally-transmitted versions that are writ-ten down at different times and places, and is a product of the fact that theseversions were taken and developed by performers, usually dalangs. (us onlyskeletons of stories are preserved between versions (Bandem et al. ,-I/; Zur-buchen ,-I%).

Take for example the passage where Anoman is born and Anjani tells Ano-man about what he can eat. In the Geria Pidada manuscript it reads like this:

Kunang ri wetu Sang Maruthi, alemeh citta Sang Rajani manaka tanpayayah. Binuncal sireng sela-bajra. Bentar remuk tang sela kadi gale-pung. Mojar SangMaruthi, ‘Ih sang ibu, angapa kita muncal ranak ta in-ganika?’ Mojar ibuniya, ‘Kacandung sirebu menge ngemban kita, matangyan tiba. Pahungwa anaku’. Mojar Sang Maruthi, ‘Udhu hibu, mangkenghulun atanya ikang sayogya panganku. Apan tan wruh nguhulun’.Mojar sang ibu, ‘Udhuh anaku Sang Maruthibapa. Ana wenang pinaka-bhuktinta, apan sira wre. Yan anan bangmetuWetan, ya ta pangananta’.Mangkana ling ibuniya. (.b–Na)At the birth of Anoman, Anjani expressed her distaste for this childwithout a father. She le2 him behind on a diamond stone. (e stonesplit and shattered into pieces as if it were rice meal. Anoman said, ‘Oh,mother, why have you put your son aside?’ She replied, ‘I’ve been cut inhalf- bearing you, thus you were born, thus your establishment my son’.Anoman said, ‘Oh mother, now I’m asking what I should eat, because Ihave no idea’. His mother said, ‘Oh my child, son of theWind.(e pro-visions that are appropriate for you to take, because you are a monkey,are what is red and found in the East.(at is what you should eat’.(usthe words of his mother.

-. Is this an allusion to the versions of the story where Anoman (or Anggada) is born bycæsarean? (is section of the text is mostly in Balinese, for example using buncal instead ofOld Javanese buncang.

,#N Adrian Vickers

In the Jadi text this passage is:

… pira lawasniya ameteng, mijil ta were, mangaran Sang Maruthi, sa-mangkana sabda sakeng Akasa, sinawut den ibuniya, binuncang ringsela maratha, bentar remuk sila ika, mojar sang Anoman: ‘Ih IbunkuSang Narenyani, kadi punapa, yang Ibu teka binendem, ranak hinganika,aneng sila meratha?’ Mojar Ibuniya: ‘Huduh anak inghulun, dudu ing-sun ngamet sira, mengo Ibunira tiba aneng sela’, mangkana lingira Ibu-niya, Mojar Sang Anoman: ‘Ih Ibunku Sang Narenyani, ri sedeng ingsunmaseduk, tan weruh ring papangan’. Mojar Dhyah Narenyani, lawantanayanira: ‘Huduh anakingsun, Sang Anoman, ana wenang binukti desira, apan sira marupa were, ana abang tumbuh kangin, yatika papanga-nanta’, mangkana lingniya Sang Ibu. (,#a–,#b),+

A2er a night, amonkeywas produced, calledAnoman, as the voice fromthe Sky decreed. His mother responded by casting him aside on a Patrock. (e rock split and shattered, and Anoman said: ‘Oh Mother An-jani, why have you cast aside your son onto this Pat rock?’ His motherreplied, ‘Ohmy son, it’s not that I wanted to take you, that’s why I turnedaside and put you on the stone’. (us spoke his mother. Anoman said,‘Oh mother Anjani, I’m hungry, and don’t know what to eat’. Anjanispoke to her son: ‘Oh my son, Anoman, the provisions that are appro-priate for you, because you have the form of amonkey, is what is red andcomes up in the East, that is your food’.(us her words, the mother.

We see here a common framework of key words, but intense variation betweenthem, as would be expected with a performed version of narrative frameworksthat are handed down orally and only written as a kind of aide memoir. Whileit would be tempting to say that the second version is the oldest because it hasmore Kawi or poetic language, it also includes Balinese words (such as mase-duk), and could be a later version which has been re-elaborated to be closer toOld Javanese. (e Parikan versions of the text are much more elaborate, butthey are a separate form, since they are a different type of text. Ubud paint-ings of the story of Anoman eating the sun, such as the one illustrated above,show another variant of the story with the introduction of the *gure of Atintya,the Supreme Being. Atintya also features in narratives involving the hero Bima,such as the Nawaruci or Dewaruci.

(e birth of Anoman episode from the Kapiparwa is signi*cant because ofits commonalities, as well as differences, with other South and Southeast Asian

,+. I have kept the punctuation provided by the transcribers.

&e Old Javanese Kapiparwa and a Recent Balinese Painting ,#%

versions of this event. In some Indian versions of the story of Anoman, hisfather is Rama, and this version is followed by the Malay Hikayat S2ri Ramaand the Lao version of the R!m!ya"a (Brockington ,-I.:#-N).,, In East Java,Rama is the father of Anoman.,# In other versions Anjani eats food distributedbyDasaratha, but carried by Bayu (Pawana), and at the same time her child is anincarnation of Siwa.,/ A version very close to the Kapiparwa story is found inIndia, and Lutgendorf summarizes various stories, including a recent versionof this, called the Hanuman R!m!ya"a (Lutgendorf #++%:,,%–/$). (e(aiRamakien and Burmese Rama&agyin belong in this same tradition, althoughin them Bayu places weapons in the open mouth of Sawaha (Anjani), causingthe birth of Hanuman (Brockington ,-I.:/+,; Toru ,--$:/,%). In these andother Southeast Asian versions, Anjani is cursed by her mother to give birth toa monkey, because she reveals to her father her mother’s in*delity with Aditya.(e motif of the fallen sperm is found in both the Rama and Siwa versions ofpaternity, but in some versions the sperm is eaten directly because Anjani ismeditating standing on one leg with her mouth open. In others it falls intoher ear (Barrett #++#). Given the intense variation in these stories, it seemsunlikely that there is a single transmission of one Indian version to Bali viaJava. Rather, we are looking at potential interaction between versions of thestory, and possibly on-going reciprocal contact between India and SoutheastAsia that muddies any lines of transmission.

(e Kapiparwa explains all aspects of NyomanMandra’s painting,,$ begin-ning with the appearance of someone who is presumably Bhagawan Gottamaon the far le2, and showing Bayu chasing away (namely, interrupting the sex of)Siwa.(us the woman in the forest is Anjani, who is shown with the leaf in herhand. On the right we see Anoman receiving his eating instructions from hismother, and then wrongly trying to eat the Sun. When I went back to Nyomanwith this identi*cation he af*rmed it, but without elaboration.

More than this, theKapiparwa explains why Anoman is a monkey and yet a*gure of power. He is a descendant of Bhagawan Gottama, but the son of Siwa,

,,. My thanks to Roy Jordaan for drawing my attention to this book, and for other helpfulcomments.,#. Personal communication Jumadi (+$-+.-+-).,/. See http://hinduism.about.com/library/weekly/aa+.#I+,b.htm and http://www.hindu-ism.co.za/hanuman.htm (accessed ,N-,,-#+,+).,$. (us also Nyoman Mandra’s work does not indicate direct inPuence from the confusingproject of Kam (#+++:$N), by which Kamasan artists were commissioned to paint Ramayanascenes based on other Southeast Asian versions of the story. A similar, but different, version ofthe birth ofAnomanwas thus painted byMandra’s student,WayanPande Sumantra, but showingIndra chasing Anoman, based on the(ai Ramakien.

,#I Adrian Vickers

which is why both Anoman and Siwa are white. At the same time, Aditya isAnoman’s spiritual step-grandfather, and is addressed as such when they talk,and Aditya calls Anoman his grandson (putu). Likewise Bayu is, by mediation,also the father of Anoman. Anoman shares iconographic features with Bayu,especially the fact that he wears a black-and-white chequered loin-cloth.

(e link to Bayu explains a connection Balinese make between Anomanand Bima, which is otherwise mysterious.(ere is one early twentieth-centuryKamasan painting, by Pan Remi, that shows a meeting between Anoman andBima where they come into conPict. Anoman and Bima have similar iconogra-phy: both have the ‘prawn claw’ (supit urang) coiffure of the semi-divine heroesof the epics, and both wear very little clothing except for the chequered (poleng)loin cloth. In Balinese ritual use these poleng cloths, as the union of opposites,represent power (sakti).(e heroes’ conPict is ended by the intercession of theirfather, the god Bayu, who is iconographically identical to Bima, except that hehas the aureole and what Forge refers to as a ‘god spot’. Forge (,-%I:#.), whocollected the painting, could *nd no narrative text to elucidate this work, butcommented on how both heroes are matched in power, and are effectively re-Pections of each other, meaning that one cannot defeat the other. However, thethird Parwa of theMah!bh!rata,(e Book of the Forest, has a section ‘(e Tourof the Sacred Fords’, in which Bima, while journeying through the forest, failsto recognize Anoman (Van Buitenen ,-%.:.+,–$). (e latter says that Bimawill be allowed to pass the area where the aging monkey lives if Bima can li2his tail, but he fails to do so, and thus recognizes Anoman as his older brother.In the original version the two do not actually *ght, but it seems that Balineselocalizations of the story amplify the challenge into a full conPict, shi2ing theemphasis to equality of the heroes.

Figure /: Detail of the Battle between Anoman and Bima by Pan Remi, Kamasan, circa,-,+, /+ a .#$cm. Australian Museum, Photograph Emma Furno.

&e Old Javanese Kapiparwa and a Recent Balinese Painting ,#-

NyomanMandra’s painting shows Bayu andAnoman in similar positions. Bothare literally ascendant *gures, rising up to attack (or at least put on the defen-sive) major gods: Siwa and Aditya.(e painting emphasizes their power, theirroles as *gures who can intervene in the world.

(e associations of Anoman with Bayu, and hence with Bima, are signif-icant because they are general associations of power. (ese clarify why bothAnoman and Bima are popular *gures in Bali, and may explain links betweenthe two that go back overmany centuries, including the appearance of statues ofAnoman in the Majapahit period (Klokke #++N). Klokke, who is the only per-son to have written about these statues, observes that their appearance comesat the same time as the growth of what Stutterheim (,-.N) identi*es as a Bimacult, and coincides with developments in the worship of Anoman in India.

It may be that the Balinese beliefs about Anoman and Bima show that inthe case of East Java, we are less talking about a cult speci*cally of Bima, andmore about a cult of power that has Siwaite origins and involves forms of divineintercession.(e most elaborate exposition of Bima’s power is found in the Ka-masan paintings on the ceiling of theKertaGosa orHall of Justice atKlungkung.In these Bimaswarga scenes, Bima is shown purifying the souls of his parentsand carrying them out of hell (purgatory) and into heaven (Vickers ,-%-).(epriestly role assumed by Bima indicates that, as a *gure of power (sakti), he hasthe ability to intervene between the human and divine worlds, and also has akind of protective power. His power is partly related to his character as a *gureof force. He has a strong and aggressive character, one that involves physicalstrength and harnessing of anger. Anoman too is a *gure of strength, with theadded ability to Py. Anoman literally has world-destroying potential, and hislinks with such power, and with Siwa, illustrate the same kind of power thatStutterheim links to Bima.(is however casts doubt on Stutterheim’s notion ofa ‘Bima cult’, since this interest in power is more usually part of le2-hand-pathor Bhairawaite Tantric practices of deliverance. It has become a part of whatI would call mainstream Balinese religion. As Hildred Geertz has shown, thepervasiveness of forms of power outside those perceived by the senses is a ma-jor Balinese preoccupation. It is certainly a preoccupation of painters (Vickers,-I+; Geertz ,--$).

Nyoman Mandra’s painting is not just about power. It is a painting aboutlandscape as well.(e mountain forest dominates the centre and foreground ofthe painting, that is the painting literally revolves around the mountain in themiddle. Within this beautiful space we see disruption: the conPicts of the godsand the attack by Anoman on Aditya. (e disturbance of the animals in the

,/+ Adrian Vickers

foreground is also part of that sense of disturbance. But there is another *guremediating between the disruption of the gods and demigods, and the beauty ofthe landscape: Anjani. She is the receptacle of the power of the gods, but haspower over Anoman, as shown by his bowing before her. It needs to be remem-bered that the concept of sakti in Bali is not the same as the Indian notion of thegoddess-wife as source of power. However, in this painting we also see Anjanias a source of power, just as in the text she is a transmitter of power (remember-ing that she was performing asceticism, as were her brothers). Anjani partakesin the beauty of the landscape, and her power is related to that.(e painting isan exposition of the balance of power in the landscape, with a complex expla-nation of the gods’ powers. Effects of power and results of actions of the godsare not direct, but happen as unintended consequences of the passions of thegods. (ere is not a sense of omniscience in operation here, but rather chainsof cause-and-effect governing the power of certain beings to affect nature.(epainting is profoundly philosophical, and at the same time, a meditation on thebeauty of nature and its effects.

P678 44

T@< RABAC6D6 68 C6DF4 P76BG6;6;6;:

C6DF4 P6;68676;

Imagine La&kapura at PrambananArlo Grif'ths

Introduction

Fundamentally based onWalther Aichele’s re*nement of Poerbatjaraka’s datingof the KR to make it contemporary with the important events referred to inthe so-called 1ivagbha inscription of I.N 6:, among which quite possibly thefoundation of the greatest 1aiva monument of Indonesia, the main purpose ofthis contribution is to propose the hypothesis that this monument was calledLa&kapura.,

(e monument I am alluding to is the one that is at the center of attentionin the contributions of Levin and Jordaan to this volume, and goes there var-iously by the name Prambanan or Loro Jonggrang. (at the latter is not theoriginal name of the monument is an evident and well-known fact, and thereis no strong reason to believe the former is an ancient name either.# In fact weknow virtually none of the original names of the Central Javanese monuments

,. I am grateful to Roy Jordaan for comments on an earlier version. (e transliteration usedin this contribution adheres strictly to international norms for the transliteration of Indic scripttypes.(is means that I use v (not w) and that anusv!ra/cecak is$ irrespective of its pronunci-ation. (e only additions to the internationally standard repertoire of signs are the raised circle(°) which precedes ‘independent vowels’ (namely vowels which form a separate ak1ara) and themedian dot (c) which represents vir!ma/paten. Since some (sequences of) phonemes can be speltin more than one way, there is occasionally need to work with a normalized transcription. In thiscase I use / for what is spelt / or$ (phoneme /d/); h for what is spelt h/4 (/h/) and r< for @ (/r^/).#. See Jordaan ,--N:-–,#. Regarding the name Prambanan, I do not share Jordaan’s opinionthat ‘‘it is not unlikely that the name derives from an old expression associated with the tem-ple’’ (p. -), for I do not know any cases where modern temple names have been convincinglyexplained in ancient terms, and *nd Jordaan’s own proposal (p. ,,, note ,) to derive it fromparambrahma(n) unconvincing for several reasons: the supposed phonetic development seemsunnatural; the *nal n of Sanskrit stems in an (for example, brahman) normally disappears inconcrete usage and would not be retained in any form that could have been the starting point ofa Javanese derivation; and the supposed original name is entirely untypical of the known namesof sanctuaries in ancient Southeast Asia. See my note $ for some examples.

,/$ Arlo Grif'ths

now all indiscriminately designated as Candi. One exception that comes read-ily to mind is the Abhayagirivih'ra that doubtless formed a part of the complexnow known as Candi Ratu Baka./ In comparison with contemporary monu-ments from elsewhere in the Hindu and Buddhist world, our ignorance of theoriginal names of Central Javanese sanctuaries is an anomaly.$ (e originalname can tell us important things about the conception of a sanctuary, whichfact explains the long but consistently unpersuasive history of attempts to ex-plain such names as Borobudur and Prambanan. Any addition to the record istherefore welcome.

(e evidence in support of my hypothesis comes mainly from a group ofinscriptions which I refer to here as the ‘Kumbhayoni corpus’. One of these isan unpublished Sanskrit inscription that was discovered in ,-.$ on the RatuBaka prominence.. Another is the Dawangsari inscription discovered on theRatu Baka prominence in ,-%-, and published in an unsatisfactory manner in,-I-, which contains only the second known example of extensive epigraph-ical Old Javanese poetry a2er the 1ivagbha inscription. (e extreme rarity ofOld Javanese poetry from this period suggests that the author (or authors) ofthis Kumbhayoni corpus is (are) likely to have been familiar with the contem-porary literary monument, the KR. What I propose to do here is to read theKumbhayoni inscriptions in the light of Poerbatjaraka’s (,-/#) and Aichele’s(,-N-) seminal papers on the KR, and of Andrea Acri’s new identi*cations ofpassages in the Kakawin that may be read allegorically (#+,+, this volume).N

&e Kumbhayoni corpus

(ere is a group of inscriptions from the ninth century emanating from an aris-tocrat (raka) calling himself Kumbhayoni or equivalent synonyms of that San-skrit epithet of the eRi Agastya.(ese are the Sanskrit and Old Javanese Pereng

/. See Sundberg #++/, #++$; Degroot #++N.$. A few random examples may suf*ce: the Ta Keo at Angkor was called HemaQE&gagiri;the Phnom Bayang in southern Cambodia was called 1ivapura; the famous site M'mallapu-ram/Mah'balipuram of the Pallavas in South India, was already known as M'mallapuram incontemporary inscriptions... See Dinas Purbakala, Laporan Tahunan +56= (Djakarta ,-N#), pp. ,I–- and plate #.N. I am presently preparing for publication a substantial selection of Central Javanese inscrip-tions, to be presented as a book which will contain also the entire Kumbhayoni corpus, and Iwish to avoid as much as possible duplication of what I will present in that book. For this rea-son, I attempt here to focus my discussion on the data relevant to the La&kapura hypothesis andthe R!m!ya"a connection, requesting the reader’s patience until my book has appeared to seethe complete epigraphical context of the passages presented in this contribution.

Imagine La/kapura at Prambanan ,/.

inscription of IN/ 6:; the six Sanskrit inscriptions of the Ratu Baka prominenceeach recording the installation of a differently named li/ga;% and the metricalOld Javanese inscription of Dawangsari mentioned above.I Following the ex-ample of De Casparis (,-.N:#$If., /$,–/), I choose Kumbhayoni (and not anyother of the equivalent epithets) as the designation for the corpus, since it isthis name that occurs in the context of the Old Javanese prose portion of thePereng inscription, lines I–-: rake valai$ pu kumbhayoni.(e names KalaQaja,Kumbhaja, KalaQodbhava are attested only in Sanskrit verse context, and there-fore liable to have been dictated by the requirements of Sanskrit metre.-

Arguably the most important of these inscriptions, and the *rst one to havebeen published, is the bilingual Sanskrit and Old Javanese inscription (Fig. ,)found in the village Pereng at the northern foot of the Ratu Baka prominence,just South of Prambanan.,+ It bears a precise date in the %aka year %I$, con-

%. (ese have been partly published by De Casparis (,-.N:#$$–%-), as items Xa (A: ‘KEttiv'-sali&ga’, Museum Nasional Indonesia D ,+$, currently not traceable at the museum, one mayfear that it is lost), Xb (B: ‘Tryambakali&ga’, BPPP Yogyakarta BG .//), Xc (C: ‘Harali&ga’, BPPPYogyakarta /.. / BG .#-). In his Addenda c (De Casparis ,-.N:/$,–/), De Casparis reportedon the discovery of the three other inscriptions of this group, namely ‘1ambhuli&ga’ (D: BPPPYogyakarta ./#; photo OD/DP ,-/--), ‘Pin'kili&ga’ (E: BPPP Yogyakarta ./,) and a sixth in-scription most probably also related to the foundation of a li/ga whose name is lost in a lacuna(F: BPPP Yogyakarta N+/ = BG /.#). (e sequence indicated in capital letters is adopted herefrom unpublished work by Jan Wisseman Christie, while the nomenclature by li/ga names forthe *rst *ve is that proposed/implied by Damais in his valuable notes on De Casparis’ readingsand interpretations (,-NI:$N+–%%/ and $-N–.++), and adopted also in his list of Central Javaneseinscriptions, which excludes E–F (Damais ,-%+:$N–$). (e inscriptions B–F are included in a#++% publication of BPPP Yogyakarta (Pusaka Aksara Yogyakarta; Alih Aksara dan Alih bahasaPrasasti Koleksi Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala Yogyakarta), which contains numerouserrors of fact and of omission, and will therefore not be referred to in this contribution. Inkedestampages of inscriptions B–F are available at the EFEO. It is the last inscription, F, that willmainly concern us here.I. BPPP Yogyakarta /..; an inked estampage is available at EFEO. See Setianingsih ,-I-.-. All of these variants of the epithet refer to one aspect of Agastya mythology, namely thathe was born from a Pot (kumbha or kala%a). In repeatedly using the word jaladhi ‘ocean’, theincompletely preserved stanzas 344 and 45 of the inscription Ratu Baka F to be included in myforthcoming publication of the complete inscription may have alluded to another important as-pect of Agastya mythology, namely that he had drunk the ocean (see Sanderson #++/–+$:/%.,note IN, mentioning the epithet POt'bdhi ‘He who drank the ocean’, with abdhi a synonym ofjaladhi, besides presenting a hypothetical reconstruction of the name P'tañjala/Pbtañjala of the*2h of the *ve KuQikas as *POtañjala, which would have had the same meaning). If a referenceto the ocean-drinking myth was indeed included in Ratu Baka F, before the stone got severelydamaged, Aichele’s argument (,-N-:,$+) assuming the conscious non-mentioning of this secondaspect of Agastya mythology in the KR must be reconsidered.,+. First published by A.B. Cohen Stuart and J.J. van Limburg Brouwer in ,I%#. See also Kern

,/N Arlo Grif'ths

verted by Louis-Charles Damais (,-.#://) to IN/ 6:. Two of the above-men-tioned li/ga inscriptions (A and B) are dated to the %aka year %%I, without fur-ther speci*cations, and their date must thus have fallen between March ,+thI.N and February #%th I.% 6:.,, (e remaining li/ga inscriptions lack an in-ternal date.

Only some of the li/ga inscriptions are completely preserved, while severalof them are severely fragmentary and/or weather-beaten. But to the extent thattheir contents can be known, they share with the Pereng inscription the com-mon feature of mentioning the name Kumbhayoni or equivalents thereof, anddoing so in direct association with the toponym Valai& (in various spellings,mostly dictated by the demands of Sanskrit metre). As stated above, I proposeto consider these inscriptions as corpus including also the Dawangsari inscrip-tion, although this does not share thementioned characteristic.(e reasons formy proposal can only be summarized here.

In the *rst place, all of the inscriptions give a very uniform palaeographicimpression. Secondly, the Dawangsari inscription shares not only the samephysical features, but also agrees very nearly in its dimensions with the li/ga in-

,I%/ and the revised publication byCohen Stuart (,I%.) asKawiOorkondenr.55444; readings arealso offered byPoerbatjaraka (,-#N:$.–.,) and Sarkar (,-%,:,%,–%); seeDeCasparis (,-.N:#$I–.I and passim) and Damais (,-N$:,#,–//, ,-NI:$-I–.++) for discussion of many issues in theinterpretation of this inscription. In the currently predominant system of nomenclature intro-duced byDamais, which prioritizes toponyms internal to the epigraphical document in question,this is the ‘Wukiran’ inscription. I take the liberty of retaining the older nomenclature here.,,. See Damais ,-.#:/,. In a later publication, Damais (,-%+:$N) narrowed down this bracketclaiming that the date of the two li/gasmust have have fallen in I.N 6: before that of the 1ivagbhainscription, which is November ,#th, I.N. He stated in his pertinent note . that the text of the1ivagbha inscription implies by its context that it was composed a2er the li/ga inscriptions RatuBaka inscriptions A–F, but did not explain why this would be the case. As long as this point isnot really proven, the wider dating bracket earlier admittedmust be given preference. In his *nal(posthumously published) statement on the matter, Damais (,-%+) did not give any reference tohis earlier discussion of it (Damais ,-N$:,/.), which is also quite terse, but if I have understoodit correctly depends strongly on his being inPuenced by De Casparis translations of two Sanskritcompounds, valai/gagoptr! (Ratu Baka A, stanza 444) and valai/gajetr! (B, st. 444), as meaning ‘bythe protector ofV.’ and ‘by the victor of V.’ (that is as tatpuru1as), to the exclusion of the possibility,equally permissible in grammatical terms, that these compounds are rather to be interpretedas karmadh!rayas, namely as ‘by the protector [named] V.’ and ‘by the conqueror [named] V.’ .(ese latter interpretations seem to me at the present stage of my investigations of the Kumbha-yoni corpus better to suit all the available data. I am thinking especially of Pereng st. 444 bhaktirvalai/n!mna4, whichmust mean ‘devotion of the one named Valai&’ (see De Casparis ,-.N:#./,note $%). See also Damais’ posthumously published review (,-NI:$%#) of De Casparis ,-.N fora fuller discussion of the same compounds, again ignoring the possibility of a karmadh!rayainterpretation, and without reference back to his own discussion of ,-N$.

Imagine La/kapura at Prambanan ,/%

scriptions A and C.(irdly, all of the inscriptions have been found on or at thefoot of the Ratu Baka hillock, some of them (including the Dawangsari inscrip-tion) in the desa Sumberwatu, which is also home to a stone image of Ga)eQa,whose dimensions have been reported to be /.$+ a /.,+ a #.,.m (Figs. #a, #b),and at whose side the Dawangsari inscription was reportedly once placed.,#Now the Dawangsari inscription is a metrical hymn of praise to Ga)eQa, underthe name Vin'yaka, as he is found ‘on the mountain’ (di parvata), which thereseems to be no reason to doubt must be none other than the colossal Ga)eQaimage still found on the hillock, and referred to as sa$ hya$ vin!ya in line ,,of the Pereng inscription.

Figure ,:(e inscription of Pereng (photo Isidore van Kinsbergen, nr. ,I#)

,#. I rely here on the information cited by Setianingsih (,-I-:,$/).

Figure #a: Arca Ganesa at Sumberwatu (photo Marijke Klokke, July #++-)

Figure #b: Arca Ganesa at Sumberwatu (photo Marijke Klokke, July #++-)

Imagine La/kapura at Prambanan ,/-

I am hesitant to claim any *rst discovery concerning an inscription that hasprominently *gured in as abundant (and unwieldy) secondary literature as hasthe Pereng inscription, but I am presently not aware that interpretation of thisdeity as Vin'yaka, now strongly supported by the Dawangsari inscription, hasbeen previously proposed.,/ (e omission of the last syllable in the Pereng in-scription might seem to be a problem, but in fact the same form is found notonly elsewhere inOld Javanese epigraphy,$ but also inOld Javanese literature,,.and even beyond the Archipelago in Khmer epigraphy, where the bilingual in-scription K. ,,I. of Prasat Ta Muean(om in(ailand shows a correspon-dence between Vin'yaka in the Sanskrit portion and Vin'ya in the Khmer,,Nand again in the Camp' inscription C. $ of Cho Dinh (in Phan Rang) datedto %aka ,,$-.,% (e frequency of the form Vin'ya suggests that we should notconsider it as an error, but as a variant of the name Vin'yaka accepted widely inancient Southeast Asia.(e fact that the Pereng and theDawangsari inscriptionshare a close associationwith the cult of Vin'yaka, to whose former importancein the vicinity the Ga)eQa image is a magni*cent witness,,I is my fourth argu-ment.

(e *2h and last is the metrical shape of the Dawangsari inscription. Itis entirely composed in the AnuRSubh metre, that is the most common verse-form found in Sanskrit literature.(e oldest dated epigraphical instance of theuse of this verse-form in Old Javanese language is again found in the Pereng

,/. Ignoring the long vowel !, earlier scholars (for example Sarkar ,-%,:,%/with note /+, goingback to Poerbatjaraka ,-#N) have assumed a most unlikely connection with vinaya ‘(Buddhist)discipline’.,$. See the entry 1a(win!ya, 1a(win!yaka at OJED ,.-+; reference is there made to an attesta-tion of 1a(vin!ya on plate 3 verso, l. %, of the inscription ‘Waharu 43’ = Museum Nasional inv.nr. E. #+, published as Kawi Oorkonden 344 and in Prasasti Koleksi Museum Nasional, pp. N+–.; Ihave con*rmed the published reading by checking the rubbing of E. #+ kept in the Kern Institute,Leiden, and its facsimile in Kawi Oorkonden.,.. See Teeuw ,--I:/I+–,.,N. (is inscription is undated but may be assigned to the *rst half of the ,,th century 6:. Forits text, see ChaeamKaewklai ,---:I+–,.(e published reading being debatable at many points,I have checked the EFEO estampages n. ,NI# and ,NI/ for the facts mentioned here.,%. (e inscription has not yet been properly published, but extracts have been presented byAymonier (,I-,:.+–#), who misread the passage in question as /ap rumah mandi rumah %r*vinaya. My reading /ap ruma4 nandi ruma4 %r* vin!ya ‘built a shrine for Nandin and a shrinefor Ga)eQa’ is based on inspection of the inscription (National Museum of Vietnamese History,Hanoi, B #, ,. = LSb #,,NN) and EFEO estampage n. ,$/.,I. (e dating of the Ga)eQa image can probably not be determined with any exactitude, butmay safely be presumed to agree with the dated Kumbhayoni inscriptions, and hence, in theinterpretation advocated here, with the Dawangsari inscription.

,$+ Arlo Grif'ths

inscription, where the *nal stanza is an AnuRSubh in Old Javanese language.,-No other epigraphical instances of vernacular language epigraphical composi-tions in the form of the AnuRSubh metre are known to me from Indonesia atthis time, except the unique ‘MañjuQrOgbha’ inscription of %-# 6:, also fromCentral Java, which is composed in Old Malay prose and verse.#+ In fact noother vernacular epigraphical poetry is known at all, besides that found in the1ivagbha inscription (which contains no AnuRSubh-stanzas), and this very rar-ity again speaks in favour of a close association of the Pereng and Dawangsariinscriptions, the one with the other, insofar as they both contain Old JavaneseAnuRSubhs, and of course in amore general sense of these two inscriptions withthat third record of epigraphical Old Javanese poetry, the 1ivagbha inscription,which *gures prominently in Hunter’s and Acri’s contributions to this volume.All cases of epigraphical Old Javanese poetry date from a period of only twodecades, the I.+–IN+s 6:, and there is every reason to consider that their com-position at precisely this period, presumably contemporary with the KakawinR!m!ya"a, was no coincidence. (is was in all likelihood the birth period ofKakawin as a genre.

La/kapura as the Prambanan )iva Sanctuary

I have just referred to the fact that the Pereng inscription, dated to %aka %I$,which consists of three Sanskrit "ry'-stanzas, followed by ten lines of Old Ja-vanese prose, followed by two more "ry'-stanzas in Sanskrit, is concluded byone AnuRSubh-stanza composed in Old Javanese language.(is sixth stanza, asI said, must be the oldest dated AnuRSubh stanza in the Old Javanese language.It runs as follows:

34. AnuRSubh(21) tu&gaX dav^t la&ka s^°b[ vulakanni#, val' valaiXlo(22)dv'X vanvaniraX dhOm'nc kumbhayoni &arannira || g ||

,-. Even a2er Krom (,-,-:,-) correctly identi*ed the last two lines of the Pereng as an OldJavanese stanza, this fact was ignored by some subsequent scholars, who took these lines as prose.For example, Damais (,-N$:,//, note / and apparently alsoDamais ,-NI:$--) still assumed theselines to be prose.#+. (is inscription has not been properly published and will also be included in my forthcom-ing publication of a selection of Central Javanese inscriptions. Sundberg (#++N:,+N–-, ,#.–%)has rightly criticized existing readings and the theories built thereon, but his own readings andstatements are also not entirely reliable.#,. Damais (,-N$:,//) prefers the interpretation vulakann i, with the type of consonant dou-bling that is attested also elsewhere in contemporary Old Javanese epigraphy.

Imagine La/kapura at Prambanan ,$,

In hisCorpus of the Inscriptions of Java, volume 4, HimansuBhusan Sarkar trans-lated this stanza as follows:

Tunggang, DavWt, Langka, SWrW[, waterfall of Val', Valaing, Lodv'ng arethe desa-s of the wise one whose name is Kumbhayoni.

As far as I know, no scholar has ever taken special notice of the name La&kathat we *nd in the Pereng inscription among several toponyms. It *rst drewmy attention when I was trying to decipher one of the unpublished Ratu Bakainscriptions (Fig. /).## In the present context, I need present only one of thestanzas that I am best able to reconstruct, namely its stanza 34, which is com-posed in the long 1'rdVlavikrO0ita metre.

34. 1'rdVlavikrO0ita[Y Y Y ˘mahe](6)ndrasatkaru)ay' tu&gaX dav'(kh)yaX puraXpVrvvaX la&kapuraX sa p'ti matim'n t'mvo[la Y Y ˘ YY Y Y ˘ ˘ Y ˘ Y ˘ ˘ ta](7)(th') tan nirjjhar'khyaX QubhaXn'kaX (v)b(tra)ri(pu)r yyath' kalaQajo v'lai&gasaXjña[% ca ya4 ||]

Indeed, I am not the *rst to have noticed the parallels between these two stan-zas. Based on the place names cited from the Sanskrit stanza by De Casparis(,-.N:/$#), ‘the lo2y Dava (tu/ga$ daw!khya$ pura$), then La&kapura, fur-ther Nirjjhara and, *nally, Walaing’, Damais had observed the correspondencesbetween the two stanzas and presented his understanding of these correspon-dences. It is piquant in the present context to recall that he considered that

La/kapura does not require any explanation. It is just certain that this city must besituated in Java, unfortunately we do not know precisely where.#/

Since Damais could only argue on the basis of the limited elements cited by DeCasparis, it is only natural that his interpretation leaves scope for improvement,now that we have at our disposition all readable remains of the stanza. Wetherefore have to return to these correspondences before taking up the issue ofthe localization of La&kapura.

##. As stated above (p. ,/., note %), all of the inscriptions D, E and F, whose discovery wasreported in ,-.N by De Casparis, were included in Pusaka Aksara Yogyakarta, but this pub-lication is so unreliable, especially where Sanskrit inscriptions are concerned, that its very la-cunose transliteration, which does not display the slightest trace of understanding of what isbeing transliterated let alone of its metrical form, cannot be counted as a publication of this in-scription.#/. Damais ,-NI:$--. Here and below, citations fromDamais are given inmy translations fromhis French.

,$# Arlo Grif'ths

Figure /:(e inscription Ratu Baka F (Photo OD/DP ,-$%,, LUB)

Even at *rst sight, two parallels with the quoted stanza from the Pereng inscrip-tion are evident: the consecutive Sanskrit sequences tu/ga$ dav!khya$ pura$and p0rvva$ la/kapura$ evidently correspond to the consecutive words tu/-ga$ dav<t la/ka in the *rst verse quarter of the Old Javanese stanza. We no-tice that one of the two correspondences (dav!khya$) is couched in the formof a compound with the structure X-!khya meaning ‘named X’.#$ Moreover,De Casparis (,-.N:/$,–#) had already observed a similar correspondence be-tween the Pereng inscription and another still unpublished Ratu Baka inscrip-tion, which contains the toponymmusal!khyar!1#ra, literallymeaning ‘the landnamed Pestle’.#. As De Casparis rightly observed, this is a direct translationof the toponym Halu, meaning ‘pestle’, found in the title sa$ ratu °i halu ofKumbhayoni’s great-grandfather (Pereng l. -, see Damais ,-NI:$--). We thus

#$. (e discrepancy between dav<t (Old Javanese) and dava/dav! (Sanskrit) still is in need ofan explanation. Damais (,-NI:$--, note /) admitted this dif*culty but proposed no solution.His attempt to argue that tu/ga$ in the Sanskrit ought to be considered not as an acc. sg. formof the Sanskrit adjective tu/ga- ‘lo2y’, as De Casparis took it, but rather as an untranslated OldJavanese word tu/ga/ (glossed ‘to mount, ride on, sit on’ in OJED #+%+), which might accordingto Damaismean ‘slope’ in the context of this toponym, relied on the assumption that dav!, whichhe assumes could mean ‘long’ besides its normal meaning ‘length’ (OJED /%-), is the underlyingform. It is hardly possible in the Pereng stanza to explain the *nal -t as the pronominal com-plementizer (a)t or as the morpheme t- in imperative function, so I consider Damais’ argumentrather unconvincing.#.. Ratu Baka D / 1ambhuli&ga, line -; OD/DP photo ,-/--.

Imagine La/kapura at Prambanan ,$/

have tentative grounds to hypothesize that the Kumbhayoni corpus is markedby Sanskrit-Old Javanese translations, with the Sanskrit correspondents some-timesmarked by the quasi-suf*x !khya.(is hypothesis is borne out by the restof our 1'rdVlavikrO0ita stanza from Ratu Baka F, where we see one more such!khya-compound in the preserved portion of the inscription (nirjjhar!khya$).If we realize that nirjhara is a Sanskrit word for waterfall, we immediately thinkof the Old Javanese word vulakan in the Pereng inscription.#N

(e correspondences thus far have already been noticed and explained inthe manner indicated above by Damais (,-NI). We can, however, no longerretain his suggestion (Damais ,-NI:.++) that

La&kapura corresponds to La;ka S<r<h […] in Javanese, whichmight designate twodifferent toponyms.(is is probably not the case.

For this interpretationwasmadewithout knowledge of the fact that the Sanskritstanza contains a separate translation of the Old Javanese s<°@4, that is s<r<h,which means ‘betel’.(e most common Sanskrit word for the same is t!mb0la,which, despite a small discrepancy, seems to correspond so closely to the lasttwo syllables preserved of line N, that I do not feel any hesitation in restoring atleast the la of a presumptive spelling variant t!mvola.#% We thus end up withat least four topographic correspondences between the Old Javanese and theSanskrit, and can attempt a translation of the Sanskrit stanza:

And he, the wise Pot-born one who also bears the name Valai&,#I rulesthe Lo2y city called Dava (or: the city Tu&ga& Dav'), the eastern City

#N. OJED #/#/ glosses ‘well, spring, source’, but all the quoted examples also seem to permit thetranslation ‘waterfall’, which Poerbatjaraka (,-#N) and, following him, both Damais (,-N$:,//,,-NI:$--–.++) and Sarkar, actually chose in the case of Pereng, st. 34.#%. I do not know any other attestations of the Sanskrit word for ‘betel’ with the o that is evidenton the stone and that I thus retain in restoring t!mvo[la]; but, in the light of the types of spellingvariations that are widespread in Sanskrit manuscripts and inscriptions, the assumption thatsuch a variant might have existed somewhere in the Sanskrit tradition does not seem altogetherfar-fetched either. Perhaps more pertinently, I may refer here to Damais’ important discussion(,-NI:$.+) of spelling variants 0/o in Old Javanese words, for example in the proper name pumanuk0 also found spelt as pu manuko.#I. Given the parallel in Pereng, st. 444 valai/n!mna4 ‘of the one called Valai&’, and given theoccurrence of an equivalent compound ending in sa$jñaka in Ratu BakaC, st. 43 (the stone quiteclearly shows kala%odbhavasa$jñaka4 instead of De Casparis’ reading kala%odbhavasa$jñita4),and given *nally the unmistakable appearance of the syllables sa$jña before the lacuna startsin line %, I have no doubt that a compound like v!lai/gasa$jña% must be restored. As far asI can see, De Casparis’ words (,-.N:/$#–/) ‘At least it follows from the new discovery [that isRatu Baka F] that Walaing was the last of the four residences of king Kumbhayoni, undoubtedlyconnected with his *nal victory’ represent an erroneous interpretation. (e toponym Valai&

,$$ Arlo Grif'ths

of La&ka, the […] Betel, […] and that beautiful [city] called Waterfall,and does so with the compassion of Mahendra,#- as Vbtra’s enemy (thatis, Indra) [rules] the heaven.

I have somewhat facetiously rendered the Sanskrit element pura here with thedefault translation ‘city’, although this was quite certainly not the precisely in-tended meaning. (e word pura is used here as equivalent of the Old Javanesevanua,/+ a phenomenonwe also observe, for example, in the Sanskrit portion ofthe important but still not properly published inscription ‘Wanua Tengah 444’,/,which nicely illustrates in one document the same phenomenon of translationwe have just observed between two Ratu Baka inscriptions on the one hand(D, F) and the Old Javanese portions of the Pereng inscription on the other./#Compare the Old Javanese prose portion on plate 4 verso://

pati[ °i pikatan sa$ vanu°a t/a4 pu culi$, saX (iB11) tu&gal a&in pura mvat, lekan pu glam, saX ra gunuX pu °intap,(e patihs of Pikatan: Sir Vanua T&ah, Lord Culi&; Sir Tu&gal A&in,Lord Ramvat; the lekan, Lord Glam; Sir Ra Gunu&, Lord Intap.

With the fourth of the Sanskrit stanzas that follow on the same plate, whereinstead of the expected compound maddhyapure we *nd an inversion, whichreinforces, if any such reinforcement is required, the impression that we aredealing with a direct calque upon the Old Javanese:/$

is in our context applied to the ruler Kumbhayoni alias KalaQaja (see De Casparis ,-.N:$I andDamais ,-N$:,#$ on this type of transposition of names). Contrary to what one might expectgiven the prima facie inclusion of Valai& on a par with the other toponyms in Pereng st. 34, thewords of the inscription Ratu Baka F precisely fail to put Valai& on a par with the other toponymsthat it mentions. Hence my decision to retranslate vulakanni val! valai$ as I do below (p. ,$.),which means Valai& itself is not among the localities being listed.(is is another small point tobe corrected in Damais’ interpretation.#-. Note that the restoration of the name Mahendra is fully hypothetical, only the last syllableactually being preserved on the stone./+. (e epigraphical data from Java eloquently support Kulke’s interpretation (,--/:,%,) ofvanua in the Old Malay inscriptions of 1rOvijaya as equivalent of pura or nagara./,. (is inscription is also to be included in my forthcoming publication of a selection of Cen-tral Javanese inscriptions./#. (is phenomenon of translation would seem to be the precursor of such correspondencesas Majapahit = Bilvatikta or Vari&in Pitu = Vari&in Sapta still found centuries later on Java.//. Translit. from the original set of plates held at BPPP Jawa Tengah (inv. nrs. ,,,I and ,,,-)./$. (e inverted compound puramaddhye recurs in the same metrical position in st. 5 of thesame inscription.

Imagine La/kapura at Prambanan ,$.

43. AnuRSubhpuramaddhye culi$sa($)jña4, ramvatc tu&gala&inc tath',glamcsa(X)(iB14)jña[/. tath' lekanc, °intapc saX ra gunuX puna[ ||

So we have reduced the problem of the translation of Sanskrit pura in the in-scription Ratu Baka F to the observation that it must have been intended tomean the same as vanua. Rather than trying to determine the precise meaningin which that Old Javanese word was used, we will simply accept here the usualtranslation ‘village’, and return to the Pereng stanza with which we started. Justas that Old Javanese stanza helps to restore and interpret the Sanskrit stanzafrom Ratu Baka F, so also the Sanskrit helps us to re*ne our understandingof the Old Javanese. A revised, though still partly tentative, translation of thePereng stanza cited on p. ,$+ would then be as follows:

(e Lo2y Dav^t (or: Tu&ga& Dav^t), La&ka, Betel, the waterfall of Val'Valai&/N [and] Two Banyans (lo dv!)/% are the villages of the wise onewhose name is Kumbhayoni.

Summing up the *ndings concerning the toponym La&ka(pura), we now havetwo closely related attestations of it, both of them dating from the ninth cen-

/.. Read g<lamsa$jña4m.c./N. On the interpretation of the sequence vulakanni val! valai$, and especially the possiblemeaning of val! (possibly m.c. for vala), see the long but inconclusive note of Damais (,-N$:,//,note /, also Damais ,-NI:.++)./%. It seems to me very likely that the *nal nasal before vanvanira$ represents the enclitic ar-ticle (just as does the *nal nasal of vanvanira$ itself), whereas all predecessors have interpretedthe name as Lodv'& (and it is recorded thus in Damais ,-%+:%,$, although the structural clas-si*cation as ‘‘l d w/b’’ there might indicate that this author implicitly agreed with the analysisadvocated here). Moreover, as my translation makes clear, I propose to interpret the place nameas a new example of the combinations of tree-names with numbers to form toponyms that wesee in many modern place names (Sala Tiga, Duren Tiga, Mangga Dua, Kelapa Sepuluh) and inepigraphic Poh Pitu, Vari&in Pitu (Damais ,-%+:%$/–$, .--–N++). OJED ,+$# cites two attes-tations of the spelling lo of a tree-name denoting a type of Banyan (Urostigma) from relativelyrecent texts, whereas two attestations from KR (,N.$$, #..I/) are cited in OJED ,+%+, but thetree-name is there spelt lva (apparently not only metri causa). As regards the second elementdv! (that is, dva—there is no metrical reason for the occurrence of a long vowel here, and thisspelling perhaps simply rePects the fact that the vowel in question is metrically heavy by forceof the two ensuing consonants, unless it indicates use of the irrealis morpheme -a) rather thannormal Old Javanese rva, a comparable appearance of a Malay form with d for r occurs else-where in the Kumbhayoni corpus (di parvata in st. 43 of the Dawangsari inscription). I am notaware of any speci*c explanations that might have been proposed for this type of toponym, anddo not wish to exclude with the chosen translation the possibility that it is to be interpreted in adifferent manner, for example as ‘Banyan-#’.

,$N Arlo Grif'ths

tury 6:, both appearing in direct association with the ruler Kumbhayoni, andboth hailing from the (immediate vicinity of the) Ratu Baka prominence. Oneof them is further speci*ed as the ‘eastern’ La&kapura. Moreover, Damais’Répertoire onomastique (,-%+:%$+) lists several other attestations of the sametoponym from the Central Javanese Period, suggesting that it may have been arelatively important locality./I And furthermore, in his ,-N$ article Damaisproposed to identify one of the toponyms in the Sanskrit and Old Javanesestanzas we have been discussing with a modern place name from the easternextremity of Central Java, at about I+ km distance from the Ratu Baka promi-nence./-

We may hence ask ourselves if any other of the toponyms from the Kum-bhayoni corpus can be positively identi*ed with localities still known today inthe immediate or wider vicinity of the Ratu Baka prominence. I will focus hereonly on the possibility of identifying La&kapura in that part of Central Java, and,as a subsidiary question, on what the signi*cance of the quali*cation ‘eastern’could have been.

My answer to the latter question is that it explicitly indicates the type ofgeographical transposition of South Asian toponyms onto the Southeast Asianlandscape that we know well, for instance, from the corpus of Khmer inscrip-tions,$+ namely that we are dealing with the ‘localized’ Javanese counterpart ofthe more westerly La&k' famous from V'lmOki’s Sanskrit R!m!ya"a, but also,of course, from the Old Javanese KR, to which I now *nally turn.

Aichele (,-N-:,/-–$# and again ,N/–N) discussed the signi*cance of theKumbhayoni corpus in relation to theKR, focusing speci*cally on the episode atthe beginning of sarga #., where R'ma and SOt' Py over the Vindhya mountain

/I. I do not have the impression that anything useful can be drawn from these other attestationsfor my present purposes, so I do not give any details here. It may however be noted that at leasttwo of these attestations cite the apanage La&ka in close association with that of Halu (see above,p. ,$#), and that in most cases it appears in immediate association with the toponym tañju/./-. Damais’ article deals with the toponym Valai& in a comprehensive manner. His hesitantlyproposed modern identi*cation—that seems quite plausible to me—is the desa Waleng, keca-matan Girimarto, kabupaten Wonogiri. Ninie Susanti has suggested to me that another choicemight be the desaWareng inWonosari, Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta, but this is probably not ac-ceptable on the grounds of phonological incompatibility of modern /r/ with ancient /l/ (personalcommunication from Sander Adelaar). De Casparis (,-.N:#.$–N), by contrast, identi*es Valai&with the Ratu Baka prominence itself, but decisive arguments in favour of this identi*cation arelacking and in this case there is not even the argument of modern toponymy.$+. See Sanderson #++/–+$:$+/ and following pages. From Java itself, one might add suchcases as the names of the Serayu and Progo rivers (from Sanskrit Sarayu and Pray'ga). But thephenomenon does seem to have been much rarer here.

Imagine La/kapura at Prambanan ,$%

and R'ma not only points out to his wife the mountain’s name, but also repeatsto her a speci*c element of Agastya mythology which Aichele interpreted asan allegorical reference to political affairs in ninth century Java. He also inter-preted the name Vindhya as allegorically denoting the Ratu Baka prominence.Parts of Aichele’s ,-N- observations will certainly have to be reformulated tothe extent that they take as their point of departure the speculative historicalnarratives offered by De Casparis (,-.N) in Prasasti Indonesia II, which newepigraphical discoveries have since required to be fundamentally revised. Butthe attempt to link data from the KR with epigraphical data more directly re-Pecting the real world of the Central Javanese Period seems convincing, and canserve as inspiring model for further explorations in the toponymical domain.

Our KR contains many references to the toponym L^&k' or L^&k'pura.$,As is clear for example from the translation of KR #$.I%–,#N provided byHooy-kaas in his ,-.I article that bears the apt title ‘(e Paradise on Earth in LW&k'’,our text at various places paints a paradisiacal picture of this L^&k'pura. More-over, in sarga I, the Kakawin contains the by now rather famous descriptionof a 1aiva temple (pras!da, from Sanskrit pr!s!da) at L^&k', which, as F.D.K.Bosch seems to have been the *rst to have noticed, is strongly reminiscent ofspeci*cally Central Javanese monumental architecture. Bosch’s idea was takenup by Poerbatjaraka as an important element in his persuasive attempt chrono-logically to situate the KR in the Central Javanese Period.$# (e possibility thatthe KR is not describing the ideal type of a Central Javanese monument, butis describing speci*cally the Loro Jonggrang complex, seems to be very closeto the surface throughout Aichele’s arguments (,-N-:,.- and following pages)on the relationship between the 1ivagbha inscription and the KR, but, as far asI can see, everywhere remains implicit. In any case, the epigraphical attesta-tions of the toponym on and around the Ratu Baka prominence play no role inAichele’s argument.$/ (ey strongly suggest that the toponym was not only anallegorical designation in theKR,$$ but in fact denoted a real place in the ancient

$,. (e spelling as L^&ka/L^&kapura (with a for !) is also well attested in the text, the metre inmost cases clearly being the determining factor for which spelling was chosen.$#. See Poerbatjaraka ,-/#:,N, and following pages; on the text passage in question, see alsothe important philological and historical observations of Aichele (,-N-:,N+–#).$/. And of course they hardly could have done so, since both Damais’ Répertoire onomastiqueand the text of Ratu Baka F that I present in this paper were still unavailable at the time, and themere two syllables la/ka in the *nal stanza of the Pereng inscription are of course liable easily toescape notice.$$. As would be the case with the name Vindhya for the Ratu Baka prominence, if De Casparis’hypothesis that the plateau’s ancient name was Valai&, could be proven true. As is clear frommy note /- above, I do not expect that it will, so the possibility that the Ratu Baka prominence

,$I Arlo Grif'ths

Central Javanese landscape. In fact Acri (#+,+:$I-–-/) has tried to suggest aconnection, based on his reading of KR #$.-.–,#N and the 1ivagbha inscrip-tion, between VibhORa)a in the poem and Rakai Kayuva&i, both king in La&k',which means that, at the level of worldly realities, that toponym would have tobe situated in Central Java.

(e correspondence between the various pieces of epigraphical evidencepresented above, on the one hand, and the textual evidence from the KR, on theother, naturally lead to the hypothesis that La&ka(pura) indeed was the nameof the ancient vanua corresponding to the modern desa Karangasem where thePrambanan complex is located. Since temple-names containing the elementpura are well known both in Indonesia and elsewhere in Asia,$. it seems pos-sible to go one step further and to propose that the complex itself bore thisname.$N

was actually known in ancient times as Vindhya cannot be excluded. (e original (Sanskrit)name of the hillock was probably mentioned in st. 3444 of the Ratu Baka F inscription, but hasunfortunately been lost in a lacuna.$.. See Sanderson (#++/–+$:$+#): ‘(e pyramid-based state-temples built by the major Khmerrulers of theAngkorean period at the centre of the ceremonial capitals (puram) whose foundationmarked their reignsweremostly temples of 1ivas incorporating the ruler’s name installed by 1aivaof*ciants’.(e practice (onwhich, see Sanderson’s note ,-.) of incorporation of royal names intonames of temples seems however not to have been in vogue in ancient Indonesia.$N. To preempt one possible objection, let me point out, as did Aichele (,-N-:,.-), that thewords %ivag@ha and %iv!laya in the inaptly designated 1ivagbha inscription, if indeed connectedwith the Prambanan complex at all, may only refer to the 1iva shrine within that complex and arein any case so general in meaning that they are no serious candidates as ‘names’ of any speci*c1iva shrine. If one likes, onemay speculate that the speci*c name of the 1iva installed in themainPrambanan shrine was Bhadr'loka (Pereng, st. 43: vihite kala%ajan!mn! bhadr!lok!hvaye vivu-dhagehe) although this implies the identity of Kumbhayoni with the founder of the 1iva shrineof the 1ivagbha inscription, an identity that several historians including myself would currentlyno longer be willing to accept (see Wisseman Christie #++,:$,–#).

(e Grand Finale(e Uttarak!"(a of the Loro Jonggrang Temple Complex

Cecelia Levin

(e KR ends on a joyous note with the return of SOt' and R'ma to Ayodhy', butthis triumphant celebration is not always regarded as the end of this great storyknown throughout Asia. (e succeeding and *nal book of the Sanskrit tellingof the epic, the Uttarak!"(a (UtK), continues the saga., Rich in episodic de-tails and characterizations, this work turns both to the past and the future—re-counting the exploits of R'va)a prior to ViR)u’s avat!ra as Prince R'ma, as wellthe events surrounding the hero’s years on the throne of Ayodhy'.

(e most quintessential interpretation of these *nal sargas is found in theformof a ‘visual text’ that lines the balustrade of Ca)0i Brahm' at themid-ninthcentury Loro Jonggrang Temple Complex (Fig. ,). (is narrative in stone isrelatively contemporaneous to the Kakawin, but unlike the written or chantedword, it was immunized against the decrees of succeeding rulers, slips of the sty-lus, or whims of a dalang.(e UtK takes on great prominence among the LoroJonggrang sculptural relief series of the R!m!ya"a where it comprises approx-imately one-*2h of its entirety, and these reliefs are vital to the understandingnot only of this sacred temple complex but also to this creative epoch of Javaneseculture.

One cannot explore this topic without acknowledging the inaugural con-tributions made to this subject by Willem Frederik Stutterheim (,I-#–,-$#).In his championing of the Javanese independent spirit underlying any adapta-tion of India’s religious and artistic models, he employed the theme of Loro

,. (e Sanskrit recension of the UtK is commonly linked with the R!m!ya"a of V'lmOki eventhough this seventh book is generally acknowledged to be a separate, and most possibly later,composition appended to the epic’s original core. In this publication, it will be referred to asthe ‘Sanskrit UtK’. It should be noted, however, that the translation employed throughout thispresent study—the only one undertaken into English—is to be found in the third volume ofShastri’s translation (,-%+) of the complete opus entitled&e R!m!ya"a of V!lm*ki.

,.+ Cecelia Levin

Jonggrang’s R!m!ya"a reliefs as the centre stone of his dissertation, R!ma-legenden und R!ma-reliefs in Indonesien.# In this landmark publication, heturned to an array of R!m!ya"a texts beyond the Sanskritic tradition, and indoing so effectually determined that the story of R'ma as it unfolded on Ca)0i1iwa shared episodic idiosyncrasies and details with later versions of the story,including the Javanese S2rat Kanda, R!ma K2ling and the Malay Hikayat S2-ri Rama (HSR). His argument particularly focussed on variants of this last-mentioned text, a sixteenth-century Malay recension of the story revealing Is-lamic inPuences./ On the basis of these links, he posited that the inPuence ofR!m!ya"a ‘folk’ variants came into play at Loro Jonggrang and applauded theHSR, a work he believed was ‘kept more pure than the epic of V'lmOki, whichis especially more Indian’ (Stutterheim ,-I-:,%+).$

As the relief panels of both Ca)0i Brahm' and Ca)0i WiR)u—the latter isbelieved to relate KER)a’s juvenescence—were in disarray at the time of Stutter-heim’s study as well as during his subsequent tenure as Director of the Archeo-logical Service in the Dutch East Indies, it was not until the early ,--+s that anassessment of the reliefs of the second half of the R!m!ya"a epic, including theepisodic material linked to the UtK, could be undertaken. As the stones werebeing put into place, a preliminary identi*cation of the scenes on both monu-ments was completed by Fontein (,--%). (is was followed, at the end of thedecade, by my own detailed analysis of the Ca)0i Brahm' reliefs (Levin ,---)..

#. His dissertation was defended at the University of Leiden in ,-#$ and published the follow-ing year. I cite here from the English translation published in ,-I-./. (e HSR is known from two translations. Roorda Van Eysinga published the *rst in Ams-terdam in ,I$/; the second was carried out by Shellabear and *rst appeared in the Journal of theStraits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume %,, in ,-,.. (e latter translation is derivedfrom a manuscript housed in Oxford’s Bodleian Library since ,N//. It was these two recensionsthat were known to Stutterheim and to Zieseniss, the philologist who prepared a signi*cant com-parison and concordance between theHikayat and V'lmOki’s R!m!ya"a (Zieseniss ,-N/).(ereare three other versions of the HSR in manuscript form.$. Stutterheim (,-I-:,$N) enumerated the following thirteen episodic details as shared onlybetween the R!m!ya"a at Loro Jonggrang and the HSR: ,) the duplication of T'Sak' andWir'dha; #) SOt'’s giving of her ring to JaS'yus during her abduction; /) the subsequent presen-tation of this ring to R'ma by the dying JaS'yus; $) the inclusion of a Pying demon that carriesR'wa)a and SOt' back to La&k'; .) the second head of Kabandha; N) the confusion between the1abari episode with that of Kalanemi; %) the variation of the meeting between R'ma and Hanu-man; I) the version of the meeting with SugrOwa; -) SugrOwa’s apron of leaves as a means of iden-ti*cation; ,+) the absence of R'ma’s shooting of an arrow at the seashore; ,,) the swallowing ofthe stones by the *sh during the causeway construction; ,#) the scene at Loro Jonggrang possiblydepicting the consecration of Bharata; and ,/) the appearance of a daughter of DaQaratha... In his analysis of the Ca)0i Brahm' and Ca)0i ViR)u narrative reliefs Fontein’s main ob-jective was to pursue his suspicion that the panels may have been erroneously replaced during

&e Grand Finale ,.,

In contrast to the earlier sections of the R!m!ya"a depicted on Ca)0i 1iwa,the visual portrayal of the remainder of the sacred epic becomes more obtuse,and it is apparent that the sculptors’ selection of episodes represents a moreerratic and syncopated narrative. (is may be due, in part, to the redactionthat the sculptors translated into stone, but it may also be a result of the seg-mentation of the available wall space into areas of dichotomously contrast-ing sizes. Ca)0i Brahm'’s architectural plan provided the sculptors with longbalustrades that lent themselves to themes of extended and continuous narra-tive. (ese, however, were punctuated by abbreviated areas appropriate onlyfor mono-scenic depictions (Fig. #). It should be noted that at the point of theepic that commences the Ca)0i Brahm' sequence is the same juncture wherethe Kakawin breaks away from themodel of theBha##ik!vya.(e fact thatmoreof the earlier visual narratives relate to theOld Javanese Kakawin—a priori onlythrough the return of the victorious protagonists to Ayodhy'—suggests that aspeci*c Javanese model was evolving during the late Central Javanese period.

One of the characteristics of the second half of theKakawin is the vacillationof the story’s focus between the actions of its main characters—a phenomenonthat might be referred to in contemporary colloquial language as ‘channel surf-ing’. (e several variants of the UtK, including its pictorial rendering at LoroJonggrang, demonstrate this same characteristic. Yet despite the narrative qual-ities common to both the Kakawin and Loro Jonggrang’s Ca)0i Brahm' reliefs,the concluding point of the Kakawin is prior to the second-half of the series instone.(erefore the Sanskrit UtK and the HSR become instrumental means foridentifying any concrete textual connections with these later relief panels, andin the case of comparisons with this laterMalay recension, theymay extend andsupport Stutterheim’s initial discovery.

the recently-undertaken restoration of these monuments (personal communication, ,-$-#+,,).His study also aligned several of the Ca)0i Brahm' narratives with episodic material from theHSR, thereby following through and supporting Stutterheim’s *ndings regarding the narrativesequence depicted on Ca)0i 1iwa. (ese goals resulted in Fontein not delving into all of the vi-sual narratives related to the UtK. Levin’s subsequent investigation of the Ca)0i Brahm' reliefsoffered a designation for each of the thirty scenes and employed amethodological approach thatbrought into play a variety of literary sources from the Sanskrit, Javanese and Malay traditionscommixed and enforced by the identi*cation of speci*c modes of visual narration practiced bythe sculptors of Loro Jonggrang. (ese pictorial conventions include particular postures, ges-tures, compositional devices, spacial considerations, and the pictorial representation of sequen-tial relationships. For further on the possibility of the rearrangement of the relief panels, see note#N.

Figure ,: Loro Jonggrang Temple Complex, attributed to I.N 6:, Central Java,Indonesia; volcanic stone (photo C. Levin)

Figure #: Ca)0i Brahm' and diagram of location of the Uttarak!"(a narrative reliefs(photo and diagram C. Levin)

&e Grand Finale ,./

(e Sanskrit UtK, upon which an Old Javanese adaptation is essentially pat-terned,N can generally be described as an eclectic work and heterogeneous inits episodic sequences, locales, and chronology due to the diversity of its con-tents.(e sargas intertwine the remainder of the epic’s plot with unrelated sto-ries primarily detailing previous battles with r!k1asas.(ese earlier clashes arenarrated by visitors to R'ma’s court. Among the main threads of the plot arethe history of R'wa)a prior to R'ma’s incarnation; the plight of SOt' and theupbringing of KuQa and Lawa; the heroics of R'ma’s three brothers, and thesuccess of R'ma’s reign of Ayodhy' due to his dharma—his devotion to royalrituals and proper behavior. (is last-mentioned theme is interspersed withstories of heroes, r!k1asas, ancestral IkRw'kus, and deities that are recounted atcourt by the hero himself, various 31is, and Agastya. Furthering the fragmen-tary nature of this literary work is the incorporation of episodes relating theheroics of R'ma’s brother 1atrughna.

Similar to the Sanskrit and Old Javanese UtK, the HSR also meanders in itsstructure and introduces a variety of interrelationships between the cast of char-acters, including arranged intermarriages of several a2er the victory in La&k'.However, all of these potential textual sources are presently believed to havefundamental discrepancies with the visual narration of the epic at Loro Jong-grang’s Ca)0i Brahm'—the Sanskrit UtK tells of the birth of twins rather thanthe creation of KuQa by V'lmOki, while the Hikayat ends with the ultimate re-union of SOt' and R'ma.%

Although the traditional method of exploring literary parallels may offersome assistance in the identi*cation of the UtK episodes at Loro Jonggrang, it isthrough an understanding of the sculptors’ narrative methods that the imageryof these ,I relief panels can be successfully unraveled. To ensure the story’sclarity and coherence these artists adhered to classical Indian narrative devices,employing a pictorial language of !/gik!bhinaya, ala/k!ra, pa#!kasth!naka,

N. Zoetmulder believed that this Old Javanese recension, which takes the form of a Parwa, hadcorrespondences to a Sanskrit prototype. For the plot outline of the Old Javanese redaction ofthe UtK, see Zoetmulder ,-%$:I/–%. Since the time of his writings on this subject, the text hasbeen translated into English by I Gusti Putu Phalgunadi, who con*rmed Zoetmulder’s earlierappraisal, observing that the main plot is based on the Sanskrit recension and that the chap-ter divisions and descriptions of this Old Javanese composition are also faithful to this Sanskritsource (Phalgunadi ,---:.). (e Old Javanese version of the UtK includes both a homage toMaharRi W'lmOki as well as ama/gala for the poet’s patron, King Dharmawa&Qa TWguh Ananta-wikramottu&gadewa of East Java (--N–,+,N). Similar to the Sanskrit recension of the epic, ap-proximately half of the Old Javanese work is dedicated to the history of R'wa)a and the prowessof his son Meghan'da. For further details, see Phalgunadi ,---.%. In the Old Javanese work, KuQa and Lawa are also born as twins.

,.$ Cecelia Levin

dhvani and visual %le1a.(e pictorial storyteller comes across challenges not en-countered by the kawi. In addition to a required compliance with the architec-tural character of a monument—or the restraints of a particular format—visualartists tackle issues of both time and space. While a narrator or author canmakeabrupt shi2s in plot by using introductory phrases such as the one repeated of-ten at the commencement of the Kakawin’s verses, ‘Let us leave…, and nowlet us return to…’, a pictorial interpreter would most likely change the locationto indicate a dramatic transition in the narrative Pow.I Moreover, there is theproblem in expressing the past tense. It appears, however, that the sculptorsof Loro Jonggrang did *nd creative solutions to this dilemma, such as in theepisode of Hanuman’s meeting with SOt' in the AQoka Garden. Here the simianhero points back to an image of himself to indicate a past action. Similarly, co-etaneous events can be depicted through themethod of simultaneous narrationor by stringing out episodicmaterial in a linearmanner.(e art historianDieterSchlingloff (,-II:##%), in his work on the Ajanta cave paintings, encapsulatesthe complications of visual narration when he writes:

… the narrative itself must be so structured that it proceeds toward a dramaticclimax that can be captured visually. When, however, a narrative Pows on withepic breath, linking together the multiplicity of events of equal signi*cance andequal importance, or when one of the events described in the narrative can only beunderstood in the context of events which went before and came a2erwards, theselection of the most pregnant moment becomes more of a problem.

With R'va)a’s demise, represented by a depiction of the preparations for hiscremation,- comes the end of the reliefs corresponding to the Yuddhak!"(a,the sixth book of the Sanskrit R!m!ya"a (Fig. /). (e succeeding quartet of

I. Locale is also a signi*cant element of the Sanskrit R!m!ya"a, as indicated by the titles ofthe K')0as.-. It may be considered puzzling why this supposedly crucial moment of the epic—the defeatof R'va)a—has been conveyed in such a minor and anticlimactic fashion. In several redactionsof the R!m!ya"a, R'va)a is portrayed in a more sympathetic light and shown as a devout andreligious ruler who truly believes he would be amuch better paramour for SOt' than the ‘boastful’and ‘neglectful’ R'ma. In modern Tamil performances, the R!m!ya"a ends with this episodeof R'va)a’s death, interpreted as the success of good over evil. However, in parts of mainlandSoutheast Asia R'va)a’s death is considered inauspicious and therefore its portrayal is taboo.When the epic is interpreted in Malaysia, it is always accompanied by rituals to ensure that thespirits will be appeased and not be disturbed by the portrayal of death. Of greater relevance tothe absence of this scene at Loro Jonggrang is the fact that R'va)a’s death is rarely performed inJava, for the death of a ruler would infer the passing of the legitimacy of the government in power.(is tradition also adheres to a similar belief regarding the death of a ruler in ancient India. Formore on performance practices in relation to R'va)a’s death, see Sears and Flueckiger ,--,:,+.

&e Grand Finale ,..

reliefs featured along the western balustrade wall of the Ca)0i Brahm' at LoroJonggrang depicts scenes that are dif*cult to decipher in terms of both their lo-cale and context.(e rich architectural details featured in each composition areinconclusive, for unlike the Sanskrit and Old Javanese redactions, the Hikayatrecounts that R'ma built a new capital for himself in La&k' before returning toAyodhy' (Zieseniss ,-N/:-.). (erefore these courtly abodes could representeither domain. (e *rst mono-scenic panel epitomizes a dramatic shi2 of plotin the story (Fig. $). In contrast to the preceding theatrical incidents of war andthe defeat of royal r!k1asas, here a richly adorned 31i is seated on an elaborateplatform surrounded by details of palatial architecture. (e strewn Powers onthe platform suggests that this is an auspicious event. To the le2 of the scene arefour seated youths. By their dress it can be inferred that they are of a high rank,but their positioning below the sage emphasizes the greater stature of the holyman.(e 31i’s employment of the vara-mudr!, associated with both the presen-tation and receipt of information, suggests that he is presenting a boon to hisaudience. In this instance it is most probable that this bequest is immaterial,perhaps a story or discourse bestowing invaluable wisdom.,+

(e closest af*liation between this Loro Jonggrang relief panel and any tex-tual recension is the Sanskrit UtK. (e K')0a commences just a2er R'ma’sreturn to Ayodhy'. His court receives a visit from a group of 31is includingAgastya. Upon entering the palace, they are offered arghya and then are led to‘seats encrusted with gold’ with ‘cushions of ku%a grass and antelope skins’. Acow is then bestowed on each (344.,, Shastri ,-%+:/%.–N).

(is description *nds a parallel in the elaborate surroundings depicted inthe Loro Jonggrang relief.(e SanskritUttarak!"(a continues with Agastya re-counting the prior adventures and misdeeds of R'va)a to the court. Althoughat Loro Jonggrang the main character of R'ma is absent from the incident, a re-

,+. Unlike the other hastas that are portrayed among the narrative reliefs of Loro Jonggrang,that of a single, extended hand is not to be found among the compilations of the N!#ya%!stra orthe laterAbhinayadarpa"a of NandikeQvara. It appears, instead, to be related to the vara-mudr!,an iconographic hand position associated with ‘boon-giving’. Fontein’s investigation (,-I-:-#–/) of this gesture among the panels of Borobudur suggests that it was employed by the sculptorsto express both the ‘giving’ as well as the ‘receipt’ of a gi2, and he further identi*es these sig-ni*cances in the episodes of the Distribution of the Gi2s by Queen KauQaly' and 1Vrpa)akh'’sPresentation of a Gi2 to R'ma at Loro Jonggrang. In actuality, the panels of the R!m!ya"aat Loro Jonggrang demonstrate that the sculptors adopted this gesture as a narrative device toexpress an even greater range of meanings, for in several scenes the episodic context clearly de-notes its use for the ‘giving’ or ‘receiving’ of important information. (e use of the vara-mudr!for these connotations in visual narrative practice may be seen as an independent invention ofthe Central Javanese artist.

,.N Cecelia Levin

view of the many court scenes featured in the R!m!ya"a reliefs suggests that agroup of seated youths is utilized as a leitmotif, emblematic of a generic courtlyaudience serving as ‘listeners’ to the silent dialogues of Loro Jonggrang.,,

It is conceivable that a reference to Agastya’s visit to the court of Ayodhy'in the sequence of the Loro Jonggrang reliefs was necessary, for this theme oc-cupies more than one third of the epic’s last book.,# Furthermore, this episode’slocation on a singular projection just prior to a longer series of reliefs along therear balustrade of the shrine provides a favourable space for an encapsulatedprologue to the epic’s *nal events. Agastya’s signi*cance to Central Javaneseculture, and particularly his inclusion among the secondary deities of Ca)0i1iwa shrine, must also be taken into consideration. All of these factors substan-tiate an identi*cation of this image at Loro Jonggrang as the divine sage.,/

(e visit of Agastya to R'ma’s court con*rms that the story is now locatedin Ayodhy' andwill remain so until the Banishment of SOt' episode. Each of thenext three scenes—all situated along the back wall of the balustrade—featuresan enthroned R'ma and SOt' surrounded by their court. (ey share the sametripartite composition—to the right of the central protagonists are depictionsof elaborate palatial settings while to the le2 are *gures seated below the royalcouple in demonstrations of respectful demeanor, suggested by the lowering ofthe head or holding of the utpala Power. R'ma’s regality is furthered by his useof the ga"apa##a strap (Fig. .–%).

In the second of these three scenes, the inclusion of two birds facing eachother on the roof of one of the buildings, is emblematic of the reunion of theroyal lovers. At the feet of the avian pair is a worm. A similar assemblage ofbirds may be suggestive of the prosperity and harmony that returns to Ayodhy'with R'ma’s rule.(is narrative technique, the inclusion of avian and other an-imal characters on the roofs of buildings, runs throughout these compositions,and serve as a greek chorus that enforces the story line as well as its underlyingemotions.

,,. (ey can clearly be seen in the scene of KekayO and DaQaratha, the svayamvara of SOt', andthe other court scenes of R'ma a2er his return to Ayodhy'. (ey appear to have simian coun-terparts in the depictions of the court of SugrOva in KiRkindh'.,#. Sargas 4 to55534 of the ,,+-sarga Sanskrit work are devoted to the visit of Agastya to R'ma’scourt and his telling of the history of R'va)a.,/. In Java Agastya worship was favourably received, ultimately becoming more popular therethan it originally was in South India. In the Javanese form of Agastya worship the deity evolvedinto a companion of 1iwa.(e best study on this topic remains Poerbatjaraka’s ,-#N dissertationfor Leiden University entitled Agastya in den Archipel.

&e Grand Finale ,.%

(e audience in each of these court scenes is composed of diverse charac-ters, including long-haired r!k1asas and rather grotesque-looking servants. Stillvisible in the *rst scene beneath the seated royal couple are some covered con-tainers, while a similar one is held by a r!k1asa in the last relief of the series. Inthemiddle scene of the sequence, other vessels are depicted, oncemore beneaththe seated *gures of R'ma and SOt'. One is a footed bowl (Fig. .) akin to thoseof the Wonoboyo Hoard and is of a type believed to have been produced forroyal distribution.,$ (e portrayal of R'ma with the vara-mudr! correspondsto the bestowing or receipt of gi2s. In the Sanskrit UtK it is related that a2erAgastya’s recitation at R'ma’s court those who have served the hero in the warin La&k' now rejoice in celebrations. As they take their leave to return home,they are given gi2s by R'ma. (ree sargas relate their departures. (e *rstfocuses on Janaka and royal relatives of R'ma’s three mothers. In the ensuingthirty-ninth sargaR'ma’s three brothers are presentedwith an array of preciousgi2s and return to their kingdoms. (e subsequent sarga then describes howthe bears and monkeys, the giants of KiRkindh', SugrOva and other royal simi-ans, and VibhORa)a and his r!k1asa companions are overwhelmed by the specialgi2s they receive from R'ma.(en, with tears in their eyes they return to theirrespective homelands (344.$+, Shastri ,-%+:.,.–%).

Based on the environs and personages depicted, it is clear that the sculp-tors of Loro Jonggrang followed these sargas rather explicitly. (ese passagesembodied signi*cant messages for their viewers—the loyalty of subjects to aruler and, conversely, the benevolence of a ruler. In addition to portraying theparadigms of leadership, the imagery enforced the belief in legitimacy of king-ship, for the repeated depiction of the rightful ruler of Ayodhy' suggests thatR'ma has returned to his proper position within the ‘dharmic’ order and theprosperity of the kingdomwas now ensured.(e emphasis on this subject mat-ter clearly resonated with the Javanese of this time.

,$. (eWonoboyoHoard was unearthed at Dukuh Plosokuning, DesaWonoboyo, KecamatanJogonalan, Kabupaten Klaten, approximately *ve kilometers to the east of the Loro Jonggrangtemple complex. Comprising three discoveries made betweenOctober ,--+ and February ,--,,the hoard consists of over ,N+ diverse gold and silver adornments and ritual utensils of the high-est royal quality that can be dated by inscriptions to the early ,+th century. Many of these areassociated with the worship of ViR)u. Several footed bowls similar to the one depicted in thispanel at Loro Jonggrang are included in this hoard. Inscriptional evidence from the CentralJavanese period indicates that these served as royal gi2s to high-ranking nobility in commemo-ration of the founding of a ca"(i or in recognition of loyalty to a leader. (e Wonoboyo Hoardis now housed in the Museum Nasional in Jakarta; vessels of similar manufacture are found inthe Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, and in severalmuseum collections in the Netherlands.

,.I Cecelia Levin

In all succeeding episodes, any potential ties with the Kakawin are entirelydissolved. On the other hand, there is a clear correspondencewith Sanskrit UtKin the next scene of LakRma)a leading SOt' to the banks of the Ganges (Fig. I).(e river is indicated in the rightmost panel of the composition and LakRma)a’sgesture directs the viewers toward the travelers’ destination.(e sequence con-tinues with mono-scenic episode depicting SOt' seated in the adhogata posture,suggesting that LakRma)a is now informing her of R'ma’s command (Fig. -).He sits below the heroine with his hands held together. (is provides a visualparallel for the honor and respect that he offers his sister-in-law in the writteninterpretations of the epic.

SOt'’s Abandonment continues in another mono-scenic relief where she issurrounded by a variety of animals in the forest (Fig. ,+). Ostensibly this inci-dent depicts her en route to the hermitage of V'lmOki; however, it may also beread as a visualization of her emotional state which, as described in the SanskritUtK, is echoed by the cry of the peacocks, a prey to despair, that have burst intoloud tears (344.$I, Shastri ,-%+:./+). (e three aforementioned scenes appearto follow this version of the UtK sarga by sarga, allocating one relief for each.(is pictorial expansion of SOt'’s Abandonment inaugurates an emphasis on theheroine and her plight that complements the growth of this theme in later In-dian literary and performance traditions, as well as in diverse Southeast Asiantellings of the epic.

(e *nal two segments of this narrative grouping relate SOt'’s *nding of asafe haven at V'lmOki’s hermitage, and the author of the epic is now introducedinto the story as one of its characters (Fig. ,,). (e 31i, seated at an elevationhigher than that of the abandoned princess, listens as a kneeling SOt' tells of herordeal. (is mono-scenic episode is succeeded by the Birth of Lava (Fig. ,#).In view of the fact that women are the only participants in this scene, it may beassumed that the relief follows the description presented in the Sanskrit UtK,for in this narrative it is told that V'lmOki sent the heroine to live with a groupof female ascetics to await the birth of her child.

(e Abandonment of SOt' sequence, occupying the northwestern corner ofthe balustrade, is succeeded by a series of reliefs following the long northernwall. It continues to relate the drama as it unfolds in V'lmOki’s environs. On theright side of the *rst scene a *gure of the sage surrounded by his ritual para-phernalia is featured, implying that the episode takes place in his hermitage. Hedangles or suspends an object in his right hand while sitting before an elabo-rate basin raised on a high pedestal—a vessel of the type that would have been

&e Grand Finale ,.-

used in ritual ablutions.,. (e two standing *gures on the le2 carry objects; oneclearly holds an utpala. In the centre of the scene a group of princely charac-ters is portrayed.(ese indicators point to this scene as one depicting V'lmOkiconducting a ceremony in his hermitage (Fig. ,/).

Unconnected to this ritual, on the le2 side of the composition, is the imageof aman sleeping in a house. In the Sanskrit UtK it is told that shortly before thebirth of Lava, the 31is came to R'ma’s court to request his help in vanquishingLavan'sura, an enemy of the ascetics. 1atrughna, LakRma)a’s younger brother,asks permission to prove his valour by leading the attack. On his way to thecombat, he and his troops take shelter at V'lmOki’s hermitage on the same nightthat SOt' gives birth. (e prince is told of the event and he visits the hut ofhis sister-in-law. On the basis of this story outline it can be proposed that thesleeping *gure in the composition is 1atrughna. By means of the employmentof a cyclic narrative technique this incident continues with the celebration ofLava’s birth by a ritual performed by V'lmOki to protect the newborn infant.

(e following relief recounts the creation of KuQa, for the fact that only oneinfant appears in the episode of the Abode of the Female Ascetics is a distinctindication that the sculptors of Loro Jonggrang were following a tradition otherthan that of the Sanskrit UtK at this juncture (Fig. ,$). In the HSR it is relatedthat whileMaharOsOKalO—theHikayat’s equivalent ofV'lmOki—undertook a rit-ual bath his grandson Lawa disappeared in order to follow his mother.(e sageassumed Lawa had vanished as the result of an accidental drowning. Fearingto return to the hermitage alone he created a duplicate of Lawa out of a bladeof ku%a. When SOt' returned to the hermitage accompanied by Lawa, MaharOsOKalO decided to adopt the twin and call him KuQa.(e details in the relief com-plement this reworking of the story, inferred through the depiction of SOt'’sreturn to the hermitage in the company of Lava.,N

,.. It is possible that he holds a blade of ku%a, an object associated with any sacred ceremony.Should this be the case, its inclusion could be read as a pa#!kasth!naka or ‘premature introduc-tion’ for the subsequent episode.,N. In the Singhalese and Malay versions, V'lmOki also creates the twin of Lawa out of ku%agrass. However, the speci*cs of the Loro Jonggrang narrative, that of SOt'’s carrying a coveredbucket and Lava’s holding a gourd container, suggest that they may have gone in search of water.(is identi*cation is supported by the details found in the ,Nth century Eastern Bengali R!m!-ya"a by CandravatO—a telling of the epic that is known primarily through oral presentations andis popularly recited by women at ritual events such as childbirth, sacred thread ceremonies, andmarriages. It relates that one day SOt' went to fetch water and le2 Lava in the care of V'lmOki.(e child le2 to follow his mother during a moment of the sage’s preoccupation. When V'lmOkinoticed his disappearance he created Lava’s duplicate out of ku%a. SOt' returned in the companyof Lava and V'lmOki then asked SOt' to adopt KuQa as her own (Bhattacharya ,-I+:N,.).

,N+ Cecelia Levin

Situated next on the northern balustrade is a scene that onemight be temp-ted to identify as the fully-grown KuQa and Lava defeating a troop of *ercer!k1asas (Fig. ,.).,% (is scene has a correspondence with the HSR, for thisMalay version relates that as the twins grew up they spent their days huntingand vanquishing r!k1asas (Zieseniss ,-N/:-I). In the Sanskrit UtK the twinsare not mentioned in any heroic capacity but instead they are cited for theirdevoutness. (eir piety is so great that they are deemed the ideal presentersfor V'lmOki’s newly-completed R!m!ya"a composition.,I (e appearance ofthe twins in the succeeding scene at Loro Jonggrang as bejeweled and crownedprinces, accompanied into battle by courtly dwarfs and young warriors, contra-dicts this perception of the brothers and thwarts any element of surprise whenthey are later discovered to be the royal progeny of R'ma and SOt'.

In the Sanskrit UtK, one evident and repeated characteristic is an intertwin-ing of the various plots and characters that results in a karmic irony. (e co-incidence of 1atrughna’s lodging at V'lmOki’s hermitage the same night as thetwins’ birth leads to a series of subsequent interlocking events. (is youngerhalf-brother of R'ma passes again through the area twelve years later on hisway to visit R'ma’s court. During his stay at the hermitage he listens to a per-formance of the story of R'ma that is strikingly beautiful, but out of reverencehe dares not ask the sage the origins of the story or its performers (344.%,.#,,Shastri ,-%+:.%N–I).

(eHikayat also contains this themeof failed recognition between the twinsand their uncles.(e Malay redaction recounts a *ght between LakRma)a andthe twins over a wounded gazelle claimed by both sides as their possession. Heis captured by his nephews and brought back to the hermitage where MaharOsOKalO recognizes him as their uncle. Concerned about his brother’s disappear-ance, R'ma arrives at MaharOsO KalO’s palace where he too discovers the twins(Zieseniss ,-N/:-I–-).,-

(e visual information in this scene, however, leaves open the possibility ofalternative identi*cations. In this relief panel, two princely warriors shoot ar-

,%. Fontein (,--%:,-I) assumed that this relief and the subsequent one depict the exploits ofKuQa and Lava.,I. (e last sarga of the introductory Upodgh!ta describes the twins as ‘blameless’. (is pas-sage also relates that a2er learning this ‘unsurpassed tale that is exemplary of righteousness’ thetwins sing it as instructed by V'lmOki for audiences of ‘seers, Brahmans, and goodmen’ ($.,,–,#,Goldman and Sutherland Goldman ,-I$:,/#).,-. In the Old Javanese UtK, during the undertaking of sacri*cial rites by R'ma and his broth-ers, B'lmOki (Sanskrit: V'lmOki) instructs KuQa and Lawa to recite the R!m!ya"a by the palacecourtyard so it could be heard by the participants. It is at this moment of the story that R'marecognizes his sons (Phalgunadi ,---:#+-).

&e Grand Finale ,N,

rows at the *erce r!k1asas, but they are not shown in the tulyapratidvandi pos-ture asmight be the case in the depiction of twins, and is clearly employed in thedepiction of the battle between SugrOva and V'lin on Ca)0i 1iwa. (e heroeshere are instead portrayed in different sth!nas: the one on the le2 is renderedin the ma"(ala-sth!na, while the right *gure demonstrates the !l*(ha-sth!na.Moreover, the archer on the le2 faces out while his counterpart is seen from be-hind with his head in pro*le.(e inconsistency of the archers’ postures is com-pounded by the appearance of a young ascetic behind the hero on the le2.(ischaracter glances toward the archer and raises one hand in the pa#!ka-hasta. Itis most probable that this scene depicts a battle between R'ma’s brothers andthe r!k1asa. It was this scenario, a variation upon the theme of fated meetingsbetween the protagonists, that eventually made its way into the pastiche of theUtK and was part of the story known by the sculptors of Loro Jonggrang.

(e next scene represents a direct continuation of the story. R'ma is fea-tured on the right and accompanied by a panakawan (Fig. ,N). He too is de-picted in a forest setting, perhaps undertaking his role in the a%vamedha rit-ual—a plot detail initially mentioned in the Sanskrit UtK. In the second seg-ment of this continuous narrative sequence his brothers report the discoveryof the twins. (is is suggested by the vara-mudr!, depicted both in the *guresof R'ma and his brother to his le2. It is possible that here, as one brother re-lates the encounter, R'ma’s mirroring of thismudr! signi*es his acknowledge-ment. Moreover, the brother holds his other hand in the kathakamukha-hasta,a closed *st with the middle and fore*nger applied to the thumb that is indica-tive of ‘speaking’. R'ma’s reaction is registered by his use of the %uc*-hasta, andhis quick exit in the *nal section of this episode underscores the nature of hisresponse.#+

(e succeeding episode, situated on the short corner that follows the north-ern balustrade wall, depicts R'ma accompanied by two panakawans (Fig. ,%).While the panakawans appear with regularity in the narrative cycles of the EastJavanese period, the fact that one is depicted in conjunction with R'ma in theprevious episode, and two accompany him on his present travels, con*rms thattheir role as aides-de-camp to princely heroes was established as early as theCentral Javanese period.#, In addition to the accoutrements of R'ma, the as-

#+. In addition to having the meaning of ‘threatening’ it is also suggestive of the rasa adbhutaor ‘astonishment’ (Ghosh ,-I,:.,).#,. In the Javanese wayang tradition the panakawans are portrayed as highly characterized‘god-clowns’ attendants of the hero. Several scholars are of the belief that these characters wereoriginally the pre-Indic gods incorporated into this tradition in order to preserve the magico-religious signi*cance of these performances (Sears ,-IN:#-–/+). See also Rassers (,-.-:/.–/N)

,N# Cecelia Levin

cetic garb of the identical *gures and the holding of a mendicant’s staff encour-ages the identi*cation of these two young males as the now-devout twins ofR'ma. (e appearance of R'ma in the ma"(ala-sth!na with a weapon raisedoverhead suggests a defensive posture, and may signify that R'ma has not yetdetermined the nature of this encounter.## Another clue to the origin of thispictorial narrative may be found in the last of the four sargas that constitute theUpodgh!ta of the R!m!ya"a of V'lmOki.(ese represent a ‘story within a story’,relating how V'lmOki was inspired to compose his poem and initially taught itto the twins.#/ In the fourth sarga it is written:

Now it happenedonone occasion, the elder brother of Bharata saw therethose two singers who were being praised everywhere on the roads androyal highways,AndR'ma, the destroyer of his enemies, brought the brothers, KuQa andLava, to his own dwelling where he honored them, for they were worthyof honor. (4.$.#,–##, Goldman and Goldman ,-I$:,//)

As these two verses have a strong parallel to the visual elements of the reliefat Loro Jonggrang it may be suggested that the Javanese pictorial interpreta-tion details this particular incident or a close variant. It can only be conjec-tured as to whether the Upodgh!ta was an originally localized variation thatfunctioned independently, eventually conjoined with the V'lmOki epic. Simi-larly, it is not known to have produced any narrative progeny.#$ (e following

and Zoetmulder (,-%$:.$%–.$I).##. Further substantiating this identi*cation at Loro Jonggrang as a confrontation betweenR'ma and his sons is Sanford’s identi*cation (,-%$:II) of a similar scene on the north side ofBrahmapurOQvara Temple of Pullamangai—one of the handful of narratives related to the UtKfound on Hindu temples of the ChZa Kingdom.(is narrative depicts an archer on one side andKuQa and Lava on the right—a composition somewhat complementary to the portrayal of thisincident at Loro Jonggrang. It may therefore be ascertained that this theme had its origin in theconstantly evolving tradition of the R!m!ya"a’s portrayal in India (Sanford ,-%$:II).#/. (ere has been a concern among Sanskrit scholars as to whether or not the Upodgh!ta is alater interpolation, as well as whether any speci*c sargas among the four are later than others.Alternatively, it has also been proposed that this prologue may be a work composed preliminaryto the body of theB!lak!"(a. Whatevermay be the case, there exists a consensus that theV'lmOkiR!m!ya"a would have attained its completed seven-book form by the era corresponding to theCentral Javanese period.#$. (e events corresponding to the UtK are related in the last sarga of the Upodgh!ta. In thisvariation, in contrast to Loro Jonggrang’s interpretation, the focus is upon the completion ofV'lmOki’s poem and the succeeding events. (e *rst verse states that it is only a2er R'ma re-gained his kingdom that the sage V'lmOki began his composition of R'ma’s story and, corre-

&e Grand Finale ,N/

episode at Loro Jonggrang continues an alignment with the Upodgh!ta. R'mabrings his sons, still dressed as holy bards, back to the court of Ayodhy' andthey recite the R!m!ya"a (Fig. ,I). In the comparable visual depiction at LoroJonggrang, KuQa and Lava are shown in their now princely guise, while an en-throned R'ma is portrayed demonstrating the vara-mudr!, emblematic of his‘receiving’ the performance. (e plot of the UtK then continues with R'ma’srequest to V'lmOki that he be reunited with SOt', and she is then brought tothe court of Ayodhy'. SOt'’s ultimate repudiation of R'ma and swallowing-upby the earth is not depicted at Loro Jonggrang, but her hesitant appearance atcourt is suggested by her taking protective shelter behind the *gure of V'lmOki(Fig. ,-). It has therefore been assumed that this image is emblematic of hersubsequent renunciation of R'ma (Fontein ,--%:,-I; Levin ,---:##,–#).

(e succeeding scene has been identi*ed as R'ma’s abdication in favourof his sons. In contrast to the previous appearance of the twin brothers in A-yodhy', the brothers now wear crowns as evidence of their new status whileV'lmOki offers s2mbah to R'ma in acknowledgment of his righteous executionof kingship (Fig. #+). (e *nal scene of a banquet and the recitation by Brah-mans, which bears a contextual similarity to the description of the 31is who visitthe court of R'ma at the beginning of the Sanskrit UtK, may present a furtheraf*rmation of the shi2 in leadership, for undoubtedly an event of this signif-icance would be accompanied by ceremonial meals and ritual performances(Fig. #,). It is alsomore than feasible that these 31is, similar to Lava’s and KuQa’sperformance at court, now recite this same R!m!ya"a as be*tting the nature ofthe celebration and thereby place quotation marks around the prior %, reliefs.

(us ends the UtK and the story of R'ma as it is told on two of the mainCa)0i of Loro Jonggrang—or does it? If one continues to the third main shrinein this sacred complex, and climbs to the terrace intending to follow the seriesof reliefs on the balustrade unfolding the story of KER)a, one is initially con-

spondingly, the character of V'lmOki does not appear until a2er this point.(e abandonment ofSOt', the birth of Lava, the creation of KuQa, and the brothers’ residence in V'lmOki’s hermitageare all omitted from this particular account of the epic’s events. One is instead ‘fast-forwarded’to the 31i’s composing of the epic and his ruminations upon whom should perform it. KuQa andLava, in the guise of sages, come beforeV'lmOki and the poet realizes that thesewould be the idealreciters, as they are sons of R'ma and ‘familiar with the ways of righteousness’. As the sculptorsof Loro Jonggrang also portrayed the twins as mendicants during their initial meeting of R'ma,the episodic af*liation leans more *rmly in the direction of the Upodgh!ta or a similar variantthan to another branch of the R!m!ya"a tradition. It should also be considered that this scene ofdramatic confrontation represents another of the sculptors’ intended sequential revisions; morespeci*cally, it relocates a ‘story within a story’ to a more ‘readable’ linear progression of chrono-logically organized events.

,N$ Cecelia Levin

fronted by an episode tentatively identi*ed as King Ugrasena and wife meet-ing with royal relatives (Moertjipto and Prasetya ,--%:##).#. On the le2 of thecomposition is a regal *gure seated in ‘royal ease’ while holding his hand in thevara-mudr!. He is in the company of his queen, who gestures to the *gureson the right. (ese two identical—or twinned—*gures are seated at a slightlylower elevation compared to those on the le2.(eywear crowns and their headsare surrounded by halos—similar to the manner in which R'ma was depictedin the court scenes at the end of the UtK series on Ca)0i Brahm' (Fig. ##). Itcan be claimed with great certainty that this *rst episode also belongs to theR!m!ya"a series and constitutes an ending of the epic popularized in CentralJava during this era—that of SOt'’s reunion with R'ma and the transference ofkingship to their two sons.

In the introduction to his translation of the Old Javanese K31"!ya"a, Soe-wito Santoso (,-IN:,%) recounts an experience he had when visiting the LoroJonggrang Temple Complex during the restoration of Ca)0i Brahm' andCa)0iWiR)u:

(e [sic] once I went to Prambanan to see the reliefs of the K31"!ya"a carved onthe walls of the balustrades of the Brahm' andWiR)u temples of the Lorojonggrangtemple complex. (e restoration of both temples was in full swing. Not one stonewas in its place. I sat in the steps leading to the niche of Agastya, the sadguru,facing the ruins of the Baka temple, further to the south of the hills. In fact, mymind was further than that, much, much further. (en suddenly I came back tomy senses with the vision of a man, carrying a piece of stone with carvings on,wandering around the yard from one place to another, trying to *t that piece ofstone to another.

Santoso, a scholar who was always led by his intuitive insights and instincts,included this incident to relate the source of inspiration that encouraged himto restore the order of the Old Javanese manuscript so he could then undertakeits translation. His analogy was to ‘look for pieces of stones’ and in the instanceof missing sections ‘substitute them with new ones, as long as we make sure tomark them clearly’ (Santoso ,-IN:,%–I). However, his observations also pro-vide a description of the state of disarray and challenges faced by those restoringthese monuments during the ,-I+s and early ,--+s. While some believe thatthis may have led to the relief panels of the end of the Ca)0i Brahm' cycle andthose commencing the Ca)0i WiR)u series being replaced in an erroneous or-

#.. (is publication is actually a small guidebook that is available at the site of Loro Jonggrang inwhichMoertjipto and Prasetya offer an identi*cation for each of the thirty relief panels. Fontein(,--%:,--) considered the identi*cation of this scene as inconclusive.

&e Grand Finale ,N.

der,#N it is now proposed that the placing of the end of the R!m!ya"a epic onthe third shrine was intentional, for this follows later Javanese practices regard-ing episodic sequences. Moreover, in addition to providing a way of linkingthese two avat!ras of ViR)u, it bound all three main shrines in greater unity.

Further substantiation for the re-identi*cation of this relief panel currentlyleading the series that occupies the balustrade of Ca)0i WiR)u is found in sev-eral literary sources. As previously noted, the HSR ends with the reuni*cationof R'ma and SOt'. A2er building a new city and naming Tabalawi (Sanskrit:Lava) as his successor, R'ma then follows an ascetic life with SOt' for the nextforty years (Zieseniss ,-N/:,+#). It is therefore tempting to see here another casein support of Stutterheim’s linking of the ninth-century Loro Jonggrang reliefswith a much later Islamized written adaptation of the story of R'ma—V'lmOki’screation of KuQa has already provided con*rmation that episodic af*nities be-tween the UtK section of the R!m!ya"a at Loro Jonggrang and this literarywork do exist. However, rather than looking at the branches and the twigs,it is better to search at the roots. Closer bonds can be found, and one needsonly to turn to the late-seventh century Sanskrit drama Uttarar!macarita byBhavabhVti to *nd a comparable ending.#% Here, at the end of the play, PEthvOinvites SOt' into the abode of Ras'tala to ‘purify the netherworld,’ and she ac-cepts, pleading ‘Mother, take me with you and dissolve me in your body. Ican no longer bear the vicissitudes of this world’ (Pollock #++%:/%-). Yet theEarth Goddess denies her request, reminding SOt' that she should stay on earthuntil her twin sons are weaned.#I In a rather awkward act of staging, Ga&g',PEthvO and SOt' exit the scene as LakRma)a comments on the action, followed

#N. As noted in the quotation of Santoso, he was led by the misbelief that narratives of thestory of KER)a could be found on both Ca)0i Brahm' and Ca)0i WiR)u. (e possibility of amistaken order among the reliefs of Ca)0iWiR)u is echoed in the observations of Fontein. In hispreliminary investigation of the narrative cycles of Ca)0i Brahm' and Ca)0i WiR)u, he revisitsthe claim of Bernet Kempers who, more than *2y years ago, wrote of the uncertainty of thesenarrative sequences (Bernet Kempers ,-.-:N#). Fontein noted that these words proved to beprophetic because the relief from Ca)0i WiR)u that Bernet Kempers included in his book andidenti*ed as a buffalo-demon attacking KER)a and fellow shepherds is now found on a differentplace as a result of the Ca)0i’s restoration. Fontein also brought to light a narrative panel thatdid not *t in the sequence once Ca)0iWiR)uwas restored; it is currently kept in storage (Fontein,--%:,--).#%. Belvalkar was of the belief that BhavabhVti may have been a pupil of Kum'rila. A refer-ence to BhavabhVti in the play B!lar!m!ya"a by its author R'jaQekhara, who was active around-++ 6:, suggests that BhavabhVti had been deceased for some time. Belvalkar believed that allevidence pointed to late seventh century dates for the life of this poet (Belvalkar ,-,.:xlii–xliv).#I. According to the Uttarar!macarita the twins are twelve years old at the time they return tothe court of R'ma.

,NN Cecelia Levin

by an offstage voice that entrusts ArundhatO, the wife of the sage VasiRSha, toprotect SOt'.#- (e heroine now returns to the stage with her newly-appointedguardian and V'lmOki introduces KuQa and Lava to their mother, father, uncleLakRma)a, and grandfather Janaka (Pollock #++%:/I%). In the tradition of allSanskrit drama, thisR!m!ya"a now concludeswith a happy ending./+ (e pos-sibility of connections between the Uttarar!macarita and the reliefs of the UtKat Loro Jonggrang—ones that are not sharedwith SanskriticUtK—conjures sev-eral questions as to how epic narratives were transmitted and transformed./,Were Sanskrit plays performed in the courts of ninth-century Java in conjunc-tionwith religious ceremonies and festivals?/# Orwere these dramas performedin the vernacular at this time? Moreover, the similarities found among fourrecensions differing in time and locality—the Uttarar!macarita, the Old Ja-vanese redaction of the UtK, HSR, and the pictorial narratives of Loro Jong-grang—makes it apparent that another skein of the epic was vibrantly alive and

#-. (e explanation for SOt'’s disappearance and rapid reappearance is to be found in the fol-lowing lines, pronounced by LakRma)a:

(e Ganga’s waters are surging as if churned,(e sky is pervaded by heavenly seers. Amiracle! SOt' and the deities, Ganga and the Earth, are emerging from the deep (%.-.,Pollock #++%:/I,)

It is evident that SOt' has entered the underworld to extend her purity to this realm and nowreturns to the world of mortals. (is travel between realms is materially expressed by SOt'’s dis-appearance a2er her initial return to court with V'lmOki at the end of the Ca)0i Brahm' seriesand her return in a new, puri*ed state on the northern Ca)0i./+. It is therefore possible that the banquet depicted on the *nal panel of the Ca)0i Brahm'sequence celebrates not only the reunion of R'ma and his two sons, but also the return of SOt' tothe court of Ayodhy'./,. Similar to the reliefs of Loro Jonggrang, the BhavabhVti play also skips R'va)a’s prehis-tory and instead begins with a prologue during which a dialogue between the s0tradh!ra andan actor recounts this material. Loro Jonggrang’s visual counterpart is the *gure of V'lmOki atthe beginning of the UtK series. Moreover, in addition to the differing endings, other contrastsbetween the Sanskrit UtK and the Uttarar!macarita are the detailing and emphasis on the a%-vamedha ceremony and the expanded roles of LakRma)a’s sons, Candraketu and A&gada foundin BhavabhVti’s work. In it Candraketu is assignedwith the responsibility of following the rituallyconsecrated horse around the kingdom. When it comes into the locality of V'lmOki’s hermitage,Lava challenges and ultimately massacres most of Candraketu’s retinue and then confronts theprince directly over possession of the sacred steed. In a compelling scene that resonates with themeeting of unknown siblings in Die Walküre or Il Trovatore, these cousins are strangely drawnto one another and hesitate to enter into combat. Eventually honor supersedes their emotionsand a battle ensues between the two. It should be noted that the Old Javanese recension of theUtK and the HSR also give Candraketu and A&gada greater roles in the story./#. Shulman (#++,:N,) notes that the Uttarar!macarita was written, as were the other plays ofBhavabhVti, to be performed at the time of the y!tr! of Kalipriyan'tha.

&e Grand Finale ,N%

evolving parallel to the well-recognized strand of the Sanskrit R!m!ya"a, theBha##ik!vya and the KR.(ey too preserved kernels of episodic material thattook root in later variations throughout South and Southeast Asia. Undoubt-edly there were many more.

Moreover, adding to the already complex polemics regarding the literarylinks for the UtK depicted at Loro Jonggrang, we have adduced here the Up-odgh!ta of V'lmOki’s epic. (is shorthanded recounting makes one considerthat the epicsmay have been transmitted to Southeast Asia bymeans of episodicoutlines as well as full texts, similar to a pakem or the balungan of a game-lan composition.// Kawi, holy reciters and visual artists were then free to ex-pound upon these synopses or embellish them through the incorporation oflocal episodic variations known from a variety of sources. In this way they mayhave created a narrative of the R!m!ya"a that heightened its signi*cance onthe surfaces of sacred shrines embodying aspects of a deceased ruler.(e storyof SOt' and her need to ful*ll her earthly obligations, the expanded details ofR'ma’s execution of artha and dharma—including hospitality to Brahmans vis-iting the court—and the continuity of the next generationmay have particularlyreverberated with the donors of this temple complex.(ey were vital lessons tobe learned by those still tied to this earthly realm.

While many enigmas remain, it is evident that the sth!pakas and sculptorsbehind the creation of the story of R'ma at Loro Jonggrang shared the samegoals as all artists of pictorial narration, that is, to make a popular version of thestory recognizable to a speci*c audience. To ful*ll this mission they employeda common visual language—a phenomenon that centuries later Carl Jung willterm the ‘collective unconscious’. (e R!m!ya"a epic may have changed daily,with every new dalang performing at court, or kawi, or dancer. (e R!m!ya-"a at Loro Jonggrang, with all its animated details and lively interpretation,remains relatively pristine. It is our challenge to learn how to read it todaythrough an appreciation and understanding of the lens of its creators.

//. Santoso (,-I+b:#%) perceived the KR as a pakem that could change in form and content onthe basis of the performers and local colour.

,NI

Figure /:(e Preparations for R'va)a’s Cremation. Episode from theYuddhak!"(a. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief ,# (photo C. Levin)

Figure $: Agastya at the Court of Ayodhy'. Episode fromthe UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief ,/ (photo C. Levin)

,N-

Figure .: R'ma and SOt' at Court in Ayodhy'. Episode fromthe UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief ,$ (photo C. Levin)

Figure N: R'ma and SOt' at Court in Ayodhy'. Episode fromthe UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief ,. (photo C. Levin)

,%+

Figure %: R'ma and SOt' at Court in Ayodhy'. Episode from the UtK. Ca)0i Brahm'Relief ,N (photo C. Levin)

Figure I: LakRma)a Brings SOt' to the Banks of the Ganges. Episode from the UtK.Ca)0i Brahm' Relief ,% and diagram of its placement on the Loro Jonggrang Temple

Complex (photo and diagram C. Levin)

,%,

Figure -: LakRma)a Tells SOt' that R'ma has Repudiated Her. Episode fromthe UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief ,I (photo C. Levin)

Figure ,+: SOt' Alone in the Forest. Episode from theUtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief ,- (photo C. Levin)

,%#

Figure ,,: SOt' Appears Before V'lmOki. Episode fromthe UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief #+ (photo C. Levin)

Figure ,#:(e Birth of Lava. Episode fromthe UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief #, (photo C. Levin)

,%/

Figure ,/: 1atrughna Spends the Night at the Hermitage of V'lmOki.Episode from the UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief ## (photo C. Levin)

Figure ,$: SOt' and Lava Return to the Hermitage. Episodefrom the UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief #/ (photo C. Levin)

,%$

Figure ,.: R'ma’s Brothers Defeat the R!k1asas. Episode fromthe UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief #$ (photo C. Levin)

Figure ,N: R'ma Learns of the Discovery of KuQa and Lava.Episode from the UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief #. (photo C. Levin)

,%.

Figure ,%: R'ma Confronts KuQa and Lava. Episode fromthe UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief #N (photo C. Levin)

Figure ,I: KuQa and Lava are Brought to the Court of Ayodhy'.Episode from the UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief #% (photo C. Levin)

,%N

Figure ,-: SOt' and V'lmOki Appear Before R'ma at the Court of Ayodhy'.Episode from the UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief #I (photo C. Levin)

Figure #+: KuQa and Lava Recite the R!m!ya"a for R'ma. Episodefrom the UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief #- (photo C. Levin)

,%%

Figure #,:(e Brahmans Take Part in a Celebration at the Court of Ayodhy'.Episode from the UtK. Ca)0i Brahm' Relief /+ (photo C. Levin)

Figure ##: SOt' is Reunited with R'ma and her Sons at the Court of Ayodhy'.Episode from the UtK. Ca)0i WiR)u Relief , (photo C. Levin)

(e Causeway Episode of the PrambananR!m!ya"a Reexamined

Roy Jordaan

Introduction

(e presence at the ninth-century Prambanan temple complex of bas-reliefswith scenes of the R!m!ya"a is too well known to need much comment., Firstrecognized and partially identi*ed by Isaac Groneman (,I-/), the reliefs havesince been admired and studied by numerous visitors. A2er a long and arduousprocess of reconstruction of the main temples by colonial Dutch and indepen-dent Indonesian archaeologists, most of the R'ma reliefs are now believed to beinstalled in their original positions on the inner balustrade walls of the 1iva andBrahm' temples. (anks to the efforts of dedicated art historians and schol-ars of ancient Java, almost all of the events depicted have been identi*ed withreference to various literary renderings of the epic—both those more or lesscontemporaneous, such as the Kakawin R!m!ya"a (KR), commonly referredto as ‘the’ Old Javanese R!m!ya"a, and specimens several centuries older, likeV'lmOki’s R!m!ya"a (VR), or several centuries younger, such as the HikayatS2ri Rama (HSR).

,. (e basis for this article is a paper with the title ‘(e bridge of R'ma in Southeast Asia:(eCauseway Reliefs of Prambanan and Phimai Reexamined’, which was presented at the Jakartaworkshop on the Old Javanese R!m!ya"a (Jordaan #++-). (is extensive paper has been de-posited in the KITLV library in Leiden for public use. Regarding the present article, it was de-cided to focus the discussion solely on the R!m!ya"a causeway relief of Ca)0i Prambanan, andto leave the full description and analysis of the causeway lintel at the Khmer temple of Phimai,in northeast(ailand, for another occasion.While researching this fascinating yet complex subject I have on several occasions bene*ted fromthe help of friends and colleagues. For the revision of the original paper to make it more suitablefor publication in the proceedings, I owe a debt of gratitude to the editors of this volume, Johnand Mary Brockington, and Siebolt Kok for their corrections, comments, references and otherforms of support.(anks are also due to the École française d’Extrême-Orient for the invitationto participate in the Jakarta workshop.

,I+ Roy Jordaan

(e discovery of the usefulness of the HSR for the interpretation of the R!-m!ya"a reliefs of Ca)0i Prambanan we owe to Willem Frederik Stutterheim,who demonstrated that some of the scenes depicted on the 1iva temple, whichde*ed explanation in comparison with the ‘classical’ text of V'lmOki, becamemore intelligible with the help of the HSR (Stutterheim ,-#., ,-I-). Amongthe large number of deviations from VR he had detected, thirteen episodic de-tails in the sculpted rendering of the R'ma story on the 1iva temple of Pram-banan were shared with the HSR. For the purpose of their discussion later inthis paper, three examples from Stutterheim’s enumeration (,-I-:,$N) deserveto be mentioned here, namely the absence of a scene in which R'ma shoots anarrow into the sea to vent his frustration and anger over the default of the Godof the Sea; the swallowing of the stones by the *sh during the construction ofthe causeway; the appearance of a daughter of DaQaratha.

(e HSR’s usefulness was (and still is) amazing as it is not a contempora-neous Old Javanese text, but a Malay narrative whose gestation period datesfrom the fourteenth to the seventeenth century. Although Stutterheim’s rathernegative appraisal of the correspondence between the VR and the KR texts andtheR!m!ya"a reliefs has at times been contested, the heuristic value of theHSRwas recently recon*rmed by Jan Fontein with respect to the bas-reliefs depictedon the Brahm' temple. To quote Fontein’s conclusion (,--%:,-I): ‘(e reliefsof Ca)0i Brahm' are similar to those of Ca)0i 1iva in that they follow the gen-eral Pow of the narrative of V'lmOki’s epic, with occasional deviations than canusually be satisfactorily explained by consulting the contents of theHikayat SeriRama’.

In this paper, I want to reexamine the closing reliefs of the series on the1iva temple.(ey concern the construction and the crossing of the causeway byR'maandLakRma)a, and theirmonkey allies.(osewho knowmywork on thePrambanan temple complex will understand that my interest in the causewayepisode stems frommy theory about the design of the temple’s central courtyardas an arti*cial reservoir, that is to say a reservoir of sancti*ed or holy water(am3ta) (Jordaan ,-I-, ,--,, ,--.). It is my contention that the causeway relief*ts perfectly within this overall design, marking as it does, appropriately witha scene of water, the transition of the R'ma story from the 1iva temple to theBrahm' temple. However, not wanting to repeatmyself unduly, the theory itselfwill not be presented in detail here. If mentioned, it is primarily to adducefurther evidence on the heuristic value of the HSR for art-historical research onCa)0i Prambanan.

Figure,:(

ecausewa

yepisode

oftheP

rambananR!

m!ya"

a(fr

omKa

ts,-#.)

,I# Roy Jordaan

Digitized pictures of the R'ma reliefs have recently been made available to thegeneral public through the image archive of the Kern Institute, Leiden Univer-sity.# As I will demonstrate, the description of the reliefs bearing on the cause-way in this archive and in the current literature is not wholly satisfactory. Myprimary objective is to reexamine the causeway relief of Ca)0i Prambanan andhelp *nd or reconstruct the text(s) that most likely served as a guide for theJavanese sculptors of the R!m!ya"a on the main temples of Prambanan.

Current interpretations of the Prambanan causeway episode

Soon a2er their reinstallation on the 1iva temple, the R!m!ya"a reliefs werephotographed and briePy described by J. Kats in aDutch-English language pub-lication (,-#.). Although the reliefs were more fully discussed in Stutterheim’sdoctoral dissertation, I will here use Kats’ photographs and accompanying platenumbers as well as descriptions as point of departure since the events directlyrelated to the construction of the causeway are all found on the same page, thusallowing for their reproduction on a single page.

(e three separate relief panels reproduced in Fig. , amply demonstratewhat Cecelia Levin (,---:%+) has said about the skills of the sculptors of CentralJava, namely to present the story ‘in a variety of narrative formats, ranging frommono-scenic to synoptic, and from multi-episodic to continuous’. Whereasthe relief with the number 55545 is clearly mono-scenic, the last relief panelis multi-episodic and might have been designated as continuous, if it had in-cluded a representation of the causeway itself. However, precisely because ofthe absence of an image of this structure, it is dif*cult to tell whether the *share assisting the monkeys in their building efforts or whether they are resistingthe construction of the causeway.(is problem has yet to be resolved.

It is fortunate that the mono-scenic relief panel with the number 55545—‘Hanuman, back from Langka narrates his experiences to Râma, Laksmanaand Sugrîwa’—is reproduced in Kats on the same page as the causeway episodeproper. Without this scene it would have been more dif*cult, I think, to iden-tify the damaged *gure in the next relief, namely 59 of the second relief panel,

#. See the Leiden University Library’s ‘Digitool’ service (accessed December #++I), where theKern photos can now be consulted (https://socrates.leidenuniv.nl). Each digitized photographhas a special number and reference number of the original photographmade by the Archaeolog-ical Service in the Netherlands East Indies (OD).(e original photographs used in this paper areregistered as OD /.+# (R!m!ya"a relief [panel] #/: ‘(e sea god Sagara pays homage to R'ma’);OD /.+/ (R!m!ya"a relief [panel] #$a: ‘(emonkey army throwing stones into the sea to builda dam’); OD /.+$ (R!m!ya"a relief [panel] #$b: ‘Fishes and sea monsters trying to prevent themonkeys to build a bridge’); OD /.+. (R!m!ya"a relief [panel] #$c: ‘Arrival at La&k'’).

&e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R!m!ya"a Reexamined ,I/

as SugrOva. Instead, the *gure, who is wearing princely clothes, might easilyhave been mistaken for VibhORa)a, the brother of R'va)a, who in VR and theKR defects to R'ma’s camp some time before the sea-crossing. (e identi*ca-tion of the *gure as SugrOva *nds support not only in VibhORa)a’s absence in thereliefs 55545, 594, and 5944, but, as pointed out by Stutterheim, is con*rmedby an old photograph by Kassian Cephas in Groneman’s book in which the *g-ure is still undamaged. At Prambanan VibhORa)a’s defection takes place in theopening scene on the Brahm' temple. Regarding this deviation from V'lmOki’sepic, Fontein opines that ‘Although it is possible that the version of the R!m!-ya"a followed by the sculptors of Prambanan related a different sequence of theevents, it made eminent sense to postpone the introduction of this new char-acter until the viewer had reached Ca)0i Brahm'. In performances of the R!-m!ya"a in Malaysia the key role of LakRma)a as R'ma’s con*dant and advisoris at this point taken over by VibhORa)a. (e sculptors of Prambanan, by plac-ing such an emphasis on VibhORa)a’s entry into the war, may have interpretedthe story in a somewhat similar fashion’ (Fontein ,--%:,-.). I will return toVibhORa)a’s defection later on.

But *rst let us take a look at the preceding relief panels 59 and 594–5944 onthe 1iva temple, with an overview of themost authoritative descriptions and in-terpretations, namely by Stutterheim (,-#., ,-I-), Levin (,---), and Saran andKhanna (#++$). Relief 59 serves as an introduction to the construction of thecauseway proper. Stutterheim (,-I-:,$#) gives a rather detailed iconographicdescription:

a. A monkey and a *gure, which is badly damaged but which is decorated in aprincely manner. b. Two princes, one of them is carrying an arrow and the other issitting in a challenging position on a rock throne with a bow and arrow in his hand.(e bow is unstrung. c.(e sea and the rocky beach with birds. At a distance, thereare buildings (a city?) and a ship (?). In the sea, there are wild *sh of prey, amongthem a shark. From the water a king (god) is coming up, who is offering pu1p!ñjali.d. Sea. Even as in the preceding scene there are hardly any dif*culties here. R'mawhohas still not shot fromhis unstrung bow, sees theGod of the Sea [S'gara], risingfrom the water, offering him worship.(is depiction differs slightly fromV'lmOki’swhere there is a mention of shooting, but completely conforms to the Hikayats.(e person without the crown must be SugrOva, who is talking to Hanumat. I donot, however, understand his gestures. It is surprising that on Groneman’s photo([,I-/:] plate 555444 c #/) SugrOva still has a head, although it appears to me thateven at that time, it was no more to be seen on the relief.

Levin (,---:,IN) concurs with this interpretation, saying that relief 59 ‘repre-sents another successful example of Stutterheim’s application of the later HSR

,I$ Roy Jordaan

in the decipherment of the reliefs of Loro Jonggrang’. Still, in her own analysisshe quotes extensively from theKR to demonstrate the correspondence betweenthe sculptural representation and the text of this Kakawin. Turning to the reliefitself, she observes:

(is mono-scenic episode features R'ma seated upon a throne of rocks in a posturereminiscent of contemporaneous South Indian temple deities.(e Sea God Baru)arises from an ocean *lled with *erce seamonsters. He offers s2mbah to R'mawhileholding his head at a down turned angle.(e !/gika [‘bodily position’] employed inthis scene clearly tells of the supremacy of the hero over the deity. (Levin ,---:,II)

Saran and Khanna (#++$:.I–-, I.) interpret the relief as follows:

Rama and his monkey army now proceed to Lanka to rescue Sita, but must facetheir *rst obstacle which appears in the form of a tumultuous ocean *lled withthreatening *sh. On the sea shore Rama appears furious with Sagara, who joinshis hands in a supplicating gesture, seeking to placate Rama by offering his co-operation in the construction of a causeway across the waters. (is description ofthe episode conforms fairly closely to the Valmiki Ramayana and the RamayanaKakawin where Rama prays unsuccessfully to Sagara, the God of the Seas, and isthen provoked into threatening to destroy the ocean and all the creatures inhabitingits waters. [Appended note ,-:] Unlike Stutterheim we see no reason to link therelief before us to theHikayat. As in the Valmiki Ramayana, here we see Rama […]incensed by the indifference of the Ocean God.

Stutterheim’s description (,-I-:,$#–/) of the next relief panel (Kats’ 594-5944)is as follows:

a. A prince carrying an arrow and b. another with a bow in his hand. A monkeyking with a club, two monkeys carrying stones. Rocks. c. Five monkeys carryingstones to the seashore. LakRma)a, R'ma and SugrOva are following the monkeys,who are throwing the stones into the sea for constructing the dam. d. Fish in thesea, which swallow the stones. e. Fish, a crab, naga with jewel on its head, duck,etc. V'lmOki mentions nothing about the swallowing of the stones. R [namely, theRoorda Van Eysinga version of the HSR] ,$#–,$/ speaks of the order given byR'va)a to Ganga Mahasura to destroy the dam and he in turn passes this orderto the *sh. While this is being done, a crab carries out certain positive actions. f.Seashore with sea-gulls, snakes, etc. Four monkeys with clubs, three of them alsohave fruits in their paws, the fourth leads on a rope a tame gara/an (Herpestes [asmall Asian mongoose]). g. Two princes, armed with bows and h. monkey kingwith a sword. Finally, three happy looking monkeys with clubs and swords. (eend of the series of reliefs on the 1iva temple: the crossing from the mainland toLa&k' by R'ma, LakRma)a and SugrOva and his army of monkeys.

&e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R!m!ya"a Reexamined ,I.

For reasons of space, Imust present Levin’s discussion (,---:,II–-) in abridgedform:

In the beginning of the subsequent episode of the Setu Nirm'na, the appearanceof R'ma on the le2, Panked by SugrOwa and LakRma)a, suggests that he has actedupon Baru)a’s advice and ordered the monkeys to construct the causeway. (evisual elements once again parallel the Kakawin at this point. […] Whereas the*rst section of this sequence can be aligned with the Kakawin, the next two reliefsclearly share af*nities with the later Hikayat. In this Malay redaction, the buildingof the causeway occurs simultaneous to R'wa)a’s visit to SOt' in the AQoka Garden.R'wa)a then orders Gangg' mah! s0ra to destroy the causeway currently trans-versed [sic] by the monkey army. He, in turn, instructs the *shes as to how todefeat the monkey army. Subsequently HanVm'n protects the dam by whippingup the sea with his tail until the water become muddy. (e *shes are successfullycaught, but a large crab continues its course of destruction. Offering it his tail tobite, HanVm'n Pings the crab into the air and it lands in a forest. (ere it is killedbut it is so immense in size it can not be entirely consumed. Although a crab doesappear in the scene, there is little to suggest that it was the speci*c onementioned intheHikayat and the creature is certainly not of the magnitude of the one describedin the text.(e relief at Loro Jonggrang depicts instead the uproar of the denizensof the sea, rePecting the incident that directly precedes the defeat of the giant crabin theHikayat. At this point in the story it is related that the building stones throwninto seawere swallowed bywhales in order to sabotage the causeway’s construction.(e incident depicted at Loro Jonggrangmust have as its origins a version commonto that of theHikayat. Finally, in the concluding scene from this series, the protag-onists and monkey army have successfully crossed the causeway to LW&k' despitethe attempts of hostile serpents to continue their pursuit of the monkeys.

Saran andKhanna (#++$:.-–N+), *nally, have this to say about the constructionof the causeway:

Carrying boulders on their heads, the enthusiastic band of monkeys launch intoaction, observed by Rama. We see here some *sh with rocks and boulders in theirjaws. Tucked away in a corner is a crab. Are the *sh assisting the monkeys in theirtask, or are they resisting the construction of the causeway? Apparently contra-dictory interpretations appear equally plausible, as the *sh can look cheerful orsinister.

(e authors say that in the next scene ‘Rama and Lakshmana and the monkeyarmy led by Sugriwa joyfully arrive in Lanka’.

Impartiality and open-mindedness towards extant R!m!ya"a texts

Before adducing the textual information that will shed new light on the subject,I must say a few words about the rather haphazard use of textual evidence in

,IN Roy Jordaan

current scholarship on the R'ma reliefs (and theKER)a reliefs on theViR)u tem-ple, for that matter). To a certain degree this is unavoidable given the paucityof contemporary textual information, which calls for an open-minded and im-partial attitude to the extant texts.(us Fontein’s (,--%:,-$) statement: ‘For nomatter where it ultimately hailed from, any variant in any text can be of value tous as long as it contributes to the identi*cation and interpretation of the eventsportrayed in the reliefs’. Seen in this perspective, we should be wary of favour-ing any one text over other versions, as Saran and Khanna appear to do whenthey say to see no reason to consult theHikayat for the interpretation of the bas-relief about R'ma’s anger over S'gara’s unresponsiveness, and the subsequentemergence of the Ocean God.

Whatever version was followed, I think that R'ma’s mood is suf*cientlyclear from his body language, which shows him seated in an assertive, if notaggressive, posture. He is holding a bow and arrow in his le2 hand, not a spearas Sri Sugianti states (Sugianti ,---://). I see the last section of this relief panelas being synoptic in that it combines elements which in the literary texts andoral traditions are usually kept separate in time. R'ma and his retinue *rst facethe obstacle of a tumultuous ocean *lled with threatening *sh, and the deityonly appears a2er R'ma had shot one or more arrows into the sea to vent hisanger over his unsuccessful prayers to the Ocean God.(e deity’s supplicationgesture allows for the inference that R'ma had already shot one or more ar-rows into the sea and possibly also threatened to use a more deadly arrow.(eunstrung bow, mentioned by Stutterheim, could represent this transition mo-ment. As the submission of the deitymust as amatter of course also hold for hissubjects, we could interpret the next scene of the *sh with rocks and bouldersin their jaws as showing their assistance to the monkeys in the construction ofthe causeway. However, this latter interpretation must remain tentative as longas we do not know what version or versions of the epic was or were followed.Saran and Khanna support their decision to follow VR with the argument thatthe depiction of the episode conforms ‘fairly closely’ to VR and the KR, but thisseems somewhat overstated. It does not hold, for instance, for VibhORa)a’s de-fection to R'ma’s camp a2er the construction of the causeway, in the openingrelief of the Brahm' temple.

To avoid the suspicion of selectivity and arbitrariness, it is necessary to ex-plicate and support one’s decision of preferring one version over another withsound arguments and veri*able visible clues, if possible.(e contradictory in-terpretations of the activity of the sea creatures in the closing relief—as hostileand destructive or as friendly and co-operative—serve to illustrate this point.

&e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R!m!ya"a Reexamined ,I%

(e fact that the different appraisals were made with due consideration of therepresentation of the causeway episode in the HSR shows that the relevanceof this text cannot be taken for granted but has to be demonstrated anew withconvincing arguments and visual evidence.

Before going more deeply into the seemingly poor correspondence withthe closing relief, I will argue that the HSR does contain information that canbe brought to bear on another part of the temple complex, namely the centralcourtyard. (is information concerns the use of both the word tambak for thecauseway, and a reference to ‘holy water’ in connection with problems encoun-tered during the construction of the causeway. To explain this, we must take acloser look at these textual hints. Fortunately, the discussion is facilitated by thepioneering research of Zieseniss (,-N/) on the origin and development of theR'ma saga inMalaysia, which includes separate notes on the causeway episode.

Text and tambak

One of the things which, in ,-I-, gave me the idea that there might be moreto the metaphoric comparison in the KR of a large temple complex, generallyassumed to be a poetic description of the Prambanan temple complex, withMountMandara in themyth of the Churning of theMilky Ocean, was the wordtambak. (e same word occurs in the 1ivagEha inscription—also believed torelate to the Prambanan temple complex—in connection with a t*rtha or ‘holypool’, at or near the temple complex. Unlike De Casparis (,-.N:/+N), who haddeemed the presence of a t*rtha within the temple complex ‘astonishing, if notimpossible’, it seemed to me that the design of the central courtyard as an arti*-cial water reservoir was not in conPict with the textual information, and wouldeven help to explain the poor drainage of the courtyard and its occasional Pood-ing a2er heavy rains./ Hence, my rejection of De Casparis’ translation of tam-

/. (e poor drainage of the central compound is already mentioned in colonial Dutch ar-chaeological reports, but it was dramatically demonstrated anew in ,--$ during an of*cial visitof Hillary Clinton, as First Lady of the USA, when heavy rains Pooded the central courtyard.(edistinguished guest and her retinue could only gain access a2er the water had been pumped outby *re-brigade personnel who were called in from the city of Yogyakarta (personal communi-cation by Mary-Louise Totton, who acted as a guide for the American visitors). Very likely thisincident made the Indonesian Archaeological Service step up the implementation of a numberof rather draconic measures to ‘improve’ the drainage of the site on the assumption of Paws inthe design of the Hindu-Javanese architects (Laporan pembenahan halaman pusat Candi Pram-banan tanggal +6 Juni s/d +6 September +557 [Bogem: Panitia Pemugaran Candi Wahana CandiLorojonggrang Prambanan Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta, Dinas Purbakala]; personal commu-nication by Drs. Bambang Prasetya Wahyuhono).

,II Roy Jordaan

bak in the inscription as simply ‘brick wall’, and arguing instead to hold on toits usual meaning as ‘dam’ or ‘dike’ as far as the wall of the inner courtyardis concerned. Now, it appears that this alternative interpretation accords withthe meaning of both the Sanskrit compound setu-bandha, and with the wordtambak in the HSR. In Monier-Williams’ Sanskrit-English dictionary, the com-pound setubandha is glossed as ‘the building of a causeway, bridge or dam’,particularly the bridge-like geological formation linking India and Sri Langka,known in the West as ‘Adam’s Bridge’. Setu denotes ‘a ridge of earth, mound,bank, causeway, dike, dam, and bridge, any raised piece of ground separating*elds (serving as a boundary or as a passage during inundations)’. (e sameholds for theword tambak in theMalay-Indonesian expression pembinaan tam-bak, ‘the construction of the causeway’, which dictionaries invariably gloss as‘dam’, ‘dike’, and ‘embankment’.

‘Holy water’: air Ma’ulhayat, am3ta, and t*rtha

(e HSR contains yet another designation that can be brought to bear on thisidea: air Ma’ulhayat; it is the life-giving water which during the building of thecauseway spouts from a deep gorge (lubuk) in the sea and hinders the comple-tion of the causeway. As Zieseniss has pointed out long ago, we may see in thisMalay-Arab compound air Ma’ulhayat, literally ‘water of life’, the equivalent ofam3ta, the Sanskrit word for the elixir of life. As the HSR shows, the way to linkam3ta with air Ma’ulhayat is by means of the Netherworld, called Bumi Petala(Sanskrit P't'la or Ras'tala), to which the gorge gives access.(e Sanskrit elixirof life, am3ta was produced from the gums of various trees and herbs gettingmixed with the milky water of ‘the agitated deep’ during the Churning of theOcean by the gods and demons (Fausbøll ,-+/:#/).$

(ere are still other textual allusions to the special character of the wa-ter on which the causeway was built. One example is from an episode of the

$. Although the notion of the Netherworld and holy water are found in a less developed formin VR, their connection is discernible in the episode about the magic arrow which R'ma, uponS'gara’s suggestion, points at an alternative target. Basing himself on the Critical Edition, JohnBrockington translates the relevant passage thus: ‘(en, where the arrow, which resembled ablazing thunderbolt, fell to earth indeed at M'ruk'ntara (the desert of Maru), the earth thereroared, pained by the dart. From the mouth of that wound (vra"a) water gushed out from Ras'-tala.(is then became a well, famous as ‘the Wound’, and immediately it seemed that water, likethat of the sea, was springing up; and a fearful sound of tearing arose. (ereupon it dried upthe water in the cavities [of the earth] by the falling of the arrow. (is M'ruk'ntara is indeedrenowned in the three worlds’. Professor Brockington generously providedme with this transla-tion of the VR. See now also Goldman, Sutherland Goldman and Van Nooten #++-:N,$–..

&e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R!m!ya"a Reexamined ,I-

HSR in which, on R'ma’s advice, Hanuman swims to the very depths of thesea (pusat tasik) to clean himself. As was noted by Achadiati Ikram (,-I+:.-),this amounts to a magical puri*cation as Hanuman not only emerges cleansedof dirt, but also has acquired a beautiful face, and henceforth becomes R'ma’s*rst-ranking simian servant. In the Javanese S2rat Kanda it is said that his skindisease has disappeared and that he got a beautiful tail (Stutterheim ,-I-:N#).In another Malay text, Cerita Maharaja Wana, we are told of VibhORa)a be-ing restored to life by R'ma with water from this part of the sea a2er his deadbody had been found adri2 on a ra2 (Kam #+++:,.-). In VR, *nally, VibhORa)ais anointed by LakRma)a on the order of R'ma with some water taken fromthe ocean (Yuddhak!"(a, ,/.%–I; see Goldman, Sutherland Goldman and VanNooten #++-:,.+, .-I). A similar anointment of R'ma by the gods takes placeright a2er the crossing of the causeway (Yuddhak!"(a ,../#; see p. ,.N)..

In an earlier discussion about the design of the central courtyard as a sacredpool or t*rtha (Jordaan ,--N:-#, note NI), I pointed out that both the openingand the closing relief-scenes on the 1iva temple relate to water. While the *rstrelief panel shows ViR)u reclining on the world snake Ananta or 1eRa Poatingon the Ocean of Milk (Vogel ,-#,), the *nal relief panel shows the causewayor rather the stretch of water in which it was built by the monkeys. As Fontein(,--%:,-.) has noticed, ‘[b]y breaking off the story just as the army of the mon-keys is crossing the causeway to Lengk', the sculptors made the viewers crossover from one temple to the other, as if they were following in the monkeys’footsteps’. Commenting on this, I noted that this stratagem was so effectiveprecisely because the design of the temple area as an arti*cial water reservoirmay actually have separated the temples from each other with water (Jordaan,--N:-,–#). What matters here is that the additional information provided by

.. In Yuddhak!"(a ,../#, it is said that when the gods ‘had witnessed that marvellous andseemingly impossible feat of R'ma R'ghava, they approached him in the company of great seersand anointed him, one a2er the other, with holy water’. Sanskritists are divided over the questionof whether this water was drawn from the same ocean as in VibhORa)a’s earlier provisional con-secration by LakRma)a, or that the water used derives from such sacred bodies as the celestialGa&g' (see p. N#/, note /#). Shastri’s interpretation (,-%+:..) that the water was drawn fromthe sea is probably based on the statement that the gods at the sight of the causeway ‘drew near’and anointed R'ma in secret ‘there’. (e sacredness of the site is also mentioned in the Brah-mak!"(a of the Skandapur!"a, in the section called Setum!h!tmya (Tagare ,--.:/$#–$). JohnBrockington, however, has questioned this interpretation, saying that there is no mention of seawater in the passage, only of ‘stainless’ or ‘auspicious’ water. Sea water, in his opinion, wouldbe most unlikely in the Indian tradition, which tends to regard the sea with suspicion (personalcommunication). In theHSR, as we have seen, the water was actually drawn from the deep gorgein the sea where the spring was found with the air Ma’ulhayat.

,-+ Roy Jordaan

the HSR and VR on the construction of the causeway and the special characterof the stretch of water upon which it was built makes the correspondence evenmore *tting.

In further support of this claim, I would like to elaborate on a *nding byCecelia Levin as presented in her paper for the Jakarta workshop on the OldJavanese R!m!ya"a. Her *nding concerns the good chance that the sculpturalrepresentation of the R'ma story at Prambanan does not, as was hitherto as-sumed, end with the scene of a copious banquet in the closing relief of theBrahm' temple, but with the scene of the reunion of R'ma and SOt' in the *rstrelief of the ViR)u temple. Levin rightly remarks that if the placing of the endof the R!m!ya"a epic on the third shrine was intentional, it may have servedas a way of linking these two avat!ras of ViR)u and bound all three shrines ingreater unity. Supporting evidence for the re-identi*cation of the *rst reliefof the ViR)u temple lies in the fact that the HSR and the late-seventh centurySanskrit drama Uttarar!macarita by BhavabhVti also end with the reuniting ofR'ma and SOt'. At the end of BhavabhVti’s play, as noted by Levin, PEthivO in-vites SOt' into the abode of Ras'tala. (is offer she accepts, claiming ‘I can nolonger endure the vicissitudes of this world ofmortals’. Later the Earth Goddessrescinds the invitation and reminds SOt' that she should stay on earth until hertwin sons are weaned. Reiterating my comments at the Jakarta workshop, thepoint I would like to make is that SOt'’s temporary stay in the abode of Ras'tala,which is not depicted, parallels the earlier transition of the story from the 1ivato the Brahm' temple. Here, as we have seen, the transition also involved adescent into the Netherworld and the abode called Bumi Petala, which was thesource of the elixir of life. Apparently, the central courtyard of Prambanan wasnot conceived as a neutral space, but served a dual function in the sculpturallayout of the R'ma story over the three main shrines: as a means to separateand re-connect the story at two critical junctures, and as a symbolic marker ofthe Netherworld which, thought of as being located in the sea, was physicallyrepresented as a pool.N

Finally, I would like to draw attention to the reliefs on the exterior of the1iva temple, particularly to the dancing ‘celestial damsels’ (vidy!dhar*, apsaras)and heavenly musicians (gandharva) depicted on the outer side of the balus-

N. In the R!makerti 44, the story ends with theUttarak!"(a episode of the appeal to the Earth.SOt' calls on the Earth to take her to her bosom, where she is hospitably received by Biru) (that isVaru)a, the God of the Sea) (Brockington ,-I.:#-$). Although the appearance of the God of theSea in this context is not explained, the connection with the sea and water that is implied couldbe signi*cant. Possibly the Cambodian and Prambanan R'ma stories were based on a commonIndian source that is lost to us.

&e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R!m!ya"a Reexamined ,-,

trade.(ese reliefs have usually been examined in the context of choreographicstudies as depicting particular dance movements as laid down in the N!#ya%!-stra, an Indian treatise dealing with dance and music, but little signi*cance hasso far been accorded to the fact that apsarases are intimately connected withwater. Apsarases, their name being popularly derived from thewordwaters (!p,apas), appear during the Churning of the Milky Ocean. As the R!m!ya"a says,‘because of the churning in the water, out of that liquid, the excellent womenappeared, thereforewere they (called)Apsaras’ (quoted by Fausbøll ,-+/:.#; seealso Kramrisch ,-%N, 44:/$+, note ,//; Liebert ,-%N:#+).% It is worth noting thatthe apsarases are not the only *gures emerging in the myth of the Churning oftheMilky Ocean who are depicted at Ca)0i Prambanan, but further discussiongoes beyond the scope of the present article.I

&e Prambanan reliefs reexamined

One could object that the textual information of the HSR on the causewayepisode cannot be applied directly to Ca)0i Prambanan, especially when thecorrespondence between this text and the reliefs in question has been foundimperfect in a number of respects by previous scholars, who therefore mostlyresorted to VR to explain the end reliefs on Ca)0i 1iva. Saran and Khanna, aswe have noted, saw no need to consult the HSR at all. Although their decisionwas premature and misguided, by focussing instead on particular elements inthe HSR, I might well be blamed for a similar bias. To see whether such blamewould be justi*ed, let us take another look at the relevant reliefs, beginningwithR'ma’s crucial meeting with the God of the Sea, who is designated either as S'-gara (by VR, Groneman, Stutterheim, Saran and Khanna) or as Varu)a (by theKR, Kaelan, Levin).-

%. Goldman’s translation (,-I$:#,+) of sarga $$.,I of the B!lak!"(a runs as follows: ‘(e *rstthings to appear were the physician Dhanvantari and the resplendent apsarases. Since […] theselast, the most resplendent of women, were born of that churning in the waters (apsu) from theelixir (rasa), they came to be known as apsarases’ (see also Bedekar ,-N%://).I. In an earlier publication (Jordaan ,--,), I drew attention to various animals (for example,hares and elephants) and trees of heaven (p!rij!ta, kalpataru) depicted in its carvings, aswell as tothe equation in the KR of suwukwith the huge K'la heads over the lintel of the temple chambers,who are explicitly compared with R'hu trying to steal am3ta. Additionally, I now venture tosuggest that some of the unidenti*ed divinities on the subsidiary temples represent the deitieswho appear during the Churning of the Milky Ocean, such as Dhanvantari and LakRmO.-. In VR it is S'gara, Ocean personi*ed, also referred to as the Lord of Streams and Rivers,who is addressed by R'ma, whereas Varu)a is said to have his abode in his waters: ‘Hear me,O(ou [S'gara] who art the refuge of Varu)a’ (Shastri ,-%+:.#). (e KR, on the other hand,mentions the obstruction posed by the sea (designated as tasik and samudra), but it is Baru)a

,-# Roy Jordaan

First of all, however, I want to address Stutterheim’s neglected questionabout the indistinct objects that are depicted over the head of the god, whichhe tentatively identi*ed as ‘buildings (a city?) and a ship (?)’. A2er a close in-spection of the bas-relief as well as old photographs made by Kassian Cephas(see Fig. #), I think we can identify the pro*les of the two rectangular squaresas the roofs of two adjacent houses. (e buildings are surrounded by a wall,and the whole ensemble may indeed symbolize a city, either in or at the shoreof the sea.(is location could help to explain the direction in which the wavesover the head of the deity seem to be Powing. None of the versions consultedmentions a ship, a compound of houses or a city.,+

Super*cially, my discussion of Stutterheim’s question about the nature ofthe distant objects appears to serve no purpose at all but to introduce confusionin what in other respects seems a perfectly clear scene, namely R'ma’s meetingwith either S'gara or Varu)a. However, close inspection of the relief showsthat the identi*cation is problematic and susceptible to improvement. As wasalready noted by J.Ph. Vogel in ,-#,, the sea god Varu)a had not been accordeda nimbus as be*ts a deity, whereas J.L. Brandes (,-+-:/,) was struck by the *g-ure’s remarkable hair bun, saying ‘(e hairdo of Baru)a is very unusual: thehair is pulled straight over the head and tied together at the back of the headin a big toupee, similar to those worn by various gods such as Batara Guru’.,,When I had the opportunity to take a personal look at the relief in question (seeFig. #), the possibility dawned on me that the hairdo of the *gure in the reliefactually might represent a female chignon or hair bun (konde), and that the *g-

who emerges from the waters and pays homage to R'ma (Santoso ,-I+a:/I+).,+. (e only object mentioned in the KR is Baru)a’s bejeweled throne, which rocked andswayed in the midst of the ocean as a consequence of the arrow shot into the Netherworld byR'ma, but it seems impossible to see a throne in the object(s) depicted in the relief. If the en-semble of houses indeed represents a distant city, it cannot relate to R'va)a’s capital, TrikVSa,which was located near or on top of a mountain.,,. Except for Stutterheim, who made some inconclusive observations on the shape and or-namentation of crowns and hairdos (for example, Stutterheim ,-I-:#/#, note ./,), these earlyremarks by Brandes were ignored as they are not mentioned again in the later literature. (iswas perhaps partly due to the fact that examination of his remarks is precluded for want of fur-ther information about the said BhaS'ra Guru (‘Divine Teacher’) and his whereabouts at Pram-banan—be it in the form of a statue or depicted in the reliefs. Moreover, it soon became clearthat the designation BhaS'ra Guru itself was too wide and imprecise. Not only had it been usedindiscriminately for statues of 1iva displaying a teaching hand pose or seated in meditation pos-ture, but also for the pot-bellied and bearded saint Agastya. As there is no obvious reason forassociating either 1iva or Agastya with the causeway episode, Brandes’ remarks about the un-usual hairdo of the deity were ignored and thus could the orthodox identi*cation of the *gureas Varu)a be maintained.

&e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R!m!ya"a Reexamined ,-/

ure was not meant to represent Varu)a at all, but a female *gure. I will suggesta possible identi*cation of this *gure depicted in the relief in the next section.

Kats was wrong to say that ‘the bridge is ready’ for no bridge is visible inthe middle section of the last relief panel. Why the causeway was not depictedcan only be speculated upon. Was it because this scene was dif*cult to imag-ine for the Javanese of Old Mataram, most of whom were no doubt familiarwith the Java Sea and the seemingly boundless Indian Ocean? It is perhaps forthis reason that the causeway in a Balinese painting was depicted as a rope (!)stretching across a river between two trees.,#

As was already stated above, the scene of the party’s landing on the shoreof La&k' should be interpreted as a means to make the story’s breaking off lessabrupt as well as to prepare the viewer for the continuation elsewhere (see Stut-terheim ,-#I:,#/). As far as the continuation of the story on the Brahm' tem-ple is concerned, it may be added that the causeway relief itself hints at this byshowing the fore*ngers of R'ma and one of the leading monkeys pointing inthe direction of this temple. Some of the monkeys are now armed with clubsand daggers, showing their readiness for the coming battle against R'va)a.

On the identity of the female 'gure rising from the sea

Detailed comparative research onmale/female hair-dresses in ancient Javaneseart to validate the claim that the *gure rising from the sea is not Varu)a but awoman is not available. As this kind of research goes beyond the scope of thispaper, I will render the alternative interpretation plausible by pointing out thesimilarities in the shape and decoration of the hair bun in question with thoseworn by unmistakably female *gures in other R'ma reliefs of Prambanan.,/

(e *rst example is shown in Fig. /. In the relief panel no.534 of the Brahm'temple the woman sitting next to R'ma wears a bun. (at she is a woman hasnever been questioned, but her identity is not yet *rmly established.

,#. See the gambar wayang picture in Kam (#+++:,N$). In some Javanese Lakons, a ‘livingbridge’ of monkeys is used to make the crossing to La&k'. In the Lao version Gvay Dvorahbi,ra2s are constructed to cross the sea. In the Lao narration, the protagonists encounter problemsin crossing rivers that are similar to those of the causeway episode proper.,/. A small number of male *gures in the R!m!ya"a reliefs of Prambanan are wearing hairdoscorresponding to Brandes’ description. (ese *gures cannot be identi*ed as BhaS'ra Guru orany other male deity, but seem to represent ascetics or disciples of saints. For instance, in reliefno. / of the 1iva temple, where they are in the retinue of the sage ViQv'mitra. What distinguishestheir hairdos from those worn by women is the absence of ornaments in their piles of hair. Asfar as I can see, all female chignons have a string of pearls dangling at the top end of the bun,which is also shown in the hairdo of the *gure in the causeway relief.

Figure #:(e girl rising from the sea (photo R. Jordaan)

Figure /: Relief panel 534 of the Brahm' temple (photo OD ,,/$I, LUB)

&e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R!m!ya"a Reexamined ,-.

Most researchers are agreed that the relief links up with the immediately pre-ceding relief that shows the reunion of R'ma and SOt', and their holding courtin Ayodhy'. Fontein (,--%:,-N) posits that SOt' is no longer depicted in relief534 and that her position has been taken over by her sister-in-law who in theHSR whispers malicious gossip about SOt'’s *delity and pregnancy into R'ma’sear. Levin, however, claims that R'ma and SOt' are still shown holding court inAyodhy' in this relief. Perceiving a literary parallel with VR (344.$#), she wantsthe current identi*cation to be amended as ‘SOt' requests to visit the retreats ofthe rsis on the Ganges’ (Levin ,---://N). In their analysis, Saran and Khanna(#++$:%+) revert to Fontein’s suggestion that the relief panel depicts the slander-ous gossip concerning SOt', saying ‘We see Rama in audience with his subjectswho express their doubts about Sita’s chastity. A mischievous court lady whis-pers slanderous comments about Sita in Rama’s ear. In the Hikayat Seri Ramait is Rama’s sister Kikewi Dewi who creates suspicion about Sita’s chastity’.(isinterpretation has much to recommend itself.(at the lady in question cannotbe identi*ed as SOt' is borne out precisely by the hair bun that contrasts sharplywith the crown and nimbus accorded to SOt' in the preceding relief (53) and inother R'ma reliefs as well. As noted earlier by Saran and Khanna, in many In-dian R!m!ya"as, King DaQaratha, R'ma’s father, did have a daughter. For thisreason they suggested that the *gure should be identi*ed as a female *gure inthe background of the second relief panel of the 1iva temple.(is *gure wears ahair bun that is very similar to that of the palace lady in relief 534. According toSaran and Khanna (#++$:/-), ‘a reference to a daughter called Shanta is foundin some of the early [unspeci*ed] manuscripts of the Valmiki Ramayana. Shelater appears in Chandrawati’s Bengali Ramayana as Kakua and in the HikayatSeri Rama as Kikewi’.,$ (e reasonwhy thewoman cannot be an ordinary court

,$. Saran and Khanna do not refer to Stutterheim (,-#.:,++, #$+ note ,#N; ,-I-:I,, #+,note ,#N) where the identi*cation of the girl in the second relief panel of the 1iva temple asKikewi/Kuku' was *rst advanced, along with the reference to CandravatO’s East Bengal R!m!-ya"a. (e name 1'nt' is found, among others, in BhavabhVti’s Uttarar!macarita, where she isrepresented as DaQaratha’s *rst child. She was married to TRyaQE&ga, who of*ciated as head-priest at the sacri*ce that DaQaratha had offered for the birth of male progeny. Belvalkar, thetranslator of BhavabhVti’s work, notes that the epic does not say who 1'nt'’s mother was (Bel-valkar ,-,.:xlviii, note ,). I am not aware of the origin of the name Kikewi, but going by theresemblance of their names, it might be conjectured that it is a pun and that the unknown poetwho coined the name had the intention to suggest that she is the daughter of KaikeyO. KaikeyOherself was the daughter of the king of the Kekaya people, King AQvapati. If the conjecture of thispost-V'lmOkian parentage proves correct, it would imply that both the father (DaQaratha) andhis son (R'ma) were victims to machinations of a mother (Kaikeya) and her daughter (Kikewi).Such a literary parallel is not unattractive from a narrative point of view. For more information

,-N Roy Jordaan

lady, in my opinion, is her sitting tenderly close to R'ma, with one of her handson his hip. No woman would be allowed such intimacy, except for SOt' or aclose relative, such as a mother or sister; the latter being the most likely in thiscase.(is furnishes another example of the usefulness of the HSR.

(e second example of identical female hair buns is found in the secondrelief panel on the ViR)u temple. Accepting Levin’s amended identi*cation ofthe *rst relief as the true closing scene of the R!m!ya"a, the second relief startsthe series of reliefs dealing with the birth and the adventures of KER)a.(is re-lief shows a king in the company of three palace ladies, all of them wearing hairbuns with a string of pearls dangling from the top end, and a string of pearlsor a Pat crown on the top of their heads.,. Whoever they are, the hair bunsof the ladies are very similar to that of the *gure emerging from the sea in thecauseway relief.

If it is granted that these examples furnish suf*cient evidence for the iden-ti*cation of the bun as a female hair-dress and that the *gure in the causewayrelief indeed represents a woman, her identity nevertheless remains a mystery.Who is she? How can we explain her prominent position at Prambanan? Wasshe modelled on another mythological *gure and/or did she herself serve as arole model for other mythical *gures?

No such female *gure is mentioned in VR and the KR.(e HSR, on theother hand, relates how during the building of the causeway the monkeys areunable to subdue a certain area of the sea fromwhichwater is spurting high intothe air in spite of all their efforts to control it. Enraged over this, R'ma preparesto shoot his arrow Gandiwati into the sea. At that moment a young woman (avirgin girl, according to Zieseniss) emerges from the water, informing R'maof the presence of the deep chasm in the ocean that gives access to the Nether-world. (e spring which is located there is the source of the earlier mentionedelixir of life, airMa’ulhayat.(e girl advises R'ma to have his monkey-warriorsdrink from it and thus become invulnerable. She then disappears.

In theHSR another female *gure appears a2er R'ma has shot an arrow intothe sea to vent his anger over the disappearance of a section of the causeway.She remains anonymous.(e girl informs R'ma of DewataMulia Raya’s objec-tion to the construction of the causeway, and, subsequently, at the command ofMaharaja Bisnu, directs him to the gorge with the spring of rejuvenating water.

on the elder sister of R'ma, see Sahai (,--N, 4:/, #.–/,).,.. Both Moertjipto and Bambang Prasetya (,--%:#/) and Fontein (,--%:,--) believe that therelief represents King Vasudeva and his Queens Rohi)O and DevakO, but they fail to mention thethird palace lady.

&e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R!m!ya"a Reexamined ,-%

She tells R'ma that he is a descendant of Maharaja Bisnu, calling the latter his(fore)father (nenenda), and then disappears.

It is not clear whether Dewata Mulia Raya (‘(e Supreme God’) and Bisnu(‘ViR)u’) should be seen as identical or two distinct deities. In any case, a2erR'ma has prayed to Dewata Mulia Raya, the causeway rises up from the seaand its construction by the monkeys is resumed.

(e information provided by the HSR is too fragmentary and confusing forus to be able to identify the mysterious young woman in the sea, but compari-son with variant myths in Southeast Asia will show that she has much in com-mon with the ‘Golden Mermaid’ (Suvar)amatsy', Supanna Matcha) or ‘Ser-pent Princess’ (Massa) or ‘Fish Princess’ (Tuan Puteri Ikan) *guring in the(ai,Cambodian, Laotian and other Malay versions of the R!m!ya"a dealing withthe construction of the causeway.,N Very briePy summarized, in the Ramakien,the(ai version of the R!m!ya"a, the construction of the causeway is halted bythe disappearance of the boulders beneath the waves of the sea. Hanuman dis-covers that sea creatures are carrying away the rocks.(ey are led by amermaid,Supanna Matcha (‘Golden Fish Maiden’). A2er being caught by him, SupannaMatcha surrenders to Hanuman’s romantic overtures. She informs Hanumanthat she is the daughter of Totsagan (R'va)a) with the Queen of the Ocean. Shepromises to assist in the completion of the causeway by having her sea min-ions replace the rocks they had carried away. In the Phra Lak Phra Lam of theLao, the four daughters of the serpent king of the Netherworld (Pattahlum), ledby Massa, destroy the part of the causeway that they were unable to pass. Asthe repair work is also destroyed, Hanuman and three monkey-brothers divedown and meet the four sisters to whom they make love.(e causeway is com-pleted and crossed over by R'ma and his army. In the Malay Cerita MaharajaWana, the destructive creatures of the sea are led by the turtle king and theFish Princess Suvar)amatsy'. She surrenders to Hanuman a2er his killing ofa giant crab and the turtle king. Hanuman and Suvar)amatsy' make love inher submarine abode. She informs him about the spring of the water of life.With this water R'ma will revive VibhORa)a whose dead body is found dri2ingon a ra2. (e monkeys cross the causeway, with R'ma and LakRma)a ridingon Hanuman as lion-mount. In the so-called wayang kulit Siam of the Malays,the serpent king churns the sea to create a great whirlpool that sucks Hanumandown. He captures Suvar)amatsy', who takes him to her father, the serpentking. Hanuman marries Suvar)amatsy'. (e construction work is resumed

,N. See, for instance, the discussion in Raghavan (,-%.), Sahai (,-%#), Kam (#+++), and Sin-garavelu (#++$).

,-I Roy Jordaan

and various problems are overcome. In the Javanese SArat Kanda, R'va)a hasa son, Sogasura, by a *sh princess (putri mina), named Ga&gavatO (Stutterheim,-I-:.$). In the Patani version excerpted by Winstedt (,-#-:$/,), her name isLinggang Kiamit.

31

Plate 4: Hanum!n and Supanna MatchaSource: paper rubbing (abklatsch) from a bas-relief of Wat PhraJetubon, Bangkok. Adapted from Cadet (1971: 157)

Figure $: Hanuman and SupannaMatcha in amorous embrace (paper rubbingfroma bas-relief ofWat Phra Jetubon, Bangkok; adapted fromCadet ,-%,:,.%)

From the above-mentioned comparative research, but also from my previousinvestigations into kindred mythological *gures in Indonesia, it can be con-cluded that the golden-bodied ‘Fish Princess’ and ‘Serpent Princess’ are identi-cal creatures, who are more generally known in the literature as N'gO or N'ginO,‘snake-goddesses’ represented as ‘mermaids’ with a human body and a serpen-

&e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R!m!ya"a Reexamined ,--

tine tail (Liebert ,-%N:,II; Jordaan ,-I$).,% On this ground, the descriptionsof the abode of the N'ga(devas) in folk tales and the epics can be invoked tocon*rm the identi*cation of the above-mentioned distant objects as buildingsin the Netherworld. According to theMah!bh!rata, for instance, the Serpent-world (known as N'galoka or P't'la) is crowded with hundreds of differentkinds of palaces, houses, towers and pinnacles, and strewnwithwonderful largeand small pleasure-grounds (Fausbøll ,-+/:#-; Van Buitenen ,-%I:/I%–-).

Now, can the HSR and kindred Southeast Asian stories provide us with aclue about the identity of the girl who is depicted in the Prambanan relief? Al-though it is dif*cult to say whether the girl is the daughter of the God of theSea or the God of the Netherworld, it is interesting to note that some of theabove-mentioned Southeast Asian ideas on mermaids are implicitly present inV'lmOki’s description of Varu)a’s authority: ‘(e rivers, whose lord he was, rosearound him: Ganga, Yamuna, and the others, luminous Goddesses. His people,sea serpents with Pashing jewels on their heads, and his nereids and mermaidqueens, all rose around that scintillating Deva. (ey stood treading the crestof waves’ (Menon #++,:/%-).,I But how could such a powerful deity as Varu)ayield pride of place to one of his mermaid queens, a N'gO? Could this be anexample of so-called localization, by which is meant the adaptation of culturalelements to local beliefs and practices?,- So far, my search for Indian paral-lels has yielded rather poorly documented examples, such as the South IndianSea Goddess, Ma)imekhal' (see, for example, Coedès ,-,,; Lévi ,-/,; LokeshChandra ,--.; Hiltebeitel ,-II:#+#–,,, ##.). Is it possible to see in the girl thearchetype of Nyai Lara Kidul, whom the Javanese still venerate as the Goddessof the Southern Ocean and who, as a matter of mythological fact, is a SerpentQueen?(is suggestion may seem far-fetched, but Java scholars will agree thatR'ma’s attempt to solicit the help of the God of the Sea strongly reminds of thestories about the activities of seventeenth-century Javanese noblemen aspiring

,%. (e transformation of the serpent maiden into a *sh-like creature, and the distinction be-tween the Indian concept of the N'ga and the Chinese dragon deserves further investigation,but goes beyond the scope of this article. On the *sh-like maiden, see Przyluski (,-#.); on theChinese dragon design in mainland Southeast Asian art, see Boisselier (,-NN:/#+).,I. (is is a free rendering, but it does illustrate the interpretative possibilities of V'lmOki’s sem-inal ideas.,-. As for the phenomenon of localization, it deserves mention that John Brockington, in hiscomments on the earlier workshop paper, has noted that ‘(is material on Nyai Lara Kidulstrongly suggests that in Java (and elsewhere in Southeast Asia?) the sea was regularly thoughtof as feminine (in sharp contrast to North India, but perhaps similarly to South India withMa)imekhal'/Ma)imekhalai). Is this the primary motivation of S'gara/Varu)a being replacedby a female *gure?’ (personal communication).

#++ Roy Jordaan

to become king over Java, such as Panembahan Senapati and scores of other*gures in Javanese history. As did R'ma before him, Senapati meditates on theshore of the great Ocean to establish contact with the Ruler of the Sea. Accord-ing to the Babad Tanah Jawi, Senapati’s prayers are so fervent as to cause greatturmoil in nature (gara-gara) that comes close to the effects of R'ma’s arrows(Olthof ,-$/:%I–I#). As with Varu)a, the unrest among the denizens of the seaprompts the Goddess of the Southern Ocean to emerge from the waters for in-vestigation. On seeing Senapati in meditation on the beach the Serpent Queenimplores him to stop this and submissively invites him into her subterraneanabode, which closely parallels Hanuman’s amorous stay with Suvar)amatsy'.Although representing a venerable old mythological *gure, Nyai Lara Kidul isassumed to be able to rejuvenate herself periodically, much like a real snakecasting off its old skin.(e goddess tells Senapati that his wishes to become thesupreme ruler of Java will be ful*lled. She promises support to his cause. (emyth of the marital alliance between Senapati and the Queen of the SouthernOcean is still enacted and perpetuated by some of the present rulers of CentralJava.#+

#+. Considering the striking semi-historical and mythological ‘parallels’, I do not want to ex-clude the possibility that the lost narrative followed at Prambanan had R'ma, not Hanuman,having an affair with the mermaid. Relief 59, in which their encounter is depicted, shows thatR'ma is positioned much closer to the mermaid than Hanuman, who seems to look rather shylyin her direction from behind SugrOva’s back. I have so far been unable to *nd any referencein the R!m!ya"a literature to support this bold hypothesis, but a few non-V'lmOki examplescan be offered to support my idea.(e information provided by the Sanskrit Bh!gavatapur!"a,assumed to date from the thirteenth century, on ViR)u’s incarnation as a golden-coloured *sh(Matsy'vat'ra) in order to retrieve from P't'laloka the Veda books stolen from Brahm' wouldseem to make such an adventure underground by R'ma less inconceivable (Jouveau-Dubreuil,-,$:%$–N).(is holds also for the episode in the Shellabear version of the HSR in which envoysof Pat'laMahar'yan discover that R'ma is to spend the night on a gAta n!ga; their report promptsPat'la Mahar'yan to abduct R'ma personally. Regrettably, it remains unclear what a gAta n!gais. Zieseniss tentatively suggested that it could be a couch in the shape of a serpent, which is notvery helpful (Zieseniss ,-N/:%., note #). Perhaps a faint echo of the lost episode can be heardin a modern Indian retelling in which Hanuman ful*lls his promise to Candrasena, a captiveserpent princess, to bring R'ma to her bedchamber in return for her help against MahOr'va)a.However, to prevent their union Hanuman takes the form of a bee and hollows out the leg ofthe bed on which the N'ga princess had hoped to seduce R'ma. (e bed collapses when R'masits on it, signalling the impossibility of their union. But R'ma comforts the maiden with thepromise that he will wed her in his next incarnation (Lutgendorf #++%:/#-). Finally, I would liketo remind readers of Arjuna’s marriage with UlVpO, daughter of the serpent king, mentioned intheMah!bh!rata (,.#+N, see Van Buitenen ,-%/:$++–,; compare Zoetmulder ,-%$:/I$; Creese,--I:,N%–I/). Future research may con*rm that it was R'ma who served as a model for theCentral Javanese royalty in their dealings with the Queen of the Southern Ocean, irrespective ofwhether they were aware of these ancient, ninth-century roots or not.

&e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R!m!ya"a Reexamined #+,

In search of the lost text

(e identi*cation of the *gure in the relief as the girl from the HSR has itsproblems, and also raises all kinds of new questions. One problem to resolveconcerns the conPicting interpretations of the scene of the *shes swallowingthe stones thrown into the sea by the monkeys. Regrettably, the identi*ca-tion of the girl as an N'gO does not help in deciding whether in the next reliefthe *shes are assisting or obstructing the monkeys in their construction of thecauseway. However, considering that the supplication gesture of the SerpentPrincess in the previous relief-scene indicates her total submission to R'ma,it is reasonable to assume that this also holds for the *shes, her subjects. Inthe Ramakien, this is what actually happens: a2er surrendering to Hanuman,the mermaid Supanna Matcha orders her ‘sea minions’ to replace the stonesthey had taken away (Cadet ,-%,:,.$–.; Olsson ,-NI:,N-). (is is also whathappens in a Patani version of the R!m!ya"a (Winstedt ,-#-:$/,). Besides, topropose that the *shes are resisting the causeway, at this late stage, amounts to a‘narrative inconsistency’. It is one of several types of textual Paws that J. Brock-ington and M. Brockington (#++N) took into account in their reconstruction ofthe original VR text. Still, to be able to settle this matter conclusively we needto know more about the lost text(s) followed at Prambanan, which for use bysemi-literate artisans and sculptors presumably was condensed into a sort of re-lief scenario, offering an outline of the story in the form of drawings with notesspecifying the exact contents and sequential arrangement of the R'ma reliefs.#,

Unlike Levin, I do not think we have to follow the scenario of the HSR inthis, and assume that the *shes are resisting the construction of the causeway.Indeed, to admit that the HSR proves useful in interpreting scenes which areat variance with VR does not necessarily imply that the HSR should always beresorted to in such cases. As Fontein stated, ‘any variant in any text’ can be ofvalue to us, and the Ramakien and the Patani narration offer an apt example of

#,. I have called such amanual or series of scripted instructions a relief scenario in analogywitha *lm scenario. We could in this connection think of lontar picture books similar to those offeredfor sale in many Balinese tourist resorts. (ese (newly-made) picture books usually consist ofa small number of carved or painted leaves illustrating a well-known episode of the R!m!ya-"a such as the deer hunt by R'ma and the subsequent abduction of SOt' by R'va)a. To myknowledge, such fragile picture books have not survived the ages but some ancient Javanesemanuscripts with illustrations and diagrams have been found in theMerapi-Merbabu collection(personal communicationWillem nan derMolen, May #++-). Also relevant is that picture-scrollnarration was a well-known medium in Gupta and post-Gupta India (Levin ,---:/+/, note -).Stutterheim (,-I-:,I) mentions the possible use of stencils (Schablonen) in the design of thereliefs.

#+# Roy Jordaan

this. If the HSR has failed us in this case, we should keep in mind the fact that itis a fourteenth to seventeenth-century Malay text containing numerous otherdivergences from VR, which are not found at Ca)0i Prambanan either. For in-stance, the representation in the HSR of Hanuman as the son of R'ma, who, onthe latter’s express wishes, is recognizable by his human face and earrings. AtPrambanan, as we have seen, Hanuman is unmistakably a monkey with a tailand does not wear clothes or ear-rings. In some HSR versions R'ma is eithercarried on Hanuman’s shoulders or Hanuman acts as his mount in the form ofan enormous lion, none of which is visible in the causeway relief either.

(e successive appearance in the Prambanan reliefs of the submissive Ser-pent Princess and the stone-swallowing *shes suggests that the narrative fol-lowed by the Javanese sculptors had no place for R'va)a’s son Ga&g' Mah'SVra. Possibly he was not even known in this role during the late eighth toearly ninth century when the Prambanan temple complex was built.## Froma narrative point of view, Ga&g'Mah' SVra’s appearance in the HSR is so un-satisfactory as to arouse suspicion of being an interpolation dating from theperiod when parts of the Indo-Malay archipelago witnessed the conversion toIslam, during the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries. (at the narration of thecauseway episodewas not altogether clear to the redactors of theHSR is demon-strated by the exempting endnote that says ‘andAllah knows best (whether) thisstory… (is true)’ (as quoted by Zieseniss ,-N/:NI, note .). All in all, I think thatwe can now safely state that the *shes depicted in the causeway relief are indeedcollaborating in the construction work.

Considering that some of the earlier mentioned mainland Southeast Asianvariants of the causeway episode come from as far as inland Cambodia andLaos, some readers may feel that the links with Prambanan have become in-creasingly distant and tenuous. Paradoxically, the opposite is the case: thesedistant parallelsmaywell bring us closer to the original lost text. Aswas*rst un-derstood by François Bizot (,-I/:#N.), the wide regional distribution of R'mastories with *shes involved in the construction of the causeway implies ‘the ex-istence of a tradition of the epic that is very ancient in south-east (sic)Asia, com-mon notably to Indonesia and Cambodia, going beyond the poem of V'lmOkiand the setting of Angkor—but not the Indian sources—and of which at leastpart of the modern versions in the Khmer,(ai and Malay languages have re-tained a trace’.

##. According to Lutgendorf (#++$:,./), the oldest literary versions of the R'ma story thatdepict R'va)a’s son do not appear until the late-medieval period, that is, the twel2h to fourteenthcenturies 6:.

&e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R!m!ya"a Reexamined #+/

So far, my search for ancient Indian antecedents of the episode with *shesinvolved in the construction of the causeway has yielded only few leads. Forinstance, in Pravarasena’s R!va"avaha, better known as Setubandha, a Prakrittext dating from the sixth century, the mountains Pung in the ocean by themonkeys ‘vanished, even though so lo2y, in the mouth of a whale-devouringmonster, like a blade of grass’ (Canto 344, verse I). Commenting upon thisverse, Saran and Khanna (#++$:IN, note #+) state that ‘it is generally assumedthat many later retellings of the Rama tale in India and Southeast Asia builtupon this briefest of hints’, by which they seem to suggest that Pravarasena’stext could have served as an early prototype for the HSR and Prambanan re-liefs, at least for the causeway episode. (is suggestion deserves further inves-tigation as we know that Pravarasena’s workwas read in ancient Southeast Asia.For instance, in theHar1acarita of B')a (seventh century 6:) it is said that thefame of Pravarasena ‘went to the other shore of the ocean, namely to manyforeign countries, just as did the army of the monkeys cross over to the otherend (La&k') of the ocean by means of a bridge’ (Basak ,-.-:v). (is statement*nds con*rmation in a Cambodian inscription of the time of King YaQovar-man I (probably II-–-++ 6:) in which Pravarasena’s Setubandha is explicitlyreferred to and which led Sarkar (,-I+:,,I) to remark that it might well havebeen current in Java too during that period.

However, a close scrutiny of the relevant parts of the text shows that a di-rect link between the Setubandha and Prambanan is improbable. Except for theactions of the *sh, on the whole Pravarasena’s representation of the causewayepisode follows V'lmOki faithfully.#/ For instance, VibhORa)a’s defection andcoronation take place in Canto 3, well before the construction and crossing ofthe causeway in Cantos 344–3444. Further, no mention is made of a girl in thesea, only of the God of the Sea or Ocean God, who gives R'ma the advice tobuild a bridge. It is SugrOva, however, who urged Nala to complete the bridge toovercome initial dif*culties during the construction. (e *shes that *rst swal-low the stones and later assist in the completion of the bridge do this of theirown accord, without any further explanation. Nevertheless, while it is evidentthat the Setubandha did not serve as themodel for the HSR and Prambanan, wecannot exclude the possibility that the text had inspired another Indian or per-haps a Hindu-Javanese poet to recast certain elements in a new and somewhat

#/. Saran and Khanna refer to the action of only one ‘whale-devouring monster’, but in the Se-tubandha text that I consulted it concerns a number of sea-whales (timi) of enormous size (Basak,-.-:xxxiv, xxxvii). In the J!nak*hara"a by Kum'rad'sa, whose work was also known in mar-itime Southeast Asia, mention ismade of groups of such huge*shes, timi/galas (see Paranavitanaand Godakumbura ,-N%:xlviii, /$-).

#+$ Roy Jordaan

differently arranged overall story that was subsequently adopted as the proto-type for both the HSR and Prambanan. Particularly relevant for the presentdiscussion is the deliberate linking by Pravarasena of the construction of thecauseway with the legend of the Churning of the Ocean. For instance, wherehe refers to the exposure of the nether regions of P't'la during the constructionwork and simultaneously also alludes to the Churningmyth.(us, ‘[t]he watersof the ocean were raised upwards in the horizon along with their brilliant gemswhich previously lay hidden in its bottom. […] Evenmountainswith high sum-mits sank into the ocean when hurled by the monkeys.(e ocean roared beingsplit bymountains thrown into it, as if it was being churned a second time with-out, however, producing nectar’ (Basak ,-.-:xxxiv). Clearly, for an imaginativelater poet, this association could easily have been developed into the oppositedirection wherein the construction of the causeway either gave access to P't'laand the nectar of immortality (as in the HSR) or yielded the nectar itself (as inthe lost text that served as the model for the architects of Prambanan).

Conclusion

Reexamination of the closing R'ma reliefs on the 1iva temple has revealed anumber ofPaws in current descriptions of the causeway episode ofCa)0i Pram-banan. A major revision is the identi*cation of the *gure in the sea as an N'gOinstead of a male sea-god. (e analysis shows that the HSR offers even morepossibilities to explain discrepancies between the reliefs and VR than Stutter-heim and Fontein suspected. Very likely this also holds for the defection ofVibhORa)a, an event which in the HSR occurs a2er the crossing of the causeway,as at Prambanan. Earlier I had quoted Fontein to the effect that the sculptorsmight for dramaturgic reasons have postponed his introduction until the viewerhad reached Ca)0i Brahm', where the exploits of VibhORa)a were to be shown.His suggestion was supported by a reference to present-day performances ofthe R!m!ya"a in Malaysia, but it could very well be that the performances aresimply following the HSR in this regard.

It is an interesting question why the HSR is so terse on the girl in the seaandproves less useful for the interpretation of the Prambanan causeway episodethan the stillmuch laterRamakien. To attribute this fact to its greater distortion,though true, is facile if we do not attempt to *nd the cause that goes beyond thewear and tear inherent in the passage of time. Such ‘normal’ distortion includesaccidental changes resulting from the loss of prototypes, damage of texts, copy-ing and translation errors by redactors and copyists, and the like. Amajor causeof textual change was the introduction of Islam in the Indo-Malay archipelago

&e Causeway Episode of the Prambanan R!m!ya"a Reexamined #+.

and the conversion of the majority of its peoples to the new religion, in contrastto Cambodia and(ailand where Buddhism remained the dominant creed. Asis known, Islam rejects notions such as polytheism and reincarnation, whichare central ideas in Hinduism and Buddhism, and part and parcel of the R!-m!ya"a.#$ Regarding the non-accidental changes, we must proceed from theassumption that just as the insertion of new elements did not occur in a haphaz-ard way and was not without consequences for the textual fabric as a whole, sois the case with deletions, and they too deserve to be studied for their systemiceffects.

To determine the origins and the sequence of the interweaving of narrativeelements in the extant Southeast Asian R'ma stories is a notoriously dif*cultundertaking, but is nevertheless very important for the reconstruction of thecultural history of the region. Some dating indicators are relatively straightfor-ward, such as the simultaneous occurrence of Hindu and Muslim names andconcepts, like the designations for the Almighty, Dewata Mulia Raya and Allahta’alah; the absence of any references to *rearms (allowing for a dating beforethe eighties of the fourteenth century); the use of Tamil, Old Javanese, Persianor other non-Malay terms and expressions, et cetera.#. However, one of therecognized weaknesses of research using such indicators is their narrow focusand fragmentary nature, making one run the risk of losing sight of the text as apossibly coherent and meaningful whole.(is certainly holds for comparativetextual research yielding enumerations of all kinds of correspondences (‘par-allels’) and differences (‘divergences’). Sometimes it looks as if the listing ofmutual differences has become an end in itself, instead of laying the founda-tions for research that will reveal how some of these differences correlate anddelve deeper into the reasons for this covariance and patterning, and thus helpto *nd meaningful textual changes. Moreover, the chances of *ndings such

#$. Gerth Van Wijk (,I-,) claimed that the notion of reincarnation had become somethingmeaningless for the Malay and, consequently, that R'ma had developed into a sort of folk herorather than a deity, a view contested by Stutterheim. I think, however, that a gradual changein R'ma’s stature is noticeable in Islamic regions of Southeast Asia that contrasts with the in-creasing theological elevation of R'ma in South Asia, to the point of his becoming ‘otiose’. (elatter development, according to Lutgendorf, calls for a mediator or intercessor, which couldhelp to explain why people are now turning to SOt' and Hanuman for this. (e status elevationof Hanuman and his increasing humanization as rePected in his use of clothes and earrings sup-port Lutgendorf ’s interpretation. Apparently, Hanuman being imputed with ‘human’ traits andfollies was less offensive to orthodox Muslims than R'ma’s divinization.#.. (e argument of the absence of references to *rearms is from Brakel (,-%-:%). Brakel’sarticle, however, is primarily based on linguistic and textual evidence, such as the use of Persianloan-words and literary models.

#+N Roy Jordaan

patterns are slim if the research is limited to only a small number of SoutheastAsian and Indian texts. Small samples obviously do not allow for reliable state-ments about the origins of a particular innovation. Hence the o2en prematureclaims about the Malay or Javanese origins of particular innovations and adap-tations. Time and again the divergences proved to be known in India itself.#N Asis demonstrated by studies of this kind, it would seemmore fruitful to focus onone theme, episode or character only and simultaneously to broaden the geo-graphical range so as to include as many Southeast Asian and Indian narrativesas possible.

What the lost R!m!ya"a text followed at Prambanan looked like exactlywe cannot tell, but the chances of a theoretical reconstruction on the basis ofits constituent elements with the aid of advanced computer programs such asATLAS have de*nitely improved. To further increase the chances of success,more elements need to be salvaged by the collaborative efforts of art historiansand other scholars of ancient Java.

Postscript

Trying to *nd the Indian non-V'lmOki prototype of the Prambanan causewayepisode is like looking for the proverbial needle in a haystack. Apart from thephilological research in the vast R!m!ya"a literature and numerous uneditedmanuscripts, it seems warranted for comparative and dating purposes to lookfor Indian sculptural representations of the causeway episode inwhich the*shesand the N'gO appear. One pertinent example is found on the AmEteQvara Tem-ple in AmEtapura, a HoysaZa temple, which has a relief showing monkeys en-gaged in the construction of a causewaywith an unidenti*ed female *gure, pos-sibly a N'gO, in the lower right corner of the relief (see Fig. ., Gerard M.M.Foekema; see also Evans ,--%:NI–-, Fig. /+ and /,). Interestingly, at AmEteQ-vara the defection of VibhORa)a to R'ma’s camp takes place a2er the crossing,which corresponds to the non-V'lmOkian sequence followed at Prambanan andin the HSR.

#N. See, for instance, studies by Bulcke (,-./) on Hanuman’s birth, and by Sahai (,-%#) andBrockington (#++%) on SOt'’s birth.

Figure .: Monkey army building the bridge and VibhORa)a seeking R'ma’s protection(photo Gerard M.M. Foekema, P-+#,#N+, Leiden University Library, Kern Institute)

Figure .a: Detail of Figure .

Hanuman, the Flying Monkey(e symbolism of the R!m!ya"a Reliefs at the Main

Temple of Ca)0i Panataran

Lydia Kieven

Introduction: Ca"(i Panataran and the R!m!ya"a reliefs

(is paper investigates the relief depictions of the KR on the walls of the MainTemple of Ca)0i Panataran in East Java.#% (e selection of the episodes andscenes of the narrative and the spatial arrangement of the depictions was in-tended to convey a speci*c symbolic meaning. (e visual medium allowedthis to deviate from the literary text and put the focus on a speci*c topic: onHanuman’s mystic and magic power %akti in the confrontation with the worlddestroyer R'wa)a. I argue that the reliefs form part of a Tantric concept whichunderlies the symbolism of the whole temple complex, and that within thistheme Hanuman plays a role as an intermediary. (e paper continues Stut-terheim’s (,-#., ,-I-) analysis of the R!m!ya"a reliefs, Klokke’s study (#++N)on Hanuman’s outstanding role in the art of the East Javanese period, and myown recent investigation of the Pañji stories at Ca)0i Panataran (Kieven #++-,particularly pp. ,.,–#,-).

(e R!m!ya"a reliefs on the walls of the lower terrace of the Main Tem-ple of Ca)0i Panataran are known as the major East Javanese pendant to theCentral Javanese R!m!ya"a reliefs at Ca)0i Loro Jonggrang. (e descriptionof the two relief series, their identi*cation, and their comparison are the majorconcern of Stutterheim’s ,-#. German monograph, made more generally ac-cessible in English translation as R!ma legends and R!ma-reliefs in Indonesia in,-I-.(rough his description of the ,+N panels at Ca)0i Panataran he provedconvincingly that the KR is the underlying narrative.

#%. I am grateful for Danny Yee’s edit of the English language of my paper.

#,+ Lydia Kieven

Ca)0i Panataran is located in the southern part of East Java near the townof Blitar. It is a temple complex with an oblong layout consisting of three courtsstretching from west to east, the ground levels of the three courtyards slopinggently upwards.(e length of the whole temple compoundmeasures about ,I+meters, and it is N+meters wide (Krom ,-#/, 44:#%/).

Map ,: Ca)0i Panataran, from Satyawati Suleiman ,-%I

Hanuman, the Flying Monkey #,,

(e layout of Ca)0i Panataran has striking similarities to the present-day Ba-linese pura (temple) which is also characterized by three axially aligned court-yards, the forecourt having a profane use for preparations, the second courtadopting a sacred status during temple ceremonies and the third courtyard be-ing permanently sacred (Soekmono ,--.:,+.). Soekmono (,--.:I/) suggeststhat Ca)0i Panataran is ‘a direct precursor of the Balinese temple of today’. Fol-lowing this concept, the Main Temple, located in the third courtyard of thePanataran temple complex, represents the most sacred part of the temple.

(emajor part of the temple complex of Ca)0i Panataranwas built between,/,I 6: and ,$,. 6:. A single inscription dated ,,-% 6: indicates a periodof earlier construction, while another dated ,$.$ 6: suggests later building.Both these inscriptions, however, are on stones apart from buildings, whichmight have been relocated and anyhow did not necessarily form part of majorconstruction.#I Panataran has commonly been considered as the State Templeof the powerful kingdom of Majapahit and was visited by the prominent kingHayam Wuruk during the /- years of his reign (,/.+–,/I- 6:). (e De%awa-r"ana relates two visits (,%..a and N,.#). It seems that Hayam Wuruk orderedmost of the construction of the temple complex. It is assumed that the construc-tion of the Main Temple had already been completed by ,/$% 6: shortly beforehis reign began, as suggested by the inscriptions on the four dw!rap!la *gureslocated in front of the building. (e relief carvings may have been carried outlater during HayamWuruk’s time (Bernet Kempers ,-.-:-#).

When analysing Ca)0i Panataran or parts of it, we must keep the long pe-riod of construction in mind. (e temple complex was not planned and con-structed from the beginning as a uni*ed whole. However, in my investigationof the Pañji reliefs on the Pendopo Terrace of Panataran (Kieven #++-:,N/–-$),I conclude that there is a high probability of an underlying religious concept forthe whole temple complex which was further developed through the successivestages of each extension.

Outline of my approach

In approaching the interpretation of the reliefs, we must imagine ourselves asvisitors to the temple and consider what a visitor or pilgrim might have under-stood when viewing them. (e message of narrative sculpture can be under-stood at several levels: frommere entertainment to a deep spiritual meaning tobe conveyed as teaching. What I have tried to detect is the latter. I understand

#I. Compare the table of inscriptions at the end of the paper.

#,# Lydia Kieven

the relief depictions, as narratives in a visual medium, to have the same goal asthe narratives in the writtenmedium of a Kakawin, that is to serve as a yantra inachieving union with the Divine (see Zoetmulder ,-%$:,%#–/). Within Tantricyoga practice, a yantra is an object upon which the yogin meditates as a meansto achieve *nal mystical union with the Divine Being.

Based on the understanding that narrative reliefs at temples carry a speci*csymbolism within the overall function of the temple, I raise the following ques-tions in this paper. Why was Hanuman chosen to be the prominent *gure inthe R!m!ya"a reliefs at Ca)0i Panataran? What is the speci*c message of theR!m!ya"a reliefs? My analysis consists of threemajor aspects: (6) the selectionof the scenes, (G) the placement of the scenes, (H) the style of the depictions.

(6) Presenting a story visually has limits as not all literary scenes and theirembellishments canbe depicted.(e sculptor of the narrative reliefsmust be se-lective. On the other hand, the visual medium allows certain narrative episodesto be emphasized in order to convey a speci*cmessage whichmay deviate fromthe literary source.#-

(e prominent role of Hanuman in the R!m!ya"a reliefs at Panataran hasalready been discussed by Klokke (#+++:/N–%, #++N:/-.–$++). She highlightsthe fact that Hanuman and not R'ma is themajor protagonist in the depictions.She suggests that it is indeed more appropriate to speak here of the Hanumanstory instead of the R!m!ya"a story. Within the ,+N panels, /. panels depictHanuman, the general of the monkey army, only four depict Prince R'ma to-gether with his brother LakRma)a, four depict R'ma’s wife SOt'with TrijaS', andeight depict the demon king R'wa)a (Klokke #++N:/-.).(e monkey king Su-grOwa is depicted in *ve panels, R'wa)a’s son Indrajit in three panels, his otherson AkRa in one panel, and R'wa)a’s brother Kumbhakar)a in one panel. Onlya selection of sargas and stanzas of the KR are depicted: sargas I–,,, ,.–,N, ,-and #/.

(G) In her innovative article about the orientation of East Javanese templeson the example of Ca)0i Surowono, Klokke (,--.) identi*ed a dichotomy be-tween the demonic aspect on the front part and the divine aspect on the rearpart of a temple. In her later study (Klokke #+++:/N–%) she applied this princi-ple to the R!m!ya"a depictions at Panataran. She found that scenes which takeplace in the realm of the evil king R'wa)a are depicted on the front, the south,

#-. Ca)0i Surowono has been the object of studies on the seemingly odd selection and the dis-order of the arrangement of narrative scenes. (e investigations by Klokke (,--.) and Worsley(,-IN, ,--N) deliver the insight that the selection and placement of the depicted scenes was in-deed deliberately done in a speci*c way. (rough this way a speci*c message and symbolismwas conveyed.(is principle can be applied to other Ca)0is as well.

Hanuman, the Flying Monkey #,/

and the north sides of the building, while the events happening in the realm ofthe just king R'ma are all placed on the rear side. (is rear side also featuresother motifs associated with sacred energy, such as depictions of mountainsand of a sage. My paper builds on and expands these principles governing theplacement of speci*c themes in the R!m!ya"a reliefs.

(H) Stutterheim’s pioneering stylistic comparison of the R!m!ya"a reliefsat Prambanan and Panataran drew attention to a number of major stylisticdifferences between East Javanese art and that of the earlier Central Javaneseperiod. (ese characteristic East Javanese features include: the wayang-likecrab-claw hairdo (supit urang) in the depictions of the heroes R'ma, Hanuman,and others; the depiction of Javanese rather than Indian vegetation and animals;Javanese sword types in the depictions of weapons; the threatening pose withtwo *ngers distinct from the Central Javanese with one *nger only. An im-portant element that Stutterheim identi*ed in his analysis of the styles is the‘magicism’ in the relief depictions at Ca)0i Panataran, referring to the ghost-like spiral motifs and cloud motifs. He uses the ‘efPorescence of magicism inEast Java’ to support his argument that this art cannot be the result of degen-eration, but rather ‘shows that [this art] is capable of generating and creatingnew forms’ (Stutterheim ,-I-:,%,). Saying this he opposed the scholarly posi-tion that the art of the East Javanese period was characterized by a degenerationin comparison to the Central Javanese period. (is issue had been the objectof a longstanding controversy among scholars, most of them being Indologistswho compared all manifestations of the so-called Indianization in SoutheastAsia with the Indian prototype. Stutterheim was the *rst to recognize and ac-knowledge the uniqueness of the East Javanese art which had developed its ownfeatures in a creative way and independently from the Central Javanese models.(e understanding of this ‘creative response’ is essential in the approach to EastJavanese art and provides the framework for my analysis of the reliefs.

panels 184-195: sarga 16.1-47 (47)!

! panel 182: sarga 15.57-69 (69)!

! panels 166-181: sarga 11.1-96 (96)!!!

panels 196-207: sarga 19.33-131 (131)!

!!!

panels 163-165: sarga 10.69-72 (72)!

!! ! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!"##!!!!!!!!!!!!!!"#$%"#&!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!"'(!!!"()!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!"("!

!!!!!"!!!!!!#$%!!!!!!!#$%!!!!!!!"!!!!!!!!#$%!

!!"'*!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!"'&!

!!!!"(*!!!!!!!+,,!

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!"!!!!!!!!!!!#$%!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!"&!!!

!!! !%!!!!!!!#$"!!!!!!!#!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

'#!!%($#!

!!!!!'#!

!!!"&!

!!!!!'#!

"'+!!!!

"*#!+,$!!!!!!!!+",!

!!!#!!!#!!)*+!!

#,"&!

!!

!!!!!!!!!!!"&,#,-!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!-$"&$#!

!-$#!

!#!!

!#!!

!!!!!!!!!!!-!

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!#,#!

"*$!!!!!!!!!

")#!",)!!!!!",#!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!""+!

!#!!"&!!%(!!#$%(!!%(!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

! !!!!!!!!!"&!

!!!!!!!!!!!

!!'#!!

#!!

'#!!

!!!!.!!

#!

")$!!!!!!

"),!!!!!""'!

#! !!!!

!

!#!!!

"+"! !!!!!!"&!

"$,! ! !!!!!

!

!!#!

"$#!!!!"$)!

![148 = loving couple]!

!!!

!

! ! ! !!!

!

!!!-!

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

"+'!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

#!!!!!!!!!!!!#!!!!!!!!!!#!!!!!!!!!!!!#!!

!!"&)!

! panels 113-162: sarga 9.1-93 (93)!

"+#!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!"&$!!

!!

Panel numbers (105–210) following Stutterheim (1989) !!

H = Hanuman [35 !]! Rw = R"wa#a [8 !] The numbers in brackets (xx) indicate the total number of stanzas of the sarga. *H = Hanuman in a flying/jumping posture.

R = R"ma [4 !] I = Indrajit [3 !] Si = S$t" [4 !] Kum = Kumbhakar#a [1 !] S = Sugr$wa [5 !] A = Ak%a [1 !]

!

!!panels 208-210: sarga 23.2-7 (85)!

!!panels 105-112: sarga 8.79-214 (214)!

[117 = female bh!ta]!

Map #: Groundplan of the Main Temple of Ca)0i Panataran (by L. Kieven)

Hanuman, the Flying Monkey #,.

Description and analysis of the R!m!ya"a depictions

(e panels of the R!m!ya"a reliefs are placed on the *rst terrace while the sec-ond terrace has the K31"!yana reliefs (Klokke #+++).(e *rst part of the storyin sargas , to %, relating the circumstances which lead to the involvement ofthe monkeys and the monkey general Hanuman in the *ght against R'wa)a, isnot on display at all. (e ,+N relief panels display scenes from sarga I to ,- ofthe KR. I follow Stutterheim’s numeration (,-I-) of panels (no. ,+.–#,+). (epanels are arranged in the counterclockwise prasawya direction of circumam-bulation. (e series has its starting point on the western part of the north sideof the building. Klokke (#++N:/-.–I) gives a detailed iconographic descriptionof the panels related to the content of the respective sargas of the KR. Here I willprovide a concise description of the reliefs with a particular focus on Hanumanin order to contextualize my later analysis. In most respects, my interpretationof the reliefs agrees with that of Klokke but a fewminor points of difference arenoted and some additional detail is provided. I extend her work by exploring anumber of new perspectives which support my interpretation of the symbolismof the reliefs.

(e *rst eight panels, no. ,+.–,,#, on the north side, correspond to KRsarga I.%-–#,$. Hanuman is depicted in three of these panels. (e very *rstpanel (,+.) shows Hanuman, followed by a panel introducing R'wa)a in hispalace. SOt' is approached by R'wa)a, then by Hanuman, and she is consoledby TrijaS'.

From the very start of the relief series the viewer is acquainted with Hanu-man as a leading *gure. Hanuman’s task to set SOt' free by *ghting R'wa)a’sarmy, is unfolded in these *rst panels. Neither R'ma, LakRma)a, nor SugrOwawho are major protagonists in the previous part of the KR are addressed inthe depictions. (ese initial eight panels refer to ,/. stanzas of sarga I, whichmeans that the visual depictions present a very concise extract of the literarytext. (rough this signi*cant selection of scenes and furthermore through thehigh percentage of depictions of Hanuman the focus is put on Hanuman’s task.

(e following /. panels (no. ,,/–,$I) corresponding to KR sarga -.,–$,stretch along the west front of the temple. Both text and depictions narrateHanuman’s *ght against the demons in R'wa)a’s realm in considerable de-tail. (e number of panels is nearly on a par with the number of stanzas ofthe respective sarga, however only a few of them show a direct match with astanza. For example panel ,// and stanza -.#I both relate Hanuman’s defeatof an elephant, panel ,$+ and stanza -./, relate the demons’ report to R'wa)a.Most scenes display rather unspeci*c encounters between Hanuman and the

#,N Lydia Kieven

demons.(e majority of panels depict demons; Hanuman appears in nine andR'wa)a in two. Hanuman is depicted in *erce postures, such as leaping ondemons (for example panel ,/N, see Fig. ,) and the elephant, or pointing witha threatening gesture at a demon.

Hanuman is displayed with his martial qualities of bravery, strength andskillfulness. He uses tricks and ruses to *ght and defeat the demons and tocause great turmoil in R'wa)a’s realm. By *lling the long stretch of the frontside with Hanuman’s brave deeds and the defeat of the demons, Hanuman isemphasized as the hero.(ese scenes lay the foundations for the following dis-play of his more speci*c heroic deeds.

(e next ,/ panels (no. ,$-–,N#) continue sarga - (-.$#–-/), stretchingalong more than half of the south wall. (e episodes depicted more tightlymatch episodes of the KR. Nine of the ,/ panels display the *ghting and heroicdeeds of Hanuman: the *ght against AkRa (,.+), Hanuman rushing to the sea(,.#, Fig. #), his bath in the sea (,./, Fig. /), his return to the battle*eld (,.$),his destruction of R'wa)a’s garden (,.N, Fig. $), his wait for the enemy (,.%),the attack by Indrajit (,N+), and Hanuman wrapped in Indrajit’s arrow snake(,N,, ,N#). (e two panels ,.# and ,.$ show Hanuman in a Pying posture.(e very dense display of Hanuman in this part of the series does not corre-spond to a similar concentration in the respective part of the KR. WibhORa)a’spledge to R'wa)a that he will not kill Hanuman, an important episode in theKR, is not shown.

(e next three panels ,N/–,N. depict four stanzas of sarga ,+ (,+.N-–%#)where R'wa)a furiously orders Hanuman’s tail to be torched, while Indrajit isdepicted walking away. Hanuman is still wrapped in the arrow snake. (usthree panels display him in this motionless position.

(e *nal part of the south wall is covered by panels no. ,NN–,%#, corre-sponding to sarga ,,.,–.. Hanuman appears in four of the seven panels, whichnarrate the setting on *re of Hanuman’s tail (,NN), the torching of R'wa)a’spalace (,NI), Hanuman jumping fromroof to roof (,N-), R'wa)a’s escape (,%+),Hanuman Peeing through the air (,%,), and taking leave of SOt' (,%#). Hanu-man is shown in a jumping posture in panel ,N-, and in a Pying posture in panel,%,.

(e southern wall has the largest number and the highest density of Hanu-man depictions in ,. of the #$ panels.(ese highlight episodes of the KR nar-rating Hanuman’s bravery and astuteness. In the *rst six panels Hanuman isthe only *gure in the panel, for example when he bathes in the sea (,./) ordestroys R'wa)a’s garden (,.N). In this way, Hanuman and his actions are em-

Hanuman, the Flying Monkey #,%

phasized and given special attention. By *ghting and defeating AkRa, one of theleading heroes of the demons, Hanuman proves his martial prowess. (roughthis deed, Hanuman acquiresmagical power (%akti) which is attributed to AkRa,as visually expressed in the deer-arch bow above him./+ (is power becomesmanifest in the following depiction of Hanuman’s Pying posture, a capability hehas inherited from his father, the wind god B'yu. I interpret Hanuman’s sub-sequent bath in the sea as an act of spiritual puri*cation, which strengthens his%akti and becomes manifest once more in his power to Py. (ese scenes showthe viewer that this hero is notable not only for his bravery but also for his %akti.

In the remaining panels on the southernwall, the emphasis is *rst onHanu-man’s weak position, wrapped and fettered by Indrajit’s snake arrow. A2erthree depictions in this horizontalmotionless posture the following panels showhim in radically different postures: upright, jumping and Pying. (rough thiscontrast, his capabilities and his bravery are highlighted even more. Hanumanapplies his magical power and cleverness not only to break his fetters and to sethimself free, but also to set his enemy in turmoil. He continuously enriches his%akti.(e *nal panel on this southern wall—Hanuman taking leave of SOt'—isreminiscent of the scene in panel ,,,where he greets her. A2er the focus on hispersonal heroism in the preceding reliefs, the viewer is here reminded of Hanu-man’s task which was introduced in the initial panels: to help in setting SOt' free.While in the *rst half of the southern wall most panels feature Hanuman as theonly *gure, in the remaining part of the wall he forms part of scenes which alsoinvolve other personages such as Indrajit and R'wa)a. I suggest that these twodifferent types of composition correspond to the unfolding of Hanuman’s qual-ities: while *rst the focus is laid on Hanuman’s single actions through which heacquires %akti, he then applies this magical power in the encounter with the en-emy.

(e nine panels (,%/–,I,) on the southern part of the rear side narrateHanuman’s return to R'ma’s realm and the preparation to march against La&k'(sarga -.N–-N). Panel ,%/ (Fig. N), located on the very edge of the wall, showsHanuman Pying over the ocean. In panel ,%$ he meets the sage J'mbawat, andin ,%. he renders his report to R'ma who is accompanied by LakRma)a. (isis the *rst depiction of both R'ma and his brother LakRma)a in the whole re-lief series. (ey appear once more in panel ,I, in this section of the rear side.SugrOwa also steps onto the stage here: he is depicted twice. Hanuman appearsin four panels.

Panel ,I# corresponds to sarga ,...%–N-, relating the monkeys carrying

/+. Bosch (,-/,) has interpreted the deer arch as a sign of magical power.

#,I Lydia Kieven

stones for the construction of the causeway. Panel ,I/ (Fig. .) depicts Hanu-man and SugrOwa throwing stones into the ocean. Panel ,I$ depicts the mon-keys having crossed, and panel ,I. shows Hanuman and SugrOwa arriving onthe other shore.

Panels ,IN–,-. on the northern half of the rear side, corresponding to sarga,N.,–$%, show the monkeys under the leadership of Hanuman and SugrOwamarching against La&k' and taking a rest on Mount Suwel'. Hanuman is de-picted twice (,I., ,-#), each time together with SugrOwa; R'ma and LakRma)aappear in two panels (,IN, ,-/).

Panels ,I/–,I. mark exactly the middle of the wall and divide it not onlyphysically but also situationally. While the scenes depicted on the southern halftake place in R'ma’s realm, the ones on the northern half take place in La&k', onthe other side of the ocean.(e episode of crossing the ocean via the causewayis given the prominent position in the center of this wall. It is conspicuous thatthe R'ma-LakRma)a-panels on the southern part are mirrored on the north-ern half and placed symmetrically in relation to each other. (e depiction inpanel ,%. shows R'ma sitting and LakRma)a standing behind him, both lis-tening to Hanuman’s report while in panel ,-/ they are depicted exactly in thesame posture but without Hanuman. Both panels ,I, and ,IN show a Garu0a-like K'la-head above the two walking brothers.(e crossing of the ocean is themirror axis for these two pairs of panels.

(e frequency of Hanuman’s appearance along the rear side diminishesfrom the southern to the northern end of the wall. In the *rst part, relatinghis return to R'ma’s realm and the construction of the causeway, Hanumanis the prominent *gure, being depicted *ve times. (e visit of the 31i enrichesHanuman’s %aktimaking him ready to help R'ma and the army cross the ocean.In contrast to the KR the construction of the causeway is not initiated by thearchitect NOla, but by Hanuman himself.Again, Hanuman is the crucial *gure.On the other side of the causeway R'ma, LakRma)a, SugrOwa, and the monkeyarmy *nd a *eld which Hanuman has investigated before and which is alreadyaffected by his power and %akti. (us, on this second part of the wall it is notnecessary to present Hanuman as o2en as before; he is only depicted twice. Hehas already laid the ground for the *nal ful*llment of his task.

(e north side is dedicated to the battle in La&k'. Panels ,-N–#+% corre-spond to sarga ,-.//–,/,. (e *rst two panels depict R'wa)a with his retinueand his order to attack the enemy. (e following panels are packed with theferocious-looking demons and from panel #+# depict their terrible *ght againstthe monkey soldiers. Panels #+. and #+% feature Hanuman *ghting. (e last

Hanuman, the Flying Monkey #,-

three panels #+I–#,+ correspond with sarga #/.#–% relating the attack uponand the killing of Kumbhakar)a. (e brother of R'wa)a is displayed in hugeshape, nearly *lling the whole of panel #+-. Hanuman with the help of A&gadakills Kumbhakar)a.

(is part of the northern side taking place in R'wa)a’s realm depicts Hanu-man only in the *nal scenes leading to the killing of Kumbhakar)a. However,his appearance comes at the climax of the story. Deviating from the KR, in thereliefs it is Hanuman who kills Kumbhakar)a rather than R'ma. Again, Hanu-man is given priority over R'ma. Hanuman, general of the monkey army, andKumbhakar)a, general of the demon army have the same status, on the side ofthe righteous king and the evil king, respectively. By defeating Kumbhakar)a,the later *ght between the kings R'ma and R'wa)a and the latter’s defeat is an-ticipated and prepared. Hanuman has successfully accomplished his task. Withthese panels the R!m!ya"a depiction on the walls of the Main Temple comesto an end.

Overall interpretation of the R!m!ya"a reliefs—Hanuman as the spiritual hero

By selecting and emphasizing certain parts of the R!m!ya"a story and by omit-ting other parts, the reliefs deliberately highlight Hanuman’s role. Most of theparts of the KR relating his heroic deeds are on display in the reliefs, while mostof the omitted sargas do not featureHanuman, or have him in aminor role.(atHanuman is the leading hero is clear not only from the large number of scenesfeaturing him, but even more so from the content of those scenes which depicthim as the one who manages to cope with all dif*culties and complications.

(e following episodes of the KR are not depicted:

Sarga ,–.: R'ma and SOt' get married and are sent into exile, and SOt' is ab-ducted by R'wa)a. Hanuman does not act.

Sarga N and %: Hanuman is introduced as the monkey army’s general, who isordered by SugrOwa to help R'ma, but does not play an active role yet. Heonly does so from sarga I on where the relief series start.

Sarga ,#–,$, and *rst part of sarga ,.: (e city of La&k' awakes, followed bythe crucial scenes where WibhORa)a teaches the Artha%!stra about theduties of a righteous king to his brother R'wa)a, and Kumbhakar)a iswilling to help R'wa)a in spite of his objection to his brother’s plans.Hanuman plays no part in these events.

Sarga ,% and ,I: R'wa)a again approaches SOt', and he sends spies to MountSuwel'. Hanuman does not act.

##+ Lydia Kieven

Sarga #+–##: Further episodes of the battle, SOt'’s approach to the battle*eld,and Kumbhakar)a’s awakening. Hanuman acts in the battle between themonkeys and the demons which is described in great detail. His actionsdo not however contribute in an essential way to the Pow of the story.

Sarga #/: While stanzas #–% are depicted, I–-. are omitted.(ey relateHanu-man’s search for medical herbs and the killing of Indrajit.

Sarga #$–#N: (e killing of R'wa)a and the happy reunion of R'ma and SOt'.Hanuman does not appear.

We might wonder why, a2er the death of Kumbhakar)a, Hanuman’s search forthe medical herbs is not depicted, since this episode strengthens Hanuman’s%akti. In fact the killing of Kumbhakar)a is deliberately set as the *nal act inthe relief depictions.(e following episode about the medical herbs would notadd anything essential to this message and to Hanuman’s role. We might alsowonder why the *rst half of sarga - is depicted in such great detail on the frontwall, since Hanuman’s deeds are not especially signi*cant. I understand thisrelief sequence to reveal Hanuman’s martial qualities as a foundation for hisfollowing actions and heroic deeds.

It is only on the rear side of the building that R'ma, LakRma)a, and SugrOwaare introduced. In the whole relief series SOt' appears only four times, each timeaccompanied by TrijaS': at the beginning of the series in the successive threepanels ,,+–,,#, and in the last panel (,%#) on the south side. R'ma and SOt'in their status as a couple do not play any role in the selected episodes. WithinR'wa)a’s family, neither WibhORa)a’s nor Kumbhakar)a’s encounter and dis-cussions with their brother R'wa)a are featured, though these are importantepisodes in the KR. R'wa)a’s sons Indrajit and AkRa are displayed in the *ghtagainst Hanuman. It is remarkable that both demons are depicted with thesupit urang hairdo which is usually reserved for heroes. (is means that bothdemons are presented in their heroic quality and are on a par with Hanuman.By managing to defeat or trick both Indrajit and AkRa, Hanuman acquires andenriches his own magical power.

Spatial analysis of the placement and the arrangement of the panels withinthe building provides further insight into the symbolism of the reliefs./, (emajor distinction is between the images on the front side and those on the rearside. (e scenes of the R!m!ya"a reliefs on the west/front side display Hanu-

/,. I cannot offer an answer to the open question of why the prasawya sequence was cho-sen for the R!m!ya"a reliefs while the K31"!yana reliefs on the second terrace follow the usualpradak1i"a order.

Hanuman, the Flying Monkey ##,

man’s encounters and *ghts with demons in extenso. (e east/rear side is ded-icated to themes relating to water, mountains, an encounter with a sage, andthe righteous king who is about to *ght the evil king. According to Klokke(#+++:/N),

[the] R!m!ya"a series commence at an unusual point, on a northern corner, so asto preserve the narrative time sequence but at the same time have all reliefs situatedin the realm of the demon king R'wa)a on the front and side walls of the templeand all reliefs situated in the realm of the just king R'ma on the rear wall.

I suggest that in addition to this there are more speci*c reasons for the arrange-ment of the reliefs. As elaborated above, the *rst panels on the north side in-troduce Hanuman and his task. (e front wall then acquaints the viewer withHanuman’s martial qualities in a maze of encounters with demons. (is intro-duction lays the foundation for the presentation of Hanuman’s more speci*cqualities on the south side, particularly his %akti, his bravery, and his clevernessin using ruses. (e remarkably large number of reliefs displaying him on thesouth side ensures that the excellence of his character cannot be overlooked.Hanuman’s successful defeat of demons on the west wall and of particular de-mon heroes on the south wall prepares the ground for his later action: to in-form and help R'ma, and to attack R'wa)a’s realm with the monkey army.(escenes on the rear wall are completely free of evil and are dedicated to themesof a righteous king, mountains, water, and asceticism. (e *nal reliefs on thenorth side, set again in R'wa)a’s realm, present the climax of the narration.(us the depictions on each wall prepare and set the *eld for the following wall.(e position of the start and end of the story is determined by two factors: thecourse of the story demands that the demon scenes are placed on the front sideof the temple and the episodes in the realmof the righteous king on the rear side;though taking place in the demonic realm, the depictions of SOt' as protagonistof the righteous side are prohibited on the front side. Consequently the intro-ductory panels including two depictions of SOt' are placed on the north side.

Two motifs, namely Hanuman Pying and Hanuman crossing water, andtheir placement in the layout of the walls have speci*c signi*cance. As men-tioned, crossing water symbolizes spiritual puri*cation, and also connotes pro-gress to a higher stage of spiritual knowledge. Hanuman’s bath a2er the defeatofAkRa, shownon the south side, is spiritually purifying and gives him %akti thathe will apply in his further actions. Two panels on the east wall also show scenesconnectedwith water.(e *rst panel at the very le2 end showsHanuman Pyingover the ocean back to R'ma’s realm. His preceding successful heroic deeds inthe realm of R'wa)a and his accumulation of %akti provide him with the pre-

### Lydia Kieven

requisites to enter the stage of spiritual puri*cation and transition and allowhim to proceed to the spiritually higher stage. A2er crossing the ocean, theencounter with the sage J'mbawat enriches his %akti to an even higher degreeandmakes him ready for the report to R'ma.(e construction of the causewayand the crossing of the ocean symbolize the next step in proceeding to a higherstage of knowledge.(rough their location in the middle of the rear wall thesescenes highlight the crucial importance of the episode of crossing water and itssymbolic meaning.(is center of the wall is the spiritual climax of the rear walland at the same time of the whole relief series.

(e *ve scenes depictingHanuman in a Pying or jumping posture are foundon the south (four panels) and east (one panel) sides.(is ability to Py is signif-icant for Hanuman and distinguishes him from other monkeys and even fromthe monkey king SugrOwa. It is an expression of his supernatural power. (esouth side which is dedicated to the process of the acquisition of %akti empha-sizes his supernatural quality by repeatedly featuring the Pying posture. Onthe rear side Hanuman Pies over the ocean, exhibiting the supernatural quali-ties of Pying and crossing water at the same time. By locating this scene as thestarting point of the series on the sacred side of the temple, it is given a specialsigni*cance.

Stylistic and iconographic features, and particularly the ‘magicism’, are alsokey to understanding the symbolism of the reliefs. Stutterheim points at thePames, spirals, clouds, andmountainmotifswhich appear in nearly every panel,be it in scenes with demons or in scenes with Hanuman and the monkeys. Inseveral cases the clouds and spirals have the shape of a ghost, or, as Stutter-heim (,-I-:,NN) says ‘the spirits are depicted in the form of a cloud or perhapsbetter in a cloud-like form’. I found ,% of these ghost clouds or similar shapes(Fig. , and #). In some cases it is hard to detect if my perception is the resultof illusion, similar to the paintings of Escher, or if indeed spirits were intendedby the carver. I rather think that this is a deliberate play of the carvers. Inany case, these forms contribute to the ‘magically ‘‘loaded’’ sphere’ (Stutterheim,-I-:,N%). I mention but a few examples:

North side panel ,+N a ghost emerging out of the sun behindR'wa)a’s head; this ghost looks quite com-ical and might have been intended to mockR'wa)a

West Side panel ,#. a one-eyed K'la above a running bh0ta

Hanuman, the Flying Monkey ##/

panel ,// a dancing cloud ghost above Hanuman whohas just overwhelmed a bh0ta and an ele-phant

panel ,/N (Fig. ,) a one-eyed K'la above HanumanSouth side panel ,.# (Fig. #) a demon-like cloud above the Pying Hanu-

manpanel ,%, a panakawan-like cloud ghost next to the Py-

ing HanumanEast side panel ,I, a K'la-Garu0a-like cloud above the depic-

tion of R'ma (one-eyed)panel ,IN a K'la-Garu0a-like cloud above the depic-

tion of R'ma (two-eyed)North side panel ,-% the only panel in this part of the series show-

ing ghosts, in the depiction of R'wa)a’s or-der to attack

(e spirits accompany both the ‘evil’ and the ‘good’, demons as well as followersof R'maandHanuman. A strikingly large number (seven), however, are locatedin panels which featureHanuman. Magicism is an essential characteristic of theentire R!m!ya"a depiction at Panataran, but this magicism is particularly usedtomarkHanuman’s magical power. It could be argued that the ‘magic’ motifs inthe R!m!ya"a reliefs are not speci*c to and signi*cant for these depictions, butare rather a typical feature of East Javanese innovative creativity, since they alsoappear in narrative reliefs at other temples. In the P!rthayajña at Ca)0i Jagoand in the Arjunawiw!ha at Ca)0i Surowono, similar spiral, cloud and ghostmotifs are also used to express a magical atmosphere which is essential for thestories. But in many other narrative reliefs at East Javanese ca"(is such motifsare absent, so they do not necessarily belong to the general repertoire of reliefcarvings. I suggest that in the case of the R!m!ya"a reliefs at Panataran thespeci*c ‘magic’ motifs are deliberately used. In fact, in the K31"!yana reliefs onthe second terrace of the Main Temple we do not *nd them, evidence that hereno ‘magically loaded sphere’ is intended.

Stutterheim (,-I-:,N%) points to another interesting aspect of the spiralmotifs. He refers to teja, the ‘radiant glory’, which emerges out of a person whoconducts meditation and asceticism and gains %akti, magical power. Some OldJavanese texts mention teja. For example in the Arjunawiw!ha (Canto ...) In-dra sees a glowing light (teja) which he believes to emerge out of a ‘bathing placethat has a halo, or else a holy man performing austerities’ (Robson #++I:.%)./#

/#. Further information and discussion about teja is provided by De Vries Robbé (,-I$) and

##$ Lydia Kieven

Can the spirals and ghosts in theR!m!ya"a depictions be regarded as teja?(isseems plausible, at least in the case of the panels that show Hanuman’s tail setaPame and his torching of R'wa)a’s palace, where Hanuman diverts the *rethat was meant to kill him to destroy the enemy’s palace. (is *re emerges inPames out of his body and manifests his cleverness and his magical power.

A stylistic analysis and comparison with the other narrative reliefs in thetemple complex will give further contribution to the interpretation of the R!-m!ya"a reliefs. (e style of the R!m!ya"a reliefs is distinct from the style ofthe reliefs on the Pendopo Terrace and of the K31"!yana reliefs on the secondterrace of the Main Temple. I do not go into further detail here, since I do notconsider this topic essential for my analysis. However, in a full investigationof the symbolic meaning and function of the temple complex Ca)0i Panataranthe stylistic analysis of the reliefs will be important.

Klokke’s discussion (#++N:/-,–.) of *ve Hanuman statues attributed to theSingosari and Majapahit periods places Hanuman’s role in East Javanese art ina more general context. (e existence of these statues, in combination withHanuman’s prominent role in the Panataran reliefs, shows the increased im-portance of Hanuman in late East Javanese art and religion. Most of the statuesstand on a lotus pedestal and have a halo behind the head, both indicators of di-vine status. Two of the statues have a tail on the rear side of the back slab, with ashape reminiscent of a li/ga.(ree statues hold a miniature yoni in their handsin a meditative gesture. Li/ga and yoni are associated with 1aivism, and Klok-ke (#++N:$++) suggests that Hanuman was indeed ‘worshipped within a 1ivaitecontext’. One of the statues holds a wajra stick that is reminiscent of the sameweapon frequently depicted in BhOma statues.// BhOma is another son of B'yuand a half-brother of Hanuman, who also possesses %akti. Klokke (#++N:/--)concludes that the statues show Hanuman’s ascetic qualities, while the reliefsshow his martial qualities.

I consider the combination in the statues of the three elements li/ga, yoni,and wajra to have a Tantric connotation. (e wajra is used as a symbol of theessence of spiritual wisdomandmagical power and is known as a ritual object inTantric practices.(e li/ga-yonimotif focusing on the erotic aspect in 1aivismis also associated with Tantric worship. My analysis has shown that in the R!-m!ya"a reliefs the importance of Hanuman’s magical qualities far exceeds hismartial qualities.(e two *nal depictions of Hanuman in the relief series showhim using awajra stick (panels ,+# and ,+$) in his *ght against the demons and

Robson (,-%,:#N/, #I$).//. Compare Duijker #++,.

Hanuman, the Flying Monkey ##.

eventually against Kumbhakar)a. (at the wajra only appears in these panelsclose to the end of the relief series while in all other cases Hanuman has a swordor other simple kind of weapon, emphasizes its symbolic importance. Hanu-man’s Tantric nature is deliberately highlighted in the climax of the reliefs.

Another scene is notable in this context: in the depiction of Hanumanjumping on the roofs and setting R'wa)a’s palace on *re (panel ,N-) his tailis erect and looks like a li/ga, similar to those of the Hanuman statues.(is de-piction can also be understood as an allusion to the promiscuous and sexuallyactive behaviourwhich is attributed tomonkeys. In the Panataran reliefsHanu-man is always depicted with a short kain; elsewhere I have interpreted this wayof leaving the knees free as a sign of rough behaviour and/or an erotic mood./$All these erotic elements strengthen the Tantric connotation.

(at eroticism and Tantrism were linked to each other in ancient Javaneseculture is attested by Kakawin literature. Many episodes of Kakawins presentsexuality and particularly the sexual union of male and female as a yoga prac-tice to achieve union with the Divine (Creese #++$a)./. Since Tantric teach-ings were esoteric and considered secret knowledge which required a spiritualteacher, these hints are never presented openly and explicitly but rather throughsymbols. (us, the Tantric symbolism of Hanuman in the R!m!ya"a reliefsonly operates on a subtle and cryptic level, and is revealed only to the initiatedadept. I understand the encounter with the sage (31i), on the east side right af-ter Hanuman’s Pight to R'ma’s realm and before his meeting with R'ma, to bean allusion to the importance of spiritual teaching and guidance in the Tantricpath. It shows the adept what he/she should do in following the esoteric path:seek advice from a religious teacher.

I also understand this scene as an allusion to another role of Hanuman inthe R!m!ya"a reliefs, namely to act as an intermediary. Conspicuous traits ofHanuman contribute to this role./N Hanuman is a monkey, an animal, and awild creature living in the forest. (e forest, the wilderness, spirits, animalsand so forth are in Javanese mythology considered frightening and associatedwith the demonic. Hanuman forms part of this frightening world. Monkeyslike to mock humans and to play tricks on them, and humans like to laugh at

/$. I discuss this feature in my PhD thesis (Kieven #++-:$., N., #.#)./.. (e integration of asceticism and eroticism in Kakawins is indicated by Creese (#++$a:#+,–-) with the terms ‘yoga of love’ and ‘the doctrines of mystical eroticism’. Kakawin themselves areyantras in the poet’s aim to unify with the Divine, as has been suf*ciently discussed by Zoetmul-der (,-%$)./N. Interestingly, many of these traits are the subject of Lutgendorf ’s discussion (,--$, ,--%) ofHanuman’s role in present-day India.

##N Lydia Kieven

the mimicking behaviour of the monkeys. All these traits render the monkeysand in particular Hanuman a certain popularity as comic *gures. Hanuman,depicted as a semi-human and semi-simian, is in fact both: human and ani-mal. Hemediates between the world of the demonic wilderness and the humanworld. He also mediates between typical human behaviour on one side, such asbeing playful and being sexually active, and on the other side the behaviour ofa being equipped with magical power (%akti), thus between the human and thespiritual sphere.

In my thesis on the *gures wearing a cap (Kieven #++-), focusing on thePañji *gures on the Pendopo Terrace at Ca)0i Panataran, I conclude that Pañjiis an intermediary between the mundane world of the pilgrims and the sacredworld. In the reliefs on the Pendopo Terrace, located in the entrance courtyardof the temple complex, Pañji acts as a *gure similar to commoners and close tothe pilgrims. He takes the pilgrim by the hand and leads him/her to enter thesacred stage manifest in the rear part of the temple.(e frequency of scenes oflove between man and woman, of crossing water, and of encounters with her-mits in the Pañji reliefs gives them a spiritual and even Tantric character.

I apply a similar analysis to Hanuman and theR!m!ya"a reliefs at theMainTemple. Hanuman acts as an intermediary on a higher level compared to Pañji.While the Pañji stories are on a level associated with human life and show the*rst step towards higher knowledge, in the R!m!ya"aHanuman acts on a levelmore closely associatedwith theDivine, offering a further step to higher knowl-edge. Hanuman mediates the gain of %akti, magical power, which enables theinitiated to eventually reach the goal of obtaining wisdom. While Pañji intro-duces the pilgrim to the religious path, Hanuman accompanies him/her to ahigher stage. Hanuman prepares pilgrims to break their own fetters as a sym-bol for breaking out of ignorance, to acquire wisdom by ‘crossing the water’ andby seeking the advice of a spiritual teacher. A2er this preparation, the pilgrimis then able to ‘cross the causeway’. (e position of this right in the middle ofthe rear side, the most sacred spot of the *rst terrace, shows how crucial this is.

Hanuman is an intermediary in another sense. In the KR, R'ma is the herorather than Hanuman, but in the R!m!ya"a reliefs R'ma’s heroism is com-pletely omitted. Hanuman, the general of the monkey army *ghting for R'ma,kills Kumbhakar)a, the general of the demon army *ghting for R'wa)a. Hanu-man paves the way for R'mawho is the hero in the next stage of the story whereR'mawill *ght and kill R'wa)a. Hanuman is in a way the alter ego of R'ma in amonkey disguise.(e start and the end of the R!m!ya"a series, located next toeach other on the northwall, mark the two poles of the ‘Hanuman story’: Hanu-

Hanuman, the Flying Monkey ##%

man and Kumbhakar)a are the alter egos of their masters, R'ma and R'wa)a,respectively.

(e R!m!ya"a reliefs prepare the viewer for the K31"!yana reliefs on thesecond terrace.(ese feature the defeat of the enemy by KER)a, the hero proper,who thus ful*lls the task which R'ma will ful*ll in the R!m!ya"a but whichis not shown in the reliefs on the *rst terrace. (e K31"!yana is furthermore acontinuation of the R!m!ya"a reliefs in another sense.(e love between R'maand SOt', although an essential feature of the KR, is not depicted in the reliefs.However, the K31"!yana reliefs address KER)a’s love for Rukmi)O with whomhe is eventually united a2er long battles against the enemy. I consider the *nalunion of KER)a and Rukmi)O, depicted in the last panels of the series, to be asymbol for the union of 1iva and 1akti. Within the concept of Tantric Ku)0a-linO Yoga,/% the goal of the adept is to experience this union: in his practice theyogi will experience the rise of the Ku)0alinO—amanifestation of 1akti—alongthe multiple cakras of this body, ending in the *nal uni*cation of the Ku)0ali-nO with 1iva in the uppermost cakra./I In reaching this goal, the adept himselfwill achieve union with the Divine.(e sexual union of a man and a woman isanother way of experiencing their union with the Divine./- On a political level,this union demonstrates the conditions that a king has to ful*ll to become anaccomplished righteous king: maintaining order in his realm by defeating en-emies, and having a queen. (e R!m!ya"a reliefs prepare for the K31"!yanareliefs in both respects: on a religious/esoteric level and on a political level. Inthis context Hanuman uses his warrior qualities to prepare those of R'ma andof KER)a, and his magical power to prepare for the Tantric path. He is again theintermediary.

(e character of intermediary is also visible in the previously mentionedstatues of Hanuman (Klokke #++N:/-$, /--): though not a deity himself, he isdepicted with attributes typical of one.$+ My investigation (Kieven #++-:#I#–

/%. For information and discussion of the theory of the Ku)0alinO path see Pott (,-NN), DonigerO’Flaherty (,-%/), Gupta (,-%-)./I. I develop this interpretation in my PhD thesis in the chapter on Ca)0i Panataran: ‘(eessence of this concept is the union of the adept with the Divine, symbolized in the union of 1ivaand 1akti. (e pilgrim’s path through the temple complex follows the path of Tantric Ku)0a-linO Yoga. (e Ku)0alinO starts at the lower part of the human body, as symbolized in the *rstcourtyard. It then proceeds along the cakras of the body, which correspond to the several build-ings in the second and third courtyard of the temple complex, and eventually to the uppermostcakra above the head, symbolized in the Main Temple, where the uni*cation of 1iva-1akti andthe individual soul with the Divine takes place’ (Kieven #++-:,.,)./-. Compare above, and see Creese (#++$a:#+,–-).$+. Part of Lutgendorf ’s discussion (,--$, ,--%) on Hanuman’s role in the context of present-

##I Lydia Kieven

--) of the Pañji statue of Ca)0i Selokelir yields a similar interpretation: Pañjiis depicted with some traits of a deity, but other features mark him as a hu-man being. It seems that during the East Javanese period there is a general ten-dency to transfer a divine status to certainmythological *gures; other examplesare BhOma and Garu0a.$, Several iconographic features emphasize Hanuman’sstatus as a semi-god. He is depicted with the supit urang, the hairdo typical forheroes in the depictions of Kakawin stories, and has fully royal attire. He wearsa snake caste-cord which is reminiscent of 1iva. He thus has the traits of a high-level hero and of a god, even as his monkey face and tail characterize him as ananimal.

Depictions on the corners of buildings deserve particular attention. In ear-lier investigations of temples I found that corners o2en indicate features withimportant symbolic meanings (Kieven #++-:#-/). It is intriguing that on threecorners of the building there are depictions of a woman. On the northwest cor-ner, panel ,,% shows the only female bh0ta of the whole series. Panel ,$I onthe southwest corner depicts a tiny loving couple who have no direct corre-spondence to the text, though amorous episodes as embellishments are quitecommon within any Kakawin.$# Panel ,%# on the southeast corner displays theencounter between Hanuman and SOt'. (e northeast corner shows R'wa)awithout a woman. All three scenes showing a woman are associated with anerotic mood: the naked female bh0ta indicates the voluptuous sexuality asso-ciated with demons, the loving couple indulges in eroticism, and SOt' in herposture demonstrates longing for her beloved.$/ R'wa)a himself is depictedwithout a woman: he lacks a consort and is thus not an accomplished king. Heis, however, known for his sexual approaches towards women and particularlyfor his futile advances to SOt'.(us, all four corners feature aspects of eroticismin very different ways. I understand this as an indication of the erotic moodwhich in the R!m!ya"a depictions themselves does not play a major role, butwhich forms part of the Tantric symbolism.(e corner pictures thus strengthenthe Tantric connotation in a subtle way. (e K31"!yana reliefs continue this,pointing to the *nal union of male and female.

Hanuman’s increased popularity during the East Javanese period in com-

day India can be transferred to Hanuman’s role in ancient East Javanese culture: Hanuman is the‘most important god who isn’t God’ (Lutgendorf ,--%:/#%).$,. (is issue would deserve a special investigation. Compare Lunsing Scheurleer #+++.$#. My thanks to Helen Creese for this hint, during the KR workshop on #I-.-#++-. See alsoCreese #++$a.$/. In an earlier article I analysed the posture of a woman with a twisted body and bent headas an expression of longing for love. See Kieven #++/.

Hanuman, the Flying Monkey ##-

bination with his special qualities—being a virile monkey, possessing magicalpower, and being able to Py—made him a perfect choice as an intermediarybetween humans and the Divine, accompanying the initiated adept on his/herway on the Tantric path. Hanuman and the ‘Hanuman story’ become a yantraon the way of the adept towards achieving union with the Divine.

Inscriptions found in the precincts of Ca)0i Panataran$$

Stone at south side of the Main Temple (dedicatedto King 1E&ga) (Krom ,-#/, 44:#$N)

,,-% 6: ,,,- 1aka

Lintel near the gate between #nd and /rd courtyard(Krom ,-#/, 44:#%,; Perquin ,-,N:.)

,/,I 6: ,#$+ 1aka

Two dw!rap!las at the gate between #nd and /rdcourtyard (Krom ,-#/, 44:#%,)

,/,- 6: ,#$, 1aka

Two large dw!rap!las at the main entrance(Perquin ,-,N:N; Krom ,-#/, 44:#%/)$.

,/#+ 6: ,#$# 1aka

Lintel next to the Dated Temple (Perquin ,-,N:N;Krom ,-#/, 44:#%/)

,/#/ 6: ,#$. 1aka

Four large dw!rap!las in front of the Main Temple ,/$% 6: ,#N- 1akaDated Temple (Krom ,-#/, 44:#$%) ,/N- 6: ,#-, 1akaLintel near the Main Temple (Hoepermans,-,$:/.%)

,/%/ 6: ,#-. 1aka

Pendopo Terrace (Perquin ,-,N:$; Krom ,-#/,44:#$%)

,/%. 6: ,#-% 1aka

Two lintels (Krom ,-#/, 44:#$%) ,/%- 6: ,/+, 1akaInner Bathing Place (Krom ,-#/, 44:#$%) ,$,. 6: ,//% 1akaDated stone (Krom ,-#/, 44:#$%) ,$.$ 6: ,/%N 1aka

$$. Based on Hoepermans ,-,$; Perquin ,-,N; Krom ,-#/, 44:#$N–%,.$.. Suleiman (,-%I:/) mentions as date for these r!k1asa *gures 1aka ,#%- (,/.% 6:) withoutgiving a reference.

Figure,:

Hanum

anvanq

uishes

adem

oncommander(fro

ntsid

e)(pho

toL.Kieven)

Figure#:Hanum

anrushes

tothes

eaa2

erthe*

ghtagainstAkRa

(sou

thsid

e)(pho

toL.Kieven)

Figure/:Hanum

anbathes

inthes

eaa2

erthe*

ghtagainstAkRa

(sou

thsid

e)(pho

toL.Kieven)

Figure$:Hanum

andestr

oysR'w

a)a’s

gar-

den(sou

thsid

e)(pho

toL.Kieven)

Figure.:

Hanum

an(right)andSugrOwa

(le2)

throwing

stonesintothes

eato

build

thec

ausewa

y(rear

side)(pho

toL.Kieven)

FigureN:

Hanum

an’sPighto

verthe

ocean

back

toR'

ma’s

realm

(pho

toL.Kieven)

Figure %: Hanuman and LakRma)a attacking Kumbhakar)a, the detailshowing Hanuman’s wajra (photo L. Kieven)

Abbreviations

AdKIT Amsterdam, Koninklijk Instituut voor de TropenBCB Bundels C. Berg, portfolios, LeidenBEFEO Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-OrientBK Bha##ik!vyaBKI Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en VolkenkundeBPPP Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala (Yogyakarta)Br Brandes Collection, Jakarta / Van der Tuuk Collection, Leiden Univer-

sity LibraryCB Collection Berg, Leiden University LibraryDW De%awar"ana, or N!garak3t!gamaEFEO École française d’Extrême-OrientHKS Hooykaas-Ketut Sangka Collection, Balinese Manuscript ProjectHSR Hikayat S2ri RamaIAIC International Academy of Indian CultureIIAS International Institute for Asian Studies, LeidenK Kirtya Collection, SingarajaKBNW Kawi-Balineesch-Nederlandsch woordenboek, see Tuuk, H.N. Van der

,I-N–,-,#.KITLV Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en VolkenkundeKR Kakawin R!m!ya"aLOr Leiden Oriental (Codex Orientalis), Leiden University LibraryLUB Leiden University LibraryMS ManuscriptMW Monier-Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary, see Monier-Williams

,I--NAK National Archives KathmanduNGMPP Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation ProjectOD Oudheidkundige DienstOJED Old Javanese-English Dictionary, see Zoetmulder ,-I#Ragh Raghuva$%aTBG TijdschriB voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, uitgegeven door

het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en WetenschappenUtK Uttarak!"(aVR V'lmOki’s R!m!ya"a

Bibliography

Acri, A.#++I ‘(e Vaimala sect of the P'Qupatas; New data from Old Javanese sources’,

Tantric Studies ,:,-/–#+I.#+,+ ‘On birds, ascetics, and kings in central Java; R'm'ya)a Kakawin, #$.-.–,#N

and #.’, BKI ,N%:$%.–.+N.#+,, Dharma P!tañjala; A )aiva scripture from ancient Java; Studied in the light of

related Old Javanese and Sanskrit texts. PhD thesis, Leiden University.Aichele, W.,-#N ‘Die Form der Kawi-Dichtung’, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung #-:-//–-.,-/,a ‘Oudjavaansche beroepsnamen’, Djåwå ,,:,$%–.I.,-/,b ‘De vorm der Kawi-poëzie’, Djåwå ,,:,%$–I+. [Dutch translation of Aichele

,-#N.],-N- ‘Vergessene Metaphern als Kriterien der Datierung des altjavanischen R!-

m!ya"a’, Oriens Extremus ,N:,#%–NN.Allen, P. and C. Palermo#++. ‘Ajeg Bali: Multiple meanings, diverse agendas’, Indonesia and the Malay

World ///-%:#/-–...Aymonier, É.,I-, ‘Première étude sur les inscriptions tschames’, Journal Asiatique Ie série ,%:.–

IN.Bandem, I Made, I Nyoman Rembang, and I Nengah Medera,-I/ Wimbawayang kulit Ramayana (KetutMadra). Denpasar: ProyekPenggalian

/ Pembinaan Seni Budaya Klasik / Tradisional dan Baru.Barrett, E.C.G.#++# ‘Further light on Sir Richard Winstedt’s ‘‘undescribed Malay version of the

Ramayana’’ ’, in: V.I. Braginsky (ed), Classical civilisations of South East Asia;An anthology of articles published in the Bulletin of the School of Oriental andAfrican Studies, pp. #%.–I%. London: RoutledgeCurzon.

Basak, Radhagovinda,-.- Pravarasena’s R!va"avaha-M!h!k!vyamwith the commentary of Setu-Tattva-

Candrik!. Calcutta: Sanskrit College.,-%, &e Pr!krit G!th!-Sapta%ati. Calcutta: Asiatic Society.

Becker, J.,--/ Gamelan stories; Tantrism, Islam, and aesthetics in central Java. Tempe: Ari-

zona State University, Program for Southeast Asian Studies.Bedekar, V.M.,-N% ‘(e legend of the churning of the ocean in the epics and Pur')as; A com-

parative study’, Pur!"a -:%–N,.

#/N Bibliography

Belvalkar, S.K.,-,. R!ma’s later history or the Uttara-R!ma-Charita; An ancient hindu drama by

Bhavabh0ti. Part +, Introduction and translation. Cambridge,Mass.: HarvardUniversity Press.

Bernet Kempers, A.J.,-.- Ancient Indonesian art. Amsterdam: Van der Peet.

Bhattacharya, A.,-I+ ‘(e oral tradition of theR!m!ya"a tradition in Bengal’, in: V. Raghavan (ed)

,-I+, pp. .-/–N,N.Bisschop, P. and A. Grif*ths#++/ ‘(e P'Qupata observance (Atharvavedapari%i1#a $+)’, Indo-Iranian Journal

$N:/,.–$I.Bizot, F.,-I/ ‘(eReamker’, in: K.R. Srinivasa Iyengar (ed),Asian variations in Ramayana,

pp. #N/–%.. New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi.Bloom*eld, M.,-#$ ‘On false ascetics and nuns inHindu *ction’, Journal of the American Oriental

Society $$:#+#–$#.Boisselier, J.,-NN Le Cambodge. Paris: Picard.

Bosch, F.D.K.,-/, ‘Notes archéologiques’, BEFEO /,:$I.–-%.

Brandes, J.L.A.,-+, Beschrijving der Javaansche, Balineesche en Sasaksche handschriBenaangetrof-

fen in de nalatenschap van Dr. H.N. van der Tuuk, en door hem vermaakt aande Leidsche Universiteitsbibliotheek, Vol. ,. Batavia: Landsdrukkerij.

,-+/ Beschrijving der Javaansche, Balineesche en Sasaksche handschriBen […], Vol.#. Batavia: Landsdrukkerij.

,-+- Beschrijving van Tjandi Singasari en de wolkentafreelen van Panataran. Bata-via and ’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff/Albrecht.

,-,/ Oud-Javaansche oorkonden; Nagelaten transscripties (edited by N.J. Krom).Batavia and ’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff.

,-,. Beschrijving der Javaansche, Balineesche en Sasaksche handschriBen […], Vol./. Batavia: Landsdrukkerij.

,-#N Beschrijving der Javaansche, Balineesche en Sasaksche handschriBen […], Vol.$. Batavia: Landsdrukkerij.

Brockington, J.L.,-I. Righteous R!ma;&e evolution of an epic. Delhi: Oxford University Press.,--I &e Sanskrit epics. Leiden: Brill.#++% ‘SOt' Janak'tmaja’, in: M.Nowakowska and J.Wozniak (eds),&eatrumMira-

biliorum Indiae Orientalis; A volume to celebrate the C-th birthday of ProfessorMaria Krzysztof Byrski, Rocznik Orientalistyczny N+ #:I#–-.

Bibliography #/%

Brockington, J. and M. Brockington#++N R!ma the steadfast; An early form of the R!m!ya"a. London: Penguin Books.

Bronner, Y.D.,--- Poetry at its extreme; &e theory and practice of bitextual poetry (%le1a) in

South Asia. PhD thesis, University of Chicago.Brunner, H., G. Oberhammer and A. Padoux#++$ T!ntrik!bhidh!nako%a II; Dictionnaire des termes techniques de la littérature

hindoue tantrique. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wis-senscha2en.

Buitenen, J.A.B. Van,-%/ &e Mah!bh!rata, +; &e book of the beginning. Chicago and London: Uni-

versity of Chicago Press.,-%. &e Mah!bh!rata, .; &e Book of the Assembly Hall; &e Book of the Forest.

Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.,-%I &e Mah!bh!rata, 7;&e book of the effort. Chicago and London: University

of Chicago Press.Bulcke, C.,-./ ‘An Indonesian birth-story of Hanuman’, Journal of the Oriental Institute of

Baroda /:,$%–.,.Cadet, J.M.,-%, &e Ramakien; &e &ai epic illustrated with the bas-reliefs of Wat Phra Je-

tubon, Bangkok. Tokyo: Kodansha International.Casparis, J.G. de,-.N Prasasti Indonesia II; Selected inscriptions from the Cth to the 5th century AD.

Bandung: Masa Baru.Chaeam Kaewklai,--- ‘Inscription on Ancie[n]t Stone Temple of Tameunthom’,&e Silpakorn Jour-

nal $#:%+–-#.Coedès, G.,-,, ‘La légende de la N'gO’, BEFEO ,,:/-,–/.

Cohen Stuart, A.B.,I%. Kawi oorkonden; Inleiding en transscriptie. Leiden.

Cohen Stuart, A.B. and J.J. van Limburg Brouwer,I%# ‘Beschreven steenen op Java’, TBG ,I:I-–,,%.

Creese, H.,-I, Subhadr!wiw!ha; AnOld Javanese kakawin. PhD thesis, AustralianNational

University.,--N ‘Pieces in the puzzle;(e dating of several kakawin from Bali and Lombok’,

Archipel .#:,$/–%,.,--I P!rth!ya"a;&e journeying of P!rtha, an eighteenth-centuryBalinese kakawin.

Leiden: KITLV.,--- ‘(e Balinese kakawin tradition; A preliminary description and inventory’,

BKI ,..:$.–-N.

#/I Bibliography

#++$a Women of the kakawin world; Marriage and sexuality in the Indic courts ofJava and Bali. Armonk, N.Y.: Sharpe.

#++$b ‘Guide and index to the Hooykaas-Ketut Sangka Balinese manuscript collec-tion in theAustralianNationalUniversity Library’. [http://anulib.anu.edu.au/epubs/bali/]

#++-a ‘Singing the text; On-air textual interpretation in Bali,’ in: M. Kilcline Codyand J. van der Putten (eds), Lost times and untold tales from the Malay world,pp. #,+–#N. Singapore: Singapore University Press.

#++-b ‘Old Javanese legal traditions in pre-colonial Bali,’ BKI ,N.:.,.–.+.#++-c ‘Judicial processes and legal authority in pre-colonial Bali,’ BKI ,N.:#$,–-+.

Curtius, E.R.,--+ European literature and the LatinMiddle Ages. Translated byW.R. Trask with

a new epilogue by P. Godman. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Damais, L.C.,-.# ‘Études d’épigraphie indonésienne III; Liste des principales inscription datées

de l’Indonésie’, BEFEO $N:,–,+..,-.I ‘Études d’épigraphie indonésienneV;Dates desmanuscrits et document divers

de Java, Bali et Lombok’, BEFEO $-:,–#.%.,-NI ‘Bibliographie indonésienne XI; Les publications épigraphiques du service

archéologique de l’Indonésie’, BEFEO .$:#-.–.#,.,-%+ Répertoire onomastique de l’épigraphie javanaise (jusqu’à pu Si"(ok )r* D%!-

nawikrama Dharmottu/gadewa). Paris: EFEO.Davidson, R.M.#++# Indian esoteric Buddhism; A social history of the Tantricmovement. NewYork:

Columbia University Press.De, Sushil Kumar#++N History of Sanskrit poetics. Delhi: Oriental Book Centre. [First revised edi-

tion.]Degroot, V.#++N ‘(e archaeological remains of Ratu Boko; From Sri Lankan Buddhism to

Hinduism’, Indonesia and the Malay World /$:..–%$.Doniger O’Flaherty, W.,-%/ Asceticism and eroticism in the mythology of )iva. London and New York:

Oxford University Press.Drewes, G.W.J.,-#. Drie javaansche goeroe’s; Hun leven, onderricht en messiasprediking. PhD the-

sis. Leiden: Vros.Duijker, M.#++, ‘(e signi*cance of BhOma’s weapons in his stone representation; An art his-

torical approach’, in: M.J. Klokke and K.R. Van Kooij (eds), Fruits of inspi-ration; Studies in honour of Prof. J.G. de Casparis, pp. N-–I#. Groningen:Egbert Forsten.

Bibliography #/-

Ensink, J.,-N% On the Old-Javanese Cantakaparwa and its tale of Sutasoma. (e Hague:

Nijhoff.Evans, K.,--% Epic narratives in the HoysaEa temples; &e R!m!ya"a, Mah!bh!rata and

Bh!gavata Pur!"a in Halebid, Belur and Am3tapura. Leiden / New York /Köln: Brill.

Fausbøll, V.,-+/ Indian mythology according to the Mah!bh!rata, in outline. London: Luzac.

Fontein, J.,-I- &e laws of cause and effect in ancient Java. Amsterdam: Koninklijke Neder-

landse Akademie van Wetenschappen.,--% ‘Preliminary notes on the narrative reliefs of Ca)0i Brahm' and Ca)0i ViR)u

at Loro Jonggrang, Prambanan’, in: N. Eilenberg, M.C. Subhadradis Diskuland R.L. Brown (eds), Living a life in accord with dhamma; Papers in honorof Jean Boisselier on his eightieth birthday, pp. ,-,–#+$. Bangkok: SilpakornUniversity.

Forge, A.,-%I Balinese traditional paintings. Sydney: Australian Museum.

Friederich, R.,-.- &e civilization and culture of Bali. Calcutta: Susil Gupta. [Originally pub-

lished in ,I$-–.+ as ‘Voorloopig verslag van het eiland Bali’, Verhandelin-gen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap vanKunsten enWetenschappen ##:,–N/and #/:,–.%.]

Geertz, H.,--$ Images of power; Balinese paintings made for Gregory Bateson and Margaret

Mead. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press.Gerow, E.,-%, A glossary of Indian 'gures of speech.(e Hague: Mouton.

Gerth Van Wijk, D.,I-, ‘Iets over verschillendeMaleische redacties van den Seri Rama’, TBG /$:$,+–

//.Ghosh, M.,-.+–N% N!#ya%!stra of Bharata, Edition and Translation. Varanasi: Chowkhamba

Sanskrit Series Of*ce. [Reprint edition.],-I, Nandike%vara’s Abhinayadarpa"am; A manual of gesture and posture used in

Indian dance and drama. Calcutta: Manisha Granthalaya Private Ltd. [(irdRevised Edition.]

Goldman, R.P. and S.J. Sutherland Goldman,-I$ &e R!m!ya"a of V!lm*ki; An epic of ancient India. Volume I, B!lak!"(a

(introduction and translation by R.P. Goldman). Princeton: Princeton Uni-versity Press.

#$+ Bibliography

Goldman, R.P., S.J. Sutherland Goldman and B.A. Van Nooten#++- &e R!m!ya"a ofV!lm*ki; An epic of ancient India. VolumeVI, Yuddhak!"(a.

Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.Gomperts, A.#++# ‘Indian music, the epics and bards in ancient Java’, in: E. Hickmann, A.D.

Kilmer and R. Eichmann (eds), Studien zur Musikarchäologie III: Archäolo-gie für Klangerzeugung und Tonordnung; Musikarchäologie in der Ägäis undAnatolien, pp. .%/–-N. Rahden, Westf.: Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH.

Groneman, I.,I-/ Tjandi Parambanan op Java, na de ontgraving; Met lichtdrukken van Cephas.

Leiden: Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Neder-landsch-Indië.

Gupta, S.,-%- ‘Modes ofworship andmeditation’, in: S.Gupta, T.Goudriaan andD.J.Hoens,

Hindu Tantrism, pp. ,#,–IN. Leiden and Köln: Brill.Hara, M.,-.I ‘NakulOQa-p'Qupata-darQanam’, Indo-Iranian Journal #:I–/#.,--$ ‘Transfer of merit in Hindu literature and religion’,&e Memoirs of the Toyo

Bunko, .#:,+/–/..Hiltebeitel, A.,-II &e cult of Draupad*. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Himmelmann, N.P.#++. ‘(eAustronesian languages of Asia andMadagascar; Typological overview’,

in: S.K. Adelaar andN.P. Himmelmann (eds),Austronesian languages of Asiaand Madagascar, pp. ,,+–I,. London: Routledge.

Hinzler, H.I.R.,-I/ ‘(e Balinese manuscript project’, Southeast Asian Library Group Newsletter

#.:%.,--/ ‘Balinese palmleaf manuscripts’, BKI ,$-:$/I–%$.

Hoepermans, H.,-,$ ‘Tjandi Panataran’, Rapporten van den Oudheidkundigen Dienst in Neder-

landsch-Indië +5+7, pp. /..–N,. Batavia: Albrecht and Co.Hoff, B.,--I ‘Communicative salience in Old Javanese’, in: M. Janse and A. Verlinden

(eds), Productivity and creativity; Studies in general and descriptive linguis-tics in honor of E.M. Uhlenbeck, pp. //%–$I. Berlin and New York: Moutonde Gruyter.

Hooykaas, C.,-#- Tantri, de middel-javaansche Pancatantra-bewerking. PhD thesis. Leiden: A.

Vros.,-.. &e Old-Javanese R!m!ya"a kakawin with special reference to the problem of

interpolation in kakawins.(e Hague: Nijhoff.

Bibliography #$,

,-.% ‘On some arth!la$k!ras in the Bha##ik!vya X’, Bulletin of the School of Ori-ental and African Studies #+:/.,–N$.

,-.Ia ‘(e paradise on earth in LW&k' (OJR 5543.I%–,#N)’, BKI ,,$:#N$–-,.,-.Ib ‘From LW&k' to Ayodhy' by PuRpaka, being the Old-Javanese R!m!ya"a

sarga 553mainly’, BKI ,,$:/.-–I/.,-.Ic &e Old Javanese R!m!ya"a kakawin; An exemplary kakawin as to form and

content. Amsterdam and London: North-Holland Publishing Co.,-.Id ‘Four-line yamaka in theOld JavaneseR!m!ya"a’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic

Society, October ,-.I:.I–%, (Part I) and ,#/–/I (Part II).,-%- ‘Preservation and cataloguing of manuscripts in Bali’, BKI ,/.:/$%–./.

Hudak, T.J.,--+ &e indigenization of Pali meters in&ai poetry. Athens, Ohio: Ohio Univer-

sity Center for International Studies.Hunter, T.M.#++%a ‘(e poetics of grammar in the Javano-Balinese tradition’, in: S. La Porta and

D. Shulman (eds), &e poetics of grammar and the metaphysics of sound andsign, pp. #%,–/+/. Leiden: Brill.

#++%b ‘(e body of the king: Reappraising Singhasari period syncretism’, Journal ofSoutheast Asian Studies /I:#%–./.

forth. ‘A constant Pow of pilgrims; k!vya and the early history of the kakawin’, in: Y.Bronner, G. Tubb andD. Shulman (eds), Innovation and change in the historyof Sanskrit poetry. [In print.]

Ikram, Achadiati,-I+ Hikayat Sri Rama; Suntingan naskah disertai telaah amanat dan struktur.

Jakarta: Penerbit Universitas Indonesia.Ingalls, D.H.H.,-N# ‘Cynics and P'Qupatas;(e seeking of dishonor’,Harvard&eological Review

..:#I,–-I.Jákl, J.#++I Hari%raya A: Cantos +, ., 7, +- and .-; Edition and translation. MA thesis,

Leiden University.Janaki, Kumari S.S.,-N. Ala/k!ra-sarvasva of Ruyyaka, with Sañj*van* commentary of Vidy!cakrava-

rtin; Text and study (edited byV.Raghavan). Delhi: MeharChandLachhmanDas.

Jordaan, R.,-I$ ‘(emystery ofNyai LaraKidul;(e Javanese goddess of the southern ocean’,

Archipel #I:--–,,%.,-I- ‘A holy water sanctuary at Prambanan’, Amerta; Berkala Arkeologi ,,:,%–$,.,--, ‘Text, temple and tirtha’, in: Lokesh Chandra (ed), &e art and culture of

South-East Asia, pp. ,N.–I,. New Delhi: IAIC and Aditya Prakashan.,--. ‘Prambanan ,--.; A hypothesis con*rmed’, IIASNewsletter N:%. Leiden: IIAS.

#$# Bibliography

,--N ‘Candi Prambanan; An updated introduction’, in: R.E. Jordaan (ed), In praiseof Prambanan; Dutch essays on the Loro Jonggrang temple complex, pp. /–,,..Leiden: KITLV. [Indonesian translation: Memuji Prambanan; Bunga ram-pai para cendekiawan Belanda tentang kompleks percandian Loro Jonggran.Jakarta: KITLV and Yayasan Obor Indonesia, #++-.]

,--- &e )ailendras in central Javanese history. Yogyakarta: PenerbitanUniversitasSanata Dharma.

#++- ‘(e bridge of R'ma in Southeast Asia;(e causeway reliefs of Prambananand Phimai re-examined’. Paper presented at the international workshop‘(eOld JavaneseR!m!ya"a; Text, history, culture’, Jakarta, #N–#IMay #++-.

Jordaan, R. and B.E. Colless#++- &eMah!r!jas of the isles;&e )ailendras and the problem of )r*vijaya. Leiden:

Department of Languages and Cultures of Southeast Asia and Oceania.Jouveau-Dubreuil, G.,-,$ Annales du Musée Guimet, II; Iconographie. Paris: Geuthner.

Juynboll, H.H.,-+# Kawi-Balineesch-Nederlandsch glossarium op het oudjavaansche Râmâya"a.

’s-Gravenhage: Nihoff.,-+%–,, Supplement op de catalogus van de Javaansche enMadoereesch handschriBen

der Leidsche Universiteitsbibliotheek. Leiden: Brill. [# vols.],-,# Supplement op de catalogus van de Sundaneesche handschriBen en catalogus

van de Balineesche en Sasaksche handschriBen der Leidsche Universiteitsbib-liotheek. Leiden: Brill.

Kaelan,-N+ Tjandi Lara Djonggrang; Petunjuk singkat. Jogjakarta: Tjabang Bagian Ba-

hasa Kebudajaan, P. dan K.Kale, M.R.,-I, K!lid!sa’s Kum!rasambhava: Cantos I–VIII; Ed. with the commentary ofMal-

lin!tha, and literal English translation, notes and introduction. Delhi: MotilalBanarsidass.

Kam, G.#+++ Ramayana in the arts of Asia. Singapore: Select Books.

Kats, J.,-#. Het R!m!ya"a op Javaanse tempel reliefs / &e R!m!ya"a as sculptured in

reliefs in Javanese temples. Batavia and Leiden: Kolff.Kern, H.,I%/ ‘Het Sanskrit op eenen steen ajomstig (vanPereng), uit (de buurt) vanPram-

banan (%I. Ç'ka)’, TBG #+; in: Verspreide GeschriBen N:#%%–IN (,-,%).,I%. Wrtta-Sancaya; Oudjav. leerdicht over versbouw in Kawi-tekst en Nederland-

sche vertaling. Leiden: Brill. [in: Verspreide GeschriBen -:N%–,-+.]

Bibliography #$/

Kieven, L.#++/ ‘Loving couples depicted in temple reliefs in east Java of the Majapahit time’,

in: A.KarlströmandA.Källén (eds),Fishbones and glittering emblems; South-east Asian archaeology .--., pp. //.–$I. Stockholm: Museumof Far EasternAntiquities.

#++- Meaning and function of the 'gure with a cap in reliefs at temples of the Ma-japahit time. PhD thesis, University of Sydney.

Klokke, M.J.,-IN ‘(e hypocritical cat; A parody of the Guru?’, in: H. Hinzler (ed), Studies in

South and Southeast Asian archaeology; Essays offered to Dr. J.G. de Casparison the occasion of his retirement presented by colleagues and former students atthe archaeological conference held on . June +5,8 in Leiden, pp. /,–$.. Leiden:H.I.R. Hinzler.

,--/ &e Tantri reliefs on ancient Javanese candi. Leiden: KITLV.,--. ‘On the orientation of ancient Javanese temples;(e example of Surowono’,

in: P. van der Velde (ed), IIAS Yearbook +55=, pp. %/–IN. Leiden:IIAS.#+++ ‘(e Krsna reliefs at Panataran; A visual version of the Old Javanese Krsna-

yana’, in: M. Klokke (ed), Narrative sculpture and literary traditions in Southand Southeast Asia, pp. ,-–$,. Leiden: Brill.

#++N ‘Hanuman in the art of East Java’, in: Truman Simanjuntak et al. (eds), Ar-chaeology: Indonesian perspective; R.P. Soejono’s festschriB, pp. /-,–$+.. Ja-karta: LIPI Press.

Kramrisch, S.,-%N &e Hindu Temple. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. [# vols.]

Krom, N.J. and T. Van Erp.,-#+ BeschrFving van Barabudur. ’s-Gravenhage: Nihoff. [# vols.]

Krom, N.J.,-,- ‘Epigra*sche bijdragen’, BKI %.:I–#$.,-#/ Inleiding tot de Hindoe-Javaansche Kunst, Vol. #. ’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff.

Kuijp, L.W.J. van der,--N ‘Tibetan belles-lettres;(e inPuence of Da)0in and KRemendra’, in: J.I. Ca-

bezón and R.R. Jackson (eds), Tibetan literature; Studies in genre, pp. /-/–$,+. Ithaca: Snow Lion Press.

Kulkarni, V.M.,-I/ Studies in Sanskrit S!hitya-)!stra. Patan: Bhogilal Leherchand Institute of

Indology.Kulke, H.,--/ ‘ ‘‘Kad'tuan 1rOvijaya’’—Empire or kraton of 1rOvijaya? A Reassessment of

the Epigraphical Evidence’, BEFEO I+:,.-–I+.Lévi, S.,-/, ‘OnManimekhala ‘‘the guardian of the sea’’ ’, IndianHistorical Quarterly %:%–

- and /%,–N.

#$$ Bibliography

,-// ‘K'rakasa&graha’, in: Sanskrit Texts from Bali, pp. I%–II. Baroda: OrientalInstitute.

Levin, C.,--- &e R!m!ya"a of Loro Jonggrang; Indian antecedents and Javanese impetus.

PhD thesis, Institute of Fine Arts, New York University.Liebert, G.,-%N Iconographic dictionary of the Indian religions; Hinduism-Buddhism-Jainism.

Leiden: Brill.Lokesh Chandra,--. ‘Nyai LaraKidul: Goddess of the southern seas’, in: Cultural horizons of India;

Studies in Tantra and Buddhism, art and archaeology, language and literature.Vol. =, pp. ,-I–#+$. New Delhi: IAIC and Aditya Prakashan.

,--% ‘Chanda-kara)a; (e art of writing poetry’, in: Lokesh Chandra (ed), Cul-tural horizons of India; Studies in Tantra and Buddhism, art and archaeology,language and literature. Vol. 8, pp. ,$+–#/$. New Delhi: IAIC and AdityaPrakashan.

Lorenzen, D.N.,--, &e K!p!likas and K!l!mukhas; Two lost )aivite sects. Delhi: Motilal Banar-

sidass. [Second revised edition.]#+++ ‘A Parody of the K'p'likas in theMattavil!sa’, in: D.G. White (ed), Tantra in

practice, pp. I,–-N. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.Lunsingh Scheurleer, P.#+++ ‘Skulls, fangs and serpents; A new development in east Javanese iconogra-

phy’, in: W. Lobo and S. Reimann (eds), Southeast Asian Archaeology +55,;Proceedings of the Cth international conference of the European Associationof Southeast Asian Archaeologists, pp. ,I-–#+$. Hull: Centre for South-EastAsian Studies, University of Hull.

Lutgendorf, P.,--$ ‘My Hanuman is bigger than yours’,History of Religions ////:#,,–$..,--% ‘Monkey in the middle;(e status of Hanuman in popular Hinduism’, Reli-

gion #%:/,,–/#.#++$ ‘Hanuman’s adventures underground;(e narrative logic of aR!m!ya"a ‘‘in-

terpolation’’ ’, in: Mandakranta Bose (ed),&e R!m!ya"a revisited, pp. ,$-–N/. New York: Oxford University Press.

#++% Hanuman’s tale; &e messages of a divine monkey. Oxford and N.Y.: OxfordUniversity Press.

McCrea, L.#++I &e teleology of poetics in medieval Kashmir. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard

University Press.Menon, Ramesh#++, &e R!m!ya"a. New York: North Point Press.

Bibliography #$.

Minkowski, C.#++$ ‘SVryad'sa and the invention of bidirectional poetry’, Journal of the American

Oriental Society ,#$:/#.–//.Moertjipto and Bambang Prasetya,--% &e Kresnayana reliefs of the Visnu temple. Yogyakarta: Penerbit Kanisius.

Monier-Williams, M.,I-- Sanskrit-English dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Nihom, M.,--N ‘Old Javanese R!m!ya"a #..#. and #$.,,%ab; A study in literature and P'Qu-

pata 1aivism’, Asiatische Studien/Études Asiatiques /-:N./–%,.O’Brien, K.#++I Sutasoma;&e ancient tale of a Buddha-prince, from +=th century Java by the

poet Mpu Tantular. Bangkok: Orchid Press.Olivelle, P.,-I% ‘King and ascetic; State control of asceticism in the Artha%!stra’. &e Adyar

Library Bulletin .+:/-–.-.Olsson, R.A.,-NI &e Ramakien; A prose translation of the&ai Ramayana. Bangkok: Praepit-

taya.Olthof, W.L.,-$/ Babad Tanah Djawi. ’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff.

Pamit, I Wayan#++#a Kakawin R!wa"a; Kakawin miwah tegesipun. Denpasar. [# vols.]#++#b Kakawin N*la Candra; Kakawin miwah tegesipun. Denpasar.#++#c Candra Bhuwana; Kakawin miwah tegesipun. Denpasar.#++#d Candra Bhairawa; Kakawin miwah tegesipun. Denpasar.

Paranavitana, S. and C.E. Godakumbura (eds),-N% &e J!nak*hara"a of Kum!rad!sa. Ceylon: Sri Lanka Sahitya Mandalaya.

Payne, R.B., M.D. Sorenson and K. Klitz#++. &e cuckoos; Cuculidae. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Perquin, P.J.,-,N ‘Uittreksel uit het verslag aangaande de oudheidkundige werkzaamheden in

Oost-Java’, Oudheidkundig Verslag:,//–$%.Peterson, Indira Wiswanathan#++/ Design and rhetoric in a Sanskrit court epic;&e Kir!t!rjun*ya of Bh!ravi. Al-

bany: State University of New York Press.Phalgunadi, I Gusti Putu,--- &e Indonesian R!m!ya"a; &e Uttarak!"(a. New Delhi: Sundeep Praka-

shan.Pigeaud,(.G.T.,-N+ Java in the fourteenth century; A study in cultural history;&e Nagara-K2rta-

gama byRakawi Prapañca ofMajapahit, +786AD, Vol. ,.(eHague: Nijhoff.,-N# Java in the fourteenth century […], Vol. $.(e Hague: Nijhoff.

#$N Bibliography

,-N% Literature of Java; Catalogue raisonné of Javanese manuscripts in the Libraryof the University of Leiden and other public collections in the Netherlands Vol.+; Synopsis of Javanese literature 5--–+5-- A.D..(e Hague: Nijhoff.

,-NI Literature of Java; […] Vol. .; Descriptive list of Javanese manuscripts. (eHague: Nijhoff.

,-%+ Literature of Java; […]Vol. 7; Illustrations and facsimiles ofmanuscripts, maps,addenda and a general index of names and subjects.(e Hague: Nijhoff.

,-I+ Literature of Java; […] Vol. =; Supplement. Leiden: Leiden University Press.Poerbatjaraka, R.Ng.,-#N Agastya in den Archipel. Leiden: Brill.,-/, Smaradahana; Oud-Javaansche tekst met vertaling. Bandoeng: A.C. Nix.,-/# ‘Het Oud-Javaansche R'm'ya)a’, TBG %#:,.,–#,$.,-// ‘Lijst der Javaansche handschri2en in de boekerij van het Kon. Bat. Geno-

otschap’, in: Jaarboek Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten enWetenschappen +577, pp. #N-–/%N. Bandung: Nix and Co.

Pollock, S.,-I.a ‘(e theory of practice and the practice of theory in Indian intellectual his-

tory’, Journal of the American Oriental Society ,+.:$--–.,-.,-I.b Review ofKulkarni ,-I/, Journal of theAmericanOriental Society ,+.:,I$–..,--N ‘(eSanskrit cosmopolis, /++–,/++; Transculturation, vernacularization and

the question of ideology’, in: J.E.M. Houben (ed), Ideology and the status ofSanskrit; Contributions to the history of the Sanskrit language, pp. ,-%–#$%.Leiden: Brill.

#++N &e language of the gods in the world of men; Sanskrit, culture, and power inpremodern India. Berkeley: University of California Press.

#++% R!ma’s last act by Bhavabh0ti. New York: New York University Press/JJCFoundation.

Pott, P.H.,-NN Yoga and Yantra; &eir interrelation and their signi'cance for Indian archae-

ology.(e Hague: Nijhoff.Proudfoot, I.#++% ‘In search of lost time; Javanese and Balinese understandings of the Indic

calendar’, BKI ,N/:IN–,##.Przyluski, J.,-#. ‘La princesse à l’odeur de poisson et la Nagi’, Etudes Asiatiques #+:#N.–I$.

Putra, I Nyoman Darma#++- ‘Kidung Interaktif; Vocalising and interpreting traditional literature through

electronic mass media in Bali’, Indonesia and the Malay World /%/,+-:#$-–%N.

Rabe, M.D.,--% ‘(e M'mallapuram pra%asti; A panegyric in *gures’, Artibus Asiae .%:,I-–

#$,.

Bibliography #$%

Raghavan, V.,-%. &e R!m!ya"a in Greater India. Surat: South Gujarat University.,-I+ &e R!m!ya"a tradition in Asia; Papers presented at the international seminar

on the R!m!ya"a tradition in Asia, New Delhi, December +5C6. New Delhi:Sahitya Akademi

Rao, T.A. Gopinatha,-,N Elements of Hindu Iconography, Vol. .. Madras:(e Law Printing House.

Rassers, W.H.,-.- Pañji, the culture hero; A structural study of religion in Java. ’s-Gravenhage:

Nijhoff.Robson, S.O.,-%, Wa;ba; Wideya; A Javanese Panji romance.(e Hague: Nijhoff.,-%# ‘(e Kawi classics in Bali’, BKI ,#I:/+I–#-.,-I, ‘(e R!m!ya"a in early Java’, in: S. Sahai (ed),&e R!m!ya"a in South East

Asia, pp. .–,I. Gaya: Centre For South East Asian Studies.,-I/ ‘Kakawin reconsidered; Toward a theory of Old Javanese poetics’, BKI ,/-:

#-,–/,-.,--. De%awar"ana (N!garak3t!gama) by Mpu Prapañca. Leiden: KITLV.#++I Arjunawiw!ha;&e marriage of Arjuna of Mpu Ka"wa. Leiden: KITLV.

Rubinstein, R.#+++ Beyond the realm of the senses; &e Balinese ritual of kekawin composition.

Leiden: KITLV.Sahai, Sachchidanand,-%# ‘Sources of the Lao Ramayana tradition’, Indian Horizons #, #//:%+–I,.,--N &e Rama J!taka in Laos; A study in the Phra Lak Phra Lam. Delhi: B.R. Publ.

Corp. [# vols.]Sanderson, A.G.J.S.,-II ‘1aivism and the Tantric traditions’, in: S. Sutherland et al. (eds),&e world’s

religions, pp. NN+–%+$. London: Routledge.#++# ‘History through textual criticism in the study of 1aivism, the Pañcar'tra and

the Buddhist YoginOtantras’, in: F. Grimal (ed), Les sources et le temps; A col-loquium; Pondicherry, ++–+7 January +55C, pp. ,–$%. Pondicherry: Institutfrançais de Pondichéry / EFEO.

#++/–+$ ‘1aivism among the Khmers; Part 4’, BEFEO -+/-,:/$-–$N#.#++N ‘(e L'kulas; New evidence of a system intermediate between P'ñc'rthika

P'Qupatism and "gamic 1aivism’, Indian Philosophical Annual #$:,$/–#,%.Sanford, D.T.,-%$ Early temples bearingR!m!ya"a reliefs in theChola area; A comparative study.

PhD thesis, University of California at Los Angeles.Santoso, Soewito,-I+a R!m!ya"a Kakawin. New Delhi: IAIC. [/ vols.]

#$I Bibliography

,-I+b ‘(e Old Javanese R!m!ya"a—its composer and composition’, in: V. Ragha-van (ed) ,-I+, pp. #+–/-.

,-IN Kr21"!ya"a;&e Kr21"a legend in Indonesia. New Delhi: IAIC.Saran, Malini and Vinod C. Khanna#++$ &e R!m!ya"a in Indonesia. New Delhi: Ravi Dayal Publishers.

Sarkar, Himansu Bhushan,-%, Corpus of the Inscriptions of Java (Corpus Inscriptionum Javanicarum) (up to

5., A.D.). Volume ,. Calcutta: KLM.,-I+ ‘(emigration of the R!m!ya"a story to Indonesia and some problems con-

nected with the structure and contents of the Old-Javanese R!m!ya"a’, in:V. Raghavan ,-I+, pp. ,+/–#,.

Sastri, Anantakrishna,-$+ Pasupata Sutras with Pancharthabhashya of Kaundinya. Trivandrum: (e

Oriental Manuscripts Library of the University of Travancore.Schlingloff, D.,-II Studies in the Ajanta paintings; Identi'cations and interpretations. Delhi:

Ajanta Publications.Schulte Nordholt, H.#++. Bali; An open fortress, +556–.--6. Singapore: Singapore University Press.

Sears, L.J.,-IN Text and performance in Javanese shadow theatre; Changing authorities in an

oral tradition. PhD thesis, University of Wisconsin-Madison.Sears, L.J. and J.B. Flueckiger,--, ‘Introduction’, in: Boundaries of the text; Epic performance in South and South-

east Asia, pp. ,–,N. Ann Arbor: Center for South and Southeast Asian Stud-ies.

Setianingsih, R.M.,-I- ‘Telaah Singkat Prasasti Dawangsari’, in: Pertemuan IlmiahArheologi V (Yog-

yakarta, =–C Juli +5,5); II A. Kajian Arkeologi Indonesia, pp. ,$/–... IkatanAhli Arkeologi Indonesia.

Shastri, Hari Prasad,-%+ &e R!m!ya"a of V!lm*ki, Vol. III; &e Yuddha Kanda and Uttara Kanda.

London: Shanti Sadan.Shulman, D.#++, ‘BhavabhVti on cruelty and compassion’, in: P. Richman (ed), Questioning

R!m!ya"as; A South Asian tradition, pp. $-–I#. Berkeley: University of Cal-ifornia Press.

Singaravelu, Sachithanantham#++$ &e Ramayana tradition in Southeast Asia. Kuala Lumpur: University of

Malaya Press.Soekmono, Raden,--. &e Javanese candi. Leiden: Brill.

Bibliography #$-

Söhnen, R.,--. ‘On the concept and presentation of yamaka in early Indian poetic theory’,

Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies .I:$-.–.#+.Stutterheim, W.F.,-#. R!ma-Legenden und R!ma-Reliefs in Indonesien. München: Müller. [# vols.],-#I ‘De plaatsing der Rama-reliefs van tjandi Lara-Djonggrang en de zonne-

omloop’, BKI I$:,,I–/,.,-.N Studies in Indonesian archaeology.(e Hague: Nijhoff.,-I- R!ma-legends and R!ma-reliefs in Indonesia. New Delhi: Indira Gandhi Na-

tional Centre for Arts and Abhinav Publications. [# vols.]Sudarshana Devi,-.% W3haspati-tattwa, an Old Javanese philosophical text. Nagpur: IAIC.

Sugianti, Sri,--- Ramayana reliefs Candi Siwa, Prambanan. Jakarta: Department of Educa-

tion and Culture.Suleiman, Satyawati,-%N &e Pendopo Terrace of Panataran. Jakarta: Proyek Pelita Pembinaan Kepur-

bakalaan dan Peninggalan Nasional.Sundberg, J.R.#++/ ‘A Buddhist mantra recovered from the Ratu Baka plateau; A preliminary

study of its implications for 1ailendra-era Java’, BKI ,.-:,N/–II.#++$ ‘(e wilderness monks of the Abhayagirivih'ra and the origins of Sino-Jav-

anese esoteric Buddhism’, BKI ,N+:-.–,#/.#++N ‘Considerations on the dating of the Barabu0ur stVpa’, BKI ,N#:-.–,/#.#++- ‘Appendix A;(e State of Matar'm: A review of recent efforts to clarify its

history’, in: M. Long, Ca"(i Mendut; Womb of the Tath!gata, pp. /#-–N#.New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan.

Supomo, Suryo,-%% Arjunawijaya; A kakawin of Mpu Tantular.(e Hague: Nijhoff. [# vols.],-I. ‘K'madi dalamkekawin’, in: Sulastin Sutrisno, Darusuprapto and Sudaryanto

(eds), Bahasa-sastra-budaya, ratna manikam untaian persembahan kepadaProf. Dr. P.J. Zoetmulder, pp. /I/–$,$. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada UniversityPress.

,--/ Bh!ratayuddha; An Old Javanese poem and its Indian sources. New Delhi:IAIC and Aditya Prakashan.

#+++ ‘K'ma inOld Javanese kakawin’, in: LokeshChandra (ed), Society and cultureof Southeast Asia, pp. #N/–I,. New Delhi: IAIC and Aditya Prakashan.

#++, ‘Some problems in writing about contemporary life as depicted in the Suma-nas!ntaka’, BKI ,.%:,,/–#-.

Tagare, G.V.,--. &e Skanda-Pur!"a. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Teeuw, A.,--/ Review of T.J. Hudak ,--+, BKI ,$-:,I%–I.

#.+ Bibliography

,--I ‘An Old Javanese poem on chronogramwords’, in: M. Janse and A. Verlinden(eds), Productivity and Creativity; Studies in general and descriptive linguis-tics in honor of E.M. Uhlenbeck, pp. /N-–-#. Berlin/New York: Mouton deGruyter.

Teeuw, A. and S.O. Robson,-I, Kuñjarakarna Dharmakathana; Liberation through the law of the Buddha; An

Old Javanese poem by Mpu Dusun.(e Hague: Nijhoff.#++. Bhom!ntaka.&e death of Bhoma. Leiden: KITLV Press.

Teeuw, A. et al.,-N- )iwar!trikalpa ofMpuTanaku/; AnOld Javanese poem, its Indian sources and

Balinese illustrations.(e Hague: Nijhoff.Terwiel, B.J.,--N ‘(e introduction of Sanskrit prosody among the(ais’, in: J.E.M. Houben

(ed), Ideology and status of Sanskrit; Contributions to the history of the San-skrit language, pp. /+%–#N. Leiden/New York/Köln: Brill.

Toru, O.,--$ ‘(e Burmese versions of the R'ma story and their peculiarities’, in: U. Gärt-

ner and J. Lorenz (eds), Tradition and modernity in Myanmar, pp. /+.–#N.Berlin: Berliner Asien-Afrika-Studien.

Tubb, G.#++/ ‘K'vya with bells on; Yamaka in the )i%up!lavadha’. Working dra2 prepared

for the Research Group on Sanskrit Poetry of the Institute for AdvancedStudies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

Tuuk, H.N. van der,I-N–,-,# Kawi-Balineesch-Nederlandsch woordenboek. Batavia: Landsdrukkerij.

[$ vols.]Uhlenbeck, E.M.,-IN ‘Clitic, suf*x and particle; Some indispensable distinctions in Old Javanese

grammar’, in: C.M.S. Hellwig and S.O. Robson (eds),Aman of Indonesian let-ters; Essays in honour of Professor A. Teeuw, pp. //$–$,. Dordrecht, Hollandand Cinnaminson, USA: Foris.

Vickers, A.,-%- Kerta Gosa;&e ordered realm. BA (Hons)(esis, Department of Indonesian

and Malayan Studies,(e University of Sydney.,-I+ ‘I Gusti Madé Deblog; Artistic manifestations of change in Bali’, Review of

Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs ,$:,–$%.,-I# ‘A Balinese illustrated manuscript of the )iwar!trikalpa’, BKI ,/I:$$/–N-.#++. Journeys of desire; A study of the Balinese text Malat. Leiden: KITLV.

Vogel, J.Ph.,-#, ‘Het eerste R'ma relief van Prambanan’, BKI %%:#+#–,..

Vries Robbé, A. de,-I$ ‘Teja in de beeldende kunst van Indonesië’, BKI ,$+:#%N–II.

Bibliography #.,

Weatherbee, D.E.#+++ ‘(e Hyang Haji of the Gandasuli 44 inscription’, in: Lokesh Chandra (ed),

Society and culture of Southeast Asia; Continuities and changes, pp. /$.–./.New Delhi: IAIC and Aditya Prakashan.

Winstedt, R.O.,-#- ‘A Patani version of the R!m!ya"a’, in: Feestbundel Koninklijk Bataviaasch

Genootschap vanKunsten enWetenschappen, pp. $#/–/$. Weltevreden: Kolff.Wisseman Christie, J.#++, ‘Revisiting earlyMataram’, in: M.J. Klokke and K.R. van Kooij (eds), Fruits of

inspiration; Studies in honour of Prof. J.G. de Casparis, pp. #.–... Groningen:Egbert Forsten.

Witkam, J.J.#++N–+% Inventory of the orientalmanuscripts of the library of theUniversity of Leiden.

[http://www.islamicmanuscripts.info/inventories/leiden/index.html]Worsley, P.,-IN ‘Narrative bas-reliefs at Candi Surawana’, in: D.G. Marr and A.C. Milner

(eds), Southeast Asia in the 5th to +=th centuries, pp. //.–N%. Singapore: In-stitute of Southeast Asian Studies.

,--N ‘On the ordering of the narrative reliefs at Candi Surowono, East Java, a re-sponse toMarijke Klokke, ‘‘On the Orientation of Ancient Javanese Temples:(e example of Candi Surowono’’, IIAS Yearbook +55=’, in: P. van der Velde(ed), IIAS Yearbook +556, pp. ##+–/. Leiden: IIAS.

#++N ‘Cosmopolitan Vernacular Culture and Illustrations of the R'ma Story atCa)0i Loro Jonggrang, Prambanan. Part #:(emarriage of the crown princeand the succession in polygamous royal households’, in: H. Chambert-LoirandB.Dagens (eds),Anamorphoses; Hommage à JacquesDumarçay, pp. ##%–/-. Paris: Les Indes Savantes.

Wulandari, R.A.#++, Hari%raya (A); A Balinese kakawin. MA thesis, Australian National Univer-

sity.Zieseniss, A.,-N/ &e R!ma saga in Malaysia; Its origin and development (English translation

by P.W. Burch). Singapore: Malaysian Sociological Research Institute Ltd.Zoetmulder, P.J.,-%$ Kalangwan; A survey of Old Javanese literature.(e Hague: Nijhoff.,-I# Old Javanese-English dictionary. (With the collaboration of S.O. Robson).

(e Hague: Nijhoff. [# vols.]Zurbuchen, M.S.,-I% &e language of Balinese shadow theater. Princeton: Princeton University

Press.

Index(is index includes names of characters (mythological, epic, et cetera), authors of primary textualsources or artworks, selected toponyms and, in italics, titles of primary sources (apart from theubiquitous Kakawin R!m!ya"a and V'lmOki R!m!ya"a). (e spelling of words occurring inboth Old Javanese and Sanskrit follows the established norms used for the latter language (e.g.retaining v instead of w or b); words occurring only, or most o2en, in Old Javanese follow thespelling of OJED (with the exception of ;, which becomes /). Note that the spelling is not alwaysprecisely the same as that adopted by the authors in this work.

Abhimanyu .Abhimanyuwiw!ha ,,$Abhinayadarpa"a ,.."ditya ,#,, ,#$, ,#%–,#-Agastya II, ,+#, ,+%, ,/$, ,/., ,$%, ,./,,..–,.%, ,N$, ,NI, ,-#

Agni %–,+Agnipur!"a /$, $NAihoZe /.Aja %+, ,+,Aja)S' ,.$AkRa #,#, #,$, #,., #,%, ##+, ##,, #/+Ala$k!rasarvasva $NAla$k!ra%ekhara ,., #/Amaram!l! N-Amb' ,,+Amb!%raya ,,+Amla ,,$Amlapura ,+.AmEteQvara #+NAmEtapura #+N"nandavardhana ,%, $/, .,Ananta (also 1eRa) ,I-A&garapar)a ,,/A&gada ,#., ,NN, #,-Angkor ,/$, #+#Anjani (also Naranjani or Ranjani),#$–,#%, ,/+

Anoman see Hanuman?ra"yakaparvan ,+-–,,,

Arjuna #, $, ,+, ,+-, ,,,–,,/, ,,., #++Arjun!ntaka ,,,–,,#, ,,IArjuna Sahasrab'hu ,+,, ,+#, ,+N, ,+-–,,N

Arjuna Sahasrab!hu ,,,, ,,#Arjunawijaya %, #,, ,+,, ,+#, ,+.–,+-,,,,, ,,$–,,N

Arjunawiw!ha ,–/, #,, #-, ,,,, ,,$, ##/Artha%!stra I#, I/, #,-Aru)a ,#,ArundhatO ,NN?stik!%raya ,+$?stik!yana ,+$AQvapati ,-.Atintya ,#,, ,#NAvantisundar*kath! #-Ayodhy' /+, $$, %N, ,+#, ,,+, ,$-, ,.,,,./, ,..–,.%, ,N/, ,NN, ,NI–,%+,,%.–,%%, ,-.

Babad Tanah Jawi ,--Bahni (Agni) -Bajrav'kya N/Baladeva .B!lak!"(a ,N#, ,-,B'laputra $,, .$, .., I+, I#, INB!lar!m!ya"a ,N.Bali 54, 544, 53, 534, #, /,, $-, N#, N/, -/–,+N, ,,,, ,,$, ,,N, ,,%, ,,-, ,#,, ,#%,,#-, ,/+

#.$ Index

Bali (demon) see V'linB')a #+/Bangkok ,-IB'yu see V'yuBhadr'loka ,$IBhagavadg*t! -$Bh!gavatapur!"a #++Bh'maha ,#, ,%, #-, /$, /.Bh'nudatta ,-, #/Bharadv'ja I-Bharata /$, $N, NI, %,, %N, IN, ,.+, ,N#Bh'rata IBh!ratayuddha %Bh'ravi /., /%, $/Bh'rgava ,,+, ,,.Bh!rgawa%ik1! ,+$, ,,+, ,,IBh!rgawawijaya ,,IBhaS'ra Guru ,-#, ,-/BhaSSi #/, #N, #-, /+, /$–$+, $/, $NBha##ik!vya [BK] 544, ,,, ,N, ,I–#+, #/,#., #N, #I–/+, /$–/I, $+, $/–$N, $I,./, ,.,, ,N%

BhavabhVti ,N., ,NN, ,-+, ,-.BhOma ,#,, ,#N, ,#I, ,#-, ##$, ##IBhORma ,,+Bh*1maparwa ,,,Bhoma $, ,+,Bhom!ntaka /, $, #,, .-, N/, N-, I$, -+,,+,

Bhuwanako%a NN, -+Bimaswarga ,#-Biru) ,-+Blitar #,+Borobudur %., %%, %I, ,/$, ,..Brahm' (god) $Brahm' (temple) 534, ,$-–,./, ,..,,N$–,NN, ,NI–,%%, ,%-, ,I+, ,I/, ,IN,,-+, ,-/, ,-$, #++, #+$

Brahm!"(a Pur!"a ,-Buddha N, ,+

Cakranagara ,++, ,+/, ,+ICa"(akira"a N-

Candra Bhairawa -$Candra Bhuwana -$Candraketu ,NNCandrasena #++CandravatO ,.-, ,-.Cantakaparwa ,#/Cerita Maharaja Wana ,I-, ,-%CitrawatO ,,/

Da)0in ,#, ,%, #/, #-, //–/., $#, $/DaQagrOva ,#$DaQamukha ,+-DaQaratha /N, /%, ,+,, ,#%, ,.+, ,.N,,I+, ,-.

Dava ,$,, ,$/DavWt ,$,, ,$.Dawangsari ,/$–,/%, ,/-, ,$+Denpasar ,##De%awar"ana [DW] #%, #I, N., %,, -+,,,., #,,

DevakO ,-NDevasom' INDewaruci ,#NDewata Mulia Raya ,-N, ,-%, #+.Dhanvantari ,-,Dharmakusuma ,+$Dharma P!tañjala I,, -+Dharmawa&Qa -., ,./Dhvany!loka ,%Dro)a %Durg' .Duryodhana .

Ek!val* #-

Gadi&, Pu $+Gandharva%!stra NIGa)eQa ,/%, ,/-Ga&g' ,N., ,NN, ,I-, ,--Ga&g'Mah' SVra ,I$, ,I., #+#Ga&gavatO ,-IGaru0a #,I, ##/, ##IGaru&, Rakai I#

Index #..

G!th!-Sapta%at* ##, #/GhaSotkaca ., ,+,Gha#otkac!%raya ., N$, ,+,Gottama, Bhagaw'n ,#$, ,#%Guhyas0tra N-Gu)avidhi IGvay Dvorabhi ,-/

Halu ,$#, ,$NHanuman 534, /I–$+, $$, N#, ,++, ,,-,,#,, ,#/–,/+, ,.+, ,.$, ,I#, ,I/, ,I.,,I-, ,-%, ,-I, #++–#+#, #+N, #+-, #,#–#/#

Hanuman R!m!ya"a ,#%Hari $Hari%raya ,+#–,+N, ,,IHariwa/%a $, .N, -+, ,+,Hariwijaya ,,$Har1acarita #+/Har1awijaya %,, -+HayamWuruk #,,HemaQE&gagiri ,/$Hikayat Seri Rama [HSR] 534, ,#%, ,.+–,./, ,.., ,.-, ,N+, ,N., ,NN, ,%-, ,I+,,I/–,-,, ,-., ,-N, ,--–#+$, #+N

Hutipati I

IkRv'ku ,./Indra $, ,$, /-, ,+%, ,,/, ,#%, ,$$Indrabandhana ,+#, ,+$, ,+%, ,,+, ,,IIndrajit ,+%, #,$, #,., #,%, ##+IndumatO %+, ,+,Iraw!ntaka ,,+UQvara .Iwung $,

Jadi ,#/, ,#NJagatpati .Jakarta 54, ,,-, ,.%, ,%-, ,-+Jamadagni ,,/J'madagnya ,,,J'mbawat #,%Jambikawati ,#$

Janaka ,.%, ,NNJ'nakO I, -J!nak*hara"a #+/JaS'yus ,.+Java 544, 534, ,I, /+, /#, /$, /-, $+, $/, .+,.$, .., .I, N/, N$, %I, %-, I#, I%, -$,-N–-I, ,,,, ,,-, ,#%, ,$,, ,$$, ,$N,,.+, ,%-, ,--, #++, #+/, #+N

Central 544, /-, $,, .+, ./–.., I#, I-,-%, ,$+, ,$N, ,$I, ,.#, ,N$, ,I#, #++

East 544, 5444, -%, ,+#, ,#%, ,#-, ,./,#+-, #,+, #,/

Jayama&gala #-Jlantik, Gusti Putu ,+IJñ!nasiddh!nta I+, -+

Kabandha ,.+Ka0iri -%, ,,,, ,,#KaikeyO ,-.Kakua ,-.K'la #,, ,-,, #,I, ###, ##/Kalanemi ,.+KalaQaja (see alsoKumbhayoni) ,/., ,$$KalaQodbhava (see also Kumbhayoni),/., ,$/

K'lO I,K'lid'sa #., #N, /.–/%, /-Kalipriyan'tha ,NNK'ma $, ,$K'madeva ,$Kamasan ,,-, ,#,, ,#/, ,#%, ,#IK'meQwara ,,#Ka)wa, Mpu #, #-Kapiparwa 53, ,#/, ,#$, ,#N, ,#%K!rakasa/graha %$, -+Kar'lavaktra .Karangasem ,+., ,,$, ,,., ,#,, ,#/, ,$IKarta Wirya ,,,K'rtawOra ,,/Kau)0inya NIKauQaly' ,..K!vy!dar%a ,N, #/, #-, $/K!vy!la$k!ra #-

#.N Index

K!vyam*m!$s! ,/, ,I, ,-, #/Kayuwa&i, Rakai $+, $/, ./, I#, II, ,$IKekayO ,.NKeQava /, $KeQavamiQra ,$–,N, ,-, #/Ketut Pidada, Ida Pedanda N#Kh!"(awawanadahana ,+., ,,+Kikewi ,-.Kir!t!rjun*ya #, /.KiRkindh' ,.%Klaten ,.%Klungkung ,,-, ,#/, ,#-KER)a $, ., ,+,, ,+-, ,.+, ,N., ,IN, ,-N,##%

K31"!ndhaka ,+$K31"!ntaka ,+.K31"!yana ,+,, ,N$, #,., ##+, ##/, ##$,##%, ##I

KRiti SundarO .Kum'rad'sa #+/Kum!ratattwa NN, -+Kum'rila ,N.Kumbhaja ,/.Kumbhakar)a #,#, #,$, #,-, ##+, ##.,##N, #/#

Kumbhayoni, Pu I#, II, ,/$–,/N, ,/-,,$,–,$N

Kuñjarakar)a NKuñjarakar"adharmakathana N, #,KuQa .-, ,./, ,.-, ,N+, ,N#, ,N/, ,N.,,NN, ,%$–,%N

Ku#!ram!nawa ,,+

LakRma)a %, ,-, #+, ./, ,.I–,N+, ,N.,,NN, ,%+, ,%,, ,I+, ,I#–,I., ,I-, ,-%,#,#, #,., #,%, #,I, ##+, #/#

LakRmO ,-,Lamba/ Salukat %/La&k' (also LWngka) 534, #+, #N, /+, /%,/I, $$–$N, $I, .., ,++, ,+#, ,+-, ,$,,,$$–,$I, ,.+, ,./, ,.., ,.%, ,I#, ,I$,,I., ,I-, ,-/, #+/, #,%–#,-

La&kapura 534, ,//, ,/$, ,$,, ,$/–,$I

Lava .-, ,./, ,.I–,N+, ,N#, ,N/, ,N.,,NN, ,%#–,%N

Lavan'sura ,.-Lawana ,+%L'wan'dipura ,+.Leiden ,,,–,,/, ,/-, ,.+, ,.N, ,%-, ,I#Leper, I Dewa Nyoman ,##Linggang Kiamit ,-ILo Dv' ,$.Lokap'la, Dyah I#, I-Lombok -N, -I, ,++, ,+/, ,+I, ,,$Loro Jonggrang (see also Prambanan)/+, %., %%, ,//, ,$%, ,$-–,.%, ,.-–,N%, ,%+, ,I/, ,I., ,I%, #+-

Lubdhaka .

Madana $$, $N–$IMagadha ,,.M'dhava ,$M'gha /., /%, $/Mah!bh!rata -., ,+#, ,+-–,,,, ,#,,,#I, ,--, #++

Mah'deva $Mah'r'ja Bisnu ,-N, ,-%MaharOsO KalO ,.-, ,N+Mahendra ,$$MahOr'va)a #++Mahispati see SumantriMalaya ,-M'li ,+/Mallin'tha #-M'lyaw'n $$, ,+/M'mallapuram (Mah'balipuram) ,/$Mamrati I#Mandra, I Nyoman ,,-, ,#%, ,#-Ma)imekhal' ,--MañjuQrOgEha (inscription) ,$+Manu $-Manuku, Pu II, ,$/M'ruta ,,.Maruthi ,#$–,#NMassa see Suvar)amatsy'Mattavil!sa I+, IN, -+

Index #.%

MW0a& I#Meghan'da ,+%, ,./Monagu)a, Mpu %+, %,, %/, ,+,N!garak3t!gama see De%awar"anaNala #+/NandikeQvara ,..Nandin ,/-N'rada ,,,N'r'ya)a $, ,$N!#ya%!stra #N, /$, $N, NI, N-, %-, IN, -,,,.., ,-,

Nawaruci .-, -,, ,#NNOla #,IN*la Candra -$Nirjhara ,$,Ni%v!satattvasa$hit! N-, -+N*tis!ra N.N*ti%!stra -$, ,+$Nyai Lara Kidul ,--, #++Nyoman Pidada, Ida Pedanda N#

Padma Sari ,,NPalembang I#Pamit, I Wayan -$, -., -I, ,+I, ,,N, ,,IPanataran 543, 534, #+-–#,$, ##/–##%,##-

Pañc!rthabh!1ya NI, N-, I+, -,Pañcatantra #+Pande Sumantra, Wayan ,#%Pan Remi ,#IPara0ah %-ParamaQiva ,+ParameQvara $ParaQur'ma ,+-, ,,,Parik1it ,+$P!rthakarma ,+.P!rthawijaya (also Iraw!ntaka) ,+$P!rthayajña ##/P!rth!ya"a ,+$Pasturan ,P!%upatas0tra NI, N-, %,, I+, I%, -,PaQupati #, %, ,+, ,#$Pat'la Mahar'yan #++

P'tañjala (also PEtañjala) ,/.Patap'n, Rakai IIPawana ,#,, ,#%Pereng (inscription) ,/$–,/%, ,/-–,$#,,$$, ,$., ,$%, ,$I

Phimai ,%-Phra Lak Phra Lam ,-%Pikatan, Rakai /-, $,, $/, .., I#, IN–I-POt'bdhi ,/.Praj'pati /Prambanan (see also Loro Jonggrang)543, 534, /-, %., %%, %I, I#, IN, ,//–,/., ,$+, ,$I, ,N$, ,%-–,I/, ,I%, ,-+,,-,, ,-/, ,-N, ,--–#+$, #+N, #,/

Prapañca, Mpu #%, #I, ,,.Prat'parudra #-Prat!parudr*ya #-Pravarasena #+/, #+$PEthvO ,N., ,-+Pullamangai ,N,

R!ghavap!"(av*ya /NRaghu ,+,Raghusuta $IRaghuva$%a [Ragh] #., #N, /,, /.–/%R'hu ,-,R'jaQekhara ,/–,., ,I, ,-, #/, ,N.R'ma 5444, 534, %, -, ,+, ,-, #N, #%, /+,$$, $N, $I, %N, -$, -., ,++–,+/, ,+%–,,/, ,,N, ,#,, ,#$, ,#%, ,$N, ,$%, ,$-,,.+, ,./–,N%, ,N-–,%,, ,%$–,%%, ,%-,,I+, ,I#–,-/, ,-.–,-%, ,--–#+%, #+-,#,#–##%, #/,

R'mabhadra -, ,+R'ma Bh'rgawa ,+-–,,/R!mak!"(a ,+#, ,+%, ,,IR!ma K2ling ,.+R!makerti ,-+Ramakien ,#%, ,-%, #+,, #+$R'maparaQu ,+,, ,+-, ,,,R!mapara%uwijaya ,+., ,+-, ,,,, ,,/–,,., ,,I

R!matantra ,+I

#.I Index

Rama&agyin ,#%R!mawijaya ,+,, ,+-, ,,,–,,/, ,,., ,,IR!mayajña ,+%, ,,IRasamañjar* ,-, #/Ratnawijaya ,+.Ratu Baka I#, ,/$–,/%, ,$,–,$I ,$%Rauravas0trasa/graha NN, -,R'va)a %, ,-, $I, I#, -$, -., ,++–,+#,,+N–,+-, ,,., ,,-, ,#$, ,$-, ,.+, ,./–,.N, ,NN, ,NI, ,I/–,I., ,-#, ,-/, ,-%,,-I, #+,, #+#, #+-, #,#, #,$–##I, #/,

R!va"avadha see Bha##ik!vyaR!va"avaha see SetubandhaRavikOrti /.R!wa"a (Kakawin) -$, ,+I, ,,N, ,,IRenuka ,,/Rohi)O ,-N>1i%!sana .%, .-, -+TRyaQE&ga ,-.Rudra NI, ,,/Rukmi)O ##%Ruyyaka $N

1abari ,.+S'gara ,I#–,I$, ,IN, ,I%, ,-,, ,-#, ,--S!hityadarpa"a ,$, ##, #/)akak!la ,,., ,,N, ,,ISang Hyang )ry ?tma%uddha ,+%, ,,I1a&kara N1'nt' ,-.)!ntiparvan ,+-SarasvatO .%, ,+.Sarvadar%anasa$graha NI1atrughna ,+%, ,./, ,.-, ,N+, ,%/)atrughna ,+%, ,,ISawaha ,#%S'ya)a M'dhava NISelamra ,#$Selasayana ,#$Selat ,#/Senapati, Panembahan #++S2rat Kanda ,.+, ,I-, ,-ISWrWh ,$,

Setubandha #+/)eva%!sana N., -+Sidemen N#, ,,.Si)0ok I+Singaraja ,++, ,#/Singhasari -%, ,,#)i%up!lavadha /.SOt' %, -, ,+, ,-, #N, #%, /+, /I, $$–$N, $I,%N, I#, -., ,++, ,+#, ,+-, ,,+, ,,-, ,#,,,$N, ,$%, ,$-, ,.+, ,./, ,.$, ,.N–,N+,,N/–,N%, ,N-–,%/, ,%N, ,%%, ,I$, ,I.,,-+, ,-., ,-N, #+,, #+N, #,#, #,$, #,.,#,%, #,-–##,, ##%, ##I

1iva (god) ,–N, I, ##, NI, I,, ,#,, ,#$–,#-, ,$I, ,.N, ,-#

1iva (temple) 534, %,, I#, IN, ,$+, ,$I,,.+, ,.,, ,.N, ,N,, ,%-–,I$, ,I-–,-/,,-., #+$, ##%, ##I

1ivagEha (inscription) 53, #., /-–$/,.+–./, .., I#, I-, ,//–,/N, ,$+, ,$%,,$I, ,I%

1ivapura ,/$)iwar!trikalpa ., #,, -NSi W3ta ,+$, ,,+Skandapur!"a ,I-Smaradahana $, ,+,Sogasura ,-I1E&ga ##-1rOvijaya I#, ,$$Steya%!stra I,Subali ,#$Subhadr!wiw!ha ,+$, ,,$SugrOva ,#/, ,#$, ,.+, ,.%, ,N,, ,I#–,I., #++, #+/, #,#, #,$, #,., #,%–##+,###, #/,

Sukasarana ,,.Sum'li ,+/Sumanas!ntaka %, %+, %#, %$, I., -+, ,+,,,,.

Sumantri ,,., ,,ISumantri (alsoMahispati) ,,$, ,,.Sumatra I#Sumberwatu ,/%, ,/I

Index #.-

Surakarta %., ,+,Suranadi ,#.1Vrpa)akh' #+, ,..SVrya ,#,Sutasoma ,#/Sutasoma %Suvar)amatsy' (also Supanna Matcha),-%–#+,

Suvela %, $N, $I, #,I, #,-Suwanda ,,.

Tabalawi ,N.Tabanan N/, ,#/T'mrapar)i ,/Taningrat ,,/Tantri D2mu/ N+–N/, I/, -+Tantri K!mandaka N+, N,, N/, -+, -,Tantri K2(iri .I, N+, N/, -+Tantular, Mpu ,+,, ,+#, ,+N, ,+-, ,,,Tantu Pa/g2laran N.k'Sak' ,.+Totsagan ,-%TrijaS' %, #,#, #,., ##+Tuan Puteri Ikan ,-%Tunggang ,$,

Ubud ,#,, ,#NUdyogaparwa ,,+Ugrasena ,N$UlVpO #++Uttarak!"(a [UtK] 53, 534, .-, -,, -$,-., -I, ,++–,+I, ,,$, ,,., ,#/, ,$-–,./, ,.., ,.%–,%%, ,-+

Uttarar!macarita ,N., ,NN, ,-+, ,-.

Vairocana N, ,+V'kbajra N/Valai& ,/N, ,$,–,$%V'lin ,#/, ,#$, ,N,V'lmOki 544, .-, -/, -., ,+#, ,+I, ,$N,,$-, ,.+, ,./, ,.I–,N%, ,%#, ,%/, ,%N,,%-, ,I+, ,I/, ,I$, ,-., ,--, #+#, #+/

Varu)a ,I/, ,-+–,-/, ,--, #++VasiRSha ,NNVasudeva ,-NV'yu /-, ,#,, ,##, ,#%–,#-, #,%, ##$VibhORa)a %, $I, ./, ,$I, ,.%, ,I/, ,IN,,I-, ,-%, #+/–#+%, #,-, ##+

Vidarbha %+, ,,.Vin'yaka (also Vin'ya) ,/%, ,/-Vindhya ,$N–,$IVOra-NarasiXha #-ViR)u (god) $, ,+, ,$, ,+/, ,+-, ,,/, ,$-,,.%, ,N., ,I-, ,-%, #++

ViR)u (temple) ,.+, ,N$, ,N., ,%%, ,IN,,-+, ,-N

ViQv'mitra ,-/ViQvan'tha ,$, #/VEtra ,$$

Wanaparwa ,,,Wantil $,Wanua Tengah III (inscriptions) I#, I%,II, ,$$

WedawatO ,+IWir'dha ,.+Wir!#aparwa -IWi%!l!gni ,,N, ,,IWonoboyo ,.%Wonogiri ,$NWonosari ,$NWrati%!sana N+, -,WEhaspati $W3haspatitattwa I,, -,W3t!ntaka ,+$W3ttasañcaya .I, .-, -,

Yama .Yamun' ,--YaQovarman I #+/Yogas0trabh!1ya I,, -,Yogyakarta ,, %., ,/., ,$,, ,$N, ,I%Yuddhak!"(a ,.$, ,NI, ,I-YudhiRShira $, ,+-