Factors Supporting Cambodian American Students' Successful Adjustment Into the University

January/February 2008 ◆ vol 49 no 1 15

Factors Supporting Cambodian American Students’ Successful Adjustment Into the UniversityVichet Chhuon Cynthia Hudley

The current article examines the experiences of successful Cambodian American students as a unique ethnic group to understand their patterns of social and academic college integration.Cambodian American students’ sense of academic belonging related closely to perceptions of personal connections. Our data suggest that integration into the campus environment and maintaining contact with the prior community are both important for Cambodian American students’ successful adjustment. These data offer direction for college administrators, student affairs staff, and faculty in supporting the retention and academic success of Cambodian American college students.Cambodian American students are criticallyunderrepresented in institutions of highereducation.The4-yearcollegegraduationrateforCambodianAmericans(6.9%)remainsfarbelowthenationalaverage(24%;Niedzwiecki& Duong, 2004). However, CambodianAmericansareoftenaggregatedwithinalargerAsian American category that has a collegegraduation rate (42.7 %) greater than mostother groups (Ngo, 2006; Niedzwiecki &Duong,2004).EvenwhenresearchonAsianAmericansfocusesonspecificethnicgroups,datamostoftenidentifystudentsofChineseandJapanesedescentbutaggregateSoutheastAsiangroupslikeCambodiansintoan“OtherAsian” category (Yeh, 2004). Thus, theeducationaldifficultiesofCambodianAmeri-canstudentsareofteninvisibletoeducators,policymakers, and researchers. Although allethnic minority college students may share

some commonalities (Watson et al., 2002),Cambodian American students may havedistinct experiences as a result of society’s“prevailing dual perception” of the group(Ngo, 2006 p. 60). On one hand, they areviewedaspartofalargeraggregatethatisnotin need of academic support; at the otherextreme, they are often perceived by localschool personnel as culturally deficient andlazy(Lee,2001;Ngo,2006;Um,2003).

Constraints on Academic AchievementThe relatively little research that has beencarriedoutonCambodianAmericanstudentstypicallyhasinvestigatedexplanationsforthegroup’sacademicunderperformance.Censusdata reveal that Cambodian Americans aredisproportionately poor compared to mostotherethnicgroupsintheUnitedStates.Forexample, 29.3% of Cambodian Americansreportedlylivebelowthefederalpovertylevelwithapercapitaannualincomeof$10,215(Niedzwiecki&Duong,2004).Giventhatafamily’s socioeconomic status (SES) largelydetermines the schools that children attend(Kim, 2002; Kozol, 2005; Orfield & Yun,1999), it is not surprising that CambodianAmerican students often attend schools inhigh-poverty, urban communities (Ong &Umemoto,2000).Unfortunately, schools insuch areas are more likely to be housed indecrepit facilities, have inadequate funding,and employ less qualified teachers thansuburbanschools(Kozol,2005).Cambodian

Vichet Chhuon is a doctoral candidate and Cynthia Hudley is a professor, both in the Gevirtz Graduate School of

Education at the University of California–Santa Barbara.

16 Journal of College Student Development

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Americanstudentsmayalsobe less likelytolive in households headed by two parents(Rumbaut&Ima,1988),andstudentslivinginsingle-parenthouseholdstendtohavelowerlevels of achievement than those in familieswithtwoparents(Sun,2001). Literaturefocusingonthegroup’scollegeexperiencesisvirtuallyabsent,perhapsbecauserelativelyfewCambodianAmericanstudentsparticipateinhighereducation.Kiang’s(1991,1996) research, among the few studies thathaveexaminedCambodianAmericancollegestudents, highlighted the experiences of fiveimmigrantfirst-generationCambodianAmeri-canstudentsattendingacommuteruniversity.Hefoundthatstudentsgenerallyperceivedalackofinstitutionalsupportandexperienceddiscrimination fromprofessors and studentsbecauseoftheirethnicbackgroundandlackofEnglishproficiency.Inadditiontoacademicdifficulties in class, Cambodian Americanstudentsdescribedfeelingisolatedandaloneontheuniversitycampus(Kiang,1996).Thegroup’s low SES and unique cultural back-groundmightpresentparticularchallengesforintegration into the college community.Toexamine successful Cambodian Americanstudents,thepresentarticledrawsfromvariousperspectivesonminoritystudentpersistence.

Theoretical PerspectivesInthisexploratorystudy,wewereinterestedin those factors that Cambodian Americanstudentsperceivedsupportedtheirsuccessandpersistenceattheuniversity.Toexaminethis,we were guided in part byTinto’s (1993)interactionalmodelofstudentpersistenceanddeparture. According toTinto, the morestudents are academically and socially inte-gratedintocollege,themorelikelytheywillthrive in the institution and persist in theirstudiestowardgraduation.Tintoconceptualizedattritionduetolackofsocialintegrationasavoluntary, individual decision and dismissal

on academic grounds as an institutionaldecision.Studentswhofeelsociallyintegratedare likely toperceive their courseworkmorepositively and earn higher grades (Mayo,Murguia, & Padilla, 1995). On the otherhand, studentswho feel socially isolated aremorelikelytoleavecollegeearly(Pascarella&Terenzini,2005;Tinto,1993). Tinto’s (1993) model asserts that forsuccessfulintegration,studentsmustseparatethemselves from their past communities,includingthefamily,thelocalhighschool,andlocalareasofresidence.Suchseparationallowsfortheadoptionofvaluesandnormscongruentwithcollegelifeandfacilitatesincreasedsocialand academic engagement, which are signi-ficant for students’ graduation goals.Tintoacknowledged that ethnicminority studentsmayfinditmoredifficultthanWhitestudentsto integrate into the campus communitybecausetheyfeeltheyhavelittleincommonwiththeimportantinstitutional(e.g.,profes-sors)andsocial (e.g.,peers)membersof thecollegecommunity.Therefore,collegeresources(e.g.,ethnicstudentorganizations)shouldhelpstudentsmakeculturalconnections.However,Tinto’smodelassertsthattheseresourcesarehelpful only as a transitional phase thatfacilitatesethnicminoritystudents’integrationinto the broader college community. Fromsmallerethnicenclaves,minoritystudentsmustintegrate intothe largercampuscommunity(Tinto,1993). Ontheotherhand,ourstudyalsodrawsfrom a body of literature that has critiquedTinto’s(1993)influentialmodelandofferedalternative formulations. Much of thesecriticisms have argued thatTinto’s theoryshouldberevisedtomoreaccuratelyaccountforminoritystudents’culturalcharacteristicsand the need to maintain connections withtheir prior communities (Cabrera, Nora,Terenzini, Pascarella, & Hagedorn, 1999;Guiffrida, 2006; Hurtado & Carter, 1997;


Factors Supporting Cambodian American Students

Tierney,1992a,1992b).Inparticular,Guiffrida(2006)hasarguedthatmaintenanceofculturaland family connections ought to be a moresignificant feature of persistence theory.Culturalconnectionsplayafoundationalroleforethnicminoritycollegestudentsthrough-outtheircollegecareersratherthanservingasabridgetointegratestudentsintothelargercollege community. Campus structures thathelpstudentsaffirmtheirethnicandculturalheritageandmeetpeersofsimilarbackgroundsmay provide critical social, emotional, andacademicresourcesforminoritystudentswhooften experience a sense of isolation andmarginalization,particularlyathighlyselectiveinstitutions (Guiffrida, 2003; Hurtado &Carter; Hurtado, Milem, Clayton-Pedersen,&Allen,1998). Turner’s (1994)observationsofamulti-ethnicsampleofethnicminoritystudentsata large university documented that studentsconstantly felt as if they were “a guest insomeone’shouse”(p.356).Turnersuggestedthat the university’s academic environmentgenerallydoesnotreflecttheheritageofethnicminoritystudents;thus,studentsofcolormayexperiencedifficultywithintegrationintotheircollege community.This is in large partbecause thevalues andnormsof college lifeare usually congruent with White upper-middleclassvaluestructures(Guiffrida,2006;Tierney,1992b;Turner,1994).Tierney(1992a)suggested that the separation mandated byTinto’s(1993)frameworkcanactuallyfurtherdisadvantage ethnic minority students whomight lose supportive relationships thatprovideculturalconnectionsandthemotivationtopersist.Inlightofthesedifferingperspectiveson academic success for ethnic minoritystudents,wesoughttoexplorehowCambodianAmerican students’ experiences might fit,extend,or counter existing theorizingaboutstudentpersistence. Unfortunately, most of the empirical

literature that addresses underrepresentedminoritystudentsinhighereducationexaminesthe experiences of African American andLatino/a populations. Other ethnic groups,includingCambodianAmericanstudents,arelargelyinvisibletoresearchersandpolicymakers(Um, 2003; Yeh, 2004). Even studies thatincluded Asian American samples did notattendtotheirparticipants’ethnicbackgrounds(Jones, Castellanos, & Cole, 2002;Turner,1994). The current article examines theexperiencesofsuccessfulCambodianAmericanstudentsasauniqueethnicgrouptounderstandtheirpatternsofsocialandacademicintegrationonaselectiveuniversitycampus.Ourgoalwasto understand our participants’ perspectivesbyhighlightingtheirvoicesandattendingtotheirexplanationsforachievement(Lincoln,1995).Inthisanalysiswefocusedonacentralresearch question: What experiences didCambodianAmericancollegestudentsbelieveaffectedtheirsocialandacademicadjustmentat the university? By tapping into students’perspectives,thisstudyhasbothpracticalandtheoreticalsignificance.Inadditiontoexam-ining theories of college success in a novelpopulation,thesedataalsohavethepotentialtoinformcollegefaculty,administrators,andstudent affairs staff on how to address theneedsofthiscriticallyunderservedgroup.

Researchers’ RolesAs a Cambodian American and principalinvestigator,thefirstauthorofthisstudymustacknowledgehispositionasaculturalinsider(Emerson, Fretz, & Shaw, 1995; Peshkin,2001).As suggestedbyHillCollins (1986),thefirstauthorapproachedthestudyfroman“outsider within” status, with “personal andcultural biographies” (Hill Collins, p. 529)thathedrewonassourcesofunderstanding.Atthesametime,interpretationsofthesedatawere strengthened by an ethnically diverseresearchteam.Inadditiontothefirstauthor,


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TAble 1.

Participants and Demographics

Student Year in School Age Home Community Family Income Generation

Sovan (M) 4th 22 los Angeles 40-50K First

Srey (F) 4th 22 Oakland 10-20K First

Alan (M) 3rd 20 long beach 10-20K First

Chantrea (F) 4th 21 long beach 30-40K Second

Vannak (F) 2nd 20 Fresno 20-30K First

James (M) 2nd 19 San Jose over 60K Second

Sokpatra (F) 3rd 21 Fresno 10-20K Second

Chantha (M) 3rd 20 Oakland less 10K Second

Navin (F) 4th 23 los Angeles less 10K First

Khanitha (F) 4th 22 long beach 20-30K First

this team included an African Americanfemale, a Caucasian female, and a Latina.Regular reflection and member-checkingprocedureswere carriedout todevelopdatatrustworthiness(Emersonetal.,1995).

MeTHOD

Thedatapresentedherewerecollectedthroughsemi-structuredindividualinterviews(Patton,1990;Seidman,1991)conductedaspartofalargerstudyexaminingtraditionalvaluesandtheir relationship to students’ high schoolsuccess andacademic adjustment in college.Ethnographic interview methods allowed usto gain an in-depth understanding of howCambodianAmericanstudentsperceivefactorssupporting their college persistence.Thecontextforthisstudywasonehighlyselectivepublic research university in southern Cali-fornia.Thoughourparticipantsrepresentedaconvenientsample,ourcampussettingisalsosignificant because the students are highachieving, based on the university’s highlyselectiveadmissionspolicy.Forinstance,theaveragegradepointaverageoffirst-yearstu-

dentsenteringthiscampusinfallof2005was3.8.Aswell,wechoseaschoolinCaliforniabecauseover40%of allCambodians in theUnitedStatesresideinCalifornia(Niedzwiecki&Duong,2004).

ParticipantsWedrewapurposefulsample(Patton,1990)from the Cambodian Club (pseudonym), agroupcomprisingmemberswhoself-identifiedas ethnically Cambodian.The CambodianClub,consistentwithcampusregulations, isopentoallstudents.However,everyoneoftheclubmembers,includingthe10participantsin this study, self-identified as Cambodian.Access was gained through the interviewer’s(firstauthor)participationintheCambodianClubfor6monthspriortothestudy.Atten-danceatweeklyclubmeetingsandotheroff-campus social gatherings helped familiarizeclubmemberswithhimasadoctoralstudentandlaterasaresearcher.Thepriorrelationshipwas significant fordeveloping trustbetweeninformantsandtheresearcher.ThepurposeofthestudywasexplainedtoCambodianClubmembersviae-mailandinperson.Ofthe25



activemembersoftheCambodianClub,10agreedtoparticipateinthisresearchandsignedinformedconsentformspriortoparticipation. Inall,6femalesand4maleundergraduatestudents between the ages of 19 and 23participatedinthisstudy,including5seniors,3juniors,and2sophomores(seeTable1forsample demographic information). All 10participantsenrolledattheuniversitythefallfollowing theirhigh schoolgraduation.Fiveparticipantsdescribedthemselvesasimmigrantfirstgeneration,and5reportedthattheyweresecond generation U.S. born. All of theirparentswereborninCambodiaandimmigratedto the United States in the early 1980s.Moreover,eachofthe10studentsgraduatedfrom thepublic school system inCaliforniaanddescribedEnglishastheirfirstlanguage.Nineof the10 identified themselves asfirstgenerationcollegestudents;theirparentsdidnotexperiencehighereducation.Additionally,8ofour10participantsgrewupincommunitieswith a substantial Cambodian Americanpopulation.Pseudonymsareusedthroughoutthis report to preserve the anonymities ofparticipants.

Data Collection and AnalysisOpen-ended questions assessed participants’perspectiveoffactorssupportingtheircollegeadjustment.Ourinterviewprotocolconsistedofquestionsrelatingtostudents’educationalbackgrounds,explanationsforsuccess,parentalexpectations,andculturalvalues.Representativequestionsincluded:“Whatkindofthingshelpyoudowellincollege?”;“Whatkindofthingsmake itdifficult todowell incollege?”;“Inwhatwaysdoyouthinkyourfriendshadthesame/differentexpectationsaboutcollegethatyouhad?”;and“Whatkindoffriendsdoyouhavenowincollege?”Althoughthesequestionswerederivedfromthelargerresearchliterature,relevantprobesandfollow-upquestionswereguidedby topics thatparticipants identified

as most salient to them. This approachreflectedourinterestingainingparticipants’interpretations of aspects of the campusenvironment that have aided their collegeadjustmentandpersistence.Interviews,lastingapproximately90minuteseach,wereconductedoncampusandaudio-recorded. After the interviews were transcribedverbatim, open coding of each individualtranscriptwascompletedtoallowthemestoemergefromthedataandbecomeaggregatedinto response patterns, consistent with agrounded theory approach (Emerson et al.,1995; Miles & Huberman, 1994; Strauss,1987).Thus,wesystematicallyengagedinaninductive, constant comparative method ofanalysiswitheverytranscripttolocatepatternsforeachinterview(Strauss).Wenextsearchedfor patterns, themes, and commonalities tocreate core categories for each interview, assuggestedbyLeCompteandSchensul(1999).Corecategorieswerethenexaminedincross-caseanalysestoidentifylargerthemesacrossthe 10 participants.Two members of theresearch team reviewed the entire data setseparatelytoensureinternalvalidityandthenmetface-to-facetocomparetheiranalyses.

FiNDiNgS

Participants generally perceived little socialsupportupontheirarrivalattheuniversityandlinked their early academic struggles to aninabilitytoaccessadequatesupportoncampus.Studentssometimesfeltasifpersonnelattheuniversitycouldnotunderstandtheproblemstheyexperienced.Forinstance,Chanthaelab-orateduponhisearlycollegeexperiences:

Ithinkcomingfromabigfamilythatwassotight,ifsomethingweretohappenyoucould fallbackto themand just talk tosomebody.Atleasthavesomebodytellyouthat you shouldn’t do that. Not havingthathere it’s like Ididn’tknowwhat to


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do. Like, who was I going to talk to? Ican’tgotothecounselor’sofficeandtalktothecounselors.Theydon’tknowme.Theydon’tknowwhatI’vebeenthrough.Theydon’tknowanythingaboutmeotherthanwhattheyseeonthesheet.Idon’tthinkIcanspeaktosomebodylikethatandhavethemhelpmeatall.

Participantsalsoelaborateduponseveralfactors that moderated their transition tocollege. We have organized our findingsaround four core themes: a) EducationalOpportunity Program, b) positive facultycontact,c)theCambodianClub,andd)socialandemotionalsupportfrommembersoftheirpriorcommunities.

educational Opportunity ProgramThemajorityofourparticipantsbelievedtheireducationalbackgroundstobedisadvantagedin comparison to their college peers. In herinterview, Navin expressed to us her initialfears:

Ineverfelt like,well inthebeginningIfeltlikeIdidn’tbelong.AndIfeltlikeIwasn’tonthesameleveleducation-wise.I didn’t feel good enough compared toeveryoneelsehere.Ifeltlowerthan[othercollegestudents]andthatjustmademescaredwhenIcamehere.

For academic support, participants reportedthat assistance provided by the EducationalOpportunity Program (EOP) was oftenbeneficial to their persistence. EOP is anacademicoutreachandretentionprogramthattargetsfirst-generationandlow-incomecollegestudents.The program provides services toeducationallydisadvantagedstudentswhohavedemonstrated academic promise. Many ofEOP’s services are delivered in the form ofindividualmentoring,academicadvising,andcareercounseling.SupportfromEOPemergedasacorethemefrom9ofour10participants.Of these, 8 participants identified EOP as

especially important for their graduationgoals. These 8 participants shared that theyfoundEOP’sacademicadvisorsandcounselorstobeveryhelpful.Althoughall10participantssaidthattheyarenowdoingwellacademically,5ofourparticipantswereplacedonacademicprobationduring theirfirst2years.Fourofthese5mentionedEOPexplicitlyashelpingthem improve their academic grades. Forexample, Khanitha discussed how one EOPcounselor helped her improve her academicstanding:

Interviewer:Aretherethingsoncampusthathelpyoudowell?

Khanitha:Ohgod!Counselors,likeEOPcounselors.[Onespecificcounselor]Doyouknowher?

Interviewer:No,Idon’tknowher.

Khanitha:Sheneedsanaward.Shewassuperb. She’s not the best academicplannereverbutshereallyhelpsmeworkthroughcollege.LikebecauseIwashavingmyproblemswithclassesandstuff,andIreally needed to get my grades up or Ireallywasgoingtogetkickedout.

Likewise,AlanbenefitedbytakingadvantageofservicesavailablethroughEOP,particularlyearlyonincollege.Heexplained:

I didn’t really know my way aroundcampuswhen Ifirst camehere. Ididn’tknowsoItooktimetoemailapersonalcounselor[atEOP]thatyoucansee....EOPiswheretheydostudentcounselingandotherstufflikeacademicadvisingandwhat not. . . .That really helped whenacademicallywhenIwasafreshman.It’sjustthattherearesomanypeoplehere[incollege] and EOP is kind of secludedwhereEOPstudentscanstandout.

Inadditiontoacademicadvising,EOPassistedparticipantsinselectingtheiracademicmajorandinthinkingabouttheircareeroptions.For



example,Vannakfound“veryhelpful”guidanceincareercounselingservices,whichhelpedhernarrowhereducationalobjectivesandclarifiedwhatshecould“dowithmymajor.”Vannak’scommentsrevealthatherchoiceofmajorhadimportantpracticalconsequences:

[AtEOP]theyhelpedmedoresearch.Iwaslookingthroughthebindersofcareerchoices,yourmajors,youknow?AndthatwasveryhelpfulbecauseIwaslike,Icouldstilldothiswithmymajorandthisandthat.Yeah,thatwasveryhelpfulbecauseI’mworried.I’mlike,whatamIgoingtodowithmymajor?OrwhatcanIdowithmymajor,orifIcoulddoanythingatallwithmymajor.That’swhyIwasworried.I mean, I don’t want to graduate fromcollege and just go back home. Somepeoplejustgobackhomeandthey’reokaywith going back home and living withtheirparentsuntil theyfind a job.But,financially,Ican’tjustdothat.

These data suggest that EOP was veryhelpfulforstudents’short-termgoalsinvolvingcourse selection and grades as well as theirlonger-term goals related to graduation andcareer choice. However, a number of lessformal campus support structures were alsosignificant for their academic and socialintegration.

Positive Faculty Contact

Although EOP services directly supportedstudents intheircoursework,moreinformalforms of institutional support were alsovaluable. Personal attention from collegeinstructorsemergedasacoretheme.Partici-pantsdiscussedthatpersonalrelationshipshadbeensignificantaspectsoftheirpositivehighschoolcontexts.All10students,however,alsomentioned that the typical interactions theyhadwiththeircollegeinstructorsrepresenteda dramatic departure from the close andsupportiverelationshipstheyexperiencedwith

their high school teachers. For example,Chantha described how his high schoolteachersoftenlefttheir“dooropen”sothatheandhisfriendswouldhaveaplacetostudy:

And there were teachers that left theirdoor open and allowed you to come inandtalktothemduringlunchtime,evenif it wasn’t about school, even if it wasaboutotherthingsgoingoninyourlife.Theywouldtakeouttheirtimeandhelpyou.Itwasthefewteachersthatactuallygavetheirtimetoworkwiththekidandthat helped. I remember there was ateacher that Ineverhad, Inever tookaclassfromhim,buthewouldopenuphisdoorand Iwould run inandhewouldhelpmeoutwiththequestionsIhad.Ithinkthathelpedoutalot.

Likewise, Alan’s experiences were shaped byoneteacherwhoseemtogenuinely“careandlovehis students” and in turn “changed thewayyouthink.”Conversely,professorsattheuniversitywhodidnotseemtocareabouttheirstudentsasindividualswereseenasabarriertoachievingacademicsuccess.Alancomparedthe teaching methods of his high schoolEnglish teacher with most of his universitycourses:

There was this one teacher [in highschool],mythirdyearEnglishteacher,hewasaprettyeasygraderright,butatthesametimehewouldwritecommentsandhewouldwritea lot.I thinkitwas likehisteachingmethodthatkindofchangedmywritingalotit.Itmademywritingalotricher.Ithoughthewasveryinspiringand really respected thathewas a goodteacher. I walked away from his classfeelinga lotmorepreparedbut inmostclasses [in college] the classes are reallyboring,notveryinteractive.

Participants discussed that they tend tostruggle in classes where quality facultyinteraction is sparse. In contrast to theirsupportivehighschoolcontextswherecaring


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teachers supported their preparation for theuniversity,participantsoftenfoundthecollegeenvironment academically overwhelming.Chanthasharedhisfrustrationwiththeimper-sonalcharacteroftheuniversityanddiscussedhowprofessorscouldmoreeffectivelyinteractwithhimtofurtherhislearninggoals:

Myexperienceherewithbeing socom-petitiveincollegeisalotdifferentfromwhat I’m used to. Like, when I take acourse,theprofessorstraighttellsyouthatapercentage[oftheclass]isgettingAs,apercentage isgettingBs, apercentage isgetting Cs. I don’t understand it. Ifeverybody’sdoinggood,whydon’t theyalldeserveagoodgrade?I’dratherhaveaprofessorthat’swillingtotalktoyouaboutwhat’s going on, about what you’velearnedsofarandeverythingthantohavea professor that just comes in, sayseverything and leaves, and then expectsyoutodogoodonthemidtermandfinal.I’d rather have a professor that actuallytalkstoyou,seewhatyourproblemsare,andteachtheclasstohelpyoulearntheinformationthattheywantyoutolearn.Andsomeprofessorsdon’ttakethetimeouttodoallthat.

Participants also explained the benefitsthattheyreceivedfromfacultyandteachingassistants who took the time to providepersonal attention. For instance, Navin suf-feredfromacriticallackofconfidenceattheuniversity.Fortunatelyovertime,someofhercollegeinstructorshelpedhergainconfidenceandbecomesuccessful,asdescribedhere:

Iwouldjuste-mailmyprofessorsortalktomyTAs.IliketalkingtotheprofessorsorTAwhenIhaveapaperorsomething.Istressmyselfoutwithpapersandmakeeverythingmorecomplicated.WhenIdositdownwitha[teachingassistant]oraprofessorandtalktothemaboutmytopic,theyhelpclarifythingsandtheymakemefeelalotbetter.Theyjustgivemetheconfi-

dencetowritemypapers.IknewIcoulddoit.Ijustneededthatextrapush.

Positive interactions with instructors helpedparticipantsbuildconfidenceintheiracademicabilities,andwheninstructorstooktimetogettoknowthem,theyfeltpersonallyvalidated.Vannak explained that when instructorsappreciatedhowhardsheworked,theytendedtoevaluateherworkmorefavorably:

Youknow,yougo [toofficehours] andyouhavequestionsandthenyouget toknow[theinstructors].Thentheyremem-beryournameandwhentheyreadyourworkorpaper,Ithinktheyseethatyou’vetriedbygoingtotheirofficehours,andotherthings.AndIknowthey’llgrademedifferently.BetweenanA-andB+,they’llgivemethatA-becausetheyknowthatI’vetriedandtheyknowwhoIam.

Khanitha, as well, explained the benefits ofpersonalinteractionwithcollegefaculty.

Becausewhen[instructors]kindofgettoknowyouonafirstnamebasis, it’snotlikethey’regoingtobebiased,butthey’llhelpyou.They’llkindofhelpyouwithwhatdon’tyouunderstandinlectureand,“Here’swhatIthinkyoushouldkindoffocus on.” Come on, it’s a class of 500people.You aren’t going to understandeverythingsoit’sgoodreallytoknowyourteachers well. And that’s helped me,especiallyknowingprofessorsbecausetheycanhelpyoudobetterinyourclasses.

Asevidencedbythesequotes,thequalityof faculty contact has been significant forparticipants’academicmotivationandperfor-mance. Meaningful relationships with theirhighschoolteachershelpedthemdeveloptheskills and efficacy necessary to attend theuniversity,andsimilarlypositiverelationshipswith college instructors was an importantsourceofacademicintegration.



The Cambodian ClubTheCambodianClubwasanadditionalformofinformalsupportthatstudentsperceivedassignificantfortheirintegrationintotheuni-versity.Althoughtheuniversityprovidedtheformal context for ethnic organizations, weconsidered the Cambodian Club to be aninformalstructurebecauseitwasinitiatedandsustainedbystudents.TheimportanceoftheCambodianClubemergedfrom9ofthe10participantsasauniqueandrobustcoretheme.Participants themselves recognized thatCambodianAmericanstudentswerenotwellrepresented at the university. For example,Chanthacommentedthat“IthoughtIwastheonlyCambodianherewhenIfirstgothere!”Interestingly, students of Asian descentrepresented a sizeable proportion of thiscampus’sstudentbody.However,thefactthatCambodianAmericanstudentswerenotwellrepresentedoncampuscreateddifficultiesforparticipants’socialintegration.NavinexplainedhowbeingethnicallyCambodianaffectedherearliercollegeexperiences:

Youseeyourselfdifferently.It’sharderforlikeCambodianpeoplethanifyouwereanotherrace,sayChinese.They’realargercommunityandpopulationandit’salittlebiteasier.Idon’tknow.Ididn’thaveanyCambodianfriendsuntilmyjunioryearbecause there was a club that formed.[Beforethat]itwassohardtofindanyone.AndIfeltlikekindofalone.

Studentsoftenperceivedthattheirparti-cipationintheCambodianClubwasaturningpointfortheirsocialandacademicwellbeingincollege.Forexample,SokpatrasharedthataftertryingveryhardtofitinwiththemajorityWhitestudentsduringherfirstyear,shestillfeltaloneandexcludedfromtheuniversity’ssociallife:

Becauseeverythingwassodifferent[attheuniversity]. Getting situated, like myliving situation and coming to a new

environment. Feeling like you’re alone,kind of secluded. I felt that way. Likefreshmanyear,I triedextremelyhardtofitinwiththeWhitegroups.UsuallyIfeltawkward.Ididn’twanttodrinkalcoholandthe[Whitestudents]drank.

ForSokpatra,participationintheCambodianClubwasapivotalexperiencethathelpedhernavigate her adjustment into the university.Althoughtheinstitution’sEducationalOppor-tunity Program helped her with academicstruggles,sheemphasizedtheequallycriticalroleoftheCambodianClubforsocialandemo-tionalsupport.Sheperceivedthatherpartici-pationintheclubrepresentedaturningpointforhersocialandacademicadjustment.

Sokpatra:AtthebeginningIhadahardtimeopeninguptopeople.Whomtotrustandhowtotrustformetolearnthings.IguessIhadtrustissues.Ihadabestfriendandshewentto[anotheruniversity]andwekindoflikesplit,anditfeltsoheartlesslosingsuchaclosefriend.Igotoverthatafter joining the Cambodian Club. Istartedbeingmore comfortable.AtonepointIwasonacademicprobationwhichwasreallydifficult.Andthenaftertheclub,Idon’treallyknowwhathappened.

Interviewer:Howdidtheyhelpyouacademically?

Sokpatra:Iwasabletoconfideinthemandtheytoldmestories.Sometimestheyhadissues likeIhad.Itwasjusthelpfultoknowthatsomeonetherewhohadthat[same]problemandtheytalkedtomeandtalkedmethroughitandhelpme

Interviewer:Didyouguysstudytogether?

Sokpatra:Uhhuh[affirmativeheadnod].

Thesedatasuggestthatparticipants’socialisolationtends tocompoundtheiracademicstruggles, and supportive peer groups canmitigate academic difficulties. The clubprovidedthemopportunitiestodevelopmean-


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ingfulfriendshipswithpeersofsimilarback-grounds and experiences who they believedgenuinelycaredaboutthem.TheCambodianClubalsoallowedparticipantstoconnectwithpeerswhoprovidedacademicsupport.WhenaskedabouttheCambodianClub’simpactonhercollegeadjustment,Chantreashared:

TheCambodianClubhelps.Therearealotofpeoplewholikeconfideinmeandtherewerepeoplewhoopeneduptomewho Inever thoughtwould.Theywereabletounderstandmeatadifferentlevel.Becauseyoumeetpeople[intheclub]andthey’re sometimesdoing the same thingas you.They’re kind of like a supportgroup.Theyunderstandwhatyou’regoingthroughandthey’renotbeingcompetitivewithyou,atleastnotthosepeoplefromCambodianClub.Iknowsomeofthemlike to study, and study out of theirhomes.Ithinkwe’realljusttryingtopassour classes. It’s good that we don’t putpressureoneachother.

Itwas important forparticipants to feelthat their peers empathized with theirexperiences rather than were “competitive”with them. Some participants had friendsoutside of the Cambodian Club. However,theirfriendshipsintheCambodianClubwereperceivedasgenuinefriendshipsandreciprocalin nature. For example, Khanitha explainedthedifferencesbetweenher“oldfriends”andher“friends,”wherebyoldfriendsrepresentedcollege relationships developed prior toparticipationintheCambodianClub.

[Cambodian Club friends], you reallydon’tknowtherealdefinitionofwhatatrue friend is until you’ve had friendscomeandgooutofyourlife.Ithinkofmyoldfriendsandtheyalwaystook.Alltheydidistake,take,take.AndIwouldgive,give,give,becauseyouknow,they’remyfriendsandthat’swhatwedoforeachother.Butthenaftertheykindofjustleftmehanging.Iwaslike“alright.”Ifoundmy new clique. I feel like [Cambodian

Clubfriends]gooutof theirwaytodothingsforme,tolikemakemylifeeasier,andIdothingsforthem.It’sreciprocal.

Finally, involvement in the CambodianClubdevelopedparticipants’senseofprideintheir ethnic background. Eight participantssharedthatCambodianAmericanstudentsintheirneighborhoodswereoftenstereotypedaslow achieving and lazy.To cope with thesenegative stereotypes, someparticipants triedto disassociate themselves from CambodianAmerican students in high school. Alanexplainedthatheandhisfriendsjustwantedto“separatefromthestereotype.”

BackinLongBeach,it’sveryurbanandyouhavealotofkidsthatdon’treallycareabout school so I didn’t want to beperceived as Cambodian like them. Myclosestfriends,theydidn’twanttospeakto the Khmer [peers] over there!Theydidn’twanttobeaffiliatedwiththem.Sopart of me in a way rejected my ownidentity.Ididn’twanttobeperceivedasCambodianlikethemwherealltheycaredaboutwas cars andgirls.Andyou’d getharassed by cops or just walk aroundsmoking.Ididn’twanttobeperceivedasthat.Itwasgoodthatitpushedmetodogoodinschoolbutculturallyspeaking,itwas kindof shameful. Itwas like Iwasashamedofmyownpeople.

Anotherparticipant,Sokpatra,shared:

Likeinmiddleschool,IwouldhangoutwithalotofCambodiansbecausethat’swhatIfeltcomfortablewith.ThenonceIgottohighschool,itwasalittledifferentbecause everything was academic basedand I just wanted to study. I felt that[studying]wasmoretheWhitekids’groupandthat’swhattheywanttodo,likegotocollegeandstuff.SometimesIwouldtalktotheotherCambodianpeoplethatIusedtohangoutwith,theyweren’tgoingto go to college and they would alwaystalk about this party or that party andlikeddoingthingsthatIwouldn’tdo.



However, the Cambodian Club allowedparticipants to meet Cambodian AmericanstudentswhocontradictednegativestereotypesofCambodianyouth.Khanitha,whogrewupin a large Cambodian community in LongBeach,sharedthatthe“CambodianClubhasbeen so important because it has made merealizethatIshouldbeproudofmyethnicity.”Inherinterview,KhanithadiscussedhowherperceptionofCambodianstudentshasshiftedthroughherparticipationintheclub:

Theparadoxof it allwas I lived like intheprojects and in the centerwhere allthe Cambodians lived, but I was notallowed to associate with [Cambodianpeers].Thefamiliesthatlivedaroundus,IseethemwalkingaroundIwanttoplaywith themand stuffbutmymom’s like“No!They’re bad.They’re in gangs andstuff.”[Inthepast]Iwouldn’t[say],“I’mCambodian.Oh,I’msoproudofit”youknow?Notmotivatedtobeproudofit.But now [in the Cambodian Club] it’slike,“I’mCambodian.”“Oh,Iamtoo!”Wehavethatlittlesenseofpride.

Moreover, these experiences have enhancedKhanitha’smotivationtograduatefromcollegeinordertochallengethenegativeperceptionsofCambodianAmericanstudentsandserveasarolemodeltoyoungerfamilymembers.Shecommented:

There’sonlyasmallpoolofusthatgettogo to college. And I definitely feel veryfortunatethatI’mheretoday.You’lllearninsociologyclassesthattherearealargepercentage of [Cambodians] in jail andsome are from very low socioeconomicclasses,andyouknow,therearestatisticsthat really bug you and it could reallydeteryoufromclaimingyouroriginsoryournationality.Idon’twantCambodiansto be ashamed of their roots and theirbackground,youknow?That’sreallywhyI’mtryingto[graduate].ItmakesmewanttohelptheyoungergenerationtocomewhereIamnow.

Anotherparticipant,Alan,foundthatafterdistancing himself from other CambodianAmericanstudentsinhighschool,theCam-bodian Club has positively affected hisperspective on his Cambodian identity. Forinstance, he and other Cambodian Clubmembersorganizedacultureshowoncampuscelebrating traditional Cambodian culture.Alanexplained:

IthinkthatjoiningtheCambodianClubmadeabigimpact.Ithinkthatthecultureshowwasthemostinteresting.ItwasthemostredefiningexperienceandpartofthecultureshowwasthatIlearnedsomuchfromit.Toput[Cambodianculture]onordisplayitforothers,youknow,itwasrewarding to see people learn so muchwithintwohours.Bydisplayingskitsyougavethemsomethingtotakeawayaboutother cultures and in a senseyoucouldsaythatIalsolearnedaboutothercultures.I have a better understanding of mypeopleingeneral.

OpportunitiestoworkwithotherCambo-dianAmericanstudentsonthecultureshowand other activities validated participants’culturalheritage,allowedthemtogainamorepositiveviewoftheirethnicity,andmadethemfeelmoreintegratedintouniversitylife.Nineoutof10participantsdescribedthegroupasmuchmorethananethnicclub.Rather,theorganizationrepresentedformanyparticipantsa basis of needed social, emotional, andacademicsupport.ParticipantsalsofoundthattheCambodianClubofferedasafeplacewithpeers whom they felt they could trust andconfide in.The development of trustingrelationships was discussed as an importantfactorindoingwellacademicallyandsocially.ParticipantsgenerallyfoundthattheCambo-dian Club has been an important source ofsupport for helping them persist throughcollege.


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Home and Community ContributionsParticipants also discussed how home andcommunityfactorsrepresentedbothpositiveand negative contributions to their collegeadjustment. Difficulties transitioning to theuniversityenvironmentsometimesrelatedtoboth ethnic and social class discrepanciesbetweentheirhomeandcollegecommunities.For example, Chantha juxtaposed his homecommunitywiththeuniversityinthisway:

[Athome]it’salotdifferentfromhere.[Igrew up in] a poor urban environmentwith mostly minorities and really nomoney.The area is basically a “lack ofeducation”kindofarea.ButcominghereIseehowdifferentitis.[Theuniversity]is a lot of rich people and education.Seems like the total opposite of what Igrewupin.

Participants seemed to believe that theywere surrounded by students from wealthyfamiliesattheuniversity.Asaresult,theyfeltunabletorelatetomanyoftheircollegepeers.Vannaksharedhowsheperceivedmanyofhercollegepeers:

WhenIcamehereIdidn’thave[financial]helpfromhome....Inoticedthatalotof theseWhitekids, thepeoplehere[atthe university], their parents make over80thousanddollars.WellIthinkmostofthemdo!SoIwaslike“richWhitekidscomehereandalotofthemdodrugsandalcohol.” So, it’s different. Maybe that’swhyIhungoutwithCambodiangirls[inhigh school]. I didn’tdo thosekindsofthings.

All of our participants turned to theirfamily and friends from home for empathyandsupport,whichhelpedthemadjusttotheirnewsurroundings.Alanexplainedthehelphereceivedfromneighborhoodfriends.

Therewereacoupleoffriendsthatwerereally there forme. I had a friendbackhomeandIthoughtthatfromcollegewe

wouldnottalkanymorebutitturnedoutthat he was really there for me. Myfreshman year, actually, I talked to himlikealmosteverydayandstuff.Ithelpedmeacademicallybecauseithelpedrelievestress,youknow?LikeIcouldventandstuff,andgetonwithme,youknow?Andtherewereotherpeople[fromhome]likeI’dstudywithandlikereallytakethetimetohelpmeonhomework.Youknow,allthingsasideandtheyjusthelpmefocusandstudy.

Chanthaexplainedthatpriortothecollegehewasanhonorsstudentandenjoyedagreatdealof social support from teachers, counselors,and high school friends. Being alone at theuniversitywasproblematicbecausehecouldnotaffordacellularphoneandwasunabletocallhomeregularly.Hefeltthatlosingcontactwith his family and friends from homecontributedtoearlieracademicstruggles,butwhenhewasabletomaintainregularcommuni-cationwithhomehewas alsomore focusedacademically.

At first [first year], I didn’t have a cellphone. I couldn’t get in contact withanybody.Thatwouldhaveatleasthelpeda littlebit.Now,IhaveacoregroupoffriendsandIhaveacellphonesoIcouldactuallycallmymomoranyofmyfamilymemberswhenI’mhavingadifficulttime.That was a problem because there’snobodyhere.Icamebymyself.Nobodyelse frommyschoolcame.PrettymuchI’musedtohavinglikeagrouptofallbackon,andthentherewasnosupporthere.I think thatwasoneof themain issuesthatledmetogettingkickedoutorplacedonacademicprobation.

Participants maintained the bond withfamilyandfriendsfromhomeasaresponsetoan inability to identify with peers at theuniversity.Forexample,7studentsexplainedthat theyperceived their friends fromhomewerepeopletheycould“vent”tobecausethesefriends listened, cared, and understood.



Sokpatra,ajunior,reportedthatsheenduredaverydifficultfirstyear.Shecommented,“Inoticedthatcominghere,alotofusstrugglealso.Myclosestfriends[fromhome]struggledin the sameway as Ihave.”As a result,herfriendsfromhomewereabletoidentifywithher experiences. The same was true forKhanitha who discussed the significance ofbeingabletoturntoherfriendfromhomeforsupport.

Ithinkthathavingfriendslikepeopletosupportandtohelpyou[is important].LikeCarol,shewasoneofmyreallygoodfriends[fromhome].Andshehelpedmealot.Andthefactthatshe’sCambodianaswell,shehasthesamebackgroundandalmostthesameeducationalexperience,even though she came from a differenthighschool.Westill,youknow,wehadthat background and that just kind ofbond,soitmadeusstronger.Wehadeachother to fall back on. Now that I’m aseniorIrealizethatthesepeoplereallydidmakeadifferenceinmylife.

Althoughfriendsandfamilydidnothelpthemdirectlywiththeircollegestudies,participantsbelievedthatmembersoftheirhomecommu-nitiesgenuinelysupportedtheirachievementstrivings.This was exemplified in Vannak’scomments:“Myfamilydidn’thavemuch.Theydidn’t have much money but they did careabouteducation.” Inaddition,familyandfriendsfromhomeremindedparticipantsofthelimitedoptionsavailableiftheydroppedoutandcamehomeandthesubstantialadvantagesassociatedwithauniversityeducation.Chanthadiscussedhowconversationswithfamilymembersprovidedhimwithmoralsupport,whereasthosewithhisbestfriendfromhomeoftenremindedhimoflessdesirablealternativesifhechosetoleavecollege:

[Myfamily]tellmeIcandoit.Mybestfriend,whoItalktoalot,basicallytells

mewe’reCambodian,andwherewecomefromalotofpeopledon’tmakeitout.Alot of people are either selling drugs orthey’renotreallydoingmuchwiththeirlives.Every time I speak tohim, there’ssomebody pregnant or somebody goingtojail.Sohetellsmethis.HisthingisIcameouthereforareason,soIshouldn’ttrytoquitoranything.I’msupposedtogetaccomplishedwhatIcameoutheretogetaccomplished.

To summarize, family and friends fromhomewereanoutletforstudentswhosoughtempathyfortheirstrugglesandvalidationfortheirexperiences.Additionally,conversationswiththoseathomeoftenremindedstudentsoftheimportanceoffinishingcollegebecauseof the rewards it would yield for them andtheirfamilies.Overall,theseresponsessuggestthatremainingclosetofamilyandfriendsal-lowedparticipantstocopewithacollegeenvi-ronmentthattheyperceivedasunfriendly.

DiSCuSSiON AND iMPliCATiONS

This study examined Cambodian Americanstudents’universityexperiencethroughtheir“subjectivesenseofintegrationincampuslife”(Hurtado & Carter, 1997, p. 324).Tinto’s(1993)modelpositedthatintegrationintoauniversity’s academic and social systemssupports persistence toward graduation butrequiresthatstudentsmustseparatefromtheirpriorcommunities,whereasothervoicesinthehigher education have refuted the demandforseparation. Our data suggest that, forCambodian American students, integrationintothecampusenvironmentandmaintainingcontact with the prior community are bothimportant. Thisresearchdocumentedtheimportanceof academic support for students’ collegeintegrationandsuccess.Forexample,studentsperceivedthatacademicsupportsystemssuchas Educational Opportunity Programs were


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criticalresourcesthatdirectlyenhancedtheiracademic engagement andperformance.Wealsofoundthatinformalcollegesupportsuchas faculty contact was very important forstudents’ sense of academic belonging. Ourdata suggest that Cambodian Americanstudents, however, respond to systems ofcampus support, both informal and formal,onlyinsofarasthosesystemsareprovidedinthe context of meaningful, personal con-nections.Students felt supportedby specificcounselors,professors,andteachingassistantswhomtheywereabletonamepersonally.Inthisway,CambodianAmericanstudents’senseof academic belonging related closely toperceptionsofpersonalconnections. Ontheotherhand,wefoundthatCam-bodianAmericanstudents’transitionintotheuniversityandcampusadjustmentwereaidedbymaintainingcontactwithfamilyandfriendsfrom home who buffered them against per-ceived isolation in college. Students oftenreliedonmembersoftheirpriorcommunities,rather than direct academic assistance, toprovidesocialandemotionalsupportinwhattheyfeltwasanunwelcomingcollegeenviron-ment, particularly in their first year.Thisfindingalignswithpriorresearchthatempha-sized the importance of sustaining strongrelationships with home communities forethnic minority students (Guiffrida, 2006;Hurtado&Carter,1997).BecauseCambodianAmericans are acutely underrepresented inhighereducation,theparentsofCambodianAmericanstudentslikelydidnotattendcollegethemselves.Thus,peersfromstudents’homecommunities became particularly valuableduringthecollegetransition(Guiffrida,2006;Hurtado&Carter;Tierney,1992a). OurdataalsoarguefortheimportanceofthecampusethnicorganizationforCambodianAmericanstudents’wellbeingattheuniversity.TheCambodianClubwasnotnecessarily abridgeforethnicminoritystudentstojointhe

largeruniversitycommunity,asproposedbyTinto’s(1993)theory.Althoughstudentsdidnot feel able to integrate into their collegeworld as individuals, activities such as thecultureshowsuggestthattheycanengagetheircampuscommunityasagroup.Forthisgroup,there were benefits to belonging to whatMurguia,Padilla,andPavel(1991)referredtoasan“ethnicenclave.”Theclubservedamorepermanent structural function by providingspace for Cambodian American students toconnectwithotherstudentsofsimilarback-groundsandengagetheircollegecommunityasacollective. CambodianAmericanstudents,liketheirAfricanAmericanandLatino/apeers(Guiffrida,2003;Hurtado&Carter,1997), apparentlybenefit greatly from support in college.Unfortunately,CambodianAmericanstudentsmay be perceived by universities as a groupthatdoesnotrequiretailoredsupportprogramsbecausetheyareapartoftheAsianAmericancategory,ademographicthatdoesextremelywell academically (Ngo, 2006; Yeh, 2004).WithoutdisaggregatingCambodianAmericanstudentsfromotherAsianAmericangroups,theirneedforacademicandsocialsupportmaybeoverlooked.Thisstudydocumentseduca-tional experiences ofCambodianAmericansthat are distinct from the model minoritystereotypethatoftenhascharacterizedAsianAmericanstudentsintheliterature. Thesefindingscannotbeeasilygeneralizedtoothersettingsgivenourlimitedsamplesize.Nevertheless, these data offer direction forcollegeadministrators,studentaffairsstaff,andfaculty in supporting the retention andacademic success of Cambodian Americancollegestudents.Institutionsofhighereduca-tion must examine ethnic subgroups ratherthan relyingongeneralized labels likeAsianor Latino/a. Cambodian American studentsarestillcrudelyconsideredpartofanOtherAsian categoryinmanyeducationalinstitutions,



obscuring the many students who are notdoingwell(Yeh,2004).ArecentfeaturearticleintheLos Angeles Timesreportedonthegrassroots efforts of University of CaliforniastudentswhoarepushingforhighereducationinstitutionstoexpanddemographiccategoriesinordertobetterrecognizethelownumbersofsomeAsianAmericansubgroups(Gorman,2007).Disaggregatedanalyseswillrevealmorepreciseenrollment,persistence,andeducationaloutcomedataofnotonlyCambodianAmericanstudents but also many other unrecognizedstudentswho are inappropriately aggregated(Hune,2002;Ngo,2006;Yeh,2004). Moreover, college faculty must become

moresensitivetothepresenceofCambodianAmericanstudentsontheircampuses.Increasedpositiveteacher–studentrelationshipsseemtobe especially important for these students’educational outcomes. Finally, CambodianAmericanandotherSoutheastAsiansubgroupsmustbeexplicitlyincludedinfurtheroutreacheffortsifinstitutionsaretoachievetheirgoalsofexcellence,diversity,andequity.

Correspondence concerning this article should be

addressed to Vichet Chhuon, Gevirtz Graduate School

of Education, University of California–Santa Barbara,

Phelps Hall, Room 2206, Santa Barbara, CA 93106-

9490; [email protected]

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Factors Supporting Cambodian American Students' Successful Adjustment Into the University

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