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Journal of Bengal Art, Vol. I, 1996, 109-135

FROM GOD TO DEMON, FROM DEMON TO GOD: BRAHMA & OTHERHINDU DEITIES IN LATE BUDDHIST ART OF EASTERN INDIA

Claudine Bautze-Picron

Four Hindu deities held a particular position in the late Buddhist iconography as

paintings and sculptures illustrate it, i.e. Brahmä and Indra/Sakra, Siva and Visnu. The firsttwo gods appear since an early period in Indian art, and in Buddhist literature, they are

present at various moments of Säkyamuni's life In the art of Eastern India, they are

commonly seen in the depictions of the Birth or the Descent from the Heaven of the

TrayastririrSas.

Brahmä in the Buddhist art of Eastern India in the post-Gupta & Päla periods

At that place, we cannot fail to mention that in the large mandala described in the

Mafijufrlmülakalpa, Mahäbrahmä is located in the eastern direction, i.e. above the central

image of Sakyamuni.r Though four-headed, the god has only two arms holding danda and

kamandaht.2

Various stone panels of the monument of Paharpur can be tentatively (in some cases)

identified with the god. And though, like a large number of the carved panels of the

basement, they were initially produced within a different (Hindu) context, their integration at

a certain moment within a Buddhist monument makes their study here relevant. The god istwo-armed, generally one-headed (one example is three-headed) and has for attributes therosary and the water-pot.3

A number of seals variously dated between the Gupta and the early Päla period, were

recovered at Nalanda. Their inscriptions refer to the existence of the community of theTraivedya at Nalanda, a reality which the Buddhists could not possibly ignore, The seals show,

above the inscription, Brahmä seated, three-headed and two-armed holding the komandaluand the aksamala. On one seal, the sun and moon crescent are depicted on either side of the

god, a motif which occurs on some images of various iconographies during the Päla periodand probably means that the deity masters the time, which evidently underlines theimportance of Brahmä, who is, at that point, more than a member of the Trimürti.a This is an

element of the religious landscape of Nalanda which the Buddhists could not neglect, and it isperhaps the reason why Brahmä was first absent from the depiction of the birth ofSäkyamuni, an absence which was perhaps deliberate since the god was present at an earlierperiod. It may also have been the reason why this ignorance could not be held anymore at alater phase, since Hinduism was a very alive component of the religious life of Bihar in

110 JOURNALOF BENGALART

general, or of Naianda in particularly, some images from lhe 9th or 10th c' prove indeed that

the cult of Brahmä, alone or included within the Trimürti, still continued at the site (fig' 6)

and in the area (fig. 9). Brahmä recovered then his position within this event and was then

even depicted at various other moments of the biography like other Hindu gods were'

Fig. i. Brahmä, Art Institute of Chicago

Photo J. Bautze.

In Eastern India, and more particularly Bihar, independant images of the two-armed

Brahmä are rare and belong to the post-Gupta and early Päla periods, i.e. before the 10th c'

(fig. 1-2). The same form of the god is used when he is depicted with other deities, e'g' with

so?ru, 5iuu, Visnu and Ga.reda (fig. 3) or more simply with Siva on either side of Visn*

(fie. e).

This two-armed fbrm is preserved in a Buddhst context during the Päla period' As such

and three-faced (the fourth face is hidden), the god attends to the Buddha descending from

the Heaven of the 33 Gods whereas at the same period and in the Hindu context, on stelae

showing him as a single deity (fig. 4-8) or as a member of the Trimürti, the god has more

often four arms (fig. 10).5

Fig. 2. Brahmä, The Russek Collection'

photo R. Russek.

FROM GOD TO DEMON, FROM DEMON TO C'OD ilt

Very often also, at that early period, the lateral faces are depicted in a three-quarterprofile and are very large (fig. 10). Strictly profiled faces are however already noted (fig. 9),atreatment which gets generalized afterwards.

Till approximately the end of the 1lth c., Brahmä does not bear a beard. A preciousinformation is provided by the Boston cover, which is precisely dated in the regnal year 4 ofGopäla III, i.e. around ll32 and where the god is bearded (fig. 17). And the carved examples

bc-long to the l lth or l2th c.6

Fig. 3. Brahmä, within a group, The Poddar Collection, photo J. Bautzc.

On a 8th c. image from Kurkihar e.g. (fig. 11), Brahmä carries the carnaro and the

karuanclalu as he usually does when he attends to the Buddha in company of Sakra who holcls

the umbrella above Säkyamuni's head.7 Exceptionnally, Brahmä can hold the unrbrella.s The

camaru is not a traditionnal attribute of the god-neither is the umbrelia the characteristicattribute of Sakra-and it is evident that both gods appear in a submissive relation toSäkyamuni. That Brahmä is always two-armed in a Buddhist context tiil arouncl ll00 c. isdue probably to some reason. As a matter of fact, the examples of a four-handecl Brahmäbelong to the lZth c. as exemplified by the Boston manuscript, and by steiae from LakhiSarai, North Bengale or Southeast Bangladesh. Indeed, on the stela from Betagi, the three

depictions of the god show him with four hands (fig. 2a-26). On the images in the Indian

112

Museumdeceased

memberone. lo

and at the Dhaka

Buddha but only

of Mära's army,

.IOIJRNAL OF BENGAL ART

Bucldhist Monastery, he is four-armed when paying respect to the

two-armed when attending to Him at Sankasya, and when he is a

he is two-armed in the first sculpture, four-armed in the second

Fig. 4. Brahmä, Gaya Museum, photo J. Bautze. Fig' 5. Brahmä, Patna Museum, photo J Bautzc

Brahmä as one of the "Four Märas"

The expression "Four Märas" has been evidently applied to diferent groups of Hindu

gods or semi-divine beings. In the Sadhanantala, they personify the obstacles to the

Enlightenmentrr and are named Kle(a, Skandha, Mrtyu and Devaputra. In the

Srthevajravyaklryavivarana, they become gods respectively named Kubera, Brahmä, Yama

and Indra whereas in the Nispannayogavalt, they become Vi$nu/Hari, Brahmä,

Mahedvara/Hara and Indra.r2

In art, these deities are depicted on either side of the Buddhafs head and not as described

in the sarlhanas, sustaining the later's throne.13 The position of the four Märas below the

throne, as given in the texts, symbolizes their lower rank as their submission to the Buddha.

Likewise, they can also be trampled by Hevajra or other various deities.ra A subtle difference

should be made: the atlants identified by certain authors as being the four Märas are not the

Märas.15 The texts are indeed always very clear:the Märas are Hindu deities whereas the

Fig. 4. Brahmä, Gaya Museum, photo J. Bautze

FROM COD TO DEMON, FROM DEMON TO C,OD

atlants are evidently related to the category of the Yaksas. The origin of the atlants is ancientsince they are already noticed in the art of Nagarjunakonda and when Hindu deities areintroduced in the depiction of the Bodhi, they are distributed around the Buddha and do notsustain His throne. Atlants are known at Bodh Gaya where they are carved together with lionson the side of the slab of the Vajräsana in the Gupta period. At Bodh Gaya and other sites,they still occur at the Päla period at both extremities or on the central part of pedestalscontaining depictions of elephants and lions (fig. 30;.to tn'r introduces a theoretical aspect

Fig. 6. Brahmä, S.K. Neoril Collcction, photo J. Baurze Fig. 7. Brahmä, prescnt \6 lt.'feitlrouts Lrnknorvn.photo J. Baurze.

that one should not neglect, i.e, the historical dimension of art and of iconography. In thereliefs of Nagarjunakonda, the yaksus walk and threaten the Buddha below his throne, whichlets us rightly surmise that they belong to Mära's troops and become themselves ,,Märas,,, butwhat is valid at that early phase and stills perhaps at the Gupta period, is not necessarily

113

JOURNAL OF BENGAL ARTtt4

correct at the Päla period. Motifs can survive through a long span of time' but their

interpretation therein change. This leads the way also to a further observation: the

information contained in texts like the sadhanas e.g.' is evidentiy related to a very specific

situation in time and in space (and this being much reduced eventually: the time can be a f'ew

decades, the space can be a single site) on the one hetnd, and this information cannot

necessarily be relevant in the study of stone or metal carvings'

Frg.8. Brahmä, The Poddar Collection. ph"t'r J Baulze'

The four major Hindu deities hold an ambivalent position in the various descriptions of

deities or of mandalas where they appear. They can be trampled by the main deity or their

chopped heads can be presented as attributes, unless they worship the deity'r7 The very same

ambivalent position, to appear as a destructive element which has to be dominated or

destroyed and to be a worshipper illustrates the position of the deities within the Buddhist

FROM C,OD TO DEMON, FROM DEMON TO GOD

cosmos in the Maitju(rfmulakalpa, they belong to the clans of the Laukikc and of theLokottara which are in the outer mansions of the manclaLa.tB They rnark the thresholdbetween the external chaotic universe and the inner world of the maltdala which the initiatedmust cross before reaching the inner circles: they belong thus to a required phase in thespiritual way. This position, at the limit of the chaos and of the inner peace: helps to explaintheir ambivalent position in the literary and plastic depictions of the dynamic and agressivc-when arising from the outer universe but also submitted and peaceful when havins enterr.rlthe world of the Buddha (see below).

Brahmä and the Hindu gods in the depiction of events of Sakvamuni's life

Beside the Enlightenment. two events include the presence of Bahmä and Sakra/Indra. i.e.the Birth and the Descent from the Heaven of the 33 Gods, an iconographic feature knownsince the early phase of Buddhist art.

1. The Birth. At Kurkihar and Nalancla.re Indra alone attends to the Birth in the first partof the 9th c. holding a scarf to receive the child. A change occurs in the course of the centurywlren Brahmä carrying the carnara, is introduced, as seen on an image at Ghosravan (fig. l2).

u5

Fig. 9. Trimürti, Ghosravrn, plrole J. [llutzr'

116 JOURNAL OF I}ENGAL ART

A further step is taken at Nalanda when further Hindu deities are carved by the side of Mäyä,

Vi$nu e.g.,'; orsiuu probably on the Jagdishpur image (fig' 13) (with Brahmä holding the

hands folded in fiont of the breast). In illuminations or on covers of manuscripts' the original

iconography is usually preserred, i.e. Only Sakra stands on Mäyä's proper frght side':r

Fig. 10. Trimürti, fragment, Patna Museum, photo J' Bautze

A dramatic change occurs again on the Boston book-cover dated in the regnal year 4, i'e'

circa 1134, of Gopala III: Brahmä welcomes the newly born child, flying down from the

heaven; he is four-armed , three-faced and holds the camara. Above him, another green-

skinned two-armed god descends from the heaven while Sakra and a four-armed blue god'

holding a piece of white cloth, receive the Buddha at his first steps on earth. It is likely that

the green and blue gods are Visnu and Siva without being able to decide their respective

position, being considered the poor condition of the painting today.

2. The Descentfromthe Heaven of the 33 Gods.In the depiction of the Descent, Brahmä

stands, three-faced and two-armed. He holds his karuandalrt and a camarc whereas iakra

holds the umbrella (fig. 1I, 14). Brahmä can occasionnally carry the umbrella himself. The

same pair accompanies the Buddha on the Jagdishpur image (fig' la) rvhere, besides' Sürya

stands behind Brahmä and Vi$nu with Siva behind Sakra'22

FROM GOD TODEMON. FROM DEI\,ION TOGOD

Fig. I 1. Descent from thc Heavcn of the Travamstrrs.rs,Narbada Ntuseum. Nawath. ohoto J. Bautze.

Fig. 13. Birth of the Buddhaphoto A.S.I.

I2 Birth of theBautze.

t17

Buddha, Ghosravan, pholiy 1

Fig. l'1. Descent llom the Heaven of the 33 Gods.Jadishpur/Nalanda, pholo J. Bautze.

Iagdishpur/Nalanda,

118

Auack of I\{hrr. icfi pänel. Jagrlishpur

Nrl:rnda. plroto J. Battlze.

.IOURNAL OF I]I.,NG,\L ÄRT

Dclcat o1' Mi1ra's army, right panel.

.l:rgdishpur/Naianda. photo J, Bautzel,g

Fig. 17. Attack and det'eat or Mära's arrny. llluseum of Fine Arts. Iloston, photo J. Bautzc.

FROM GOD TO DEMON. FROM DEMON TO GOD r19

On a i2th c. image from Lakhi Sarai,2r the four-armed Brahmä presents his traditionnalattributes, iruva and iruca, in the upper hands, the kamatdalu andthe camora (substituted tothe aksamala) in t"he lower hands and Sakra holds the umbrella on either side of the Buddhawhile Visnu and 5iva, both four-armed, are depicted above the shoulclers of the Buddha.

In the manuscript of Los Angeles dated in Mahipäla's regnal year 29, i.e. at the beginningof the l lth c.,24 the three-faced Brahmä holds in his two hands the water-pot and flyingwhisk while Sakra holds the umbrella, as seen in sculptures. It is evident that painters allowthemselves freedom with the traditionnal iconographic mles: on paintings dated in Rämap-rla'sreign, Brahmä is similar to Siu" as one sees the later in illuminations (see belou,). i.e. white rLncl

one-faced.ls

Fig 18. Fragmcnt of an attack oI Mära's army, private Fig. 19. Detail : Ratnasambhava. photo J. Blutzc.collection photo J. Bautze.

In a mannscript in the British Library,26 or in a manuscript, formerly in the AsiaticSociety, London,27 which is dated in the regnal year 4 of Govindapäla, i.e. 1165, the samepair occurs while in the contemporary Varanasi m"anuscript,2s it is enlarged with the presenceof a four-zrrmed blue-skinned god who is probably Visnu (or Siva since he wears ,"vhat seerxsto be a tiger skin around the hips?). Four gods appear on the later Bombay manuscript dirtingback to the end of the 12th c. One recognizes beside the usual pair. Visnu, dark-skinnecl. andSiua, white-skinned.2e This iclentification is allowecl through a. comparison r,vith the [.os

r20 JOURNAL OF BENGAL ART

photo J. Bautze

f;ig. 21. Detail : Cilmundä. photo J. Bautze.

FROM GOD TO DEMON. FROM DEMON TO GOD

Angeles folio, showing the same stylistic idiom,30 where Brahmä has disappeared, whereasIndra stands behind the Buddha and Visnu and Siva in front of Him. Here again Siva is whitewhereas Visnu has a dark blue skin.

Finally, the four gods accompany the Buddha on a folio formerly in the Heeramaneckcollection.3r They have lost their attributes, but are painted in different colours, a fifth god ofunknown identity is introduced (the blue one is apparently Visnu, the white one Siva who is

white-skinned in the depiction of the Bodhi on the Boston cover, see below).

Fig. 22. Detail : the conch-blow'e r. photo J. Bautze .

3. The Parinirvdna. Among those attending at the funerals of the Buddha, one noticesthe presence of Brahmä on the Jagdishpur image.32 Whether other deities attend to the eventis rather difficult to say in the present case, but a group of Hindu gods is clearly seen on theimages from Southeast Bangladesh: the gods of the Trimürti stand on either side of the bedon the Zwich image. The same with Agni and Sürya (and a sixth one unidentified ) areshown on the Calcutta image (tig. 21); eight Buddhas backed by trees stand behind them,being probably the Buddhas of the past and of the future. The same two groups are seen onthe Dhaka image. The Buddhas form the upper row on the Betagi irnage, standing above a

t21

t22 JOURNALOF BENGALART

second row of eight seated images, among which one recognizes clearly Sürya' Brahmä'

Vislu, Siva and perhaps Väyu (fig. 23-24)'

A similar group occurs on a thaika where Agni stands near the cremation ground

Brahmä with Sakra at the feet of the deceased Buddha'33

4. Varia. Brahmä and Sakra sit on

images from Southeast Bangladesh, botheither side of the Buddha cutting his jata on the

being ready to collect the hair (fig. 26).

Fig. 23. The Betagi image : attack of Mära, leti

Panel, Photo J. Bautze'

Fic. 24. Idem'. the defeat, right panel, photo J' Bautzc

4. Brahmä and the Hindu gods in the depiction of the Enlightenment of the Buddha

I. The Jagdishpur/Nalanda image. A precise description and identification of the gods

and demons carved on this image (fig. 15-16), probably to be dated around 1000, is still

missing, John C. Huntington being the only one who attempted to provide a more detailed

analysis of the stela.3a At the top of the panel, Mära sits on his elephant and directs his army

to attack the Buddha. He carries thevaira with which he threatens Säkyamuni in his stretched

right hand; his attendant holds the same weapon. This weapon illustrates the change which has

occured in the personality of Mära since the Gupta period, exemplified e'g' in the panel of

the cave 26 at Ajanta. Another element of the iconography of this group underlines this

FROM GOD TO DEMON, FROM DEMON TO C,OD

change; the attending figure wears a five-curled hair-clress, which reminds of the name ofPäfrcadikha, the divine musician, who accompanies Indra. The very same gods, i.e. päfrca(ikhaand Indra/Mära, reappear on the right side but holding the weapon in their left hand close totheir breast while they greet the Buddha with their right hand. In borh parts they are profiledtowards the right, entering the composition and in an agressive mood in the left part whiledeparting and acknowledging their defeat in the right part. From being the chief of thedemons, Indra/Mära has thus turned to be a peaceful and mastered god.

Fig. 25. ldem'. the descent from the Heaven of the 33 gods, photo J. Bautze.

Right below Mära/Indra on the left side, one notices Siva seated on Nandin; the god isfour-armed, holds in the right hand the damaru and the aksamala whereas the left hands arestretched and do not seem to carry any attribute; the palms are turned towards the Buddhaand it is difficult to decide which feeling they manifest: anger and aggressivity? or peace andveneration ? Two gods are perfectly symmetric to Siua, i.e. Brahmä and Visnu who stand onthe right panel below Indra/Mära leaving the scene,. Both gods holds the cakra and perhapsthe gada in his two remaining hands, Brahmä wearsa jata, is two-armed, three-faced and pot-bellied as usual. A näga offers the same attitude of devotion below Brahmä and Visnu.

These various deities are distributed around an inner space where real monsters attack theBuddha. For instance, in front of Siva, a large-faced character blows a conch and an elephant

t23

r24 JOURNAL OF BENGAL ART

armed with a club, holds with its trunk a human figure in the left panel whereas a monster

with perhaps a bull face has tossed another human victim in the right panel.

2. The Boston book-covers. We alrearly mentionned these book-covers which belong to a

manuscript dated in the regnal year 4 of Gopala III, i.e. around 1132. They do not illustrate

the traditionnal range of eight events and if the Birth is depicted, it is as a response to the

depiction of the green Tärä (this pairing reminds us that the Tärä is the mother of all the

Tathägatas). As a matter of fact, Brahmä appears in various groups. On the first cover' he

listens to Mafrju(fl together with other Hindu deities (parhaps Vi;nu and Yama, seen bearded

below Brahmä); these listeners do not argumentate with the Bodhisattva, they join the hands in

the anjalimudra (whereas the other characters, monks and Bodhsattvas, display various

mudräs of argumentation). On the central panel of the very same cover, are shown the

Enlightenment and the Birth mentionned above. Brahmä appears again in the central panel ot

the second cover where a large assembly listens to the Prajfräpäramitä, among other Hindu

deities like Vi$nu, Siuu o. Indra (standing in the left margin)'

Fig 26. Idem: the tonsure, photo J. ISautze

FROM COD TO DEMON, FROM DEMON TO C,OD

The Enlightenment scene (fig. 17) is probably the most dramatic one among thepaintings known to us. Llsually, only Bodhisattvas attend to the Buddha (like on the folioillustrating the scene in the very same manuscript) but here, the painter illustrated a scenesimilar to the carved examples mentionned in this article. Among a large group of Hindugods. Brahmä sits on his vahana, three-headed and four-armed. All of them attack theBuddha on the left side and withdraw from the scene, defeated and worshipping the Buddhaon the right side. The central deity is Sakra/Mära on his elephant, who is surrounded by(starting in the upper left corner and going anti-clockwards) Agni (red, on the ram), Siva(white, on Nandin), a green unidentified deity on a yellow animal. Hanumän, Brahmä, Yama(on the buffalo), and Visnu (blue, above Brahmä, perhaps on Garuda). On the right side, thesame gods are represented, differently distributed.

Fig. 17. The Indian Museum image : attack of Mära and Fig. 28. The Dhaka Budcthist Monastery im;ige : arrackthe gods at the Parinirväna, photo J. Bautze. of Mära, lelt panel, photo J. Baurze.

3. Lakhi Sarai. A large fragment (fig. 18-22) it measures 47 x 42 cm., which camerecently to our attention, is probably due to an atelier located at Lakhi Sarai or in the area.35It shows a Buddha displaying thevaradamudra, who firmly stands above a pedestal adornedby the trefoil, i.e. the rotna, often seen at that place on images from Lakhi Sarai. On hisproper left, starts a dynamic scene where one recognizes Brahmä and Cämunda rvith two

t25

r26 JOT,'RNAL OF BENCAL ART

small threatening characters. They used evidently to belons to a larger group' today missing,

of deities depicted in a terrific form who attack the Buddha achieving the Enlightenment.

Thus, the image as it is seen today is a fragment of what must have been a rather large image,

similar in size to the Jagdishpur stela.

It might be possible that two large fragments from Lakhi Sarai in the Indian Museum,

measuring together 138.5 cm in height, and rvhich respectively illustrate the Descent form the

Heaven of the Trayastrim(as, the Birth and the Sravasti miracle.r6 belong to a similar, if not

the same, stela.

Fig. 29. The Dhaka Buddhist Monastery image: attack of Mära, right panel. photo J. Bautze.

The Buddha figure depicted here is probably not Sakyamuni since there is no

iconographic element hinting at a special moment of the Buddhais life. I would rather

identify him with Ratnasambhava: the Tathägata is often represented at the extremity of the

group of the five Jinas and this would also account for tl-re presence of the jewel adorning the

pedestal below the Buddha. Besides, the Tathägatas are always depicted in the upper part of

the image, forming like a outer frame to the image scene below. In the present case, they

would have surrounded the attack and retreat of the gods.

Brahmä stands in the attdhasana, he holds the kamandalu in the left hand which displays

the tarjanimttdra and the spoon in the right hand. He is three-faced (the fourth face is

FROM GOD TO DEMON, FROM DEMON TO C'OD t27

hidden) and wears bead and mustache. His eyes are bulging, teeth and fangs are much

evident. Below him, the emaciated Cämundä holds a knife in the right hand and in the left

hand the head of a being whom she devoures. Behind Brahmä, a dwarf-like figure biows the

conch and below the goddess, another terrific male figure, with hair spread all around the

head, bulging eyes and evident teeth and fangs, threatens with a short spike the Buddha.

Fig. 30. Pedestal with 1'al.sa figures (1efi corner and centre) below a standing BLrddha. l]angladesh National

Museum, Dhaka, photo J. Bautze.

The group contrast-s harmoniously through its agitation and dynamism with the peaceful

Buddha image standing behind them. Converging lines irradiate from the extremity ofBrahmä's right foot, the gods are seen in three-quarter profile, all directed towards the centre

of the composition, their bodies thrown forward, their ferocious faces distorted by hatred and

threat. Since the carving is deep, hollows create dark zones which are opposed to the plain,

smooth and round parts of Brahmä's body or to the wide-spread uncarved mane of the

goddess. The body of the Buddha {'igure is ali seen in a front plane which is colser to the

spectator whereas the Hindu gods are in a deeper recess; the backstone behind him is muclt

t28 JOURNAL OF BENGAL ART

thicker than behind Brahmä where it is very thin indeed. The transition between the shape of

the body and the falling robe is clearly indicated by a strong line but deep carvings are

inexistant. The part of the image to which belongs this Buddha figure must thus have

composed like an arch around the army of Mära, which must have accentuated the dramatic

atmosphere of the scene, immersed in the darkness.

The image can be probably dated around the middle of the l2th c. Beside the two

fragments of the Indian Museum which were quoted above, it should also be related to images

of Mahäkäla or of a Krodha discovered at Lakhi Sarai.37 The pointed beard where the hair is

not indicated is also observed on images from the site.38

4, Stelae from Southeast Bangladesh. Images found in the Chittagong Hill tracts on in

the Comilla district (fig. 23-26), illustrate a rather complex treatment of Mära's army

attacking the Buddha.3e The army is differently constituted on each image. Major Hindu

gods are integrated, and their selection is evidently related to the regional religious context.

Similarly, the presence on the Jagdishpur image of Sürya, Siva or Visnu reflects at Nalanda

the existence of the cult of these major Hindu gods, and is not a merely abstract

representation of the Hindu pantheon. A Sürya temple still stands at Badgaon, the village

where the ruins of the monastic university are located, and free-standing stelae from these

three gods were recovered from the site and the close area. They must have been worshipped

outside the monastic enclave, as they were introduced in the outer fields of mar.rdalas.

The presence of Durgä among the deities attacking the Buddha is also probably due to

the major position of the goddess in Bengal at that time (and still today). Four-handed she

appears on the image in the Dhaka Buddhist monastery, arising behind branches of the Bodhi

tree as she is usually depicted, i.e. with a sword held above the head in a right hand (and the

male fighting figure depicted in the lower corner on the right side, is probably the demon

whom she fights-tig.28-29). Likewise, she rides her lion on the images of Betagi or on the

Stela preserved in the Indian Museum (fig. 27). On this very same stela. Kärttikeya, on the

left part, forms a pair with ViSnu, on the right side, which illustrates another feature of this

iconography. Due probably to lack of space, artists did not always systematically reproduced

twice the very same group of gods, but different ones, conveying thus the general idea of an

army constituted by Hindu gods. For the same practical reason, it is at times difficult to

identify with certainty the deities.aO And when looking at the row of "small" Hindu gods in the

upper part of the Betagi image, one should remember that the representation of this group,

variously constituted, in this position constitutes an iconographic feature in the region,

whatever the main deity represented. Each one of these four stelae present a different group,

which has to convey the general idea of the Hindu world attacking under the leadership ofIndra the Buddha and surrounding to Him after their defeat.

The Betagi image illustrates rather well the intricate position of these Hindu deities (fig.

23-24, drawing l).arTwo groups of gods are seen around the torver. The first one is

constituted by eight members, all seated or kneeling in a single row dominating the

FROM CIOD TO DEMON, FROM DEMON TO CTOD 129

composition (A).From left to right, one sees 1. a kneeling devotee, 2, a damaged imageperhaps of Väyu-the hands are holding a round scarf-like element blown around the head,

3. Sürya, 4. a male figure holding the hand in the afijahmudra,5. another male figure with an

unidentified attribute in the right hand, 6. Brahmä, 7. Vi-snu and 8. probably Siva (comparewith the god in slot 3 below for the head-dress). With their peaceful attitude, these gods arenot involved in the battle which takes place below them. As a matter of fact, they mightprobably be the group of gods who came to worship the Buddha at his death (see above) andwho form here an independant line below the Buddha of the past.

The second group at Betagi (B) shows gods also encountered on the other two images, inCalcutta and Dhaka, i.e. : 1. Durgä,2. Skanda, 3. I(analSiva, 4. Brahmä, 5. Yama, 6.

Unidentified (body damaged, the god is shown as flying), 7. Rähu, and 8. Indra/Sakra on theleft side, 9. Indra/Sakra, 10. Rähu, ll. ?, 12. Agni, 13. Väyu, 14. Barhmä, 15. Vislu or and

16. Varuna (probably).az The Betagi image introduces Rähu in the upper right and leftcorner, in a position also encountered on the book-cover of Boston: a huge head, perhaps ofRahu, creeps into the picture, filling the angles. Outside India, the monstrous face will be seen

regularly in the wall-paintings of Pagan illustrating the attack on in Nepalese and Tibetanthankas. And this collides well with the function of Rähu, source of darkness.

The Zurich image (drawing 2). Some aspects of this iconography get a satisfactoryunderstanding when one considers a large fragment of such a stela to us where the Dikpälasare clearly depicted above the traditional group of the four major gods, i.e. Brahmä, Siva,Vignu and Indra/S akra.a3 The Guardians of the space are distributed in a very logical manner,as seen for the accompanying drawing 2. It is thus probable that some of them are alsodepictd on the Betagi image, but not in the same systematic distribution. Another identicaliconography is encountered on the outer wall of the cella of the Abeyadana temple at Pagan,built towards the end of the 11th C.44 Four major Hindu deities, i.e. Brahmä, Visnu, Siva andDurgä, together with the ten Dikpälas are painted in medallions which are regularlydistributed. The group of the four gods is depicted twice, as we see on drawing 3. On thesouthem wall, they converge towards the central panel of the wall which used to showing theattack by Mära whereas on the western and eastern walls, they walk towards the Narth, i.e.towards the entrance of the cella where a large image of the Buddha displaying thebhamisparf amudra is to be seen.

The Abeyadana shares with the fragmentary sculpture the introduction of Sürya as aDikpäla in the Northeast corner, replacing thus l(äna who is present in the group of the fourmajor deities as Siva. This finds probably its source in a mandala similar to the one describedin the Mahavairocanasütra, which was translated into Chinese by Amoghavajra (705-774)as.

In this text, Sürya is positioned between i(äna (Northeast corner) and Sakra (North), whichreminds of the existence of various possibilities of grouping gods as Dik/Lokapälas.a6

All this is evidently related to the concept of the mandala, well known at the period andwhere the eight or ten Dikpälas find often a place in the outer fields.aT

130 JOTIRNALOFBENGALART

Conclusion

The Jagdishpur image, which has been approximately dated towards the end of the 10th

c., illustrates a first major iconographic innovation. It integrates in four major events' Hindu

sods who were till then absent from the program. They are seen as peaceful deities. paying

iespe"t to Säkya*uni. It also illustrates the subtle transformation of Mära, on his elephant' in

Sakra/Indra who leads his army against the Buddha and afterwards withdraws, being defeated

and paying homage to the Holy man-an evolution already traced at Ajanta, cave 26' He is

the only god to appear twice, as leader of the destructive forces and threatening on the one

side, as withdrawing and worshipping the Buddha on the other side, as demon and as god'

This double aspect of Indra opens the way to the evolution of the iconography of the

Bodhi: paintings and sculptures of the 12th c. illustrate similarly two opposite aspects of the

remaining major Hinclu deities. This accounts for the double appearance of these gods in the

same depiction : entering with animosity the scene and withdrawing peacefully; aggressing

mood against defeated attitude, threatening gestures and fighting expressions against peaceful

faces and movements. From demons, they turn back to their original nature of gods.

Local variations are also noted. In the art of Bihar, more precisely in the region of

Nalanda-Lakhi Sarai, only the major gods of Hinduism occupy this ambivalent position, to

which other deities like Agni or Hanumän can be later added as testified inter alia by the

Boston cover. In the same context, other deities can be vanquished by Buddhist deities, for

instance the Devi/Sakti who is with Siva trampled by Trailokyavijaya, Yama or Indra below

yamäntaka or naturally the most current and most ancient type of this kind: Gane(a trampled

by Aparäjitä. In Southeast Bangladesh, this group is enlarged by the presence of the Dikpälas'

some deities acting both as major gocls and as guardians of a specific direction, e.g. Siva and

Idäna. It is evident that such a development is reiated to the elaboration of mandalas-though

mandalas integrated the gods of spaces since the post-Gupta period already' But here is

illustrated an historic aspect of the Buddhist iconography which has not yet been properly

formulated till now. There exist permanent discrepancies between texts and images, by which

I do not mean that images and texts rarely coincide which is a truth but this aspect of the

research which is to trace literary sources for identifying, i'e' simply naming images' is a

rather rough approach, not unnecessary but deprived of a larger perspective allowing to

penetrate into the historical reality of the art object, i.e. to look for its meaning as well in the

iconologic perspective than in the plastic analysis. No, the discrepancies are chronological:

images, i.e. plastic representations, are always later than the developments illustrated in texts.

These images are carved or cast and the texts refer usually to drawn or painted images.

These texts of the Mahäyäna were not for public use but were part of the esoteric cult, which

implies that every monk did not have access to them, but also, for our concern, that the

iconographic rules given by them about mandclas were not to be read by anyone and were

also not to be executed by anyone and could not, in anyway, be Maniuirlmulakalpa or the

Mahavairocanasütra e.g., were to be painted. And the Dikpälas, 4 or 8, occupy there their

FROM C'OD TO DEMON, FROM DEMON Ttf GOD 131

precise respective positions. But a very long span of time stretched out between the period of

writing of these texts and the carvings showing them actually (in the Buddhist context under

survey of course). Painted images or rnandala,s were aimed at being visualized whereas stone

carvings were rather made for the worstrip. Thus, it would seem that out of the esoteric and

therefore hidden knowledge, fragments came out to be represented plastically, passing from

one material artistic category, the painting, to another one, the sculpture' It is likely that

various arguments could be sustaining this movement. Returning shortly to the case of

Brahmä at Nalanda, who is not shown at the Birth before the 9th c., we already suggested as

hypothesis that the cult was of some importance at the site. But this could however not be the

only argument for proposing an interpretation of this later integration; it is also likely that the

position of Brahmä within the Hinduism, since he is the one who spoke the Vedas, was

considered to be of major importance, just like the position of Agni, god of the ritualistic fire

was equally felt so fundamental for the Buddhists that they integrated the two gods by the

side of Viglu, Siuu or Indra. Such an integration is also not solely noticed in Eastern India,

but is well apart of the development of Buddhist iconography in the Asian world'

The Hindu gods are perceived as demons and as such they are conquered by the Buddha,

which allows them to go back to their original divine nature. They go through a similar

experience when they are trampled by Buddhist ferocious deities who assimilate their divine

power by mastering them: their destruction becomes positive inasmuch as they are

assimilitated by the one who tramples them and inasmuch as their dark aspects are destroyed.

For the frightening and eventful images of great Buddhist gods lead the path to and open the

way to the Enlightenment. These Hindu gods and the Krodhas share thus an ambivalent

nature. They are at the threshold of the two worlds: the one being the Buddhist way,

symbolised by the inner mansions of the mandalas which they have to protect from the

second one where chaos rules. Similarly the Hindu gods occupy the outer mansion of the

man4alas and combine both the wildness and ignorance of the external world and the peace

of the inner one.

Footnotes

l. See Ariane Macdonald, Le mandala Manjuirimulakalpa,Paris, 1962,p. 113. Mention is made in the text

(ibiclem,p. l12) that rhe East is above Säkyamuni, a piece of information which escaped the attention of A.

Macdonald when drawing the mandala of the frontispice. This position is not obsolete since it occurs also in

the manclala drawn after the Mahavairocanasütra. By introducing here this written information. I do not

pretend to say that the text was written in Bihar/Bengal, But taking into consideration the development of

Buddhism at that period, it must have been known in the region. The 7th c. stuccos of the monument of site 3

at Nalanda contains numerous illustrations of Mafrjuriri whose cult went through a strong impuise in the 7th

and 8th c. in this region of Bihar as vouchsafed by stone sculpture, see Cl. Bautze-Picron, "Some Aspects of

Mafrju(ri Iconography in Bihar from the 7th century onwards", Tribus, .lahrbuch des Linden-Museums, Nr. 38'

Dez. 1989, p.1l-90 (see p. 83 on the closeness of this text with images from the Kurkihar-Nalanda area). On

the position of Brahmä in the early phase of Buddhism, one shail consult the Encyglspaetiia of Buddhism,

edited by G.P. Malasekera, vol. III, fascicle 2, 1972' p. 290-303.

132 JOI"IRNAL OF BENGAL ART

-fhe ÄryamaftjuirimüIakalpa, ed. By M.M.T. Ganapati Sastri, part 1, (reprint) Delhi' 1989' p. 43'

K.N. Dikshit, Excayations at Paharpur, Bengal, Delhi, 1938, panels no' 2 (pl. XXXVII-d)' 43 (p'50: the only

three-headed, but two-armed, image), 61 (pl.XXX-c, or Blhaspati?) ' 62 (pl'XXX-d)'

s.P.Basu, TheConceptof Brahma(itsorginandDevelopment),Delhi, 1986,p'276-2'77,302'330'347'

34g & pl. IV-2 to 6. Concerning the 'sun and moon crescent' motif, see Cl. Bautze-Picron. "The Vignu-

Loke(vara,, Images from Bengal. An Eastem Version of Vi5varüpa According to the Paficaräfta?", Festschrift

Klaus Bruhn zur Vollendung des 65. Lebensjahres dargebracht von Schulern, Freunden und Kollegen, ed'

Nalini Balbir and Joachim K. Bautze, Reinbek, 1994, p. 129-170, in particularly note 48 (p. 150-151)

beside the Vi5varüpa images, it occurs also on the Devi images'

Caludine picron, "Brahmä in Päla-Sena Stone Sculpture", Oriental Arr, Spring 1984, vol. XXX, n 1, p' 93-99

: all four-armed images. For Trimürti panels from Bihar, see e.g. ibidem, fig. 10 or P.Pal. Indian Sculpture,

Volume 2,700-1800. A Catalogue of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art Collection'Los Angeles, 1988'

cat.78 p. 174-175.

cl. Picron, art. cit.,tig. l-4 or Enamul Haque, Bengal'sculptures,Hindu lconography upto c' 1250 A D''

Dhaka, 1992, pl. 247 & 24g as opposed to Cl. Picron, art.cit. frg.5-6 or Haque, op'cit' pl' 248' E' Haque'

op.cit., p. 309, observes that only very few Brahmä were bearded; he collected four depictions with beard

against 19 without in the group of the four-armed images'

Susan L. Huntington. The "Pala-Sena" Schools of Sculpture, Leiden, 1984, fig. 114 & 128'

Ibidem, fig. 116.

Lakhi Sarai and North Bengal : see Cl. Bautze-Picron, "Lakhi Sarai, an Indian Site of Late Buddhist

Iconography and its position within the Asian Buddhist World". Sitk Road Art and Archaeology, Kamakura,

vol. 2, 1991/92, p. 239-284, fig' 4a or S.L. Huntington' op'cit', ftg' 232'

References for these images : see note 39.

Alex Wayman, "studies in Yama and Mära", Indo-lranian Journal, vol. III, 1, 1959, p.44-13 & vol III' 2' p'

lI2-131, more particularly p. 112-L25; M.-Th. De Mallmann,Introduction a I'iconographie du bouddhisme

tantrique, Paris, 1986, P. 258-259.

M.-Th. De Mallmann, oP. cit., P- 158.

Sadhana 3 gives their names and their respective colour, sadhana 5 their colour alone and sadhana 4 only

names them caturmara: M-Th de Malimann, op. cit., f'n' 8&9'

Ibidem, p. 258.

Gery Hockfield Malandra, "Ellora : The Archaeology of a Mandala", Ars Orientalis, vol. 15, 1985'p' 61-94

sees them, p.72, as the yaksas depicted below a Buddha figure; but they are not 'relatively common' as the

author formulates it - in fact, they are utmost rare ! among the two examples which she quotes p' 76 note 52'

the Ujani image does not include any atlant but characters who belong to the group of the saptaratnas, Beside

the image of the Indian Museum which she mentions, some rare other images include similar atlants: Cl'

Bautze-picron, ,,Between men and gods, Small motifs in the Buddhist art of eastern India, an interpretation",

Function and Meaning in Buddhist Art. Proceedings of a seminar held at l*iden University, 2I-24 October

1991, ed. K.R. van Kooij & H. van der veere, Groningen, 1995, p. 59-19,tig.4 or Yogendra Mishra and

Sitam Ram Roy, A Guide to Vaisali and the Vaisali Museum,Patna, 1964, pl' XII or here fig' 30'

Cl. Bautze-picron, art.cit. (1995), fig. 17 or on either extremities of a very large pedestal, c. 30 x c. 190 cm'

split into two pieces and walled in the entrance to the Mahant's compound. An identical atlant tiom the

Heeramaneck collection was sold by sotheby's New York 2.11. 1988, lot 30.

2.

J.

A

5.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

t2.

13.

t4.

15.

t6

FROM GOD TO DEMON, FROM DEMON TO C'OD 133

17. M-Th. de Mallmann, op.cit., p. 127-128 (Brahmä), 191-192 (Indra),243-2M (Siva/MaheSvara) and 452-453(Vi9nu).

18. A. Macdonald, op. cit. p.41. G. Tucci,The Theory and Practice of the mandala, London, 1961, p. 82-83quoted by M-Th. de Mallmann, "Divinites hindoues dans le tantrisme bouddhique", Arrs Asiatiques, tome X,1964 p.67-86, more particularly p.74-75. I do disagree with the conclusions of M.-Th. de Mallmann'spaper, which was that the so-called "Siva-Loke$vara" or "Vis,nu-Lokedvara" images were venerated in some

place of a Buddhist monument, and that the so-called "Jina" depicted above the main image and which has

been generally identified with "Amitäbha" would be the proof of their assimilation by Buddhism. See mypaper mentionned above in note 4; at the time of writing it, I completely overlooked this article by Marie-Therese de Mallmann, for which I beg understanding.

19. Nihar Ranjan Ray, Karl Khandalavala, Sadashiv Gorakshkar, Eastern Indian Bronzes, New Delhi, 1986, fig.97.

20. S.L. Huntington, op.cit., fig. 128.

21. WladimirZwalf,ed.,Buddhism,ArtandFaith,London, 1985,cat. 156: regnalyear15ofRämapäla,Nalanda;Jerrmiah P. losty, Indian Book Painting, London, 1986, fig. 3 = Wl.Zwalf , op.cit., cat. 48, ill. p. 47, c.

1130-1150; Chhavi 2, Varanasi, 1981 III. Facing p. l. Around l165 (year 4 of Govindapäla); SadashivGorakshkar & Kalpana Desai, "An illustrated Manuscript of Ashtasahasrika Prajnaparamita in The AsiaticSociety of Bombay", Orientalia losephi Tuci memoriae Dicata, ed. G Gnoli & L: Lanciotti, vol. II, Roma1987, p.561-568, pl. IIIa: around 1200 (year 39 after(?) Govindapäla's reign); P. Pal. Indian Painting. A

Catalogue of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art Collection, volume 1, 1000-1700, Los Angeles, 1993,

cat. 6, around 1200 (same stylistic phase as the previous example); S.K. Pathak, ed. The Album of theTibetan Art Collection (Collected by Pt. Rahula Samkrityayana from the Nor, Zhalu and other monasteries in1928-29 and 1934.), Patna, 1986, pl. 17 & 20.

22. PartIy identified by John C. Huntington. "Pilgrimage as Image : The Cult of the Astamahäpratihärya, Part ILThe Great Stele at Jagdishpur and the Presumed Locus of the Cult", Orientations, vol. 18, 8, 1987, p. 56-68,particularly p. 62.

23. Cl. Bautze-Picron, art.cit. (1991192). Fig.4a. Fragment of a large stela where the eight Events were probablydepicted.

24. P. Pal. op.cit.(1993), cat. 1.

25. 1. Ibidem, cat.5.2. Philip Rawson, Indian Painting, Paris-New York, 1961, pl. p.80.

26. Wl. Zwalf, op.cit., cat,48, ill. p.47.

27 . J.P. Losty, op.cit. cat 9.

28. Hiram W. Woodward Jr. "Burmese Sculpture and Indian Painting", Chhavi2, Rai Krishnadasa FelicitarionVolunte, Varanasi, 1981, p. 27-24 see pl. A p. 23.

29. S. Gorakshkar & K. Desai, art.cit., pl.Ixa, but the authors do not provide any detailed description and theillustration is in black and white, hence the difficulty if not the impossibility to give an exact identification.

30. Reference above in note 21.

31. Sotheby's New York 2.11.1988, lot 95.

32. LC. Huntington, art.cit., fig. 15: behind the head of the bed.

33. Cl. Bautze-Picron, "Säkyamuni in Eastern India and Tibet form the 1lth to the 13th centuries" (in the press),

B.5.8. This group, i.e. Siva, Viglu, Sakra, Brahmä and Agni, occurs in the lower left corner of a pata showingMafrjuSri, which could be dated in Rämapäla's reign: Jane Casey Singer, "Painting in Central Tiber, cd, 950,1400", Artibus Asiae, vol. LIV, l/2, 1994, p. 87-136, fig. 11.

JOURNAL OF BENGAL ART134

3't.

38.

39.

34. Art. cit. The author dates the image in the 9th c. However, Susan L' Huntington' op'cit''p' 113-114 or Janice

Leoshko, ,,Scenes of the Buddha's Life in Päla-Period Art", stlt Road Art and Archaeology, vol' 3, Kamakura'

lgg3l94, p.251-276, particulally p. 262 proposes the end of the 10th or the beginning of the 11th c' It

bears indeed similarities to images inscribe<l in the reigns of Gopäla II and Mahipäla II'

35. Compare to Cl. Bautze-Picron, art'cit' (1991/92)'

36. From top to bottom: Ibidem, fig. 4 and p.256, A narrow ribbon holds together the jafi of the three/four

heads of the god here: the same element occurs around the hair of the Brahmä on th Birth scene of the Lakhi

Sarai fragment.

Ibidem, fig. 16, l7 &33

Ibidem, tig. 25 & 38'

Cl. Bautze-Picron, "A Preliminary Report on the Buddha Image from Betagi"' South Asian Archaeology

1989, Papers from the Tenth International Conference of South Asian Archaelogists in Western Europe'

Musee national des Arts Asiatiques Guimet, Paris, France, 3-7 July 1989, Madison' Wisconsin' 1992' p'

30 I -308.

The reader will read in our article published in 1992. "2. Yama?" as legend to fig. 5, in place of "2. Ganesa"

Similarly, it is probable that on the Dhaka image (ibidem, fig. 4), the still unidentified god in slots 4 and 9'

is Kubera on his lion since Durgä, which would be another possible identification, is seen below among the

trees (K. Bhattacharya. Les religions brahmaniques dans I'ancien Cambodge diapres l'epigraphie et

l,iconographie, Paris, 1961, p. 142 f.n. 1). Likewise, in fig. 4. Replace "21, Varuna" by "21' Brahmä" (=

here in drawing l: B-14).

I introduce here again a drawing of the upper part of the sculpture, with identification of the deities since lt

was incomplete or partially incorrect in our paper of 1992' Fig' 4'

But Varuna also rides the hamsa, therefore he could also be recognized in B-14 (as I did in a previous paper'

see note 40), see K. Bhattacharya, op'cit', p 139'

43. Cl. Bautze-Picron, art.cit. (lgg2), fig. 7 for the identification. The last god' Indra, acts not only as chief of

the army but also as Dikpäla of the East'

44. See f.n. 73 in our forthcoming article "Burma and India from the ilth to the 13th c'" ina Marg volume to be

edited by Donald Stadtner. Kubera has also the horse as vdhana in cambodia, see K' Bhattacharya, op'ctt'' p'

1^1

45. R. Tajima, Etude sur le Mahavairocana-sütra (Dainichixjo), Paris, 1936, p. 23'

46. Adrian Snodgrass, The Matrix and DiamondWorld Mandalas in Shingon Buhddhism, New Delhi' 1988' vol'

1. Fig. 38 p. 179: Ishana = Ifäna, Nitten = Sürya, Shakutenno =Sakra, in a later version of the mandaLa' Sakra

is located in the eastem mansion, as one could expect it: ibident, vol' 2, p' 552-553 (in fact' he appears twice

: at his old position, in the northern section (as ninnanakaya of Mahävairocana in the heavens: ibidem' vol'

l, p. 176-177, and as Dikpäla at the eastem gate) or plate to Eros + Cosmos in Mandala. The Mandalas of the

Two Worlds at the Kyoo Gokuku-ii in Ky61s, photographed by Yasuhiro Ishimoto' Tokyo' 1978 (The

mentionnecl gods have respectively the following numbers: 385(Aditya),387(Sakra) and 373(Iiänal'

Besides, in the very same text, Candra,/Gatten is located in the western quarter (Number 310 in the Heibonsha

publication),closetoNeriteimao,i.e.Nairti,whichremindsofthegroupofthe.eight.LokaPälas'whereCandra and Sürya are respectively substituted to l(äna and Nairti (and not to Nairti and l5äna as perhaps

Suggestedbythemandala),seeK.Bhattacharya'op.cit.'p.140&G.Bhattacharya,.,ASolitarylllustrationof Eight Lokapälas from south Bihar". south Asian studies, vol. 3, 1987' p.63-10'

47. See Jane casey singer, art.cit., fig. 26 for a recently published thaika of vajravarähi where the eight

Dikpälas are distributed together with eight ascetics around the central circle'

40

41.

^a

I 2. 3. 4. A 5. 6, 7. 8.

7. 8.

B

9. 10

6. 5. 12. 11

3. 4. 13. 14.

2. 1 16. 15

FROM C,OD TO DEMON, FROM DEMON TO C,OD

A: 1. ?, 2. Yayu ?, 3. Sürya, 4. ?, 5. ?, 6. Brahmä, 7. Vislu, 8. Siva.

B: 1. Durgä, 2. Skanda, 3. I6äna, 4. Brahmä, 5. yama, 6. ?,7. Rähu, g. Indra, 9. Indra,Rähu, Il. ?,12. Agni, 13. Väyu, 14. Brahmä, 15. Vi;nu, 16. Varuna ?

135

10

Brahmä, 2. Siva, 3. Visnu, 4.lndra,S. yama, 6.11. Kubera, 12.Yaruna,13. Kubera, 14. Agni,Indra. 20. Vipnu, 21, Siva, 22. Brahma.

Drawing I : The Betagi Image.

Drawing 2: The Zurich Image

N

Nairti,7. Sürya, 8. Agni,9. Väyu, 10. Varula,15. Väyu, 16. Sürya, 17. Nairti, 18. Yama, 19.

t BarhmäI Vrsnu

t Sivat DurgäT Varunat NairrtiI Jurya

Kubera ?tIndra 1

Väyu tYama tAnanta tBrahmä tAgni ? 1

Durgä-) <-Brahmä t SivaDrawing 3: The Abeyadana,

(-VisnuPagan.

11, N 12. W

9. NE 14. E

6. SW 16. NE

I2aJ

4

5

6

7/8

18

I7t615

l4l3

10 11t12