ExemplaryAgriculture:

OrganicFarmingandUrban/RuralSpaceinChina

SachaCody

September2016

AThesisSubmittedfortheDegreeofDoctorofPhilosophyof

TheAustralianNationalUniversity

©CopyrightbySachaCody2016

AllRightsReserved

2

3

Thisthesisistheoriginalworkoftheauthorexceptwhereotherwisestated

SachaCodyDepartmentofAnthropologySchoolofCulture,History&LanguageCollegeofAsia&thePacificTheAustralianNationalUniversity

4

5

AcknowledgmentsWordscannotexpressthegratitudeandadmirationIhavefortheorganicfarmersImetinShanghaithatallowedmeto‘hangout’withthem,recordingandresearchingtheirmovement.TheseorganicfarmersfromthecityandnewtoagricultureareleavingsomeoftheglamourandarmourofcosmopolitanShanghaibehindthemastheytakealonghardlookattheircountry,aswellastheirownlives,andaskifthereisabetterwaytolive.TheyaretheblacksheepoftheinternationalcityofShanghai.ThenatureofscholarlyresearchcompelsmetoframetheirstoriesusingrelevanttheoriesfromanthropologyandthesocialsciencesaswellasintellectualdebatesconcerningthenatureofcontemporaryChinesesociety.Thisisnecessaryandimportant.Chinesesocietyisundergoingrapidchangeandmanyphenomenaarerelatedandinterconnectedincomplexways.Scholarlyresearchhelpsusgainabetterunderstandingoftheseprocessesofchange.ButbeforeImoveontomythesis,Iwishtopauseforamomenttoadmireandreflectonthebeliefsanddeterminationoftheseorganicfarmers.Theyarechoosingaroadlesstravelledandareacceptingthehardshipsaheadofthem.I’llneverforgetthehospitalityIreceivedandfriendshipsImadewithallofthem,especiallyOldZhengatZiranFarm,LiuShanandJiangShifuatChuantongFarm,andShangMeiandOldShenatShengtaiFarm.Sweatinginthefields,buildingaroof,writingupfieldnotesinafreezingshed,chattingaroundthecosyfire,visitinghometowns,andsomuchelse;yourpassionhasrubbedoffonme.Thankyouformakingthelastfouryearsoneofthemostrewardingperiodsinmylife.EvenasanexternalstudentbasedinChina(andlaterGermany),myexperienceofPh.D.lifeexceededmyexpectations.Inshort,ithasbeenaprivilege.NotonlydidIdevotemostofmywakinghourstotheplanning,researchingandwritingupofatopicofconsiderablepersonalandintellectualinterest,Ididsowiththefullsupportofmylovingwife,anunderstandingcolleaguewho‘hadmyback’andaworld-leadingscholar.

6

Wereitnotforthesupportofmywife,Fran,thisthesiswouldneverhavebeenstarted.Thethoughtofaspousetakingasignificantdetourfromhisorhercareertopursuepersonalinterestsandscholarlyambitionsisunnerving.WhenIbeganthisprojectin2012,Ihadtenyears’experienceasamarketingconsultantacrossGreaterChina:Ihadagreatjob,greatsalary,greatcolleaguesandlotsofstimulatingglobaltravel.SurelyIwascrazytoputthisonhold?ButFransupportedmeunconditionallyandIamaveryluckyperson.Sheacceptedmyobsessionwithoutquestion.Toshowhowmuchshecared,shevisitedmeinCanberraduringafreezingwinterandevenaccompaniedmeonafieldtriptoChuantongFarm.Thankyouforallyourloveandsupport,Fran.JasonSpencer,previouslyManagingDirectorofMillwardBrownShanghaiandnowManagingDirectorofInciteChina,isagreatpartner.WebothhavelonghistoriesinChinaandsharemanycommonperspectives.Formanyyears,ourpathsverynearlycrossed.Thenin2010,JasonhiredmeintoMillwardBrownShanghai.Itwasagreatworkingpartnershipandweachievedalot.WhenItoldJasonaboutmyplans,hesupportedmetremendouslyandopenlyadvocatedforsupportfromwithinourcompany.Thisincluded,amongstotherthings,significanttimeoffinCanberra,duringwhichtimeIwasoflittleassistancetohimorourcolleaguesinChina.Jasonputhis‘neckontheline’formeandIamextremelygrateful.IhopeIcanrepayhimsomehow.EveryPh.D.candidatedreamsofhavingagreatsupervisor.MychiefsupervisorisAndrewKipnisandIcouldnothaveaskedforabetterpersonandmatch.Ibenefittedtremendouslyfromhisprofessionalism,efficiency,crystal-clearadviceandpragmatism,aswellasthefreedomheprovidedmetopursuemyresearch.Yetbehindthesetraitslivesavisionaryandambitiousintellectual.Amazinglyprolificandfiercelyindependent,Andy’sworkishighlyoriginal.IhopeIcantakeapageoutofhisbookandapplyittomyfuture.Asanexternalstudent,IwasonlyoncampusinCanberraonceayear.YetAndyensuredIwasalwaysconnectedtothescholarlyworldinChinaandelsewhere.Heintroducedmanyscholarstome,includingBeibeiTangatXi’anJiaotong-LiverpoolUniversity,FujiLozadaatDavidsonCollege,GoncaloSantosatThe

7

UniversityofHongKong,KeFanatNanjingUniversity,NickTappatEastChinaNormalUniversity,SinWenLau,nowatTheUniversityofOtago,andTianshuPanatFudanUniversity.Ibenefittedalotfromalloftheserelationships.Manyotherpeoplesupportedme,towhomIexpressmyheartfeltthanks.AssaDoronatANU,apanelmember,readmythesisfromstarttofinishandofferedgreatadvice.SimoneDennisatANU,alsoapanelmember,helpedmefine-tunemyargumentasIpreparedformyPost-FieldworkSeminar.ANUscholarsLuigiTombaandGraemeSmithtooktimeoutoftheirbusyschedulestodiscussmyproject.Theentirecross-CollegeanthropologyteamatANUcreatedatrulyuniqueenvironmentfosteringcollaborationandpeer-to-peerlearning.Manywereverygeneroustome,attendingmyseminarsandofferingvaluablefeedbackandsuggestionsasmyworktookshape.OtherPh.D.candidatesatTheSchoolofCulture,History&Language,aswellasthecross-Collegeanthropologycohortof2013,mademytimeinCanberrafunandenjoyable.KarinaPellinghelpedmakethebeautifulmapinthisthesis.Finally,manycolleaguesinAsiaPacificencouragedmeearlyon,includingAdrianGonzalez,whointroducedmetopeopleinBeijing.AndwherewouldIbewithoutmyfamily?Eveniftheydonotknowit,theyprovidedmewiththefireanddeterminationtogetthisdone.Thankyoutoallofthem.Ourcatof13years,Potato,diedinNovember2015.PotatolivedwithusinBeijing,HongKongandShanghai.Whilewritingthisthesis,shewasmyunforgettablecompanion.Shekeptmewarminthecoolermonthsandwatchedovermeinthewarmermonths.CatloverswillknowwhatImeanwhenIsaythatPotatoandIforgedaveryspecialrelationshiptogetherduringmythesis-writingperiod.FranandIloveandmissherdearly.Afinalnote:IfirstvisitedChinain1999,movingtherein2002.InJulyof2015,aftermorethan14yearsliving,studyingandworkinginChina,FranandIrelocatedtoGermany.Chinaisstillasignificantpartofmylife.ButthisthesisrepresentssomekindofclosureformeonthekindofrelationshipIhavehadwiththisfascinatingnationsince1999,andthebeginningofanewone.

8

9

Abstract

ExemplaryagricultureisagrassrootsalternativefoodmovementinShanghai,

Chinaandthesurroundingcountryside.Atthemovement’scentreareagroup

of13independentandsmall-scaleorganicfarmers.Thisthesisoutlinesthe

movement’sformationandfunctioning,anddiscussesparticipants’motivations

andobjectives.Italsoidentifiesrelationshipsbetweenmovementactivistsand

intellectuals,ruralresidents,volunteersonthefarmsandcustomersinthecity.

Exemplaryagricultureisdifferenttootheralternativefoodmovementsbecause

itisheavilyinfluencedbythecontinuinglegaciesofstatesocialism.Two

legaciesinparticularaffecthowexemplaryagriculturaliststhinkandact.The

firstisexemplarity,aformofmoralityandsocialgovernancethatachieves

orderthroughleadershipbyexampleandtheemulationofrolemodels.

ExemplarityandthepromotionofrolemodelshasbeenapillarofChinese

CommunistPartypolicysincethe1940s.Thesecondisthedifferentiationofthe

urbanandtherural.Thehouseholdregistrationsystem,establishedbytheCCP

inthe1950s,pavedthewayfortheformationofpowerfuldiscoursesof

urban/ruraldifference.Thesediscoursespolarisethecityandthecountryside

intodiscretespacesandidentitieswithclearlydemarcatedboundaries,

privilegingtheurban.

ExemplaryagriculturalistsworryaboutthehealthofChinesesocietyandwant

toprovidealternatives.Bygrowingorganicproduceinthecountrysideand

sellingtocustomersinthecity,theywanttorelieveChineseurbanitesfrom

anxietycausedbyfoodsafetyconcerns.Atadeeperlevel,theywanttoinfluence

urbanattitudestowardruralChinaandimproverelationsbetweenthetwo

groups.Exemplaryagriculturalistsadoptprinciplesderivedfromruralculture

andcallonotherstoemulatethem.Theyencourageurbanresidentstoapply

theseprinciplestotheirownlives,therebyfacilitatingalternativeandbetter

waysofcityliving.Inshort,theyborrowfromtheruraltohelptheurban.

10

11

Contents Page

Acknowledgements 5

Abstract 9

ListofMaps,Tables&Figures 13

UnitConversions&OtherNotes 15

Introduction 17

Part1 Exemplarity&ClassRelations 53

Chapter1 Urban/RuralDifference&ClassRelations 55

Chapter2 Exemplarity 81

Chapter3 ExemplaryAgriculturalists 103

Chapter4 Intellectuals 157

Part2 ExemplaryAgricultureintheCountryside&

theCity 195

Chapter5 TheFarm 197

Chapter6 TheVolunteer 235

Chapter7 TheProduct 273

Chapter8 TheCustomer 309

Conclusion 357

ReferencesCited 377

12

13

ListofMaps,Tables&Figures Page

Map1.1Locationofexemplaryfarmsandmainfieldsites 41

Table3.1Detailsofexemplaryagriculturalists(Disillusionnarrative) 113

Table3.2Detailsofexemplaryagriculturalists(NextGenerationnarrative) 114

Table3.3Detailsofexemplaryagriculturalists(FilialPietynarrative) 115

Table7.1LiGeng’sexplanationofhisfarmname’smeaning 306

Table8.1Comparisonofprices 321

Figure3.1OldZhengatZiranFarm 119

Figure3.2LiuShanatChuantongFarm 127

Figure3.3ShangMeiatShengtaiFarm 137

Figure4.1ParticipantsattheConference 160

Figure4.2Work-groupsdiscussingruralissuesattheTraining 176

Figure4.3Publicself-assessmentsattheTraining 178

Figure4.4LearningfromnatureattheCamp 191

Figure5.1SigninOldZheng’sfieldatZiranFarm 198

Figure5.2OldZheng’svillageinChongmingIsland 204

Figure5.3OldZheng’sstorerooms 208

Figure5.4a&bLiuShan’sandJiangShifu’shouses 213

Figure5.5JiangShifuatChuantongFarm 216

Figure5.6SelectionofbooksLiuShanwantsJiangShifutoread 217

Figure5.7ViewofPucengVillage 222

Figure5.8OldShenatShengtaiFarm 226

Figure6.1MyaccommodationatChuantongFarm 237

Figure6.2VolunteeraccommodationatZiranFarm 247

Figure6.3LittleChong,avolunteeratZiranFarm 259

Figure7.1SortingworkatChuantongFarm 296

Figure7.2BeijingFarmers’Marketadvertisement 301

Figure8.1NongHaoFarmers’Market 327

Figure8.2WangChangfromKejiaFarmatNongHao 328

Figure8.3ShengJiaChongFarmers’Market 332

Figure8.4XuehuifromChuantongFarmatShengJiaChong 335

Figure8.5ExplanationworkatShengJiaChong 338

14

15

UnitConversions

Startoffieldwork(December2012)

1Chineseyuan(CNY)=0.16USdollar(USD)

1Chineseyuan(CNY)=0.15Australiandollar(AUD)

Endoffieldwork(June2014)

1Chineseyuan(CNY)=0.16USdollar(USD)

1Chineseyuan(CNY)=0.17Australiandollar(AUD)

1mu(亩)=1/15hectare

1jin(⽄)=½kilogram

ANoteonChineseTranslations

AllEnglishtranslationsofChinesewordsarefromthefollowingreference

unlessotherwisestated:

BeijingForeignLanguagesSchool(1988).AChinese-EnglishDictionary(Han-

YingCidian汉英词典).Beijing:BeijingBusinessPress.

ANoteonNames

Allthenamesofindividualsinthisthesisarepseudonyms,unlesstheyoccupy

specificrolesthatarepublicallyknown(e.g.managerofafarmers’market,

founderofapopularwebsite,intellectualatauniversity,NGOorgovernment-

supportedmodelorganicfarm,etc.).

InnamingmyChineseinterlocutors,Ifollowtheconventionofsurnamefirst,

followedbyfirstname.

16

17

Introduction

ExemplaryagricultureisthenameIhavegiventoagrassrootsalternativefood

movementinShanghaiandthesurroundingcountryside.Atthemovement’s

centreare13independentandsmall-scaleorganicfarmers.Allalternativefood

movementsareuniqueinsomeway.Exemplaryagricultureisnodifferent.I

believeitisaproductoftheparticularpolitical,socialandcultural

circumstancesfoundinmetropolitanChina,andShanghaispecifically,inthe

earlytwenty-firstcentury.

Exemplaryagricultureemergedinthelate2000sandseekssocialchange.

Movementactivists–exemplaryagriculturalists–aremorallyratherthan

economicallymotivated;theyworryaboutthehealthofChinesesocietyand

Chinesemodernity.Theywanttomaketheexperienceofmodernitybetterfor

Chineseurbanitesbyprovidingalternatives,andbelievethecultureandvalues

ofruralChinacanhelp.

Themovementfunctionsinalayeredmanner.Bygrowingandselling

organically-producedgrains,vegetablesandeggsinthecountrysideto

customersinthecity,exemplaryagriculturalists,ononelevel,wanttorelieve

Chineseurbanitesoftheiranxietyconcerningthesafetyoftheirfood.They

18

compelcustomerstobecomefamiliarwithhowfoodisproducedandinvestin

face-to-facerelationsbasedontrust.

Atadeeperlevel,exemplaryagriculturalistsalsowanttoinfluencetheattitudes

theirurbancustomersholdtowardruralChina.Theywanturbanitestogaina

betterunderstandingoftheirruralcounterpartsandimproverelationsbetween

thetwogroups.Itishopedthaturbanitesthenapplytheirnewknowledgeand

practicesderivedfromruralChinesecultureandvaluestotheirownurban

lives.Consequently,alternativewaysofcitylivingshouldemergeandcityliving

shouldbecomeexperientiallyandspirituallybetter.Todemonstratethis,

exemplaryagriculturaliststhemselvesweaveruraltraitsandvaluesintotheir

ownlivesandbehaviours,callingonotherstoemulatethem.Theyself-appoint

themselvesasrolemodels.

Foodisthecentralmediumthroughwhichexemplaryagriculturalistsseek

socialchange.Indeed,whilefoodisessentialtohumanexistence,thestudyof

foodcanilluminateawiderangeofsocialprocessesandtopicsofinterestto

anthropologybeyonditsbiologicalnecessity.Sincethe1980s,anthropological

interestinfoodhasincreased.JakobKleinnotesthatthisincreaseispartlythe

resultofthepublicationofCooking,CuisineandClass:astudyincomparative

sociologybyJackGoodyin1982(Klein2014).Alongwithothers,Kleinargues

thatCooking,CuisineandClasschallengedwhatwasthedominantmodeof

anthropologicalinquiryintofoodatthetime–symbolicanalysis–byshowing

theintimaterelationshipbetweenfoodandtherestofculture.

19

Kleinsummarisesthreebroadtopics:therelationshipbetweenproductionand

consumption(whichalsoincludesdistribution,preparation,aswellasdisposal

[andtowhichIwouldaddtheactofpurchasingfood,orexchange]);the

relationshipbetweensocialstratificationandculinarypractices;andthe

importanceofcomparativeanalysis,especiallyregardingprocessesof

globalisation.Kleinhighlightsthesignificanceandrelevanceofallthreetopics

throughthelensofourcontemporaryrelianceonindustrially-producedfoodin

thedevelopedanddevelopingworld.Thisreliancenotonlyaffectsproduction

andconsumptionprocessesandpractices;itmayalsohelphomogenisecertain

aspectsofclassdifferencewhilepittingitselfagainstcountlesslocalfood

culturesinaglobalisedworld.

Thischangeinperspectiveandapproachallowsanenormousnumberoftopics

tobestudiedthroughafoodlens.SidneyMintzandChristineDuBois,for

example,showhowfoodstudiesinformdiscussionsanddebatesconcerning

socialchange,inequalityandinsecurity,andritualandidentity,aswellas

providerawmaterialforclassicethnographicresearch,singlecommodity

studiesandinstructionalmaterials(Mintz&DuBois2002).

ThisthesisaddressesanumberoftopicsandthemesidentifiedbyKlein,Mintz

andDuBois.Itdiscussesproduction,distributionandexchangepracticeswithin

exemplaryagriculture,whiletouchingonconsumptionanddisposal

(specifically,usesotherthanconsumption)behaviours.Italsolooksatsocial

stratificationbetweentheurbanandtherural,andoffersacomparative

frameworkbycontextualisingthemovementwithotheralternativefood

20

movementsinbothChinaandothernations.Finally,thisthesisexploresthe

topicsofsocialchange,inequalityandinsecurity,andidentity:itexploresthe

natureofcivilactivisminChinaaswellastherelationshipbetweenthe

‘traditional’andthe‘modern’.Finally,threadedthroughoutthisthesisisan

underlyingnarrativeregardinghowChinesemanagetheiridentitywhilecoping

withmodernity.

Butthisthesisalsoexploresnewandexcitingareasintheanthropologyoffood.

JamesWatsonandMelissaCaldwellsuggestthat“Perhapsthenewestandmost

promisingtrajectoryintheanthropologyoffoodisthatofferedbythestudyof

statesocialismandpostsocialism”(Watson&Caldwell2005:137).

Furthermore,WatsonandCaldwellbelievethatthe“organicrevolution”isone

offourareasthatmust“commandattentionforthenextphaseoffoodresearch”

(Watson&Caldwell2005:172).Thisstudyofexemplaryagricultureexplores

theemergenceofgrassrootsorganicfarminginapostsocialistsetting,providing

valuableinsightsconcerningtheinfluenceofstatesocialismonfoodpractices

andtheirsocialandculturalframing.

Finally,becauseexemplaryagricultureisamoralmission,foodisethical.Klein

andhiscolleagues’definitionof“ethicalfood”ishelpfulinunderstandingthis

phenomenon.Theysay:

Foodis“ethical”whenitbecomesthesubjectofdeliberationsinwhichitsproduction,distribution,preparation,orconsumptionintersectwithmoralnotionsaboutthehumanconditionandhowhumansshouldtreatthemselves,oneanother,andtheirnonhumansurroundings.Inotherwords,“ethical”foodsarethosefoodsthatsymbolizeandconvey

21

particularvaluesystemsthatareoftenpresentedintermsofrightnessandjustness(Kleinetal2014:7).

InChina,foodhasalwaysbeenanintimatepartofsociallifeandsocialrelations.

Whereoneisseatedataformalbanquetorcasualdinner,whatisservedandin

whatorder,whatguestsareofferedinsideprivatehomesandwhatfamilies

cookforeachotherallcontributesignificantlytothesenseofselfandnetwork

ofrelationshipsonehaswithinChinesesociety.AsEugeneAndersonconcludes

inhiscomprehensivediscussionoffoodinChinaoverthecenturies,“Asa

markerofsocialstatus,ritualstatus,specialoccasions,andothersocialfacts,

foodbecamelessasourceofnutrientsthanameansofcommunication”

(Anderson1988:246).

Today,followingalmostfourdecadesofreformandopeninguppolicies(gaige

kaifang改⾰开放),theurbanChineseconsumerhasanabundanceofchoicewith

regardtowhereandhowtoacquirefoodaswellaswhattoeat.From

commercialretailspaces(supermarkets,hypermarkets,specialtystoresand

conveniencestores),restaurants(manycuisinesandpriceranges),traditional

markets(wetandoutdoorfreshproducemarkets)andonlinechannels(with

homedelivery),urbanChineseconsumersarespoiltforchoice.Moreover,the

popularityoforganicfood,producedwithoutchemicalpesticidesandfertilisers,

hasincreasedsignificantlyinthetwenty-firstcenturyaslargenumbersof

urbanChineseseekhealthierandsaferchoices.Thoughorganicfoodcurrently

accountsforonlyonepercentoftotalfoodconsumptioninChina,thesizeofthe

markethastripledsince2007(Wright2015).

22

IntheUS,UKandEurope,alternativefoodmovementssuchasorganicfood

emergedasnewformsofsocialactivism.Thesemovementsbelieveinthe

powerofconsumerismtocausesocialchange.Theideaisthatwhenconsumers

‘votewiththeirwallets’,powerfulfoodcorporationswillbespurredtoactionto

investinmoreequitablesupply-chains,raisesalariesfortheirworkersand

undertakeawholehostofotheractivitiesintendedtomakecapitalismmore

equitable.DavidE.Goodmanandhiscolleaguesarguethatthoughthese

movementswereintentionallyoppositionalatfirst,theynowprefertomark

out“insulatedspaces”toreformratherthanresistthemainstreameconomy

(Goodman,D.E.etal2012).

Thesespacesareliminal;theyoperateoutsidethemainstreamyetarenot

totallydivorcedfromit.Motivatedbyadiverserangeofinterestsincluding

classdistinction,anxietyabouttheglobalfoodsystemandinequality,akey

priorityofthesemovementsistomaintaincontrolovertheirdefinitionof

‘quality’lesttheybecometargetsofthecorporateworldofbrandingand

advertising.

AlternativefoodmovementsinChinasharesomesimilaritieswiththoseinthe

US,UKandEurope.Somearealsoformsofsocialactivismwithurbanrootsthat

challengethemainstreameconomybycreatinginsulatedandalternativespaces

offoodproducer-consumerrelations.Thereareimportantdifferences,

however,notablyregardingconsumermotivations.InChina,consumerinterest

inalternativefoodisinformedbyseverefoodsafetyconcernsnotfoundtothe

samedegreeinothernations.AccordingtoPew’sGlobalAttitudesProject,

23

between2008and2015theproportionofadultChinesewhobelievefood

safetytobea“verybigproblem”increasedfrom12percentto32percent,

bringingittosimilarlevelswithotherconcernssuchasairpollution(35

percent),waterpollution(34percent)andinequality(33percent).These

concernsaresecondonlytocorruptofficials(44percent)(PewResearch

Center2015).1

Becauseofthistrend,anumberofscholarsinterpretChineseconsumers’

gravitationtowardorganicfoodasevidenceofaChinese“risksociety”(Veecket

al2010;Yan,Y.2012;Zhang,W.&Zhaon.d.;Zhao&Ho2005).Arisksociety,as

UlrichBeckdescribes,appearsinapost-industrialsettingwhenattitudes

towardscienceandtechnologychange.Citizensnolongerviewthemas

solutionstoquestionsofdevelopment,butinsteadashazardsthatpossessthe

abilitytodestroylife:“Atthecenterlietherisksandconsequencesof

modernization,whicharerevealedasirreversiblethreatstothelifeofplants,

animals,andhumanbeings”(Beck1992:13).

Asociety-wideconcernwithhighstakes,lowprobabilityriskdefinesarisk

society.TheChinesegovernmentbelievesfoodsafetyisnowoneoftheserisks.

JohnYasudapointsoutthattheChinesefoodindustryhasadoptedscientific

assessmentandrisk-basedformsofregulationwhileleadersgrapplewiththe

enormousscaleoftheproblem(Yasuda2015).

1In2012,theproportionofadultChinesewhobelievedfoodsafetywasa“verybigproblem”wasevenhigherat41percent(PewResearchCenter2012).

24

Tospeakofalternativewaysoflivingandalternativemodernitiesisto

acknowledgetheexistenceofamainstreammodernity.DilipGaonkarnotesthis

distinctioninhiscomparisonofsocietalmodernisationandculturalmodernity.

Gaonkararguesthatsocietalmodernisationinvolvescognitivetransformations

includingthegrowthofascientificconsciousnessandthedoctrineofprogress

togetherwithatrendtowardmarket-driveneconomies.Culturalmodernity,by

contrast,isthe“othermodernity”,theoppositionalelementtothemainstream

(Gaonkar2001).

Thisframeworkappearstobeagoodstartingpointwhenconsideringthe

relationshipbetweenexemplaryagricultureandcontemporaryChinesesociety.

Ascientificconsciousnessanddoctrineofprogresshascertainlyspreadfrom

theseniorChineseleadershipdowntoordinarycitizens.Eachsuccessivegroup

ofleadersandeacheconomicplanningcyclegrantsincreasinglyfavourable

policiestothemarketandprivatesectorandlesstoChina’sailingstatesector.

Fromthisperspective,exemplaryagricultureisanoppositionalelementto

theseprocesses.Itpitselementsofthecountryside,agrarianismandtraditional

(orlow)technologyagainstasocietalmodernisationactivistsbelievehas

veeredoutofcontrol.

Yetwhilefoodsafety,riskandnotionsofanalternativemodernityallinforman

understandingofexemplaryagriculture,therearesubtledifferencesbetween

theinterpretationofthesefactorsincapitalistcountriesandpostsocialist

nationssuchasChinathathavecontinuinglegaciesofstatesocialism.Kleinand

hiscolleaguesarguethat“ethicaldebatesandmovementssurroundingfoodin

25

thepostsocialistandmarketsocialiststatesoftenreflecttheexperiences,

legacies,andmemoriesofstatesocialism”(Kleinetal2014:10).Similarly,

Caldwellexplainsthechallengeingrapplingwiththe“legaciesofstatesocialism

andtheconsequencesofglobalcapitalism”forscholarsandresearchers

interestedinfoodandeatinginthepostsocialistworld(Caldwell2009a:3).My

examinationofexemplaryagricultureinChinarevealstwomajorlegaciesof

statesocialismthatinfluencehowmovementactivistspursuesocialchange:

exemplarymoralityandthedemarcationofurban/ruralspace.

ExemplaryMorality

EmileDurkheimbelievedmoralityisoneofthecornerstonesofsocialstability.

Itiskeytointegratingindividualsandholdingsocietytogether.Hesays:

[M]oralityrepresent[s]thetotalityofbondsthatbindustooneanotherandtosociety,whichmakesaunitary,shapingthemassofindividualsintoacoherentaggregate.Wemaysaythatwhatismoraliseverythingthatisasourceofsolidarity,everythingthatforcesmantotakeaccountofotherpeople,toregulatehisactionsbysomethingotherthanthepromptingsofhisownegoism…(Durkheim2014:310–311).

Durkheimusedtheterm“organicsolidarity”todescribemodernsocietiesthat

arebasedonadivisionoflabour(wherepeoplehavehighlyvariedand

specialisedroles).Organicsolidarityisachievedwhenindividualscometo

dependoneachothertoformasocialunity.Durkheimcontrastedorganic

solidaritywith“mechanicalsolidarity”,thetermheusedtodescribetraditional

societies.Intraditionalsocieties,memberssharecommonrolesandduties

ratherthanspecialisedroles.Assuch,mechanicalsolidarityisachievedvia

26

sharedvaluesandbeliefsratherthanviainterdependence.Inbothcases,

however,moralityisthebindingforce.Acentralauthoritysuchasreligionoften

liesattheheartofmorality,“command[ing]toitsadherentsitsmoralprecepts”

(Carls2015).

Durkheimbelievedthebiggestchallengefacingmodernsocieties,andhencethe

biggestobstacletoachievingorganicsolidarity,istheintegrationoflarge

numbersofindividualsoccupyingvariousanddifferentiatedrolesinthe

divisionoflabour.Importantly,Durkheimbelievedallotherdifferences

betweenindividuals,includingclass,areproblemsoftransitionfrom

mechanicaltoorganicsolidarityratherthanproblemsofintegration.

Accordingly,whileclassisdeterministicinatraditionalsociety–anindividual

“proceedsmechanicallytowarditsgoal.Itsconstitutionandplaceinthe

organismdetermineitsvocation”–thisisnotthecaseinmodernsocieties:“The

samedoesnotholdgoodfor[modern]societies.Herethechancefactoris

greater.Thereisalargergapbetweenthehereditarytendenciesofthe

individualandthesocialfunctionhewillfulfill”(Durkheim2014:293).Inshort,

Durkheimdidnotbelievethatmoralityplaysasignificantroleinclassrelations

inmodernsocieties.Asthisthesiswillshow,thisisnottrueinChinatoday.

Durkheimdidacknowledge,however,thatmoralityisnotalwayseffectivein

integratingindividualsintomodernsocieties.Thisisbecausesocialtensions

increasewhenthepaceofsocialchangeoutstripstheabilityofsocietytoform

newmoralcodesofbehaviour.Suchasituationisuniquetomodernity.During

27

suchtimes,governmentplanningandregulationthroughlawbecome

necessary.

Chinahasalonghistoryofbothlawandmorality.Fiatbylawbeganwhen

Legalism(FaJia法家)emergedintheChineseimperialbureaucraticstateinthe

thirdandsecondcenturyB.C.E.LegalismisopposedtoConfucianism(RuJia儒

家),whichadvocatesleadershipthroughaparticularkindofmoralitycalled

exemplarymorality,orexemplarity.Exemplarityisleadershipthroughthe

powerofexample;itachievessocialorderthroughtheemulationofrole

models.ForConfucianists,effectivemoralityinaDurkheimiansenseemerges

withtheidealChineseleader,anobleman(junzi君⼦)whopersuadesothersto

followthroughthepoweroftheirownmoralityandvirtueratherthanthrough

thethreatand/oruseoflegalforce.TheChineseCommunistParty(CCP)have

usedexemplarityextensivelyenvisioning,creatingandbuildingthePeople’s

RepublicofChina.

Suchanintimaterelationshipbetweenexemplarityandprocessesofnation-

buildingisnotuniquetoChina.DuringtheimmigrationwavestoPalestinein

thelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcentury,animageofaparticularkindof

“pioneer(halutz)”becamepopular.AsLuisRonigerandMichaelFeigeexplain,

“Thebasiccoreimageofthehalutzwasthatofanindividualwhounselfishly

(andoftenthroughhardship)contributedtothecollectivewell-beingwithouta

clearnotionofcompensation”.Inthiscase,thehalutzwasa“modelforaction”

(Roniger&Feige1992:284,286).Mosthalutzwerephysicallabourers;itwas

28

believedthatthroughtheirlabourtheywereundertakingthe“‘supremeact’of

personal,nationalanduniversalredemption”(Gilbert2008:23).

Moreover,arecenteditionoftheJournaloftheRoyalAnthropologicalInstitute

bearsthetitleThePowerofExample(Bandak&Højer2015)andillustratesthe

pervasivenessofexemplarityacrossnumeroustopics:religiousleadersinSyria,

spousesofthepersecutedinPalestineandeventhesettingofstandardsin

scientificmeasurementinBrazilallfeatureintheeditionasnoteworthy

illustrations.Andfinally,dailylifeforcitizensinmanyurbansocieties,including

thoseinChina,isawashwithcelebritiesandbusinesspeopleexplaininghow

theybecamesuccessful,healthandwellnessspecialistsadvocatingmethodsof

weightlosstospiritualhappiness,andself-helppublicationsforevery

conceivableneed.Thesearejustafewofthecaseswhereordinarycitizensare

encouragedtoachievecertainoutcomesbyemulatingothers.

Scholars,however,generallydiscussexemplarityinChinaasacharacteristic

andproductofChinesesocialism.Amajorreasonforthisisthecentralityof

exemplaritywithinCCPhistoryandculture.PatriciaStranahan,forexample,

outlinestheinitialcircumstancesthatcompelledtheCCPtoadoptexemplarity

aspolicywhilestationedinremoteYan’aninthe1940s.TheCCPrealisedthey

neededtomobiliselargenumbersofpeopleiftheyweretosurvive:

[B]ecausethe[CCP]coulddolittleifpeopleresistedpolicy,excepttrytopersuadethem,itwasthoughtthatheroes,asneighborsorwell-knowncitizens,wouldbeinfluentialinconvincingpeopletoadoptsomethingnew.Outstandingworkerswerethustobelocalactiviststhroughwhomcadrescouldimplementpolicy(Stranahan1983:232).

29

MarySheridanalsodiscussesCCPexemplars,thistimedrawnfromthePeople’s

LiberationArmyinthe1960s.BythistimeexemplaritywascentraltoCCP

culture:“Tomodeloneselfafterheroesandlearnfromgreatpeoplehasalways

beenthemainstayofthePartyandChairmanMao’steachings”(Sheridan1968:

47).

ItisBørgeBakken,however,whoprovidesthemostcomprehensiveanalysis

anddiscussionofCCPexemplarityinChina.Hearguesthatundertheleadership

oftheCCP,Chinesesocietyinentiretyisanexemplarysociety,whichhedefines

asfollows:

Theexemplarysociety…canbedescribedasasocietywhere‘humanquality’basedontheexemplarynormanditsexemplarybehaviourisregardedasaforceforrealizingamodernsocietyofperfectorder.Itisasocietywithrootsandmemoriestothepast,aswellasonecreatedinthepresenttorealizeafutureutopiaofharmoniousmodernity.ExemplarityisinChinaseenasbasedonanobjective‘moralscience’,operatingasabindingaswellastransforming‘moralforce’insociety.Wemightspeakofthe‘production’ofindividualsinlinewith‘objectivestandards’ofexemplarity(Bakken2000:1).

BakkennoticesanintensificationofCCPexemplarityduringthemodernisation

debatesofthe1980s.ThecentralconundrumChineseleadersfacedatthetime

wasthequestionofhowtoproducecitizenssuitableandworthyoftheCCP’s

modernisationvisions.Exemplaritywastheanswer,andmodels,normsand

standardswereheavilyadoptedandpromotedinordertosteerandforgethese

idealcitizens.BakkenexploreskeycomponentsofCCPexemplarygoverning

andthepervasiveuseofrolemodelsacrossChinesesociety.Henoteshowthey

influencetheroleofscienceandtechnologyineconomicdevelopment,

30

educationmethods,disciplinaryandevaluationtechniques,anddevianceand

punishment.

TheChinesewordmofan(模范)isnowubiquitousthroughoutthenation.The

officialEnglishtranslationis“anexemplarypersonorthing;model;fine

example”.Indeed,thevisitortoChinatodaycanobservemodelworkers(mofan

gongzuozhe模范⼯作者),modelmembersoftheCCP(mofangongchangdangyuan

模范共产党员),modelteachers(mofanjiaoshi模范教师),modelstudents(mofan

xuesheng模范学⽣),modelchefs(mofanchushi模范厨师)andnumerousother

mofans.ThesearetitlesbestowedonindividualsbytheCCP.YangLiwei,the

firstpersonsentintospacebytheChinesespaceprogramin2003,isanofficial

mofan,asisbasketballstarYaoMing.

YetsoisGaoYuan,anordinaryemployeeattheBeijingPublicSecurityBureau’s

CybersecurityDefenseDivision.Shewasawardedhermofantitlebecauseshe

“tweetedover1,500times;spreadknowledgeaboutstayingvigilantover700

times;hasanswerednetizens’questionscloseto2,000times;andhasprovided

technologicalsupportover400times”(Segal2012).Anyoneinanyfieldcan

becomeamofan,andeachyearinAprilbeforetheLabourDayholidayinMay

thestategovernmentannouncestheyear’snewlyrecognisedmodelworkers.In

2015,therewere2,968newmodels(StateCouncil2015).

WhileMartinWhyteiscorrecttopointoutthatBakken’sprimaryemphasisis

onexplainingthe“controleffortitself,ratherthanonpopularbehaviour”

(Whyte2001),Bakkendoesdiscusssomeaspectsofpopularbehaviour.This

31

allowshimtoarguethatCCPexemplarityiserodingineffectiveness.For

example,inhisfinalchaptercalled“WaysofLying:concludingremarksonthe

erosionofsocialcontrol”,BakkendiscusseshowordinaryChinesecitizenstend

tofeigngenuineengagementwithoutwardduplicity.

Elsewhere,Bakkenalsodiscussesthedevaluationofexemplarityamongst

Chineseyouth:“Todaytherearefewyoungpeoplewhowouldactuallyliketobe

selectedasmodelsofanykind,unlessforinstrumentalreasonsofbenefitor

profit”(Bakken2000:191).Publicesteemformofanshascertainlywaned.And

asYunxiangYanpointsout,nowadaysgoodSamaritansaremockedandeven

blamedwhentheytrytohelp(Yan,Y.2009a).2

Butthisthesiswillshowthatexemplarityremainsavisiblefeatureofthe

Chinesemorallandscapeandcontinuestoinfluenceprocessesofsocial

governance.Moreover,contrarytoDurkheim’sviewthatmoralityisunrelated

toquestionsofclass,thisthesiswillshowthatexemplarymoralityinChina

attemptstoplayaprominentroleintegratingtheurbanandruralclasses.

Importantly,thisstudyofexemplaryagricultureprovidesnewevidence

concerningtheimpactandconsequencesofdecadesofCCPexemplarityon

popularbehaviour.Ratherthangenuineimitation,feignedcomplianceoreven

rejection,thisthesisshowsthatCCPexemplarityhassocialisedandcultured

ordinaryChinesecitizenstotheextentwheretheynowintentionallyadoptand

2Suchanerosionisalsoseenincasesofexemplarityelsewhere.InIsrael,forexample,theimageofthepioneer(halutz)asarolemodelforactionwasreplacedwiththatofthefreier,aloserwhoisroutinelyswindledbyothersandwho“mistakenlyandevengrotesquelycontributestocollectiveeffortsandthepublicgood”(Roniger&Feige1992:293).Whilerespect,admirationandemulationwerereservedforpioneers,freiersareviewedasabnormalindividuals,remnantsofthepastwholackcontemporaryrelevance.

32

deployexemplaritythemselvesasamoralstrategytoinfluencethebehaviourof

others;theyself-appointthemselvesasrolemodels.Inshort,CCPexemplarity

significantlyaffectshowChinesecitizensthinkandact.

TheDemarcationofUrban/RuralSpace

Spaceisacentralconceptinanthropology.ThomasEriksenandFinnNielsen,

forexample,notetheprevalenceofanthropologicalresearchconcernedwith

theintimaterelationshipbetweenspace,upbringingandbehaviour(Eriksen&

Nielsen2001).ForHenriLefebvre(1991),spaceisinherentlypoliticalandis

producedthroughtheinteractionofthreeprocesses;spatialpractices,

representationsofspaceandspacesofrepresentation.Spatialpracticesarehow

peopleuseorperceivespace;representationsofspaceareconceivedspaces;

andspacesofrepresentationarelived-inspacesthataremodifiedovertime

andinfusedwithmeaningandsymbolism(Stewart,L.1995).Lefebvreobserves

thatthenatureofspaceischanging.Previously,spacehadtobelivedintobe

conceptualised.Now,however,spacecanbeconceptualisedwithoutdirect,or

withlimited,experience.Moreover,becauserepresentationsofspaceareoften

institutionallycontrolled,theproductionofspaceisalocusofstruggleanda

keysiteofpowerrelations.

Kleinandhiscolleaguesalsopointoutthatwhenitcomestoalternativefood

movementsinthepostsocialistworld,spatialdistinctionsbetweentheurban

andtheruralareofspecialconcern(Kleinetal2014).Thisholdstruefor

exemplaryagricultureaswell.AndwhileCaldwellarguesthatspatial

33

distinctionsinthepostsocialistworldareoftenconcernedwiththe

“preservationofpeasantcultureinthefaceofmodernizationforces”(Caldwell

2009a:13),togetherwithKleinshesuggeststhatthe“peasant”itselfcan

becomeaclasscategorythatisbothbourgeoisandupper-class(Kleinetal

2014).

Classrelationsbetweenurbanandruralresidentsisalsoacentralfeatureof

exemplaryagriculture,andthisthesiscapturessomeofthecontemporary

sentimentsconcerningthenatureandstateofthisrelationship.Importantly,

understandingexactlyhowruralityand‘peasantness’isincorporatedintothe

movementiscentraltounderstandingboththemovement’smotivationsand

ultimateintentions.

ForthousandsofyearsChinawasapredominantlyruralandagrarian

civilisation.Inthemiddleofthenineteenthcentury,however,anurban/rural

dichotomybegantoemergeasurbanareasproliferatedandwereviewedas

superiorplacestolive(Lu,H.2010).Later,anumberofurban-ledintellectual

andnationalistmovementsintheearlytwentiethcentury,suchastheMay

FourthMovementin1919,solidifiedthecityasthedriverofprogressonthe

eveofChinesemodernity.YetwhentheCCPandMaoZedongattained

leadershipin1949andestablishedthePeople’sRepublicofChina,theydidso

withavastpeasantmembershipandcelebratedruralvirtues.Theyfurther

cementedtheurban/ruraldichotomybyintroducingthehouseholdregistration

system(hukou户⼝),anationwidepopulationmanagementprogram,inthe

1950s.Ironically,anddespitetheCCP’sruralroots,itprivilegedtheurban.

34

Today,discoursesofurban/ruraldifferencepresentthemasopposedspaces

andidentitieswithclearlydemarcatedboundaries.Urbanresidentsare

generallyconsideredsuperiortotheirruralcounterparts.Agroupof

contemporaryChinascholars,forexample,describecommonperceptionsas

follows:

[T]heruralisdirty,ignorant,lackingintasteandmanners,disorderlyandthreatening.Theurban…isclean,polished,richintasteandmanners,orderlyandsafe(Griffithsetal2010:339).

Differencesarenotmerelydiscursive;realinequalityexists.Educationand

employmentoptions,forexample,areconsiderablygreaterinthecitywhere

incomesareatleastthreetimeshigherthaninruralareas(Jackaetal2013a).

Accesstoqualityhealthcareismuchharderforruralresidentsandtheirlife

expectancy,accordingtoonestudy,isatleastfiveyearsshorterthanurbanites

(Li&Dorsten2010).MartinWhytesumsuptheconsequencesofChina’s

urban/ruraldichotomyinthetitleofarecentbook:OneCountry,TwoSocieties:

rural-urbaninequalityincontemporaryChina(Whyte2010a).

Thisthesiscontributestotheongoingdiscussionofurban/ruralrelationsand

differenceinChina.Itisconcernedwithurbanandruralspaceandboundaries

inamicrosense.Ananalysisofexemplaryagriculturalists’demographics,for

example,posesthefollowingquestions:howshouldweviewsomeonewhowas

borninthecountryside,educatedandemployedinthecityformanyyears,and

nowreturningtothecountryside?Inaneraofincreasingmovementand

mobilityacrossChina,doestheurban/ruraldichotomyasdescribedapplyto

35

them?Whentheyfirstcametothecity,werethey‘rural’?Ifso,whendidthey

become‘urban’?Nowbackinthecountryside,aretheystill‘urban’orarethey

‘rural’again?Oraretheysomethingelse?Dotheybehavesimilarlyinthecity

andthecountryside?

Anexplorationoftheupbringingandspatialpracticesofexemplary

agriculturalistsinboththecityandthecountrysideisrevealing.Exemplary

agriculturalistsdonotalwaysobservethespatialboundariesthatotherChinese

viewwithprideorcontempt.Forthem,theurbanandruralarenotmerely

identitiesattachedtophysicalspacesandattitudesattachedtodiscoursesof

difference;theyarealsobehavioursthatareintentionallydrawnuponand

reiteratedinparticularspatialcircumstances.Thus,exemplaryagriculturalists

mightact‘rural’atafarmers’marketinthecityandsubsequentlyact‘urban’on

theirfarmsinthecountryside(orviceversa).Theyareliminalsubjects,bothin

theirmovementbetweenurbanandruralspaceaswellasintheirpracticeof

‘urban’and‘rural’behaviours.

Thisresearchisalsoconcernedwithurbanandruralspaceandboundariesina

macrosense,particularlywithregardtoquestionsofrepresentation.AsAnn

Anagnostargues,anthropologistsinChinafacearealriskofventriloquisingthe

subaltern(Anagnost1994).3Ithusexploreaquestionthatisgermaneto

alternativefoodmovements(thatalsoclaimtobridgeurbanandruralspace)

theworldover:whoisrepresentingwhom?Exemplaryagriculturalistsarenot

3Inthe1980sandearly1990s,foreignanthropologistsnormallyrequiredofficialapprovaltoconductresearchinChina.Manyfieldsiteswereoutofboundsandresearcherswerepersuadedorcompelledtoselectbothfieldsitesandinterlocutorsfromofficially-approvedlists.

36

neutralparticipants.Havingspentatleasthalfoftheirlife,sometimesmore,in

thecity,theyarenowurbanmiddle-classresidentsinapositionofprivilegeand

power.Yetitisthem,ratherthanruralresidents,whoarerepresentingrural

Chineseculturetootherurbanites.

Thisthesisthusunravelsexactlyhowexemplaryagriculturalistsrepresent

ruralityandwhattheyrepresent.Noneofthisistosuggestthatexemplary

agriculturecannothaveasignificant,lastingandevenpositiveimpact.

Nonetheless,theprivilegedpositionofmovementactivistsmustbeconsidered

andaninvestigationintoprocessesofrepresentationmayrevealstrugglesor

powerrelationsthatthemovement’smissionaryzealanddesireto‘dogood’

conceals.

Whatdoesexemplaryagricultureultimatelyachieve?Iarguethatthe

movementproducesathirdandalternative“insulatedspace”(Goodman,D.E.et

al2012).Inherdiscussionofcoffeehousesandotherinsulatedfoodspacesin

post-SovietRussia,Caldwellnoticestheemergenceofdifferentmoralideologies

attachedtothesespaces.Shesays:

Inparticular,Russia’snewconsumerculture,asitismanifestedinaboomingrestaurant,café,andgrocerystoreculture,hasproducednewformsofpublicspacethat,inturn,presentopportunitiesforRussianconsumerstogeneratenewbehavioursandnewmoralideologiesaboutthesebehaviours(Caldwell2009b).

LikecoffeehousesincontemporaryRussia,theinsulatedspaceofexemplary

agricultureisalsoamoralspace.Itisabridgingspaceofsortsbetweenthe

urbanandrural.Whileitcontainselementsofboth,strictlyspeakingitis

37

neither.Assuch,itcelebratesandrebuffstheurbanandtheruralatthesame

time,butnotinequalmeasure.Whilethemovementisfullofironyand

contradictionsthatthisthesiswillilluminate,itprivilegestheurban.

ResearchandFieldworkMethodology

Likemostanthropologicalprojects,thisthesisistheresultofaspecificinterest

ofminetogetherwithluckinthefield.WhenIofficiallybeganmydoctoral

programasanexternalstudentatTheAustralianNationalUniversity(ANU)in

May2012,IwasbasedinChinawhereIhadalreadylivedforovertenyears

acrossBeijing,Guangzhou,HongKong,Nanjing,Taiwanand,since2009,

Shanghai.Formostofthistime,Iworkedinthemarketingresearchindustry,

assistingChineseandinternationalcorporateclientsdevelopandexecute

marketingstrategies.Theyallwantedtogrowtheirbusinessasfastaspossible

inwhatwasalreadybeingtoutedasthemostexcitingconsumermarketinthe

world.

In2008,theChinesedairyscandalrockedthenation.InJulyofthatyear,infant

milkpowderadulteratedwithmelaminewasdiscoveredinanumberof

products.Sixinfantsdiedandupto300,000wereinjured.Melamineisaresin

commonlyusedtomanufactureplastics.Itisillegallyaddedtofoodproductsto

increasetheirapparentproteincontent.Atotalof21companieswere

eventuallyimplicated.Inmyprofessionalrole,Iworkedwithanumberofdairy

clientsastheyrespondedtothecrisis.PartofeverycrisismanagementbriefI

receivedinvolvedextensiveprimaryresearchamongstChineseconsumers,

38

duringwhichtimeIobservedgenuineandintensedismay,concernandworry

amongsturbanShanghairesidents.Akeycomponentoftheirfoodsupply–and

manycorporationstheyhadgrowntotrust–hadturnedrotten.

Thisexperiencecompelledmetothinkcriticallyaboutthemodelof

consumerismthatwasdevelopinginChina.TheChinesedairyscandalisan

exampleofwhathappenswhencapitalismandconsumerismrunrifeinthe

absenceofanycounteringforcesorsufficientsafeguards,whatevertheymay

be.

By2012,foodsafetywasstillincrediblytopicalandIbegantopursuethis

subjectmatterformydoctoralresearch.4ItofferedawindowintoChinese

societythroughwhichdeeperformsofsocialsufferingcouldbeanalysed.I

initiallywantedtocollectopinionsfromawiderangeofstakeholders–

academics,consumers,corporateleaders,farmers,governmentcadresand

policymakers,NGOs,retailersandtraders–withaviewtocataloguingthe

diverseattitudesandopinionstothequestion“WhatissafefoodinChina?”It

wastobeacriticalexplorationofthespaceandboundariesofthefoodsafety

discourse.

4WhenIfirstbeganpreparingmythesisproposal,IcreatedadatabaseofallthefoodsafetyincidentsinChinaIfoundreportedinthemedia.Istoppedaftercataloguing87individualincidents(manythatwerereportedinatleasttenarticles)becauseitbecametoodifficulttomaintainandmanage.Thisprocess,however,ledmetoWuHeng,ayoungShanghainesepostgraduatestudentwhocreatedasuccessfulonlinefoodsafetydatabasethatbecameincrediblyfamousthroughoutChina.HiswebsiteiscalledZhiChuChuangWai(掷出窗外),whichmeans“Throwitoutthewindow’.Innaminghisproject,WuHengwasinspiredbyananecdoteofformerUSpresidentTheodoreRoosevelt.WhileeatingabreakfastsausageandreadingUptonSinclair’snovelTheJungleonemorning,RooseveltwassoappalledbySinclair’sdescriptionsofthemeat-packingindustryinearlytwentiethcenturyAmericathathethrewhissausageoutoftheWhiteHousewindow(Cody2014).Orsothestorygoes.

39

WhenIconductedmyThesisProposalReviewseminar5atANUinMarch2013,

IhadinfactalreadymetanumberoforganicfarmersinShanghai,thoughI

believedtheywouldonlyconstitutepartofmyoverallresearch.Itwasonly

laterwhenIlookedmorecloselyatsomeofmyethnographicdatathatI

realisedthetopicoforganicfarmingwasagoodtopiconitsown.

Ibeganvisitingtwopopularfarmers’marketsinShanghaicity–firstNongHao

andlaterShengJiaChong–andmeetingasmanyfarmersaspossible.Notall

wereorganicfarmersandnotallweremotivatedbythepromiseofsocial

change.Byusingtheclassicethnographictoolof“deephangingout”(Geertz

1998),Ibefriendedasmallergroupoforganicfarmerswhoareallurban

residentsnewtoagriculture.Manypeopledismissthemas“urbanitesdilly-

dallying(wanryiwanr玩⼉⼀玩⼉)infarming”butIsensedtherewasmoreto

themthanthis.IvisitedasmanyoftheirfarmsasIcouldtoobservethefarm’s

operations,talkwiththefarmownerandtheirfamily,aswellasworkersand,if

lucky,localneighbours.Unbeknownsttomeatthetime,itwasduringthese

initialvisitsthatIwasactuallymappingoutthefieldofexemplaryagriculture,

literallyandfiguratively.

Progresswasinitiallyslow.Icouldonlyvisitonefarmatatimeandevenwhen

exemplaryagriculturalistswerealltogetheratfarmers’marketstheywerenot

immediatelyopentomyinquiries.Oneofthegreatestchallengesthroughout

mymulti-sitedethnographicprojectwasmaintainingcordialrelationswith135Ph.D.candidatesinanthropologyatANUarerequiredtodeliverthreeseminarsthroughoutthedurationoftheircandidature;aThesisProposalReviewSeminar(beforefieldwork),aPost-FieldworkSeminar(havingreturnedfromthefield),andaPre-SubmissionSeminar(priortotheirofficialsubmission).

40

exemplaryagriculturalists(andtheirspousesorbusinesspartners)and

researchingagrassrootsmovementthatisspatiallyquitediffuse.ManytimesI

feltlikeIwasjugglingcommitments.ThisjugglingbecamemoreintenseasI

becamearegularfixtureatfarmers’marketsandexemplaryagriculturalists

becamemorewillingtotalkwithme.Furthermore,aswordspreadthatIwas

helpfulonfarms(Iworkedhardasavolunteer),Ibecameindemand.People

alsowantedtohearwhatIthoughtoftheirmovementandoftenaskedme

questionsaboutorganicfarminginAustralia.

Anotherchallengequicklypresenteditselfwhenexemplaryagriculturalists

begantoaskmequestionsaboutthefarmingpracticesandpersonaldetailsof

othermovementactivists.IwascarefultoonlyshareinformationthatI

estimatedwaspublicknowledge.Suchbehaviourhintedthatthereissomelevel

ofinternalpolitics–systemsofsocialnetworkingandtheusageofpower–

withinexemplaryagriculture,andIdiscussanumberofsuchincidentsinthis

thesis.

Allthesechallengesledmetoconsidersomeofthepracticalitiesof

ethnographicfieldwork.Ithusspentagreaterproportionofmytimewiththree

exemplaryagriculturalistsinparticular.Andwhileasignificantproportionof

ethnographicmaterialinthisthesisisconcernedwiththesethreeexemplary

agriculturalists,Istillreferenceall13inandaroundShanghaiaswellasother

organicfarmersImetinShanghaiandothercities.

41

Map1.1LocationofexemplaryfarmsandmainfieldsitesinShanghaiandZhejiangprovince.

Note:UrbanareasbasedonsatelliteimageryfromGoogleEarth.Themapaboveshowsthelocationof12outof13exemplaryfarmsthatareat

thecentreofexemplaryagricultureinShanghai.6Italsohighlightsthethree

exemplaryfarmsIspentaconsiderableamountoftimeatwhilstinthe

countrysideandtwoimportantfarmers’marketsinthecity.

6OnlyoneexemplaryfarmisnotlocatedineitherShanghaimunicipalityorZhejiangprovince,thisbeingFuYou’sOrganicFarm,whichisincentralHunanprovince.Inaddition,whilethereareothervendorspresentatShanghai’sfarmers’markets,Iexcludethosethatprimarilyproduceartisanproducts(e.g.soap)andthosewhoareeconomically,ratherthanmorally,motivatedtotakeuporganicfarming.

42

IvisitedallexemplaryfarmsmorethanoncebetweenDecember2012andJune

2014whenmyfieldworkended.IalsolivedandworkedasavolunteeratZiran

Farmforfourweeks,ChuantongFarmforeightweeksandShengtaiFarmfor

fourweeks.Theseexperiencesasaparticipantandobserverallowedmetogain

adeepunderstandingofhowthefarmsoperate,buildclosepersonal

relationshipswithexemplaryagriculturalists,learnabouttheirmotivations,

andobservethevolunteermovementthatsurroundsexemplaryagriculture.I

wasalsoabletoobservetherelationshipsexemplaryagriculturalistshavewith

theirruralcommunities.

Ididnotspendmyentiretimeinthecountryside;Ialsodidaconsiderable

amountoffieldworkinShanghaicity.Ibelievethattheexperienceofa

prolongedperiodoftimespentshufflingbetweenthecityandcountrysideis

similartohowexemplaryagriculturalistslivetheirlives.InanaveragemonthI

spentapproximatelyhalfmytimeinthecountrysideandhalfmytimeinthe

city.AsImovedbackandforth,thefasttrafficandthrongsofpeoplebewildered

meeachtimeIreturnedtothecity.YetIequallymissedtheanonymityofthe

metropolisduringmyfirstfewdaysbackonthefarm,whereitisdifficulttofind

anyprivacy.Myowneffortstocontinuouslyadjustalsoledmetoembody

urbannessandruralnessatunpredictablemoments,muchlikeexemplary

agriculturalists,asIshuffledbackandforthfor18months.

Inthecity,Iattendedapproximately20farmers’marketsthatareregularly

attendedbyexemplaryagriculturalists,eachtimetakingrecordsofeachvendor

present.SometimesIwasanobserverandcustomeratthesemarkets,thoughas

43

timewentonIalsobecomeinvolvedinorganisingcertainaspectsofthe

marketsaswellasworkingasavendormyselfandinteractingwithcustomers.

Farmers’markets,especiallyShanghaicity’stwoprimaryorganicfarmers’

marketsNongHaoandShengJiaChong,areanimportantspaceforexemplary

agriculturaliststomeetupwitheachother.Theyarealsoanopportunityfor

exemplaryagriculturaliststointeractwithcustomers.Ilearntagreatdeal

observingtheseinteractions.

Ialsoconductedinterviewsinthecitywithorganisersoffarmers’marketsand

withcurrentandlapsedcustomersofexemplaryagriculturalists.Ilater

interviewedandsurveyedexemplaryagriculturaliststhemselvestorecordtheir

lifehistories,fillanyknowledgegapsandgatherinformationabouttheirfarms.

Intheearlystagesofmyproject,IalsoaccompaniedanumberofShanghainese

consumersontheirshoppingtrips–mainlywomenofvariousageswhoarethe

primaryhouseholdshopperathome–toobserve,askandunderstandhowthey

navigatethefoodsafetydiscourseanddecidewhatfoodtopurchase.In

addition,IattendedtheweeklymeetingsofanNGOinthecitythatisinvolvedin

ruralreconstructionandanumberoforganicfarmingprojectsinHengsha

Island,whichliesbetweenChongmingIslandandtheShanghaimainland.

Furthermore,Iattendedvariousseminarsinthecitywheneveratopicseemed

relevanttomyresearch,suchasfoodsafety,organicfarmingandsustainability.

Thesedisparateexperiencesinthecityencouragedmetoconsiderhow

exemplaryagriculturerelatestoothermovementsandinitiativesconcerned

44

withruralChinaand/oragriculture.WhileIbelieveexemplaryagricultureisa

uniqueanddiscernablegrassrootsmovementinitsownright,itnonetheless

connectswithandisrelatedtootherinitiativesinvariousways.Thefinalmajor

componentofmyfieldworkwasthereforetheattendanceofthreeorganic

farmingeventsasastudentorparticipant.Thisallowedmetocontextualise

exemplaryagriculturewithinamuchlargerruralreconstructionmovement

currentlyunderwayinChinathatisledbyChineseintellectuals.

Letusexploreabitofthenuancesurroundingtheterms“countryside”and

“rural”inthecontextofmyresearch.Mr.Zhao,anurbanresidentand

participantImetatanorganicfarmingevent,says:

[Exemplaryfarms]arenotintherealruralChina(bushizhenzhengdenongcun不是真正的农村),theyarejustnotinthecity.TobeintherealruralChinatheywouldneedtobefarawayfromthecity.Butthatwouldbehardfor[exemplaryagriculturalists].Itisbackward(luohou落后)thereandpeasantsputupmanybarriers.

Mr.Zhaoiscorrectinthatallexemplaryfarms,withoneexception,arelocated

inthemunicipaloutskirtsofShanghaicityorinareassurroundingHangzhou

cityinZhejiangprovince;theyarenevermorethantwohours’drivefrom

downtown.Asmap1.1aboveillustrates,sixexemplaryfarmsarelocatedin

ChongmingIsland,partofthegreaterShanghaimunicipality.Whilenumerous

agriculturalandsustainabilityprojectsareunderwayinChongmingIsland,the

towncentrehasaretailandshoppingcharactersimilartopartsofdowntown

Shanghai.AnotherfourexemplaryfarmsareontheoutskirtsofShanghai

municipalityinthedistrictsofFengxian,MinhangandQingpu.Theseare

suburbandistrictsofShanghaiyetcontainasignificantamountofagricultural

45

landandaremoresparselypopulatedthanthecity.Afurthertwoexemplary

farmsareinZhejiangprovinceclosetoHangzhoucity.Onlyoneexemplaryfarm,

inHunanprovince(notshowninmap1.1),islocatedinaremoteruralarea.

Acceptingthepopulardiscoursethatthe‘realruralChina’isinhabitedbypoor

peasantsengagedinsubsistencefarming,thenitismoreaccuratetosaythat

exemplaryfarmsarelocatedintheChinesecountrysidebutnotinruralChina.

WhilethisisanEnglishdistinction,China’sclassificationsystemisalsohelpful.

Itdistinguishesbetweencities(chengshi城市),towns(chengzhen城镇)andrural

villages(xiangzhen乡镇);chengshiisclearlyacityandurban,whilexiangzhenis

clearlyavillageandrural.Chengzhenismoreambiguous.AsHanchaoLupoints

out,chengzhenwerehistoricallyacommonfeatureoftheChineselandscape,yet

wereneitherurbanintermsofmetricssuchaspopulationsize,densityor

occupation,norrural(Lu,H.2010).Theywereinsteadthespacethatlay

betweenChina’scitiesanditsruralhinterland.Today,chengzhenstillexist,

fulfillingasimilarspatialrole.Exemplaryfarmsarefoundintheseintermediary

areas.

Thelocationofexemplaryfarms–andhenceexemplaryagriculturalists’

experienceof‘rural’China–isanotherfeatureofexemplaryagriculturethatI

wishtohighlightinthisintroduction.AsLefebvreargues,spaceisinherently

politicalbecauseitcanbeconceptualisedwithoutdirect,orwithlimited,

experience(Lefebvre1991).Nonetheless,Idonotdrawfurtherdistinctions

betweentheterms“countryside”and“rural”andusebothinterchangeably

throughoutthisthesis.Thereasonforthisissimple:exemplaryagriculturalists

46

donotdrawadistinction.Theurban/ruraldichotomyanddiscoursesof

differencecarveChinaupintotwodistinctspaces;thecityandtherest.For

exemplaryagriculturalistsandtheirexemplaryproject,ruralChinabeginsright

outsidethecity.

OutlineofChapters

Mygoalinthisthesisistounmaskthepoliticalframing,workethicandmoral

dealsthatareintimatelypartofexemplaryagriculture’sfunctioning.Itisa

defetishingexerciseofsorts.Significantly,myinterestinrevealingtheinner

functioningofexemplaryagricultureissurpassedbyactivists’owndesireto

articulateandexplicatethemoraleconomythatformsthebedrockoftheir

movement.Thereisthusadualdefetishingprocessunderway;myownworkas

ananthropologistandmovementparticipants’workasactivists.

Thisthesisisdividedintotwopartsandaconclusion,witheachpartcontaining

fourchapters.Akeytaskof“PartOne.ExemplarityandClassRelations”isto

showwhatmakesexemplaryagricultureunique.Iexplainwhatexemplary

agricultureis,establishitsboundariesanddescribeanddiscussitssignificant

influences:exemplarymoralityandurban/ruraldifference.Importantly,the

movementisdistinctfromotheralternativefoodmovementsandrural

initiatives,includingthewell-knownNewRuralReconstructionmovement.

ManypeopleImetassumetheformerispartofthelatter.Indeed,thetwo

movementscertainlyinteract,buttheyhavequitedistinctobjectives.

47

Chapterone,called“DiscoursesofUrban/RuralDifferenceandClassRelations”,

explorestheoriginsanddepictionsofurban/ruraldifferenceinChinaandclass

relationsbetweenurbanandruralresidents.Ifirstshowhowthehousehold

registrationsystemwasinstrumentalinprivilegingurbanoverruralresidents.I

thendiscussthreepopulardiscoursesofurban/ruraldifference–authenticity,

backwardnessandmorality–thatilluminatetheambiguouspositionrural

residentshavewithinChinesemodernity.Ontheonehand,theyaretheholders

ofaChinesecultureandasetofvaluesuncontaminatedbyproblemsof

modernity.Ontheotherhand,theyarebackward,laggardandneedsupport.

Becauseruralresidentsproducethefoodthaturbanresidentsrequire,these

ambiguousdiscoursesplaceseverestressonrelationsbetweenthem.Urbanites

aredismissiveofanddonottrustruralChinese,whileruralresidentsbelieve

theyaregreatlymisunderstood.

Inchaptertwo“Exemplarity:ThePowerofRoleModelsSinceConfucius”,I

discusstheconceptofexemplarity.Ioutlineaconceptualframeworkofthe

termanddiscussitssignificanceinChinaasamethodofmoralgovernanceand

ameansofgoverningclassrelationsdebatedsincethetimeofConfucius(551–

479B.C.E.)andusedrelentlesslybytheCCPsincethe1940s.DecadesofCCP

exemplarityhavesignificantlyinfluencedmoralityincontemporaryChina.As

aninstitutional,canonisingandtotalisingformofmorality,CCPexemplarity

permeatesintomanyaspectsofordinaryChinesecitizens’lives,socialisingand

culturingthem.

48

Inchapterthree“ExemplaryAgriculturalists:TheirMovement,Missionand

Morality”,Iintroduce,discussandcontextualiseexemplaryagricultureand

exemplaryagriculturalistsindetail.Ishowthatdespitethestronggrowthofthe

Chineseeconomyandtheabundanceofmaterialwealththroughouturban

China,exemplaryagriculturalistsarenonethelessunhappywiththedirection

Chinesemodernityistaking.Theyclearlyhavemoralratherthanmaterial

reasonsforpursuingorganicfarming.Iexploreacommonquestionapplicable

tourban-ledorganicfarmingmovementstheworldover:why,amongstthe

rangeofchoicesavailabletotheprivilegedurbanite,didtheydecidetopursue

organicfarmingratherthansomethingelsesuchasdirectprotestor

emigration?Howdidorganicfarmingbecomeentangledinamoralproject?Or,

asKleinandhiscolleaguesask,howdidfoodbecomeethical(Kleinetal2014)?

Theanswertothisquestionilluminatesakeycharacteristicofpoliticalactivism

incontemporaryChina:opportunism.Luckily,thestarsalignedforexemplary

agriculturalistswhentwothingsoccurred.First,foodsafetybecameapopular

andlegitimateavenueforprotestandfortheexpressionofdissatisfaction.

Activismaroundthisissuecarrieslimitedriskofcensorshiporpersecutionand

caneffectivelydisguiseotherissuesofconcernthatmaybeincriminating(such

ascorruption).Second,agro-tourismgainedcurrencyasapopularwellnessand

relaxationactivityamongstasufficientnumberofurbanites.Seeninthislight,

theappearanceofexemplaryagricultureiscontingentuponaparticularsetof

sociopoliticalcircumstancespresentinurbanChinatoday;itistherightkindof

activismattherighttime.

49

Chapterfour,called“Intellectuals:ANewConsciousnessoftheCountryside”,

introducesaspectsofChina’sNewRuralReconstructionmovement,a

movementledbyintellectualsfocusedonimprovingconditionsinruralChina

thathasoriginsinthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury.Thechapterfocuseson

threeorganicfarmingeventswhosegoalistoforgeanewandsympathetic

consciousnessofthecountrysideandofnatureamongstparticipants.Yetif

participantswantedtolearnhowtofarmattheseeventstheywereseverely

disappointed;discussionoffarmingwasalmostnonexistent.Thesethreeevents

haveclearparallelswithexemplaryagriculture.Activistsinbothmovements

viewtheirroleasmoralvanguardsratherthanastechnicaltrainers;they

believethetopicoftheirinstructiontobemoralityandethics,notagriculture.

ButtheNewRuralReconstructionmovementwantstoimproveliving

conditionsinruralChina,whereasexemplaryagricultureisintentonimproving

theexperienceofcityliving.

Idiscussandexplorethefunctioningofexemplaryagriculture–themovement

‘inaction’,sotospeak–in“PartTwo.ExemplaryAgricultureintheCountryside

andtheCity”.Inthesefourchapters,Ianalyseexemplaryagriculturalists’

integrationintotheirruralcommunitiesaswellastheirabilitytorecruitnew

memberstotheirmovementfromamongstagroupofvolunteersinterestedin

organicfarming.Ialsoexplorewhatitisthatexemplaryagriculturalists

produceontheirfarms,howtheyproduceit,andinvestigatetheirrelationships

withcustomersinthecity.Ihavedeliberatelydesignedparttwotomimicthe

journeyofexemplaryagriculturalists.Theyarriveinthecountrysideandtryto

integratewithlocals,theyhostvolunteerstoseedtheircause,andfinallythey

50

groworganicproduceandtrytoselltocustomersinthecity.Parttwomapsout

theirquest,culminatingintheirencounterswithurbancustomers.Bytaking

thisapproach,Iamabletoexplicateandcriticallydiscussthetensionsthatexist

between,ontheonehand,theexemplaryprojectand,ontheother,therealityof

lifeinthecountryside,expectationsofvolunteersanddiscoursesofurban

consumerism.

Inchapterfive“TheFarm:TrytobeRuralorImporttheUrban”,Idiscussthe

experiencesofOldZheng,LiuShanandShangMeiinthreedistinctrural

communitieswithvastlydifferentsocioculturalcontextsthroughthelensof

socialpoetics.Socialpoeticsistheuseofmetaphor,includingstereotypes,in

socialinteraction.Idescribeanddiscussexemplaryagriculturalists’poeticsof

ruralidentificationandshowhowtheyadoptordeformstereotypicalpeasant

practicesintheireffortstointegrateintotheircommunities.Sometimes,they

trytobelikepeasantsthemselves;atothertimes,theytrytomakerural

residentsmoreurban.Regardlessoftheapproach,significantdifferences

remainbetweenexemplaryagriculturalistsandtheirruralneighbours.This

ensuresthatdespitetheirbestintentions,exemplaryagriculturalistsarenever

truly‘rural’whentheyareinthecountryside.

Inchaptersix“TheVolunteer:DisciplesandDefiance”,Iinvestigatehow

contagiousexemplaryagricultureisandhowsuccessfulexemplary

agriculturalistsareinrecruitingnewmembers.Thevolunteermovementthat

surroundsexemplaryagricultureprovidesthematerialforthis.Whilemost

volunteersembracethefundamentalsentimentandvaluesofexemplary

51

agriculture,someopposetherecruitmentmethodsandworkexpectations

commonlydeployedonexemplaryfarms;methodsthatsometimesreflectthe

socialistpracticeofrenewalandrebirththroughphysicallabour.Moreover,the

factthatsomanyvolunteerspossess–andacton–theirownideasastohow

exemplaryagricultureshouldbeexecutedillustratesthefluidityofgrassroots

exemplarymovements.

Chapterseven,called“TheProduct:ExemplaryArtifactsandOrganic

Commodities”,beginstodefetishtheeconomicrelationshipssurrounding

exemplaryagriculturebymappingouttheculturalbiographiesofexemplary

agriculturalists’organicproduce,fromproductiontoacquisitionand

consumption.Iengagewithcommoditytheoryanddiscusstheselectionof

cropsgrownonexemplaryfarms,thevarietyoforganicfarmingtechniques

used,andvariousculturalforcesatplay.Iarguethatexemplaryagriculturalists

firstcreateartifacts–precedentsthataresymbolicoftheirexemplaryproject–

thatareinfusedwiththeirinterpretationofrurality,whichIcallpositive

rurality.Thereisaparticularpath,orculturalbiography,thatallowsforsome

artifactstobecomecommodities,travellingtothecityforsaletocustomers.Yet

evenascommodities,positiveruralitymustremaininside.Thisallows

exemplaryagriculturaliststocompelurbancustomerstoconfrontand

acknowledgetheirrelationshipwithruralChina.Aestheticpreferencesamongst

urbanitesconcerningtheirfood,however,forceexemplaryagriculturaliststobe

carefulwhenselectingcommodities,muchtotheirchagrin,whichinturnforces

themtoconfronttheirambivalentattitudetowardmarketingandadvertising.

52

Inchaptereight“TheCustomer:ChineseConsumersandtheStrugglefor

Reciprocity”,Iinvestigatetherelationshipsexemplaryagriculturalistshave

withtheirurbancustomers;current,potentialandlapsed.Icontextualisethe

mindsetandspiritofcontemporaryChineseconsumerismandexplainthe

historicalfactorsthatcreatedtoday’surbanChineseconsumer,onewitha

strongsenseofentitlementyetdeeplyinsecure.Reciprocity,however,iswhat

exemplaryagriculturalistsexpectfromthisrelationshipandIreviewanumber

oftheoriesofreciprocitytodescribethisuniquefeatureofthemovement.

ThroughananalysisoftwoofShanghai’sfarmers’marketsandtheservice

encountersthattakeplacethere,Ishowthatreciprocityisnevereasy.

Exemplaryagriculturalistshaveextremelyhighexpectationsconcerningtheir

customer’smoralityandusemoralteststodetermineifaparticularcustomeris

worthyornot.Inaddition,urbanconsumersexpectexemplaryagriculturalists

toextenddeferencetothem;theyareunwillingtoconcedetheirsenseof

superiorityandentitlement.Refusalandrejectionthusoccursfrombothsides.I

concludethechapterbybrieflydiscussinganorganicfarmers’marketin

Beijing.

53

PARTONE

EXEMPLARITY&CLASSRELATIONS

54

55

ChapterOne.DiscoursesofUrban/RuralDifference&ClassRelations

WhenImetJiangXinlaiin2013,hewasco-ownerofChuantongFarmin

Zhejiangprovince(togetherwithexemplaryagriculturalistLiuShan).Arural

residentinhisearly50s,JiangXinlaileftschoolatayoungage,workinghisway

throughnumerousjobs.TheseincludedpilottrainingwiththePeople’s

LiberationArmy7,fishfarminginthetropicalsouthernislandofHainanand

runninganumberofsmallbusinessesinhishomevillage.Hefinallydecidedto

workinagriculturetenyearsearlier.

WhenJiangXinlaispokeaboutanything–farmingtechniques,Chinese

geography,thehistoryofmarriageanddivorcerates,andsoon–hewas

incrediblyauthoritative,referencinghisvastencyclopedicmemoryandrichlife

experiences.OthersatChuantongFarmdescribedJiangXinlaiinthefollowing

way:“Althoughhedoesnothaveanyculture8,hehasrichlifeexperiences

(Suishuotameiyouwenhua,tadeshenghuohenfengfu虽说他没有⽂化，他的⽣活很

丰富)”.EveryonecallshimJiangShifu.9

7Becauseofbadeyesight,JiangXinlailefttheArmyafterafewyears.8WhenChinesetalkabout“culture(wenhua⽂化)”inacontextsuchasthis,theyarereferringtoformaleducationandyearsofschooling.9Shifu(师傅)isaChinesetermofaddress.Thefirstcharacter师 (shi)means“skilledworker”andthesecondcharacter傅 (fu)means“tutor”.WhileShifuisusedasarespectfultermofaddressforpeopleengagedinskilledtradesoflow-class(e.g.driversandcooks),itisalsousedtoaddressBuddhistmonks,Daoistpriestsandevenartists.AddressingJiangXinlaiasJiangShifuacknowledgeshistradeandclass,yetitalsoindicatesthatacertainamountofrespectsurroundshim.

56

IadmiredJiangShifuforhisrichknowledgeandvariedskills.HedesignedLiu

Shan’sbeautifulhouseonthefarmandcuredhimofaskinconditionusing

Chineseherbsandgrasses(somethinghelearntasachildbyobservinghis

villagedoctor).Mostimpressiveofall,hedesignedthelayoutandledthe

establishmentofChuantongFarm.ManypeoplerespectJiangShifu,including

hisfarmworkers,someofwhomhaveworkedwithhimforalmosttenyears.

Thesepeople,however,areallruralChinese.Iwitnessedaverydifferent

responsefromurbanChinese.Tellingly,auniversityprofessorwhopublisheda

journalpaperusingextensivedataandanalysisprovidedbyJiangShifufailedto

referenceorgiveanycredittoJiangShifu.LiuShansaidtheprofessordidnot

giveanythoughttoacknowledgingJiangShifubecausehe“looksdownupon

(kanbuqi看不起)”hisruralorigins.

Suchindifference,however,goesbothways;ruralChinesecanbejustascold

anddistanttowardurbanites.Theyare,forexample,openlynegativetoward

newlyarrivedexemplaryagriculturalistsinthecountryside.Iwitnessedlocal

residentslaughandcussintheirfacesastheywalkedpastexemplaryfarms.

Thisisbecausetheybelieveexemplaryagriculturalistshaveonlycometothe

countrysidetoplayandhavefun;theyarenotseriousaboutagriculture.Bythe

timetheyrealisehowhardfarmingisandretreatbacktothecity,theywould

havealreadyruinedtheland.

IfoundtherelationshipbetweenurbanandruralresidentsinChinapuzzling.In

Australia,myparentsmovedfromthecitytothecountrysidetofarmorganic

57

grapestomakewine.Theyintegratedintothelocalcommunityrelativelyeasily.

Inaïvelybelievedthat,giventhenation’sagrarianheritage,itwouldbe

similarlystraightforwardinChina.Butrealityindicatesotherwise.

Othershavealsocommentedonthispuzzle.MartinWhytenotes“thedurability

ofthecaste-likedivisionofChina’sruralandurbancitizensinreform-eraChina

inthemidstofsomuchhecticchangeonotherfronts”(Whyte2010b:6).He

arguesthatthecommunistrevolution,thoughprofessingdedicationtoan

egalitariansociety,actuallycreatedaruralorderakintoserfdom.

Inthischapter,Iexploretheoriginofthisdivisionbetweenurbanandrural

Chinaanddiscussitsimplications.Ifirstdiscussthebackgroundand

importanceofthecentralgovernment’shouseholdregistrationsystem(hukou

户⼝)inestablishingandcodifyinganurban/ruraldichotomy.Ithenoutlinea

numberofcommondiscoursesofurban/ruraldifferenceindetail.WhileI

discusstheurbanandruralineachdiscourse,Iemphasisetheruralcomponent.

Thisisbecauseexemplaryagriculturalistsfocusontheruralcomponent.Imake

twoimportantobservationsfromthisdiscussion.Thefirstisthatclassrelations

betweensuperiorurbanandinferiorruralresidentsareacentralfeatureof

Chinesemodernity.Thesecondisthatfood,centraltomanyofthesediscourses,

isacriticalmediumthroughwhichtheserelationsareexplicated,mediatedand

negotiated.

58

TheHouseholdRegistrationSystemandtheCreationofanUrban/Rural

Dichotomy

TheCCPhasdeepruralroots.Inthe1930sand1940stheNationalist

governmentwasdominantacrossChinesecitiesandtheCCPretreatedtothe

countrysideanumberoftimesbeforetheirvictoryin1949.Theseexperiences

livingandworkingwithpeasantsinthecountrysidemadeCCPleadersboth

sympathetictowardthemandexcitedbytheirrevolutionarypotential.Rural

ChinaanditspopulationbecamecentraltoCCPpoliticalstrategyandmany

peasantswererecruitedintotheParty.

Onceinpower,theCCPwantedtoadministerandmanagetheChinese

population,andimplementedthehouseholdregistrationsysteminthe1950s.It

remainsinplacetoday.Itsfunctionswereoriginallysimple:toprovide

populationstatisticstolocalgovernmentstoassistthemwithsecurityandthe

provisioningofgrain.Toachievethis,thehouseholdregistrationsystem

recordsbasicinformationofhouseholdsandtheirmembersincludingname,

ageandethnicgroup.Importantly,italsorecordsplaceofresidenceand

occupation.Placeofresidenceisclassifiedascity(chengshi城市),county

(chengzhen城镇)orcountryside(nongcun农村),whileoccupationisclassifiedas

eitheragricultural(nongye农业)ornon-agricultural(feinongye非农业).

Thehouseholdregistrationsystemhasmanyhistoricalprecedentswithin

China.TamaraJackaandhercolleaguesnotethatbothhouseholdregistration

andmutualresponsibilitysystems(calledbaojia保甲)existedduringtheQin

59

kingdominthe5thcenturyB.C.E.(Jackaetal2013b).Thesesystemsmonitored

thepopulationusingacombinationofadministrativerecord-keepingand

communitysurveillance.Whileuseofbothsystemswanedinthetwentieth

century,thehouseholdregistrationsystemwasre-instatedbytheCCPinthe

1950swhentheysawitseffectivenessinlabourplanningandindustrial

developmentintheSovietUnion(Jackaetal2013a;WangF.L.2005).Inthe

SovietUnion,urbanresidentswereissuedwithanurbanresidencepermit

whileruralresidentswerenotunlesstheywerepartofacollectivetransferof

labourintothecity,inwhichcasetheyweregrantedtemporaryurban

residencepermits.Thisseverelylimitedmigrationfromruraltourbanareas

andledtothesubsidisationofurbandevelopmentwithcheaprurallabour.

SimilarlyinChina,distinctionsbetweenplaceofresidence(city,countyor

countryside),occupation(agriculturalornon-agricultural)andrestrictionson

mobilitycreatedaclearandstrongdistinctionbetweentheurbanandrural.

Moreover,becausehouseholdregistrationstatuswaspassedontochildren10,

thisdistinctionwascontinuallyrecreated.Thesystemisexecuted

systematicallyandmethodically.Fei-LingWangdescribesitasfollows:

InChinathehukousystemservesasthebasisforanationallyuniformexclusionwithascope,rigidity,effectiveness,andresiliencerarelyseenelsewhere(Wang,F.L.2005:184).

ContrarytotheCCP’sruralroots,urbanresidentsarefavouredattheexpense

ofruralresidents.WhytearguesthattheCCPendeduppursuinga“visionof

socialismthatwaseverybitasbiasedtowardthecitiesandindustrial10Childrenoriginallyreceivedthesamehouseholdregistrationstatusastheirmother,thoughafter1998itcouldbefromeitherparent.

60

developmentandagainstagricultureandruralresidentsastheversions

promotedbyMarx,Lenin,andStalinbeforethem”(Whyte2010b:8–9).Chinese

livingincitiesenjoyabettersocialstatus,livingstandardandlifechances,as

wellasnumerousothersocialentitlementscomparedtotheirrural

counterparts(Jackaetal2013a).

DuringtheMaoera,forexample,manyurbanresidentswereallocatedlifelong

employmentatstate-ownedwork-units(gongzuodanwei⼯作单位)inthecity.

Work-unitsweremorethanaplaceofemployment;theyprovidedworkers

withan“ironricebowl(tiewanfan铁碗饭)”,theeuphemismthatdescribestheir

all-inclusivenature.Work-unitsprovidedwork,subsidisedfoodandhousing,

education,medicalcareandotherformsofwelfare–fortheindividualandtheir

family–fromcradletograve.Farremovedfromthedailystrugglesofrurallife,

urbanresidentsquicklydevelopedasenseofsuperiority(Tomba2014).

Ruralresidents,bycontrast,aretiedtotheland.MichaelDuttonnotes:

Originally,onewasclassifiedasapeasanthouseholdbecauseonelivedinaruralregionandworkedinagriculturalactivities.Today,thissituationhasbeenturnedonitshead.Thatistosay,itisbecausetheyhaveapeasanthouseholdregistrationthattheycanonlyliveinruralareasandthereforehavenochoicebuttoworkintheagriculturalsector(Dutton1998:83–84).

Chineseruralresidentssubsidisetheurbanpopulation,similartotheSoviet

Union(Jackaetal2013a).Inthe1950s,theCCPredistributedlandandformed

ruralcollectives.Theyimplementedcompulsoryquotasonagricultural

production,whichtheypurchasedcheaplyandsiphonedofftourbanareas.

61

Furthermore,whilethestatedirectlyfundedwork-unitsinthecity,theydidnot

fundruralcollectives.Assuch,thebenefitsruralresidentsreceivedwerenever

asgoodasinurbanareas.Subjecttolandandweatherconditions,ruralfarmers

ekedoutalivelihoodandruraldisadvantagebecamerife“notonlyinincome,

butalsoinpeople’slivingstandards,healthandlongevity,educationandaccess

toservices”(Jackaetal2013a:69).

Untilatleastthe1980s,ruralresidentswhotriedtheirluckinthecitydidnot

lastlong.Withoutanurbanhouseholdregistrationitwasdifficulttoaccessfood

andothernecessities,suchashousingandmedicalcare,aswork-unitsand

otherstateinstitutionsinthecitycontrolledtheirdistribution.Theonlywayto

changeanagriculturalhouseholdregistrationtoanon-agriculturalonewasto

eitherjointhePeople’sLiberationArmyorwinauniversityplace.Andwhile

somedidmakethistransition,thenumberwassmall.

Sincethe1980s,however,mobilityforruralresidentshasincreased.Thisisdue

totheCCP’seconomicdevelopmentpriorities,resultinginboomsinthe

manufacturing,constructionandserviceindustriesandaneedforcheapand

unskilledlabouracrosscities.Onceagain,ruralresidentssubsidiseurban

development.Throughoutthereformera,millionsofruralChinesehave

migratedtocitiestoworkinunsafeconditionsonacasualortemporarybasis.

Today,despitesomeimprovements,ruralresidentsinthecityarestilldenied

manyofthewelfarebenefitsurbanresidentsreceive.Theyroutinelyencounter

difficultiesaccessinghealthcareforthemselvesandtheirfamily,aswellas

educationfortheirchildren.

62

TheinfluenceofthehouseholdregistrationsysteminShanghai,thehomeof

exemplaryagricultureandepicenterofmyethnographicfieldwork,is

particularlyapparent.By2013,Shanghaihadapopulationof24millionpeople,

ofwhich41percent,oralmosttenmillionpeople,heldanon-localhousehold

registration(ShanghaiBureauofStatistics).Thisisoneofthehighestlevelsin

thecountry.Moreover,despitethecity’scosmopolitanandinternational

reputation,boththecitygovernmentandlocalresidentsdiscriminateagainst

migrants.

MinhuaLing,forexample,discussestheShanghaigovernment’sdecisionto

placerestraintsonuniversityadmissionfornon-localsandinsteadofferthem

subsidiesforvocationaleducation.Invocationalschools,coursessuchas

“mechanics,cooking,hairstyling,logistics,hotelservicesandautomobile

repairs”areofferedastheyareallconsidered“urgentlyneededprofessionsin

shortsupply”(Ling2015:4–5).Theresultofthesepolicychangesisthat

second-generationmigrantchildrenarebeingsystematicallychanneledinto

manufacturingandlow-skilledserviceindustries.Lingarguesthatthese

reformsareconcernedwithpopulationmobilisationgearedtowardeconomic

developmentratherthancitizenshipandsocialjustice.

Furthermore,ratherthanmaintaintheirhomeprovinceidentity,non-localsare

lumpedtogetherintoahomogeneous‘other’categoryintheeyesoflocal

Shanghaineseandareconsideredasourceofsuspicionanddistrust.GuangLei,

forexample,notesthestoryofamigrantworkerwhoworkedasajanitorina

63

high-risebuildinginShanghaicity.Oneyear,hisemployerpostedanoticeinthe

elevatorduringtheChineseNewYearperiod,whichread,“Bewareoffireand

migrantsduringtheholidays.Manypeasantsstealbeforetheyheadhomefor

theNewYear”(Lei2003:622).Thisincidentisrevealingfortworeasons.First,

althoughmigrantsaredistrusted,theyarestilltoleratedtoworkinservicejobs

shunnedbyurbanresidents.Second,bypairingmigrantstealingwithhigh-rise

firehazards,thenoticeequatesmigrantsasjustanotheraspectofcitylife;they

areanecessaryeviltobemanaged,part-and-parcelofcityliving.

Exemplaryagriculturalistshavedifferentconcernsassociatedwiththeir

householdregistrationstatus.Theyareurbanresidents;12outof13holdacity

registration(Idiscussexemplaryagriculturalists’demographicsinchapter

three).ThoughnotoriginallyfromShanghai,severalgraduatedfroma

universityinShanghaiandtherebyobtainedaShanghairegistration.Theyare

consideredlocals.OthersheldanurbanregistrationoutsideShanghaiand

gainedalocaloneeitherthroughemploymentorbymarryingalocal

Shanghainese.Thisensuresthat,alongwiththeirchildren,theyhaveaccessto

localwelfarebenefitsandotherentitlementsinShanghaicity.

HoldingaShanghaiurbanhouseholdregistration,however,doesnotguarantee

themownershipoffarmlandinthecountryside.ThroughoutgreaterShanghai

andZhejiangprovince,whereexemplaryfarmsarelocated,landisownedby

thelocalvillagegovernmentandcannotbeboughtandsoldasrealestateinthe

citycan.Rather,localruralresidentsholdusagerights.IntheareaswhereI

conductedfieldwork,theseusagerightsaretypicallyfor30yearsandextend

64

until2030whenthenextrevisionoflandpolicyisexpected.Ruralresidentsare

allowedtotradetheirusagerightsprovidedthelandremainsagricultural.

Exemplaryagriculturalistspurchaseusagerightsfromruralresidentsthrough

thelocalvillagegovernment.Theypayanannualfeebasedonthesizeofthe

landandnumberofyearsuntil2030.11

Whilethisgivestheimpressionoflongevity,allexemplaryagriculturalistsare

insecureabouttheirfuturebecausetheybelievetheprovincialorcounty

governmentwillchangethelandpolicywellbefore2030.LiuShanfrom

ChuantongFarmbecamehighlyagitatedinJanuary2014whenheheard

rumoursthatthecountygovernmentwantedtore-designateagriculturalland

inhisareaforindustrialuse.Asgovernmentsbenefitfinanciallyfromsuch

deals,LiuShanwasworriedhislandwouldeventuallybere-designatedaswell.

Hedeclared:

Ifthishappens,I’mdone.Infact,we’realldone[referringtoothermovementactivists].I’lljustsellupandmovetoCanadawithmyfamily,andmaybeevenstartanorganicfarmthere.Somethinglikethiscouldhappenanydayreally,soIneedtohavemywitsaboutmeandbepreparedtoadjustatanymoment.

LiuShan’sfearsarenotunique:manyruralresidentsfaceasimilarthreatof

havingtheirfarmlandconfiscatedbythegovernmentatanytimeforeither

industrialuseorresidentialdevelopment.Thisisespeciallysoforthosewho

liveontheurbanperiphery.

11Thisparticularlandreformwasimplementedin1993androlledoutinastaggeredmanneracrossChina.

65

DiscoursesofUrban/RuralDifference:Authenticity,BackwardnessandMoral

Quality

Itisdifficulttoidentifyclearboundariesbetweenthecityandthecountryside

whenitcomestoeverydaylife.GaoNing,forexample,describes“villagesinthe

city(chengzhongcun城中村)”asruralareasthatbecamereclassifiedasurban

duetoeitherdevelopmentprojectsorgovernmentplanning(Gao2012).Gao

argues“villagesinthecity”subsequentlybecomemoreurbanthanruralin

termsoflifestylesandattitudes.

AndrewKipnis,however,comestoadifferentconclusioninhisdiscussionof

“urbanisationinbetween”(Kipnis2013).Hechallengesthebeliefthat

urbanisationinChinaalwaysproducesasharpbreakwithruralcultureand

showshowmanyruralresidentswhonowliveinreclassifiedurbanareasretain

somecontinuitywiththeirruralpast.Althoughtheyhavedifferentperspectives,

bothGaoandKipnishighlighttheinter-mixingoftheurbanandtheruralin

everydaylife.

Despitethisreality,anumberofinfluentialdiscoursesofurban/ruraldifference

havedevelopedaroundthedichotomycreatedbythehouseholdregistration

system.Onesuchdiscourseisconcernedwithauthenticity.Accordingto

MichaelGriffithsandcolleagues,areappraisalconcerningthesourceoforder

andvirtueisunderwayinurbanChinatoday,resultinginrenewedinterestin

thecountryside.Theytermthisphenomenona“romanticreappraisal”.This

reappraisal,theyargue,explainswhysomanyurbanresidentsarenowmore

66

willingthanevertoengagewithvariousaspectsofruralChinamorepositively

andopenly,especiallywithregardtotourism,clothingandfood.

Thisreappraisal,however,hasonlyjustbegun;whatwearewitnessingis

merelythe“firstwhispersofchange”(Griffithsetal2010:343).Assuch,a

strongdegreeofurban-inspiredindividualismandconsumerismstillpermeates

thistrend.Theynote:

Importantly,theurbanitesdonotpassivelyengagewiththecountryside;theyarenotmerelynostalgicoreco-consciousaboutit.Theexpressionisaboutassertionoftheself:theydesiretoconsumetheverybestnaturehastoofferevenastheydrivearoundattopspeedpollutingit(Griffithsetal2010:349,emphasisadded).

IbelieveruralnostalgiaisfarmoreimportantanddevelopedthanGriffithsand

hiscolleaguessuggest;itisthedefiningcharacteristicoftheauthenticity

discourse.Fromthisperspective,urbanChinesebelievean‘original’Chinese

cultureandsetofvalues–uncontaminatedby‘diseasesofmodernity’–canonly

befoundinthecountryside,wheremodernityhashadlimitedornoimpact.

Thecity,bycontrast,ispolluted,literallyandmetaphorically.Peopleinthecity

areincapableofrestrainingthemselvesfromexcess;theyfavourconvenience

andprefertohavesomeoneelsedoworkforthemratherthandoitthemselves.

Moreover,relationshipsinthecityarecomplicatedandrequireconstant

calculationandcompromise.Ruralcultureandvaluestaketheurbanresident

backtoapurerandmoregenuinetimewheneverythingwassimpler.Itresets

theclock,sotospeak,purgingurbanmodernity’sailments.

67

UrbansentimenttowardthewritingsofFeiXiaotong(1910–2005),aChinese

socialscientist,illuminatesthisinterpretationofauthenticity.Manyurban

ChineseImetthroughoutmyfieldworkarefamiliarwithFeiXiaotongand

sympathetictowardhiswork.InhisbookFromtheSoil:thefoundationsof

Chinesesociety(Fei1992),publishedin1948,FeiarguesthatChinesecultureis

shapedbyitsagrarianbase:“Chinesesocietyisfundamentallyrural.Isayitis

fundamentallyruralbecauseitsfoundationisrural”(Fei1992:37).

Feimaintainsthatfarmingconnectsthefarmertothesoil,whichleadstoa

certainlevelofimmobility.Thisimmobility,however,isnotasignof

parochialismorbackwardness.Itis,rather,thebedrockofmanyofChinese

culture’smostdistinguishingfeatures,including,asFeitermsit,the“differential

modeofassociation(chaxugeju差序格局)”.Thistermdescribessocialrelations

inChina.Feiusesthemetaphorofripplesonthewater’ssurfacetodescribethe

socialinfluenceoftheChineseindividual,whoisnotonlyatthecentreofthe

ripplesheorshecreates,butalsoimplicatedinripplescreatedbyothers.Fei’s

metaphorforindividualsandsocialgroupsinthewest,bycontrast,isan

individualpieceofstrawclusteredindiscretebundles.Thewesternindividual

canenterorleavebundlesatwill,buttheChineseindividualcannotavoid

ripplesinthewater.

Duringmytimeonexemplaryfarms,Imetruralresidentswhoholdsimilar

viewstoFei.Theyalsobelievetheypossesssuperiorculturalvaluesthatare

uniquetothecountrysideandthatdistinguishthemfromurbanites.OldChen,

forexample,anoldworkeratChuantongFarminhislate60s,holdsacritical

68

viewofurbanresidents,especiallyyouth.Hebelievestheyarelazy,sleepand

riselate,avoidhardworkandexpectimmediategratification.Unabletohidehis

cynicism,OldChentoldme,“Theysleepatmidnightandgetupat9am.What

kindofworkcantheydo?(Tamennengganshenmehuone?他们能⼲什么活呢?)”.

Ruralresidentslikehimself,bycontrast,workhardandearnanhonest

livelihood,valuesthecitycanlearnfrom.

OldChen’sremarksconcealadeepersentimentthatIfullycomprehendedonly

muchlater.AfarmerinZhejiangprovinceallhislife,OldChenbelievesthereare

long-standingtiesthatbindruralandurbanresidentstoeachother;through

hardworkandtoilruralresidentsensureurbanChinahasenoughfoodtoeat,

andurbanresidentscompensatethemappropriately.Unfortunately,urban

residentsareselectivelyblindtothisrelationshipofinterdependenceanddo

notfulfilltheirduty.Infact,OldChendoesnotbelievemuchhaschangedsince

theMaoera;urbanresidentsarestill“eatersofpublicgrain(chigongliangde吃

公粮的)”suppliedtothembyruralresidentsandavailableatlowcost(Kipnis

1997b:113).

Moreover,becausefarmerslikehimselfareagingandtheirchildrennolonger

workinagriculture,soontherewillbefewpeoplelefttocontinuetofarmonce

hisgenerationretireor,morelikely,passaway.Itwillonlybeanotherfiveor

sixyears,OldChenbelieves,untiltheyareallgone.Onlythenwillurban

Chinesefinallyrealisewhattheyhavelost.

69

JiangShifu’sviewofhisson’schoiceofemploymentisanotherexampleofhow

ruralresidentsperceivetheirculturalheritageaswellaswhattheybelieveit

canoffertheurban.Hisson,XiaoJiang,is24yearsoldanddoesnotwanttobea

farmer.HeleftZhejiangprovinceseveralyearsagoandmovedtoWuhancityin

Hubeiprovince.Itisnothisrejectionofagriculture,however,thatupsetsJiang

Shifu,somuchashiseventualchoiceofemployment:asanassistantinasmall

lighting(dengju灯具)business.Inthisrole,XiaoJiangassistsatrained

electricianinallaspectsofhiswork.Inadditiontoasalaryofafewthousand

yuaneachmonth,XiaoJiangisalsoprovidedwithmealsandabedinashared

dormitory.

Theproblemwiththejob,JiangShifuexplained,isthatitdoesnotutilisenor

teachthecoreruralvalueofself-sufficiency.Whilethejobmightbehardat

times,itdoesnotteachpatience,perseverance,andmeticulousthinkingand

planning,skillsnecessaryforself-sufficiency.Agricultureteachestheseskills

andleadstotheabilityofafarmertoproducenourishingfoodtocareforhisor

herfamilyandfriends.JiangShifubelievesruralmigrantsdonotreally

understandthesebenefitsoffarming.Consequently,theydonot“sell

themselves(xuanchuanziji宣传自⼰)”sufficientlyinthecity.Perhapsasaresult,

urbanemployersdonotbelieveruralmigrantshavemuchtoofferbeyond

cheaplabour,andjobsinthecityhiretheminshort-termroleswithoutany

long-termprospects.

AdvertisinginChinabottlesthisdiscourseofdifferenceinsidemarketing

memes,contrastingruralauthenticitywithacomplexanduncompromisingcity.

70

ThisisespeciallythecasewithChineseNewYearadvertising.ChineseNew

Year,whichfollowsthelunarcalendarandfallsinJanuaryorFebruaryeach

year,isatimeoftheyearwhenChinesereturnhometospendtimewith

parentsandextendedfamily.ItisasimportantasChristmasinthewest.Alotof

ChineseNewYearadvertisingemphasisesthedilemmamanybusyurban

middle-classresidentswithfamilyinthecountrysideface:spendChineseNew

Yearinthecityorreturntoone’shometowninthecountryside?Inmany

ChineseNewYearadverts,suchresidentsareinitiallyreluctanttoreturnhome.

Withthehelpofwhicheverbrandisbeingadvertised,theydecidetoreturnout

ofasenseoffilialduty.Yetmuchtotheirdelight,they‘rediscover’thecharmof

theirhometownandthecountrysideonarrivalandfindsimplepleasuresthere

thatareunavailableinthecity.

In2011,themostpopularChineseNewYeartelevisionadvertwasbyFirstAuto

Works(FAW)Besturn(YiqiBenteng⼀汽奔腾)(FAWBesturn2011),an

automobilebrandmadebytheChineseautomakerFAWGroup.Theadvert,

called“LetLoveComeHome(RangAiHuiJia让爱回家)”,isthestoryofanelderly

coupleinthecountrysidepreparingfortheirson’svisitoverChineseNewYear.

Becauseofhisbusylifeinthecity,hehasnotbeenhomeforseveralyears.Once

onhisway,however,thesonreceivesaphonecall.HestopshisBesturnona

bridgetoanswerthecall.Theson’sbossiscallingfromthecityandisasking

himtoreturntoworkforanimportanttask.Thedramaticvoiceoverensures

theaudiencefullyunderstandsthesignificanceofthemoment:doestheson

returntoworkinthecityordoeshecontinueonthewaytohishometownin

thecountryside?Implicitlyunderstoodisthatthesonwillmakehisbosshappy

71

ifhereturnsbyhelpinghisbossoutatadifficulttime,settinghimselfupfor

futuresuccess.

Theadvertcutsbackandforthbetweenthesononthebridgeandhisparentsin

thecountryside,whoarewaitingpatiently–and,asdescribedtomebya

Chinesefriend,“quitepitifully(tingkelian挺可怜)”–atthediningtable,now

fullylaidwithfood.Bythisstageofthe90-secondadvert,ithashighlighted

whatmanyChinesearefeeling:howtoreconcileexpectationsbetween

successfulcitylifeandhumbleruralroots?Andwhiletheadvertisplainlyabout

filialpiety,itisalsoaboutauthenticityandurban/ruraldifference.Simplehome

cooked-food,uncomplicatedfamilyrelationshipsandunconditionalloveinthe

countrysideiscontrastedwiththecomplexityandconstanttrade-offsrequired

forrelationshipsinthecity.

Therustichotelandrestaurantmovement(nongjiale农家乐,sometimesalso

calledthe“farmhousefun”[Klein2009]or“happyfarmer”[Griffithsetal2010]

movement)commercialisedandinstitutionalisedtheauthenticitydiscourseand

romanticsentimentthatnowsurroundsruralChina.Themovementhashumble

origins,beginningasawayforfarmersonthefringesofChina’slarger

metropolitancentrestoearnextraincomebyprovidinghome-cookedcountry-

stylemeals(nongjiacai农家菜)tovisitingurbanites.

Overtime,hostsandownersoftheseestablishmentsdepartedfromtheir

originalformatandbegantoembraceurbanconsumerism.Theyfoundthe

opportunitiesofferedbytheincreasingnumbersofurbanvisitorstooenticing

72

toremaingenuinely‘rustic’andbegantocatertothepreferencesoftheirurban

customers.InhisstudyofthemovementinethnicminorityvillagesinYunnan

andHubeiprovinces,forexample,XuWudiscoveredthathostsandbusiness

ownersdeliberatelyadoptandexaggeratecertainstereotypicaltraits

associatedwiththeirethnicityandavoidofferingtraditionalfoodsthat

urbanitesconsideroff-putting(Wu2014).

Nowadays,rustichotelsandrestaurantsarenumerousandpopular,andalso

includefacilitiesforparking,sleeping,gamesandrecreationandthechanceto

pickfruitandvegetablesorevencatchfishinponds.Theycancatertoan

increasinglylargenumbersofguests,oftenarrivingbythebusload.Inshort,

theyarelargeandsuccessfulcommercialbusinessessellingrurality.

Anothercommondiscourseofurban/ruraldifferenceisconcernedwith

backwardness.Inthisdiscourse,ruralChinesearedepictedasbackward,

laggardandatriskoffallingbehind–evenholdingback–Chinese

modernisationefforts.12Tellingly,allofChinasuffersbecauseofrural

backwardness.Moreover,becauseruralresidentsareunabletohelpthemselves,

theyrequireassistanceandsupportfrompaternalisticurbanites,generallyled

byChineseintellectualswhoareconcernedabouttheplightoftheChinese

nation.Thesenobleurbancitizensinstructruralresidentsonmattersof

developmentandmodernisation.

12Again,realityindicatesotherwise.RecentanthropologicalresearchchallengesthisperspectiveofruralChinese.AnnaLora-Wainwright,forexample,arguesthatvillagersareactivelyengagingwiththemarketandthemanynewcircumstancesandopportunitiesitsexpansionhasbroughtabout.Shearguesthatfarfrombeing‘backwardorlaggard’,manyruralresidentsarehighlyinnovativeandadaptive(Lora-Wainwright2009).

73

TheRuralReconstructionmovementfromthe1920stothe1940sandtheNew

RuralReconstructionmovementinthetwenty-firstcenturyepitomisethis

discourse.TheoriginalRuralReconstructionmovement(XiangcunJianshe

Yundong乡村建设运动)wasadisparatecollectionofgroupsandindividualswho

believedthattherootcauseofsocialsufferingacrossChinawasan

underdevelopedandunderappreciatedruralpopulation(Hale2013).They

wereprimarilyconcernedwithimprovingruraleducationandcreatingpeasant

cooperatives.

Twointellectualsinparticularcametorepresentthismovement:YanYangchu

andLiangShuming.YanYangchu,alsoknownasJamesYen(1890–1990),wasa

Chineseeducatorwhopromotedliteracyinthecountryside.Yanoperateda

numberofschoolsinHebeiprovince,westofBeijing,from1926to1937.Liang

Shuming(1893–1988)wasaphilosopherandteacherwhohadpreviously

workedatPekingUniversity.LiangpromotedConfucianexemplarymorality,

requiringintellectualstobe‘hands-on’inthecountrysideandgetdirectly

involved,therebyactingasrolemodelsforotherstoemulate(Day2013).

TheNewRuralReconstructionmovementisalsoledbyurbanintellectualsand

takesYanandLiangasitsinspiration.Themovementseekstostoptherural-to-

urbanflowofresourcesbydevelopinglocalcommunitiesthatareeitherself-

sufficientandinsulatedfromthemainstreameconomyorintegratedintoitby

producinghighqualityandhighmarginagriculturalproduce.

74

Anumberofmoviesandtelevisionshowsalsodepictthecountrysideandrural

residentsasbackward,lackingamodernconsciousnessandrequiringsupport

fromurbanresidentswhoknowbetter.ThepopularChinesefilmAWorld

WithoutThieves(TianXiaWuZei天下⽆贼)(2004)tellsthestoryofanaïverural

migrantworkerwhotakesalong-distancetrainridebacktohishomevillageto

getmarried.Evenhisname,ShaGen(傻根),whichmeans“foolishroot”,ensures

theaudienceisclearastothenatureofhisruralpersonality.

ShaGendoesnotbelieveinthievesandcarriesCNY60,000incashwithhim,his

totalsavings.Hebrazenlyannouncesonthetrainplatformthatheiscarrying

thecash,onlytobeoverheardbyanumberofthievestakingthesametrain.

OtherswhoalsooverheardShaGen,however,aremovedbyhisinnocenceand

protecthimwhenthethievestrytostealhiscash.Thefilmclimaxesina

suspensefulcontestbetweenthethievesandapoliceman.ShaGenremains

oblivioustotheeventsthatunfoldaroundhimthroughoutmostofthefilm.

Afinalcommondiscourseofurban/ruraldifferenceconcernsmoralquality.Are

Chinesecitizensabletogovernthemselvesand‘dotherightthing’ordothey

requiresupervisionandintervention?LuigiTombadiscussesthisdiscoursein

hisresearchintodifferentkindsofurbanneighbourhoods(Tomba2014).At

oneendofthespectrumareresidentialcomplexes(xiaoqu小区)comprisingthe

upperechelonsofthemiddle-classeswhoarecapableofgoverningthemselves.

Theyindependentlyformhomeowner-associationstomanagevariousaspects

ofcommunitylife.Aslocalgovernmentviewsthemasresponsibleandoflittle

threattosocialorder,theyseelittleneedtointervene.

75

Attheotherendofthespectrum,however,areresidentialarrangements

inhabitedbyruralmigrantsandlaid-offstateworkers.Localauthoritiesbelieve

theylacksocialresponsibilityandareunabletogovernthemselveswithout

supervisionandintervention.Asaconsequence,theirresidentialareasare

managedmuchmoreclosely.

Thisdiscourseiscloselyconnectedtothetopicoffoodsafety.Historically,rural

ChinawasconsideredthesourceofhealthyandsafefoodandruralChinese

farmerswereconsideredsustainablefarmingexperts.InhisbookFarmersof

FortyCenturies(King2004),anaccountofhistouroffarmsinChinaandother

Asiannationsfirstpublishedin1911,theAmericanFranklinH.Kingpays

homagetothisviewofruralChinese:“Wedesiredtolearnhowitwaspossible,

aftertwentyandperhapsthirtyorevenfortycenturies,for[Chinese]soilstobe

madetoproducesufficientlyforthemaintenanceofsuchdensepopulations…”

(King2004:3).King’sbookisoneoftheearliestfirst-handanddetailed

accountsoftraditionalhouseholdfarminginChinapublishedinEnglish.His

workisastandardreferencewithinmanysustainablefarmingmovements,

includingexemplaryagriculture,throughoutChina.

Today,however,attitudestoruralresidentsareconsiderablydifferentamongst

urbanresidents.Ruralresidentsarenowmorelikelytobeviewedwith

suspicionanddistrustratherthanrespectandadmirationandveryfewurban

residentsshareKing’sfavourableimpressionofruralagriculturalskill.

76

Intheearlystagesofmyfieldwork,Imetwithanumberofurbanitesto

understandtheirattitudestowardfoodaswellastheirshoppingpractices.

Distrusttowardruralresidentsispervasive.Withoutprompting,foodsafety

concernsalwayscameupduringourconversations,andeveryoneexpressed

despair.“I’mafraidofeverything!(Shenmedoupa!什么都怕！)”and“Youcan’t

trustanythingoranyone!(Shenmedoubunengxin,shuidoubunengxin!什么都不

能信，谁都不能信！)”arecommonresponses.

Evenwhenitcomestoorganicfood,thissenseofdistrustisequallyprevalent.

Urbanitesbelievethatevencertifiedorganicfarmsarenottrustworthybecause

“Organiccertificationisdoneinitiallyandthencheckedannually.Outside

inspectiontimes,ruralfarmersusepesticidesandallkindsofchemicalstogrow

theirproduce.Theycheat”.

Manyurbanitesbelievetheonlyeffectivesolutionistostrictlymonitorrural

farmersandmigrantworkers.AttheweeklymeetingsofanNGOinvolvedin

ruralreconstructionIattended,oneeveningwediscussedhowtoassistvillages

wantingtotransitiontoorganicfarming.Onememberpresentbecamefixated

onmonitoringthem.“Howcanurbanconsumersbeconfident”,sheasked,“that

theitemstheypurchasearereallyorganic?”Sheproposedafull-scale

monitoringsystem,completewithvideocamerasplacedthroughoutfarms,to

observethefarmer’severybehaviourandholdthemaccountable.Though

highlyimpractical,hercommentsillustratejusthowseveredistrustand

suspicionamongsturbanresidentsis.

77

Distrusttowardfoodproducersandvendorsfromthecountryside,however,is

notanewphenomenoninurbanChina.AnnVeeckshowshowthe

transformationoffoodmarketsinthe1990sledtoanincreasein

intermediaries(zhongjie中介)(Veeck2000).Accustomedtopurchasingtheir

grainsandvegetablesdirectlyfromfarmers,thecustomersVeeckstudiedin

Nanjingcitystartedtobringtheirownweighingscalesonshoppingtripsto

doublechecktheintermediary’scalculations.Furthermore,myolder

intervieweesrememberbeingswindledinthe1960sand1970s.Theyrecall

howwaterwasinjectedintofishandmeattoincreaseitsweightandricewas

dilutedwithsand.

Whatisnew,however,isthescopeandscaleofthefoodsafetyproblemin

China.JohnYasuda,forexample,concludesthatfoodsafetysuffersfromascale

problemanda“politicsofinclusion”(Yasuda2013).Authoritiesatalllevels

wanttoaddressandimprovethesituationyetdonotknowwheretostartor

howtobegin.Inaddition,YunxiangYanbelievesthefoodsafetyproblemwill

createalevelofsocialdistrustwith“far-reachingsocialandpolitical

ramifications”(Yan,Y.2012:705).

Interestingly,Yaninterviewedanumberofruralmigrantworkerswho

admittedtomanufacturingadulteratedorfakefood.Heaskediftheyareaware

ofthepotentialharmtheymightcause.Oneworkerreplied,“IknewbutIdid

notcare.WhyshouldI?Idon’tknowthematall”.Anotherjustifiedhis

behaviourbycitingeconomicinequality:“Iftheygetsick,theycanaffordtosee

adoctor”(Yan,Y.2012:724).Yan’sresearchshowsthatsomeruralresidents

78

areindeedindifferenttotheircomplicityintheprovisionofadulteratedfood

forurbanconsumption.

ThevastmajorityofChinese,however,consumethreemealsadaywithout

incident.AsGuobinYangrightlypointsout,urbanitesaremorelikelyto

‘experience’foodsafetyinamediatedform–e.g.readinganewsarticle,

watchingatelevisionprogramorhearingastoryfromafriend–ratherthan

first-hand(Yang,G.2013).

Infact,televisionshowshaverecentlydevotedconsiderableattentionto

counterpopulardoomsdayimpressionsthatallfoodinChinaiscontaminated

orpoisonousinsomeway.Onesuchprogram,calledSeekingTruthinEveryday

Life(ShenghuoDaQiuZhen⽣活⼤求真),devotedafullhour-longepisodeto

myth-bustingfoodsafetyconcerns.Itshowedhowmanyfoodsafety‘incidents’

(includingonecaseofdeath)areactuallytheresultofinappropriatefood

storage,preparationandcookingmethods.

Despitetheseefforts,however,significantdistrustandtensionbetweenfood

producersinthecountryside,ruralmigrantworkersinfactoriesandconsumers

inthecityremains.

Conclusion:GoverningClassRelations

Inthe1950s,statepoliciessetthetoneforurbanandruralrelationsinChina.

Thehouseholdregistrationsystemcreateddistincturbanandruralspacesand

79

populationswherecitizenshipwasasociopoliticalandhierarchicalmatter.It

placedsevererestrictionsonruralresidentsintermsofwheretheycouldlive

andwhatoccupationtheycouldpursue.Today,populardiscoursesof

urban/ruraldifferencecontinuetoprivilegetheurbanovertherural.

Foodisarecurringthemenowasthen.Urbanresidentscontinuetolookto

ruralChinafortheprovisionofhighquality,healthyandsafefood.IntheMao

era,ruralcollectivesensuredurbanwork-unitsweresubsidisedwithcheap

foodfromthecountryside.Thedisturbingperspectiveonfoodsafetydefines

thecontemporaryperiod.Fromtheurbanpointofview,theruralisbackward

anduntrustworthy,requiringstrictsupervision.Ruralfarmersandmigrant

workersinfactoriesproducefoodofaninferiorqualityandintentionally

adulteratefoodwithharmfulingredients.

Despitetheseaccusations,ruralresidentsmaintainthattheypossesscultural

valuesofworthtourbanChina.Theyaccuseurbanitesoffailingtorecognise

theseruralvaluesandofbeingblindtotheirrelationshipofinterdependence.

Thegovernment,however,ultimatelypromotesurbanmiddle-classcivilityas

thestandardagainstwhichallelseismeasured.

ClassicsocialtheoristsanalysedclassrelationsinnineteenthcenturyEurope.

KarlMarx(1995)sawantagonismanddomination,MaxWeber(Weber,M.

2008)inequalityandEmileDurkheim(2014)problemsoftransition.They

proposedvarioussolutionstoproblemscausedbyclassrelations.Marx

suggestedrevolution,whileDurkheimbelievedinterdependenceresultingfrom

80

thedivisionoflabourwouldnaturallyresolveclassconflict.Chineseleaders

haveusedrevolutioninthepastwhenitsuitedthemandnowpartlyrelyon

planningandregulation.

NeitherMarx,WebernorDurkheimdiscussedthedeliberatedeployment,either

bygovernmentsorcitizens,ofmoralityasatooltogovernclassrelations.Yet

thisisexactlywhathasbeenoccurringinChina.AsearlythetimeofConfucius

(551–479B.C.E.),aparticularformofmoralitycalledexemplarymorality,or

exemplarity,hasbeendiscussed,debatedandemployed.Exemplarityis

leadershipthroughthepowerofexample;itachievessocialorderby

encouragingcitizenstoemulateselectedrolemodels.TheCCPhavedeployed

exemplarityrelentlesslysincethe1940sanditremainsapillarofstatepolicy

today.

ButtheCCPdoesnothaveamonopolyoverexemplarityincontemporary

Chinesesociety.Beginninginthelate2000s,agroupoforganicfarmersfrom

thecityandnewtoagricultureemergedinShanghaiandthesurrounding

countryside.Theseorganicfarmerspromotetheirownalternativevisionof

modernityandurbanandruralclassrelations,placingtheirowninterpretation

ofruralityatthecentreofthisvision.Leadingbyexample,theycalluponother

urbanresidentstoemulateanumberofvaluesandbehavioursderivedfrom

ruralculturetheybelievecanimprovetheexperienceofcityliving.Their

energy,missionaryzealanddesireto‘dogood’isevangelicalattimes.These

organicfarmersareatthecentreofagrassrootsalternativefoodmovement

calledexemplaryagriculture.

81

ChapterTwo.Exemplarity:ThePowerofRoleModelsSinceConfucius

Onawarmspringdayin2014,abuscarrying30employeesfromthe

WujiaochangGroup,anindustrialpropertyinvestmentcorporationinShanghai

city,arrivedatZiranFarminChongmingIsland.Outonateam-buildingday,

theyspentthefirstfewhourscollectingtherawgrainsandvegetables

necessarytocooktheirownlunches,whichwasavarietyofsimpledishes

typicaltothispartoftheChinesecountryside.Workinginsideatraditionalrural

kitchen,theyusedlargeironwoksfueledbyanopenfiretocooktheirmeals.

Laterintheafternoon,theygatheredtogethertolistentoOldZhengandXiaona,

husbandandwifeownersofthefarm,talkabouttheirmotivationsand

experiencesasorganicfarmersnewtoagriculture.

About30minutesintothesession,OldZhengstoodupandglaredaroundthe

room.Someofthequestionstheyoungaudiencewereasking,suchas“How

muchprofitdoyoumake?”and“Canyoureallygrowcropswithoutpesticides?”

werebeginningtoirkhim.Hisvisitorsclearlydidnotseemtounderstandwhy

theyhadbeenrequiredtocooktheirownmealonarrival.OldZhengbeganto

ignorethequestionsbeingaskedandinsteadclarifiedthepurposeoftheirvisit:

Ifthereisonethingyoushouldtakeawayfromtoday,itisthatyoushouldnotjustbuywhateveritisyouseeadvertisedontelevisionortheInternet.Ifyoucandosomethingyourself,youshoulddoityourself.That’swhatpeopleheredo.That’swhyyoupreparedyourownlunch.Whenyou

82

arrivedearlierIwasnowheretobeseen.Why?BecauseIwasoutsidebehindtheshedfixingsometoolsthatwerebroken.Icouldhavepaidsomeonetodothis.Butwhy,whenIcandoitmyself?Don’tbeaconsumerallthetime.

Onlywhenafewpeopleintheaudiencestartednodding,indicatingthatthey

understoodOldZheng,didhefinallysmile.

FromOldZhengandXiaona’sperspective,theseurbanemployeesarevisiting

ZiranFarmtolearnfromthecountryside.OldZheng,perhapssubtlety,

differentiatesanurbanidentity(“…youshouldnotjustbuywhateveritisyou

seeadvertised…”)fromaruralone(“Ifyoucandosomethingyourself,you

shoulddoityourself.That’swhatpeopleheredo”).Heisimplyingthatbehaving

likearuralresidentisbeneficial.Furthermore,byexplainingwhyhewasnot

aroundtowelcomehisguestsontheirarrival,OldZhengprovesthathe

practiseswhathepreaches.TheWujiaochangGroup’sdayoffuninthe

countrysidequicklyturnedintoalessoninmoralitythattheywereexpectedto

internaliseafterleavingandtakebacktothecitywiththem.

Asthisstoryillustrates,OldZhengisencouraginghisurbanvisitorstoemulate

bothhimselfandcertaincharacteristicsofruralresidents,particularlythevalue

ofself-sufficiency.Hebelievestheirlivesinthecitywillbebetteriftheyare

moreself-sufficient.Morebroadly,viaorganicfarmingandthemediumoffood,

OldZhengistryingtoinfluencetheattitudesandbehavioursurbanresidents

holdtowardtheirruralneighboursandhencecontemporaryclassrelations.He

ispractisingaformofmoralitycalledexemplarymorality,orexemplarity.

ExemplarityhasdeephistoricalrootsinChina.Inthischapter,Idefine

83

exemplarityandprovideaconceptualframeworkoftheterm.Ithenoutlineand

discussitshistoricalcontextandevolutioninChina.

ConceptualFramework

Exemplarityisleadershipbyexample.Rolemodelsdemonstratecertain

attitudesandbehavioursnecessarytoachieveaparticularoutcome,doingso

throughsymbolismandsuggestiveness.Othersareexpectedtoemulatetherole

model’sattitudesandbehavioursuntiltheyareinternalisedandsecondnature.

Fromtherolemodel’sperspective,exemplaritymaybeamethodofinstruction

orameansofcontrolanddomination.Fromthepersonemulatingtherole

model’sperspective,emulationmaybeaformoflearningandimprovement,

flattery,alliancebuildingorevenmockery.

Aconceptualframeworkofexemplaritycomprisesfourcomponents.First,

thereisalwaysanobjective,goalorcause.Thiscanliterallybeanything,though

inChinavariousformsofexemplarityhavegenerallybeenconcernedwith

socialgovernance.Inotherwords,exemplarityinChinaisconcernedwithhow

citizensthinkandbehavetowardboththerulingelitesandeachother.

Second,therearerolemodelswhoareconsideredworthyofemulation.In

westerntradition,rolemodelsarealwaysextremepointsofreference,never

averages.Theypointtotraitssuchasauthenticity,beauty,perfection,integrity,

charismaandaurainuniqueandpowerfulways(Ferrara2008).Theancient

GreekpoetHomer,forexample,placestheeducationalqualitiesofexemplary

84

heroessuchasOdysseusandAchillesatthecentreofhisstoriesaboutthe

ancientGreekworld.FriedrichNietzschetooktheancientphilosopher

ZoroasterandadaptedhimintohisotherworldlyfigureofZarathustra;

someoneuncorruptedbytheworldthatoffersavisionofanewkindofrole

modelforeveryone,a“superman”(Nietzsche2012).SimilarlyinChina,role

modelsare‘largerthanlife’.BørgeBakkendepictsexemplarsas“anextremeon

astatisticalcontinuum,ratherthanthemainpointofreference”(Bakken2000:

216).Exemplarsareoftenrecruitedoradoptedbyotherstoservetheirown

interests;theyaresingularexamplesusedtopromoteorpoliticiseatopic.

Third,therearespecifictasks–generallyattitudes,ethicsand/orbehaviours–

thatrequirecorrectemulationandexecution.Thesemaybeofanymagnitude

ordifficultyandarerelatedtotheoverallcause.Whilerichinsymbolismand

suggestiveness,tasksarequantitativelyinsignificantattheindividuallevel;itis

intheaggregatewheretheirtruevaluelies.Anumberofscholarscallthis

componentthe“gooddeed”(Bakken2000;Sheridan1968).Assistinganelderly

personacrosstheroadhasenteredwesternpopularcultureassynonymous

withthegooddeed.

“Precedent”isanothertermthatdescribesthiscomponent.Inhisdiscussionof

grassrootsmovementsinMumbai,India,ArjunAppaduraiarguesthatthe

powerofthesemovementsliesintheirabilitytoturntrial-and-errorinitiatives

intoprecedents(Appadurai2002).Heexplains:

[T]hepoorneedtoreclaim,refine,anddefinecertainwaysofdoingthingsinspacestheyalreadycontrolandthenusethesepracticestoshow

85

donors,cityofficials,andotheractiviststhattheir“precedents”aregoodonesandencouragesuchactorstoinvestfurtherinthem(Appadurai2002:34).

Appaduraicallsthisapoliticsof“show-and-tell”andof“dofirst,talklater”.

Thereisanimportantdistinctionbetweenthegooddeedandtheprecedent

whenreferringtoexemplarytasks.Agooddeedrepresentsanestablished

standard;aprecedent,bycontrast,issomethingthatisstillworkinprogress.

Finally,exemplaritytargetsagroupofindividuals;theseindividualsare

expectedtoemulaterolemodelsandexecutetaskscorrectly.Therearealways

significantlymorepeopleemulatingthantherearerolemodels.Their

involvementmaybevoluntaryorencouraged,thoughitisdifficulttoforce.

Centraltotheseindividuals’experienceisthenotionoftransformation.On

successfulrepeateddemonstrationsofexemplarytaskstheyideallyundergoa

genuineandlastingtransformationintheirbeliefsandbehaviours.Theymay

evenbegintoadvocateforthecauseand,iftheyreallyexcel,canbecomerole

modelsthemselves.Forthesponsoroftheexemplaryproject,thisisthebest

possibleoutcomeasexemplarityultimatelyaspirestobeacontagiousformof

morality.

Exemplarityhasalonghistoryinthewest.BryanWarnickidentifiesthree

differentperspectivesandevolutionsofexemplarity(Warnick2008).First,the

“standardmodel”,whererolemodelsandtheiractionsarepresented

straightforwardlyasworthyofdirectimitation.Tomotivatestudents,the

benefitsofimitationarepresented.WarnickbelievesancientGreeceand

imperialRome–andtheirphilosophersandwriterssuchasSocrates(470–399

86

B.C.E.),Plato(428–348B.C.E.)andLivy(64B.C.E.–17C.E.)–arerepresentative

ofthisperspective.Thesecondperspectiveis“nonimitativeexemplars”,where

exemplarityisrejectedinfavourofself-relianceandtheexpressionoftheself.

Inthisperspective,tofollowothersisviewedasabetrayalofthetrueself.

WarnickarguesthatthephilosophyofReneDescartes(1596–1650)–todoubt

everything–initiatedthisperspective.Thirdandfinally,exemplaritycametobe

viewedasameansofinspiration.Thischangeinperspectivewasinitiatedby

theworkofNietzsche(1844–1900).Accordingtothisperspective,lookingat

thegreatnessofexemplarscan“openupnewwaysofseeingsignificanceinthe

world”(Warnick2008:352).Exemplaritybecameinspirational,allowinglateral

connectionstobemadeintheaidofknowledge,self-identityandthecreative

spirit.

ExemplarityinChina:thePasttothePresent

ExemplarityalsohasalonghistoryinChina.Thethreeperspectivesof

exemplarityfoundinwesterntraditionarealsofoundinChina,albeitina

differentchronology.Inancienttimes,forexample,Confuciusadvocated

emulationasameansofself-cultivation,tolearnfromandbeinspiredby

others.Later,fromthe1940stothe1960s,exemplaritywasakeystrategyof

theCCPtomobilisetheChinesepopulationandlegitimisetheirauthority.Strict

imitation,ratherthanflexibleemulation,wasencouraged.CCPexemplarity

furtherevolvedinthereformera,beginninginthelate1970s,associal

stratificationproliferatedandcompetinginterestsincreasedthroughout

Chinesesociety.Atthistime,CCPexemplaritybecameincreasingly

87

institutionalisedandsubjecttoascaleandbureaucraticlogicthatencouraged

feignedbehaviourandcomplianceratherthangenuineinternalisationand

attitudinalchange.Assuch,somescholarsidentifyCCPexemplarityasakey

causeofthesupposed“moraldecay”ofcontemporaryChinesesociety.These

scholarsbelieveexemplarityisnolongeranappropriatestrategytodealwith

thechallengesChinacurrentlyfaces(Ci2014;Lee2014).

Cultivation:ConfucianExemplarity

AncientdocumentsandliteratureshowtheinfluenceofheroicChinesefigures

overlatergenerations.Theyprovidedmaterialformythsandstoriesofthe

grandeurofancientChinesecivilisationaswellaselaborateillustrationsofthe

worthybehavioursofgreatheroes.TheSageKings,themythicalrulersand

deitiesfromthreemillenniaB.C.E.,andtheDukeofZhou,amemberoftheZhou

Dynasty(1100–221B.C.E.)renownedforhiscapabilityandloyalty,aretwo

suchexamples.

YetitisConfuciusandhisteachingsthatprovidethemostcompellingevidence

tosuggestthatthepowerofexampleandemulationofrolemodelswas

somethingwidelydiscussedanddebatedinancientChinesesociety.Confucius

(551–479B.C.E.)livedduringthesixthandfifthcenturiesB.C.E.,bywhichtime

theZhoudynastywasinanadvancedstateofdecline.Rulersofcontending

stateswarredwitheachotherastheyviedforterritoryandpower.Travelling

fromstatetostate,Confuciussoughtaudiencesandemploymentwiththese

rulerstosharehisvisionofgovernment.Ratherthanadvocatewar,violenceor

88

forceasastrategyforrulers,Confuciuspromotedthe“styleandmannersofthe

nobleperson(junzi君⼦)”(deBary&Bloom1999:42).Thejunzi,the“sonofa

lord”inancienttimesandnowadaysmeaning“amanofnoblecharacter;

gentleman”,governsthroughmoralvirtue(De德)ratherthanthroughforce.

Themostimportantmoralvirtuesarefilialdevotion(Xiao孝),humaneness(Ren

仁)andritualdecorum(Li礼).Self-cultivationandacommitmenttolearning

andculturalaccomplishments(Ru儒)arecentraltoallthesevirtues.The

emulationofworthyfiguresisoneofthemostimportantmethodsofself-

cultivation(Riegel2013).

Today,theAnalectsofConfucius(LunYu论语)isstilltaughtinschools

throughoutChina.TheChinesetermLunYumeans“EditedConversations”.The

titlepointsoutthattheworkisacollectionofthesayingsandideasofConfucius

compiledbysomeofhisfollowersafterhisdeath.AmyOlberding,ascholarof

Chinesephilosophy,notes,“Oneofthemostpotentstrategiesforself-

cultivationpresentedintheAnalectsistheemulationofexemplars”(Olberding

2008:629).Asanillustration,inonepassagefromtheAnalects,Confuciussays:

“WhenIwalkalongwithtwoothers,theymayservemeasmyteachers.Iwill

selecttheirgoodqualitiesandfollowthem,theirbadqualitiesandavoidthem”

(Legge2011:19[7.21]).Emperors,generals,poets,magistratesandfilial

children,amongstothers,allfeatureasworthyofemulationintheAnalects.

OlberdingalsoarguesthatConfucianexemplarityisbasedontheselectionof

modelsandbehavioursworthyofemulationpriortounderstanding.Shewrites

“Whileexemplarisminauguratestheorybyobservingtheratherbasicfactof

89

ourpre-theoreticaladmirationforexemplars,itthenseekstoassayjustwhywe

admire[them]”(Olberding2011:188).Inotherwords,rolemodelsdonot

definethequality;theymerelyillustrateit.Thismakesexemplarityextremely

attractiveasamethodofsocialgovernancebecausestrictdefinitionsand

“elaborateconceptualschemata”areunnecessary(Olberding2008:627).Inthe

1940s,theCCPbegantouseexemplarityextensively.Theycontinuetodoso

today.

Mobilisation:CCPExemplaritypre–1949

DuringthecivilwarwiththeNationalists(1927–1949),theCCPfound

themselvesinadifficultsituation.TheblockadebytheNationalistsandthe

Japaneseoffensiverenderedtheirtotalmobilisationessentialtotheirsurvival.

WhilebasedinYan’an,Shaanxiprovince,theirremoteruralbasefrom1937

until1945,theCCPwastaskedwithmaintainingmoraleacrosstheentirecamp,

ensuringleadersandordinarymemberswerecloselyalignedand,critically,

guaranteeingproductioncapabilityandself-sufficiency.

TheCCPkeptabreastofSovietexperiences,whichinfluencedtheirresponse

(Edwards2010).Inthe1930s,theCommunistPartyoftheSovietUnion

launchedaproductionheromovementtomobilisetheSovietpopulationand

boosttheirlaggingindustrialproductionefficiency.Themovementfoundits

genesisinAlexeyStakhanov(1906–1977),aminerwho,in1935,purportedly

moved102tonsofcoal,or14timeshisquota,inthespaceofsixhours.He

quicklybecameaposter-childfortheCommunistPartyoftheSovietUnionand

90

usheredinthebeginningoftheStakhanoviteMovement(Shlapentokh1988).

Tobecomea“Stakhanovite”,oneneededtodemonstrateanexceptional

productionrecord,toexceedquotasandtobreakrecords.Itwaslinkedwith

glory,valourandheroism.Maosawtheideologicalandmobilisingpotentialof

thismovementandtransferredittoChina.

ThefirstmodelworkerinYan’anwasrecognisedin1942whenWuManyu,an

illiteratefarmer,wasgivenproductionherostatus.Wuhadsharedhis

impressivefarmingskillswithothersandhelpedincreaseyields(Funari&Mees

2013).Soonafterwards,in1943,MaolaunchedtheYan’anProductionHero

Campaign,whichcontinueduntilthefollowingyear.13

Thecampaignhandedoutalargenumberofaccolades.Indeed,various

accountsillustratethepervasivenessofthecampaignandshowjusthow

commonplaceproductionheroandheroinestatusbecame.Oneaccount,for

example,describeshowagroupof23workerswerejointlyawardedhero

statusfor,amongstotherthings,teachingthemselveshowtoreadandthereby

improvingworkefficiency(Funari&Mees2013).Inanotheraccount,by1945a

totalof518people,includingpeasants,workers,administrativeworkersand

evenstudentshad“enteredtheYan’anpantheon”withmodelstatusas

productionheroes(Funari&Mees2013:241–242).Yetanotheraccount,

13TheYan’anRectificationMovement(Yan’anZhengfengYundong延安整风运动)occurredatasimilartime.ItwaslaunchedbyMaoin1942andlasteduntil1944.TheRectificationMovementwasanideologicalmovementthatsoughttoseedCCPideologyandculturethroughoutthecamp.Itinvolvedanumberofpurgesandupto10,000peoplewerekilled.ThereissomecommonalitybetweenthismovementandtheYan’anProductionHeroCampaigninthattheybothsoughttomobiliseideologicalthoughtthroughoutYan’anandunitetheentirePartybehindcommongoals.

91

however,claimsthatby1945therewereinfactapproximately12,000people

withherostatusinYan’an.Amongstthese,1,100were“first-class”(Stranahan

1983).Regardlessofwhichaccountiscorrect,whatisclearisthatexemplarity

wasaprimarymobilisationstrategyfortheCCPwhilestationedinYan’an.

Legitimation:CCPExemplarity1949–1978

Inthe1960s,inordertolegitimisetheirsocialistauthorityandtighten

ideologicalunity,theCCPintroducedrevolutionaryheroesthroughoutthe

country.Revolutionaryheroeswerewholeheartedlydevotedtothesocialist

cause.TheydifferfromYan’anproductionheroesinanumberofways.

Attitudes,forexample,arejustasimportantasbehaviours;itisnotenoughjust

toraiseone’sworkefficiency.Furthermore,whileheroicfeats‘largerthanlife’

remainimportant,smaller,evenmundane,behavioursinaccumulationare

worthyofemulation.Finally,anonymityandsubmissionoftheselftothe

socialistcause–totheextentofrefusingmedicalassistanceandeven

embracingdeath–aretypicalofrevolutionaryexemplarity.

LeiFeng(雷锋)isthemostwell-knownrevolutionaryheroandisstillutilisedby

theCCPinthetwenty-firstcenturyover50yearsafterhisdeath.Leiwasa

soldierinthePeople’sLiberationArmywhowaskilledinanaccidentin1962at

theageof22.MaoZedonglaunchedthefirst“LearnfromLeiFeng”campaignin

1963followingthediscoveryofhisdiary,insidewhichLeirecordedmany

thoughtsillustratinghissenseofdutytoandbeliefinthesocialistcause.Below

isanexampleofoneofLei’sdiaryentries:

92

October15th,1961.Sundaytoday.Ididn’tgoout;instead,Iwashedfivemattressesforthecomradesinmysquad,repairedKaoK’uei-yun’sbedcover,assistedthecookstowashmorethan600cattiesofcabbage14,sweptinsideandoutsidetheroom,andotherthings…Inall,I’vedonewhatIshouldhavedone.I’mtiredbuthappy…It’sglorioustobeanamelesshero(takenfromSheridan1968:53).

Anotherofthe61diaryentriesmadebyLeiFengisthephrase“Myonly

ambitionistobearustlessscrewforthegreatcauseofrevolution”.Lei’sdiary

provedtobeaninvaluablepieceofpropagandaforMaotomouldidealcitizens

ofNewChina,citizensthatweaveCCPthoughtandideologyintotheirdaily

lives.ThediaryhighlightsthepleasureandsenseofpurposethatMaowanted

otherstoembraceeveniftheywereonlyasmallpartofthesocialistrevolution

(Mertha2009).

Lei’sdeathin1962wasanaccident.AnotherrevolutionaryherocalledWang

Jie,bycontrast,willinglysacrificedhislifetosaveothers.In1965attheageof

23,Wangwastrainingteammembersintheuseoflandmineswhenhethrew

himselfontopofadefectiveminebeforeitexploded.Hewaskilledintheblast

butsavedalltheothers(Landsberger2001;Sheridan1968).Hisself-sacrifice

anddesiretoserveothersensuredhimrevolutionaryherostatus.WangJie’s

story,moreover,emphasisestheimportanceadisregardfortheselfbecamefor

revolutionaryheroes.

AnotherrevolutionaryherocalledWangJinxi,nicknamedIronMan(TieRen铁

⼈),isafurthercaseinpoint.HewasthefirsttostrikeoilinDaqing,abitterly

14InChina,1catty(jinorshijin⽄／市⽄)is500grams,so600cattiesis300kilograms.

93

coldcityinnortheasternHeilongjiangprovinceandthesiteofChina’slargestoil

field.WhilestationedatDaqing,WangJinxiwashurtinanaccident.Yetwith

bleedingandswollenlegsherefusedanymedicalhelpandkeptdirectinghis

team.Asthestorygoes,hissuperiorssenthimtohospitalbutheescapedand

returnedtowork,onlytobesentbacktohospitalagain(Funari&Mees2013).

TheChinesemovieIronMan(TieRen铁⼈2009)tellsWangJinxi’sstory.The

movietrailerdepictsanexemplaryeventfromhislife;jumpingintoa

malfunctioningwellandmixingcementwithhisownbody.Hesavesthe

driller’slifeaswellasthecement.

ItisalsoduringthistimethattheCCPcarriedouttherusticationprogram.

Between1968and1978,approximately17millionurbanyouthwererelocated

fromthecitytothecountryside.Theseurbanyouthareknownasthesent-

downyouthorthe“educatedyouth(ZhishiQingnian知识青年)”.Whilethe

programwaspartlydesignedtorelievesevereemploymentpressureacross

cities,officiallyitservedMao’svisionofsocialism.Sent-downyouthwere

expectedtoacquiresocialistcredentialsbylivingwithandlearningfrom

peasants.ThomasBernsteindescribestheprogram’sgoalsasfollows:“Sent-

downyoutharetobe‘re-educated’(zaijiaoyu再教育)bythepoorandlower-

middlepeasants;itishopedthatsustainedcontactwiththepeasantswilllead

tothoroughgoingvaluechange”(Bernstein,inSeybolt1977:xvii).

UndertheleadershipoftheCCP,peasantstaughturbanyouthsocialistvalues

andbehaviours.WeiChiang-ko,anAssistantPartyBranchSecretary,describes

hisexperiencesusinglanguagethatcametosymboliseCCPexemplarity:“For

94

overtwoyearsnowthepoorandlower-middlepeasantsandIhavetaughtthe

educatedyouthsbywordanddeed”(Seybolt1977:106).Atothertimes,sent-

downyouthwhoadaptedwellwerealsohailedasrolemodelsworthyof

emulation,asthefollowingaccountshows:“[Threeeducatedyouths]feltthat

thehardertheplace,themoretheyareabletotemperthemselves;thatplaces

wheretheconditionsarelessgoodparticularlyneedthemforconstruction”

(Seybolt1977:27).Therusticationprogramisprobablythelargestandmost

ambitiousdirectexperimentinCCPexemplarityeverundertaken.

Harmonisation:CCPExemplarityintheReformEra

Throughoutthereformera,China’ssocialstratificationincreasedrapidlyasa

newmiddle-class,promotedbythecentralgovernment,emerged(Goodman,D.

S.G.2008;Tang2013;Tomba2004;Zhang,L.2010).Chinesescholarsnotethat

thisprocessleadtotheemergenceof“amodernsocialclassstructure”inwhich

inequalityandconflictsofinterestareinevitable:

[T]hegovernmentnolongerpursuedanegalitarianeconomicdistribution,wasnolongerincompletedenialofthephenomenonofincomedisparities,allowedtheexistenceofanincomegapinsociety,[and]evenencourag[ed]theincomegaptowiden…believingthattheexistenceofa[n]incomegapwouldmotivatesocialdevelopment(Huetal2011:412).

Underthesecircumstances,theCCPbegantouseexemplarityasastrategyto

manageinequalityandclassconflict.Itdidsointwoways.First,itfurther

institutionalisedrevolutionaryheroessuchasLeiFeng.Eachyear,Marchthe5th

celebratesLeiFengDayandcitizensfromallwalksoflifeareencouragedto

performsmallgooddeedstowardothers.

95

Second,modelstatuswasgrantedtovariousindividualswho,duetotheirlowly

occupationorlimitedphysical/mentalcapacity,seemdisadvantagedinsome

way.Yetthroughhardwork,theybetteredthemselvesand/orothers.The

implicitmessagewasthatwhilesomeChinesecitizensmaybeenjoyingthe

economicbenefitsresultingfromreformmorethanothers,no-onewastomiss

outonaplaceinChina’smodernisationproject.

ThusZhangHaidi,alsoknownasLingLing,becameanofficialmodelinthe

1980s.Zhangwasaparaplegicattheageoffivefollowinganumberof

operationstoremovetumoursfromherspine.Sheattemptedsuicideasa

teenager.Havingnevergonetoschool,however,Zhanglaterwentontoteach

herselfanumberofforeignlanguagesaswellashowtoreadliterature,medical

scienceandpoliticalscience.Sheexhibitedqualitieshighlydesirableduringthe

reformera:“aburningdesiretoovercomeobstaclesofwhateverkind,self-

sacrifice,[and]ahungerforknowledge”.AposterofZhangHaidifromthe

1980sshowshersmilingwithapileofbooksinthebackground.Itcontainsthe

followingcaption:“Toliveistocontribute,nottodemand(Renshengdeyiyi

zaiyugongxian,erbushisuoqu⼈⽣的意义在于贡献，⽽不是索取)”(Landsberger

2001:554).

Inaddition,XuHu,aplumberfromShanghai,wasproclaimedamodelworkerin

1996forhis“exemplaryrepairingofblocked-uptoilets”.Xureportedlytookhis

worksoseriouslythathewouldrepairtoiletsinhissparetime.Hailedasa

modern-dayLeiFengbytheShanghaigovernment,Xuexplainedhisdriveas

96

follows:“Itisveryeasyformetofixatoilet,butitisabigthingforpeoplewho

needthetoiletfixed”(Funari&Mees2013:241).

Soldiersarestillrecognisedasexemplarymodelsinthereformera.Ratherthan

provingtheirsocialistcredentials,however,theyareselectedasworthyof

emulationbecausetheyprotectthoselessfortunateorintrouble.Thesoldier

XuHonggang,forexample,sustained14knifewoundswhenhetriedtoprotect

awomanfrombeingbulliedbyagroupofmenonalong-distancebustrip.He

reportedlyboundhisintestineswithclothtochasetherobbers,though

eventuallyfainted.Hewasawardedthetitleof“Warriorwhoispreparedto

battleforajustcause(JianyiYongweideYingxiongZhanshi见义勇为的英雄战⼠)”

andseveral“LearnfromXuHonggang”campaignsfollowed.

Inaddition,DeputyCommanderYeAiqunandhisdriverwitnessedapedestrian

beingrobbed.Theychasedthetwothievesinthecar,catchingthem.Ye

receivednumerousawardsincludingfinancial.ThePeople’sLiberationArmy

laterheldstudysessionsofhiscase.Studysessionsareacommonpedagogic

methodusedthroughoutChinaatalllevelsofgovernmentaswellasinwork-

unitsandschools.Instudysessionscadres,employeesandstudentsare

requiredtoundertakea“closereading(jingdu精读)”ofashorttext,memoriseit

wordforwordandansweraseriesofquestionstowhichthereisonlyone

correctresponse(Kipnis2011;Lu,Y.2007).Ye’scaseillustratesthatexemplary

modelsinthereformeraarealsoselectedbasedontheirsymbolicvalue:Ye’s

givennameAiqun(爱群)means“lovethemasses”(Edwards2010).

97

Finally,amuchlessexplicitformofexemplarityemergedinthetwenty-first

centuryintheformofurbanmiddle-classexemplarity.Inthisformof

exemplarity,Chinesearenudgedtoemulatemiddle-classcivility,definedas

“urbanandcivilizedpracticesofcommunity”(Tomba2014:141).Inpractice,

middle-classpeoplewhopurchaseapartmentsinmiddle-classhousingestates

arerewardedwitharetreatoflocalstatesurveillancefromthoseestates.Real

estatemarketersseizeonthisretreatbypromotingsuchhousingestatesas

“civilised”andfreeofunrulyresidentssuchasruralmigrantsandlaid-offstate

workers.

CCPExemplarity:Cynicism,Rejectionand“WaysofLying”

ThescaleandefficacyexpectedofCCPexemplarityhasalwaysbeenambitious.

Leaderscarefullymanagetheselectionofrolemodelsaswellasexactlywhat

emulationentails.Inonerevealingincident,volunteerbarbersemulatingLei

FengbygivingfreehaircutsinaparkincentralHenanprovincewere

consideredanuisanceandtoldtoleave.Astheparkmanagementexplained,

“YoucanonlycomeheretolearnfromLeiFengwhenthegovernmentorganizes

youtodoso[i.e.March5th]…LearningfromLeiFengisnotsomethingyoucan

doanytimeyouwish”(Lee2014:26).

Nonetheless,thechoiceofmodelsadjuststothetimesbecausetheyhavetostir

the“lowestdenominator”insociety,whetherinYan’anoracrosstheentire

Chinesenation(Sheridan1968).Perhapsasaresultofbeingdesignedtoappeal

to‘themasses’,exemplarymodelsbecamethetargetofcynicismandmockery.

98

Inthereformera,mostmodelsonlyremaininthemediaforveryshortperiods

oftime.Manyaremorelikelytobeconsidered“ideologicaloddities,ratherthan

figuresoflastinginfluenceandrenown”(Funari&Mees2013:250).YeAiqun,

forexample,wasparticularlyridiculed:asaDeputyCommanderinthearmy,he

isfarfromrepresentativeoftheaverageChinesecitizen.Moreover,many

Chinesebelieveitisridiculousthathewasgivencreditwhenitwasactuallyhis

driverwhohaddriventhecarandchasedtherobbers,sustaininganinjuryin

theprocess(Edwards2010).

TheCCPbelievedthereintroductionofLeiFengfollowingtheTiananmen

Squareincidentin1989wouldhelpcalmthehighagitationthatcharacterised

thenation’smood.Instead,manyconsidereditajoke(Landsberger2001).In

response,theCCPworkedhardtoretainLei’srelevanceandintentionallytoned

downhissocialistcredentialsandselflessness.Subsequenteditionsofhisdiary,

forexample,omitglaringlyobvioussocialistideologicalentries,suchas“Always

beadociletooloftheParty”(Bakken2000).TheCCPevenrecastLeiin

differentguises–assomeonewithasavingsaccountandevenasahomeowner

–inanattempttogarnerempathywiththemodernandurbanChinesecitizen

(Landsberger2001).Noneoftheseeffortshavehadmuchimpact.

AlthoughrolemodelsinChinadidnotbaskinanywherenearthesamedegree

offameasintheSovietUnion15,Yan’anproductionheroesandPeople’s

LiberationArmyrevolutionaryheroesdidnonethelessreceiveincreased15AfterhebecameamodelworkerintheSovietUnioninthe1930s,AlexeyStakhanovleftmanuallabourandwentonspeakingtoursacrossthenation.Hisincomeincreased,workloaddecreasedandhestartedwearingaleatherjacket.ThistrajectorywasnotuncommonforproductionheroesintheSovietUnion(Sokolskaya2015).

99

attentionfrombothcadresandtheirpeers(unlessposthumouslydeified).In

thereformera,however,theprestigeassociatedwithmodelstatusdevalued

significantly.Manypeoplesimplydidnotwanttobecomeamodel.Partofthe

problemisthe‘largerthanlife’featureofCCPexemplarity.AsBakkenexplains:

Learningfromexemplaryheroeshadvirtuallyturnedintoa‘cultureofgods’(shendewenhua),itwasclaimed;livingpeopleoffleshandbloodhavehumandesiresandemotions,andnobodycouldbeexpectedtoimitatesuchgods(Bakken2000:190).

Anotherissueisthereceptionofmodels.Theyaresociallycastrated,bullied

andevenbeaten.

Finally,somescholarsarguethattheCCP’sdogmaticstyleofexemplarityisin

facttherootcauseofChinesecitizens’cynicismandrejection(Ci2014;Lee

2014).HaiyanLee,forexample,argues“theParty…loomsalltoolargeinLei

Feng’suniverseofdutiesandobligations”.Morality,shecontinues,isan“affair

oftwo,whichcannotopenuptoathirdpartyoranauthorityfigure”(Lee2014:

20).ForLee,emulationoftheCCP’srolemodelsisdirectedtowardtheParty.It

cannotformthebasisofamoralrelationshipwhereitismostneeded,between

Chinesecitizensthemselves.Accordingly,theresponseofmostpeopleisneither

genuineemulationnorcompleterejection.Instead,theypaylipservicetorole

modelsandexpectedbehavioursbutneverinternaliseanything.Bakkencalls

thisresponsea“wayoflying”(Bakken2000).

100

Conclusion:theLegacyofCCPExemplarity

ThesevariousresponsestoCCPexemplarity–cynicism,rejectionand“waysof

lying”–indicatedissatisfactionand/ordisillusionwiththeCCP;theyarenot

necessarilyarejectionofexemplarity.Infact,CarolineHumphreyshowsthata

centralcharacteristicofmoralityinInnerMongolia,anautonomousregionin

northernChina,istheindividualselectionofexemplarymodels(Humphrey

1997).ShedescribeshowMongolianssometimesspendyearssearchingforan

appropriaterolemodelthatsuitstheirparticularneeds.Assuch,exemplarsare

differentforeveryone.

HumphreysharesaconversationshehadinsideoneMongolian’shouseas

typicaloftheirapproachtoexemplarymodels:“[T]hisismyfather,thisismy

teacher,thatisthegodthatmyhusbandworshippedwhenXhappened,thisis

thesaintthatIparticularlyrevere,andsoon”(Humphrey1997:35).Personal

exemplarsareimportantforMongoliansastheyopenupaspacefor

deliberationaboutdifferentaspectsandwaysoflife.

Moreover,HumphreyclaimsthatMongoliansrejectrolemodelspromotedby

theCCP–theyareviewedas“brainless”andpossessing“zerocurrency”–

becauseCCPexemplarityadvocatesafixedinterpretationandmeaningwhereas

Mongolianexemplarityisalwaysinterpretedwithinaspecificindividual

context.

101

AlternativeformsofexemplaritydonotonlyexistinChina’sborderprovinces

thathavesignificantpopulationsofnon-Hanethnicities.Astheopeningvignette

ofthischapterillustratesandasIdiscoveredamongstagroupofindependent

andsmall-scaleorganicfarmers,aformofgrassrootsexemplarityhasemerged

inandaroundShanghai,aninternationalandcosmopolitanmetropolisandthe

homeofover24millionpeople.SocialisedandculturedbydecadesofCCP

exemplarity,ordinaryChinesecitizensareself-appointingthemselvesasrole

modelsandcallingonotherstoemulatethem.

102

103

ChapterThree.ExemplaryAgriculturalists:TheirMovement,Mission&

Morality

Thischapterintroducestheexemplaryagriculturemovementanditsmain

participants,exemplaryagriculturalists.Ibeginbybroadlyoutliningthe

movement’sobjectivesandfundamentalmechanisms,comparingitwithCCP

exemplarity.IthenseparateShanghai’s13exemplaryagriculturalistsintothree

groupsbasedontheirimmediateconcernsandbasicdemographics.Thisallows

metoformthreedistinctnarrativeswithinthemovementthathelpsexplain

motivationstomigratetothecountrysideandestablishorganicfarms.

Followingthis,Ipaintadetailedpictureofthreeofthem:OldZhengfromZiran

Farm,LiuShanfromChuantongFarmandShangMeifromShengtaiFarm.I

discusstheirbackground,tracethemotivationsandtriggersthatledtotheir

decisiontomigratetothecountryside,andelaborateonvariousmanifestations

oftheirpracticeofexemplarityandpositiverurality.

Theirstoriesraiseanumberofquestions.Howcanweunderstandexemplary

agriculturalists’relationshipwithurbanmodernityandtheirurban-to-rural

migration?Wheredoesexemplaryagriculturesitwithregardtoother

sustainablefoodinitiativesinChina?Whatdoesexemplaryagriculture,and

whatdoexemplaryagriculturalists,haveincommonwithalternativefood

104

movementsandtheirprotagonistsinthewest?Intheremainderofthechapter,

Iaddressthesetopics.

IntroducingExemplaryAgriculture

ExemplaryagricultureisagrassrootsalternativefoodmovementinShanghai,

Chinaandthesurroundingcountryside.Atthemovement’scentreare13

independentandsmall-scaleorganicfarmerswhoIcallexemplary

agriculturalists.Theirfarmsaresmall;mostarelessthan13hectaresinsize.

Moreover,theyarenotcertifiedorganicbyanyauthority.Tothem,“organic”

simplymeans“chemical-free”.ThismeaningapproximateswhatMelissa

Caldwell,inherdiscussionofnaturalfoodsinpost-SovietRussia,calls

“ecologicallyclean”.Sheexplainsthat“‘ecologicallyclean’foodsarepresumed

tobehealthy,fullofessentialmineralsandnutrients,anddonotcontain

additivesandpreservatives”(Caldwell2007:53).Exemplaryagriculturalists

addthefollowingdictum:“Nochemicalpesticides,nochemicalfertilisers

(Meiyounongyao,meiyouhuafei没有农药,没有化肥)”.

ExemplaryagriculturalistsworryaboutthehealthofChinesesocietyandwant

toprovidealternatives.Whiletheyacceptthatitisanurban-centricmodernity,

theybelieveitprivilegesurbanisation,marketisationandconsumerismatthe

expenseofallotherformsofknowledgeandwaysofliving.Thissituation

strainsrelationshipsbetweenfamily,friendsandcolleagues,makingitdifficult

toleadhealthyandhappylives.Theywanttocreatealternativesforcityliving

thatimprovetheexperienceofurbanmodernity.

105

Byfarmingorganicproducesuchasgrains,vegetablesandeggsinthe

countrysideandsellingtocustomersinthecity,theywanttorelieveChinese

urbanitesfromanxietycausedbyfoodsafetyconcerns.Atadeeperlevel,they

wanttoinfluenceurbanattitudestowardruralChinaandimproverelations

betweenthetwogroups.Exemplaryagriculturalistsdevelopprinciplesderived

fromruralculture,adoptingtheseprinciplesintheirbehaviourandinfusing

theminsidetheirorganicproduce.Theycallonotherstoemulatethem.They

encourageurbanresidentstoapplytheseprinciplestotheirownlives,thereby

facilitatingalternativeandbetterwaysofcityliving.

Butexemplaryagriculturalistsareselectiveintheirinterpretationofrural

culture,derivingcertainfavourableprinciplesfromit.Icalltheirperspectiveof

ruralChinapositiverurality.Threecharacteristicsarefundamentaltopositive

rurality.Theseare:

1. Apositivesentimenttowardthecountryside.Thisaspectofpositive

ruralityreferstoageneralappreciationforthecultureandagrarian

historyofrural/traditionalChinaandanacknowledgementofitsbroad

relevancetodaytoquestionsofurbanmodernity.Itisaboutbeingopen-

mindedtowardthecountrysideandtraditionalvaluesandpractices;

106

2. Labouradvocacy.Thisaspectofpositiveruralityisacelebrationof

labour,doingthingsyourselfandself-sufficiency.Itisalsoarejectionof

thetenetthatconsumerismcansatisfyallneeds16;and

3. Autonomy.Thisaspectofpositiveruralitysupportsadegreeof

autonomyfromthemainstreameconomy.Thisismanifested,for

example,inserviceencountersbetweenproducersandcustomers,

whichshouldbeface-to-faceandbuiltonafoundationofmutualtrust

andreciprocity.

Positiveruralityimpliesthatexemplaryagricultureoperatesinamoral

economypartiallyoutsidethemainstreameconomy.Myuseoftheterm“moral

economy”differsfromscholarswhorefertotherightofthepoorclassesand

peasantstoabasiclivelihood.E.P.Thompson,forexample,describesthemoral

economyoftheEnglishpoorastheirexpectationthattheelitewillnotthreaten

theirsubsistencelivelihood.Itis:

[A]popularconsensusastowhatwerelegitimateandwhatwereillegitimatepracticesinmarketing,milling,baking,etc.Thisinitsturnwasgroundeduponaconsistenttraditionalviewofsocialnormsandobligations,ofthepropereconomicfunctionsofseveralpartieswithinthecommunity,which,takentogether,canbesaidtoconstitutethemoraleconomyofthepoor(Thompson1971).

JamesScottusestheterminasimilarfashioninhisdiscussionofpeasantsin

SoutheastAsia.AccordingtoScott,themoraleconomyofthepeasantis:16Labouradvocacyanditsencouragementof‘DIY’suggeststhatexemplaryagricultureusesemulationtoinspireindividualinterpretationandthinkingforoneself,similartothethirdandmostrecentformofexemplarymoralityinthewest,associatedwithFriedrichNietzsche.CCPexemplarity,bycontrast,isa“standardmodel”(Warnick2008)ofexemplarymoralityandfavoursdirectimitation.

107

[T]heirnotionofeconomicjusticeandtheirworkingdefinitionofexploitation–theirviewofwhichclaims…weretolerableandwhichintolerable(Scott1976:3).

Themoraleconomyofthepeasant,inotherwords,istheir“rightto

subsistence”andhencerighttoprotest,evenriot,whenthatrightto

subsistenceisthreatened(Scott1976:33).

By“moraleconomy”,Irefertothenatureoftherelationshipbetween

exemplaryagriculturalistsandtheircustomersinthecity.Theirsisbuiltonthe

expectationofreciprocity.Exemplaryagriculturalistsmustprovidehealthy,

qualityandsafefoodaswellastransparencyintheirfarmingtechniques.

Customersmustacknowledgeandaffirmtheuniquenessofexemplary

agriculturalists’organicproduceaswellasthepositiveruralityembedded

inside.Fromexemplaryagriculturalists’perspective,thisisfundamentally

differenttotheimpersonaleconomictransactionsthatcharacterisethe

mainstreameconomy.

ExemplaryagriculturehassomesimilaritieswithCCPexemplarity.Theyboth

sharethecomponentsofcause,rolemodelsandtasks,andtargetagroupof

peopletoemulaterolemodels.Furthermore,exemplaryagriculture’sinterestin

classrelationsbetweentheurbanandruralisnotsodifferentfromCCP

exemplarityanditslatterincarnationandinterestinharmonisationacross

society.

108

Theirdifferences,however,aremorefundamental.Thefirstmajordifferenceis

obvious:CCPexemplarityisastateproject,whileexemplaryagricultureisa

grassrootsmovement.Thishasrelevanceforhowrolemodelsareappointedas

wellastherelationshipbetweenrolemodelsandthepeopletargetedfor

emulation.CCPexemplarityisavastinstitutionalandbureaucraticapparatus

thatselectsandadoptsrolemodelstorepresentand‘speakfor’theCCP’s

interests.Withinexemplaryagriculture,bycontrast,theultimateobjectiveis

definedbyself-appointedexemplars.Assuch,itisnotalwaysclearwhoisthe

rolemodelandwhoistargetedforemulation.AsIshowlater,anumberof

volunteersonexemplaryfarmsactuallyendupinfluencingtheexemplary

agriculturalistratherthantheotherwayaround.

Asecondmajordifferenceconcernsthecomprehensivenessand‘completeness’

–howtotalisingtheyare–betweenthetwo.CCPexemplarityexpectsevery

citizentoheeditscall.What’smore,rolemodelsandtheirgooddeedsare

unveiledasfinishedproducts.Studysessionsstudy,notdebate,them.People

imitate,ratherthanemulatethroughinterpretation.Exemplaryagriculture,by

contrast,isalwayspartialand‘incomplete’.Emulationisselectiveand

interpretative,ratherthanabsoluteandliteral.Gooddeedsareprecedents,

worksinprogressthataredebatedandrefinedratherthanimmortalised

pronouncements.Evenexemplaryagriculture’sunderlyingcauseisaloosely

definedsentimentratherthanastrictcanonlinkedtoaclearsetofobjectives.

LarsHøjerandAndreasBandakdiscussthenotionof‘incompleteness’intheir

workonexemplarity.Inhighlightingthepolarisingviewsexemplarityoften

109

generates–eithereverythingisexpectedoftheexemplarinpursuitofa

universalapplicationorelsetheyarerelegatedtonothingmorethanamere

examplethatisnotrepresentativeofanything–HøjerandBandakinstead

arguethatthepowerofexemplarsistheirabilitytobe“alwayslessthan

everythingandmorethanitself”(Højer&Bandak2015:8).Exemplarsinduce

connectionsandresemblancesbetweenpreviouslyunconnectedphenomena.

They“conjureup(momentary)wholes”(Højer&Bandak2015:7).

HøjerandBandakconcludethatexemplarssitbetweenstabilityandunruliness

andproposeasmuchastheydescribe.Inotherwords,liminalityisaprime

featureofexemplarymorality.Importantly,exemplarshelpconfuseontological

divides(i.e.whatisrealandwhatisnotreal,whatexistsandwhatdoesnot

exist),acrucialtaskfortheimaginingoffuturepossibilities,thecentraltaskof

exemplaryagriculture.

IntroducingExemplaryAgriculturalists

Only13vendorsatShanghai’sfarmers’marketsareexemplaryagriculturalists.

Theirdemographics,motivationsandthemoralnarrativetheywraptheir

farmingprojectinmakethemuniqueanddifferenttootherfarmers,organicor

otherwise.Mostwerenotborninthecity.OfShanghai’s13exemplary

agriculturalists,sixwereborninruralareas,fourincountyareas(whichwere

ruralorsemi-ruralinnatureatthetime)andonlythreeinthecity.BythetimeI

110

didmyresearch,allbutoneheldacityhouseholdregistration.17Theyarepart

ofasmallgroupofruralChinesewhobecameurbanresidentseitherby

attendinguniversityorbymarryinganurbanresident.Theysubsequentlylived

andworkedinthecityformanyyears,oftenmorethanadecade.Yettheynever

totallyforgottheirruralrootsandretainedanappreciationandempathy,even

ifveryslight,fortheirhometownsandforruralChina.Putanotherway,arural

ethossimmeredinurbanChinaformanyyears.

Basedontheirimmediateconcernsandbasicdemographics,Idivideexemplary

agriculturalistsintothreedistinctgroups.18Thefirstgroupareallborninthe

1970s.Theywereentrepreneurs,professionalsandmanagersinthepast(see

table3.1).Theyaredissatisfiedwithcitylifeandinsomecasessufferanillness:

aDisillusionnarrative.Manyofthembecamevegetarian.Theylivefull-timeon

theirexemplaryfarmsandventuretothecityforfarmers’marketson

weekends(everyweekendoreverysecondweekend).Giventheyliveontheir

farmsmostofthetime,exemplaryagriculturalistsinthisgrouparemore

willingtoreceivevolunteersandvisitors.Assuch,thethreefarmsIspentmost

timeonandthethreeexemplaryagriculturalistsIdescribeindetailinthis

chapterallbelongtothisgroup.

Thesecondgroupareofasimilaragetothefirstgroup.Theywere

professionalsandmanagersinthepast(seetable3.2).Somehavepostgraduate

17Theoneexceptioncurrentlyholdsacountyhouseholdregistration,thoughwasbornwitharuralone.18Althoughmanyfemalesareinvolved,exemplaryagricultureislargelyamaleaffair.AmongstShanghai’s13exemplaryagriculturalists,tenaremaleandthreearefemale.ThiscontinuesthemasculinetraditionofexemplarymoralityinChina;malerolemodelsdominatebothConfucianandCCPexemplarity.

111

qualificationssuchasMastersorPh.D.Mosthaveayoungchildlessthanten

yearsofage,andthebirthoftheirchildisanimportantreasoninpursuing

organicfarming.JuHaofromJiandanFarm,forexample,explains:“Iwasjust

nothappy(butaifangxin不太放⼼)withthefoodoutsideIwasbuyingformy

kid”.AndZhiquanfromMengkeFarmsays:“Wewanttogiveourkidsachance

toberaised‘free-range(shanyanghaizi⼭养孩⼦)’”.19IcallthisgrouptheNext

Generationnarrative.Exemplaryagriculturalistsinthisgroupsplittheirtime

betweenthecountrysideandemploymentdutiesorfamilyresponsibilitiesin

thecity.Zhiquanpublishedapromotionalbookletthatsummarisesthisattitude

called“CityFiveCountryTwo(ChengWuNongEr城五农⼆)”.Itadvocateshis

ideallifestyle:fivedaysaweekinthecityandtwodaysontheweekendinthe

countryside.

Thethirdandfinalgroupareallyoungerandborninthe1980s.Theyare

currentlyemployedinmanagerialrolesinthecity(seetable3.3).Whilethe

differenceinagebetweenthisgroupofexemplaryagriculturalistsandtheother

twogroupsisonlyafewyearsinsomecases,post–1980Chineseare

generationallyunique;theygrewupduringtheproliferationofcomputer

technologiesandhaveindependentattitudesandbeliefs.Importantly,members

ofthisgroupwereallbornasruralresidentsandtheirexemplaryfarmsare

locatedeitherinorclosetotheirhometownsinthecountryside.Theirparents

livethereandmanagethefarmfull-timewhiletheyworkinthecityandvisiton

weekends.FilialPietynarrativesinformtheirdecisionstosetuporganicfarms.

19“Free-range”isthetermusedtodescribethemethodofanimalhusbandrywhereanimalsroamoutdoorsforatleastpartoftheday.

112

AsChengJunfromTianlanFarmexplains,“Iwanttoensuremyparentswillbe

takencareof,astherearesofewwaystoearnmoneywheretheylive.Thisway,

Icanhelpthem”.

Itisimportanttoexplicitlyclarifyafewpointsregardingexemplary

agriculturalists’motivations.First,whiletheycertainlydislikeanumberof

aspectsofurbanmodernityandChina’smodernisationproject,theydonot

rejectitnorseektoentirelyescapeit.Instead,theywanttoimproveitthrough

theselectapplicationofvalues,knowledgeandpracticestheybelieveare

indigenoustoruralChina.

Second,anyconcernforruralChina–itspopulationandculture–theyharbour

israrely,ifever,theirprimarymotivation.Rather,theypurposelytapinto

discoursesofurban/ruraldifferencetocreatetheirowninterpretationand

practiceofruralityfortheirexemplaryproject,positiverurality.Inotherwords,

thereisclearintentamongstexemplaryagriculturaliststhatorganicfarming

andpositiveruralityarethemeanstoanend.Itishowtheiralternativevision

ofurbanmodernitywillberealised;theyborrowfromtheruraltohelpthe

urban.

113

Name Farmname,organicfarmingtechnique,farmsize(hectares)

Gender Yearborn Education

Yearstartorganicfarming

Previousoccupation

Currenthouseholdregistration

(spouseorbusinesspartner) (asatbirth)

1OldZheng

ZiranFarm,natural,151/3 Male 1974 Undergraduate 2008 Sales City(county)(wife:Xiaona)

2LiuShan ChuantongFarm,traditional,

62/3Male 1973 Undergraduate 2012 Entrepreneur City(city)(businesspartner:Jiang

Shifu)

3ShangMei

ShengtaiFarm,ecological,2 Female 1975 Diploma 2011 Entrepreneur City(rural)(husband:OldShen)

4 OldDu DuoyanFarm,natural,22/3 Male 1976 Undergraduate 2011 Telecomm. City(county)5 WangChang KejiaFarm,organic,22/3 Male 1970 Undergraduate 2008 Finance County(rural)

Table3.1Disillusionnarrative:exemplaryagriculturalistsandtheirdetails.

114

Name Farmname,organicfarmingtechnique,farmsize(hectares)

Gender Yearborn Education

Yearstartorganicfarming

Previousoccupation

Currenthouseholdregistration

(spouseorbusinesspartner) (asatbirth)

6 FuYou FuYou’sOrganicFarm,ecological,131/3

Male 1970 Undergraduate 2008 Realestate City(rural)

7 JuHao JiandanFarm,organic,1 Male 1970 Masters 2011Organicfarmingcertification

City(county)

8 Zhiquan MengkeFarm,organic,8½ Male 1976 Ph.D. 2010 Government City(city)

9Xinyin

GenghaoFarm,natural,8 Female 1976 Undergraduate 2009 Finance City(county)(husband:Mr.Yang)

10 Zhuling CanxianFarm,ecological,51/3 Male 1982 Undergraduate 2010 Natureconservation City(city)

Table3.2NextGenerationnarrative:exemplaryagriculturalistsandtheirdetails.

115

Name Farmname,organicfarmingtechnique,farmsize(hectares)

Gender Yearborn Education

Yearstartorganicfarming

Previousorcurrentoccupation

Currenthouseholdregistration

(spouseorbusinesspartner) (asatbirth)

11Bihua

AilanFarm,natural,4 Female 1980 Undergraduate 2010 Marketresearch City(rural)(husband:Xiezhen)

12 ChengJun Tianlan,organic,31/3 Male 1980 Undergraduate 2009 IT City(rural)13 Qinfeng Mengle,ecological,31/3 Male 1980 Undergraduate 2012 Administration City(rural)

Table3.3FilialPietynarrative:exemplaryagriculturalistsandtheirdetails.

116

Letusnowexploreindetailthestoriesofthreeexemplaryagriculturalists.In

thefollowing,Idiscusstheirbackgroundandtriggerstobecomeorganic

farmers,aswellasvariousaspectsoftheirexemplarityandpracticeofpositive

rurality.

OldZhengandZiranFarm:DisgustedbyGraftBeforeWanderingandBecominga

NaturalFarmer

ZhengMengrui,whoeveryoneknowsasOldZheng,wasborninHebeiprovince

in1974,whereheheldacountyhouseholdregistration.Later,aftergraduating

inaccountingfromHebeiAgriculturalUniversity,heobtainedacity

registration.Hisfirstjobaftergraduatingwasinthewarehouseofagas

equipmentcompany(ranqishebei燃⽓设备).Aftertwoyearshewastransferred

tothesalesdepartmentwherehisclientsincludedalonglistofgovernment

departmentsinBeijingandcitiesacrossHebeiandShandongprovinces.

Afterfiveyears,OldZhengwasfedup,frustratedanddisillusionedwithhisjob.

Whiletheworkitselfwasnotdemanding,hefoundtheexcessivebanquetsand

othereveningactivitiesthatwererequiredtobuildrelationshipsandobtain

signedcontractscumbersomeandunsavoury.Potentialgovernmentcustomers

regularlyindicatedtoOldZhengthattheyneededto“checkitout”or“research

itthoroughly”priortomakingadecision.InChinese,to“research”somethingis

toyanjiu(研究).Ithasthesamesound,thoughslightlydifferenttonal

pronunciation,asthewordsfor“cigarettesandalcohol(yanjiu烟酒)”.A

responsefortheneedto“researchitthoroughly(deiyanjiuyanjiu得研究研究)”

117

canthusbeanexpliciteuphemismtoaskfor,ifnotcigarettesandalcohol,some

kindofmaterialincentive.

SuchbehaviourinbusinesstransactionsisnotunusualinChina.DavidWank,

forexample,notesthepervasivenessofgiftingpremiumcigarettesinbusiness

networkinganddiscusseshowitfacilitatesdealmaking(Wank2000).Yetwhen

OldZhengdescribeshispreviousjob,hisrepulsionisevident.Hedislikesandis

disgustedbythiswayofdoingbusinessinthecity.Hebelievesitexcessively

complicatesandpollutesarelationshipthatshouldbepureandgenuine.

OldZhengquithisjob,leavingthesecurityofcompanyemploymentandthe

urbanmanagerial-class.HetravelledacrossChinaforseveralyears,workingin

anumberofdifferentrolesinthecityandcountryside.HefirstmovedtoBeijing

city,whereheandafriendopenedandranasmallshopsellinghand-made

leatherbags(shougongpibao⼿⼯皮包).Afterayear,theyclosedtheshopand

OldZhengtravelledsouth,allthewaytoShenzhencityonthebordernextto

HongKong,whereheworkedinoddjobsforanotheryear.Afterthis,hemoved

toAnhuiprovinceandworkedatamiddleschoolasavolunteerteacher,

teachingchildrengeography,historyandsports.

TheseexperiencesopenedOldZheng’seyestoanarrayoflifestylesandlocal

culturesinChinathatheneverknewexisted.Thecorruptgovernment

employeesheknewfromhisdayssellinggasequipmentstillhauntedhim,

however,andhebegantothinkabouthowhecouldinfluencerelationshipsin

thecityforthebetter.

118

OldZhengfoundinspirationintheface-to-facerelationshipsofruralChina.

FollowinghisteachingassignmentinAnhuiprovince,hetookpartinatwo-

monthprojectintheChinesecountrysiderunbyaTaiwaneseNGO.Theproject

wasassociatedwiththecentralgovernmentpolicyto“constructanewsocialist

countryside”.WenJiabao,PrimeMinisteratthetime,announcedthatthispolicy

wasintendedtoput“agricultureandruralinitiativesmoreprominentlyonthe

agendaofChina’smodernizationdrive”(Wen2006).

TheprojectOldZhengtookpartinwantedtoimprovelivingconditionsina

numberofvillages.YetOldZhengfelttheproject’sleadersdidnotreally

understandthelocalresidentsortheirculture;instead,NGOleaderssimply

implementedprojectsthatmirrorthecity.OldZhengbelieves,forexample,that

thedecisiontobuildlibrariesismisguided.Instead,theyshouldinvestin

irrigationanddrainage,plumbingorlighting.20OldZhengwasalsoastonished

todiscoverjusthowfewyoungChineseliveinthecountrysideandworkin

agriculture,comparedwithhowmanyhavemadetheirwaytothecityinsearch

ofwork.

OldZhengmadetwobolddecisions.First,hedecidedtotakethemisunderstood

countrysideasamodelforurbanrelationships.Second,hedecidedtobecomea

farmerhimselfandsellorganicproducetocustomersinthecity.In2007,he

movedtothecountrysidepermanentlytofarm.Hisfirstpieceoflandwassmall,

20LibrarieswereconstructedthroughouttheChinesecountrysideaspartofthispolicyonaquotabasis.Someweremoresuccessful,andbetterresourced,thanothers(Jackaetal2013).

119

justoverone-quarterofahectareinsize.Overthenextfewyears,hemoveda

numberoftimes,eachtimeincreasingthesizeofhisfarmandhisknowledgeof

organicfarming.

Figure3.1OldZhenghostingagroupofvisitorsfromthecityatZiranFarm.Followingamorningofactivities,heshareshisexperiencesasanorganicfarmerandtakesquestionsfromtheaudience.

In2010,OldZhengsettledinChongmingIsland,Shanghai,andestablishedZiran

Farm.By2014,hehadgrownthefarmfromsixandtwo-thirdsto151/3

hectares.OldZhengalsodecidedtopractisenaturalfarming(zirannongfa自然

农法).NaturalfarmingisaformoforganicfarmingfoundedbyMasanobu

Fukuoka(1913–2008)fromJapananddescribedinhisbookTheOne-Straw

Revolution(Fukuoka2009).Partfarmingguidebookandpartphilosophyon

living,inhisbookFukuokaadvocatesa“donothing”approachtoorganic

farming.Hebelievesthatthemajorityofwhatcropsneedtogrowisalready

inherentinnature;thebestfarmersleavethisprocessaloneasmuchas

possible(seechaptersevenformoreonnaturalfarming).

120

AstheyearspassedonChongmingIsland,OldZhenggrewtoadvocatethe

essenceofFukuoka’sphilosophy:“Ultimately,itisnotthegrowingtechnique

whichisthemostimportantfactor,butratherthestateofmindofthefarmer”

(Fukuoka2009:46).Evenexemplaryagriculturalistsemulatetheirownrole

models.

WhenImetOldZhengforthefirsttimeinDecember2012,hewasaprimary

fixtureatNongHaoFarmers’MarketinShanghaicity,andZiranFarmwasthe

mostwell-knownandrespectedorganicfarmwithintheexemplaryagriculture

movement.Iinitiallyconcludedfromhisruggedandunkemptappearance,

attireandmannerismsthatOldZhengisaruralresidentandfarmer.Iwasnot

theonlyonetodrawthisconclusion.OldZhengmakesgreateffortstobringto

lifehisinterpretationofpositiverurality.Everythinghewears,doesorsays

exudesthis.

OldZhengis,forexample,aregularguestonaradioprogrambroadcast

throughoutShanghaicitycalledGreenLiving(LüseShenghuo绿⾊⽣活).The

programregularlydiscussesorganicfarmingandOldZhengtakesquestions

fromlisteners,explainingindetailwhatlifeislikeinChina’svillages.Itisall

abouthardwork,heexplains,notidleness.Once,OldZhengseverelycriticised

onecaller’spositiveperspectiveoftherustichotelandrestaurantmovement

(nongjiale农家乐),explainingthatthemovementmisrepresentsthecountryside

andprovidesaninauthenticexperiencetourbanites.

121

OldZheng’schoiceoflanguageisparticularlyilluminating.Whenaskedhowhe

makessoysauceandtofu,heproudlyrepliedthatheusesindigenousandlocal

methods,ortufa(⼟法).Fasimplymeans“method;way;mode”,asin‘awayof

doingsomething’.Tuhasmanymeanings,including“soil;earth”,“land;ground”,

“local;native”and“homemade;indigenous”.Thewordhasastrongrelationship

withagricultureandthecountryside.LocaldialectsinsomepartsoftheChinese

countrysidearesimplyreferredtoasthe“locallanguage(tuhua⼟话)”.

Tu,however,canalsomean“unrefined;unenlightened”.Itisthismeaningthat

urbanitesuseinaderogatorymannerwhenreferringtoruralChina.Tobe

“Extremelytu!(Tusile!⼟死了!)”isquiteaninsult.Tuisalsousedtodenigrate

wealthyruralmigrantsfortheir“unguardedlyconspicuousformsof

consumption”andlackofurbancivilityandrestraint(Griffithsetal2010:342).

Byusingthewordtufainapositivemannerandcelebratingrurality,OldZheng

isremovingthesederogatoryaspectsfromitsmeaning.

InTheOne-StrawRevolution(Fukuoka2009),Fukuokadescribesanencounter

withayoungfemalevolunteer.Whenheaskedherwhyshewantstovolunteer

athisfarm,shereplied,“Ijustcame,that’sall.Idon’tknowanythinganymore”.

Later,shealsorevealsthatshenolongerreadsbooks.Fukuokapraisesher

ignorance:

Peoplestudybecausetheythinktheydonotunderstand,butstudyingisnotgoingtohelponetounderstand.Theystudyhardonlytofindoutintheendthatpeoplecannotknowanything,thatunderstandingliesbeyondhumanreach(Fukuoka2009:153).

122

Fukuokabelievesignoranceisavirtue.OldZhengemulatesFukuoka,adoptinga

similarapproachasheattemptstotransformandpurifyhisvolunteersatZiran

Farm.OldZhengbelievesthatvolunteeringneedstocleansethevolunteerofall

theirpreconceptions;itisa‘resetbutton’fortheurbanresident.Assuch,

volunteersatZiranFarmliveasimplelifeofself-sufficiencywithfew

conveniences.Theirdaysarefilledwithlabour-intensivefarmwork,whilein

theeveningstheybusythemselveswithmealpreparation,keepingthe

volunteerhousecleanandtidy,andconversingwithOldZheng.

ManyvolunteersinternaliseOldZheng’sperspective.ConversationsatZiran

Farmsimilarlypraiseignorance.Theyalsoquicklybecomeexistential.Over

breakfastonemorning,forexample,ayoungmalevolunteerpickedupaseed

fromanearbybasketandbegantalking,directinghiscommentstowardmyself

andtheothervolunteerspresentwhilehestaredintenselyattheseed:

It’shardtoimagine,isn’tit,thateverythingyouneedforlifeisinsidethislittleseed?Mostgadgetsintheworldareuselessbecausetheydonotcreatelife.Onlyaseeddoes.Weshouldhavemoreseedsandlessgadgets.

SomevolunteersatZiranFarmpursueorganicfarmingoncetheyleave.Most,

however,havenointentionofeverworkinginagricultureandplantoreturnto

thecityandtheirurbanlifefollowingaperiodofintrospectionatZiranFarm.

OldZhengprepareshisvolunteerstotaketheirruralexperiencesand

transformedattitudebacktothecitywiththemandtoimplementnewly

learnedpracticesofself-sufficiencyandattitudesofignorance.

123

OldZheng’sstoryalsoprovidesaglimpseintotheself-policingnatureof

exemplaryagricultureaswellassomeoftheinternalpoliticsofthemovement.

Formanypeople,OldZhengisthe‘exemplary’exemplaryagriculturalist.Heis

oneofthefirstorganicfarmersintheShanghairegion,heco-foundedNongHao

Farmers’Marketandhetirelesslypromotesthemovementbyacceptingmany

speakinginvitations.Onmarketdaysheisthefirsttoarriveandsetup.Even

whenraincutsthemarketshort,heremainsbehind,takingshelterundera

nearbycafé’spatioandlayingoutasbesthecanhisgoodsforsale.Heisalso

responsibleforanumberofpeoplebecomingexemplaryagriculturalists

themselves.Overtheyears,hebuiltupareputationasthemostupstandingand

reputableexemplaryagriculturalist,alwaysknowingtherightthingtodoinany

circumstance,bethatfarmingorotherwise.ManypeopleviewOldZhengasthe

faceofexemplaryagriculture.

Thesignificantdeteriorationofhisreputationthathadoccurredbythetimemy

fieldworkendedinJune2014revealsagreatdealaboutgrassrootsexemplary

morality.InAprilofthatyear,IdidnotseeOldZhengaroundasmuchasIused

to.WhenIaskedhiswhereabouts,peoplewereslightlyevasiveandevensilent.

Thisperplexedme.IbegantohearrumoursthathehadleftNongHaoFarmers’

MarketandZiranFarm.Iwonderedwhatcouldhavepossiblyhappenedto

compelOldZhengleavethetwoplacesthatwerethecentreofhislife.

Ilaterconfirmedtherumoursweretrue.OldZhenghadanaffairwithanother

womanwhowasaregularvolunteeratZiranFarm,leavinghiswife,babyand

farm.YiXiaowu,anotherco-founderofNongHaoFarmers’Market,explainshis

124

attitudetowardOldZheng’sbehaviourasfollows:“Frommylevel(Congwode

cengci从我的层次),Ican’tunderstandwhathehasdone.Perhapshefeelsheisat

ahigherlevelthaneverybodyelseandwhathedidisokay”.

ThesecommentsillustratethatYiXiaowubelievesallparticipantsofexemplary

agriculturearesubjecttothesamestandards,eventhe“greatOldZheng”ashe

issometimescalled.Theyalsosuggestthatgrassrootsexemplarymoralityis

concernedwithconductatalltimesandinallplaces,notjustconductrelatedto

farmingorcustomerrelations.ThishelpsexplainwhyOldZheng’smoralfailing

asahusbandsoeasilytranslatesintoamoralfailingasanexemplary

agriculturalist.

Tellingly,XiaowucouldnotcontainhisdisgustatOldZheng’sbehaviour,

banninghimfromhisnewfarmers’market.21Afewexemplaryagriculturalists

agreedwithXiaowu;othersfeltbanningOldZhengwasexcessive.Thisdivision

wasmorethanadisagreement;itthreatenedtobreakupthemovement.Shang

MeifromShengtaiFarmleftNongHaoandYiXiaowu’snewfarmers’market

entirelybecauseshefelteverythingwasblownoutofproportion.Shebelieves

OldZheng’spersonallifeishisownbusiness.

Ispeculatethatsimilarbehaviourfromanotherexemplaryagriculturalistwould

betolerated.Acommonfieldofdebatewithinthemovementconcernshow

exemplaryagriculturalistsshouldbespendingtheirtime.Specifically,should

theybeattheirfarm,workingandsupportingtheirruralcommunity?Should

21CalledFangCunDiFarmers’Market,setupinApril2014(seechaptereight).

125

theybesupportingthemovementatfarmers’marketsinthecity,engagingwith

customers?Orshouldtheybepromotingthemovementelsewhereandinsome

otherway?

Mostexemplaryagriculturalistsagreethatthemovementwillgainthemost

benefitthroughacombinationofalloftheseactivities.OldZheng’sbehaviour,

however,isextreme;heisfrequentlyengagedinspeakingengagements

elsewhereandwasincreasinglyabsentfromZiranFarm.Becauseofhis

‘leadership’positionwithinthemovement,hisbehaviourissubjecttomore

criticismthanothers.Oneexemplaryagriculturalistevenconfidedinmethatit

isnolongerpossibletotrustthequalityofOldZheng’sorganicproducebecause

heisabsentfromhisfarmtoomuch.Tothisexemplaryagriculturalistandquite

afewothers,OldZheng’sbehaviourdriftedtoofarawayfromtheidealandthey

swiftlydenouncedhimattheearliestopportunity.22

22Letmeshareanotherexampleoftheself-policingnatureofexemplaryagriculture.Earlyinmyfieldwork,avendorwasexpelledfromafarmers’marketinShanghai.Threefarmershadjoinedtogethertooffercustomerstheopportunitytopre-orderwatermelonsbeforetheseasonbegan.Asagroupofthree,theybelievedtheycouldavoidanyproductionshortfallsasinglefarmmighthave.Unfortunately,oneofthefarmshadaseverelydisappointingharvestandsupplementedtheirshortfallwithwatermelonspurchasedelsewherethatmaynothavebeenorganic.Theyconcealedthisfact.Oneoftheirvolunteers,however,informedtheothertwofarmsandacrisisemerged.Customersweregivenfullrefunds,apologieswereissuedandalengthyexplanationwaspostedonthefarmers’market’swebsite.Thefarminquestionwasexpelledindefinitelyfromthefarmers’market.Ididnotseethisfarmagainthroughoutmyfieldwork.

126

LiuShanandChuantongFarm:AConfucianBusinessmanThroughCultivated

Idleness

LiuShanwasborninShanghaicityin1973,wherehegrewupandwentto

schoolanduniversity.WhenImethimin2013,hehadbeenmarriedforover

tenyears.Hehastwochildren,aged11andone.LiuShanwaspreviouslya

successfulentrepreneur,establishingavendingmachinebusinessinthe1990s.

Atthattime,theChineseeconomywasthriving.Manypeopleamassed

considerablewealthbytakingadvantageoftheentrepreneurialopportunities

presented.Thepopularexpressionthatbecameasignofthetimeswasto“jump

intothesea(ofbusiness)(xiahai下海)”.Theeconomywassobuoyantthatmany

Chinesewithjobsandcareerselsewhere–suchasintellectuals,government

cadresandteachers–moonlightedinprivatebusinesseswhenevertheycould

(Osburg2013).

ArudimentaryglanceatLiuShan’slifestyleandassetsilluminateshissuccess

andwealth.HeownsprimerealestateindowntownShanghaiandanexpensive

Audicar.HiswifelivesinToronto,Canada,withhismotherandyoungchild.

Sheholdspermanentresidencethere(LiuShan’shasexpired)toensurethey

maintainawindowofopportunityfortheentirefamilytomigratetoCanadain

thefuture.HiseldestsonboardsataschoolinSuzhoucity,Jiangsuprovince.23

23TheschooliscalledtheWujiangTaihuInternationalSchool.Itisanationalstudies(guoxue国学)school.Inadditiontostandardclasses,theschoolspendsconsiderabletimeteachingChineseclassicalliterature,ethics,etiquette,meditation,philosophy,andTraditionalChineseMedicinetothechildren.Childrenreciteclassicaltextsuntilmemorised.LiuShanexplainsthatunderstandingissecondarytomemory:laterinlife,hissonwillgraspthemeaningandsignificance.ThephilosopherNanHuaijin(南怀瑾)(1918–2012)isthefatherofChinesenationalstudiesandthefounderoftheInternationalSchoolinSuzhoucity.LiuShanhastheentirecanon

127

LiuShanalsorentsalargeoldpropertyinthemountainousMoganshanareaon

a30-yearlease,costinghimCNY800,000.Hewantstoturnthepropertyintoa

luxuryrustichotel(yangjiale洋家乐),popularinMoganshan(seechapterfive).

ExactlyhowLiuShanbecameanorganicfarmerisanintriguingstory.In2012

hewalkedawayfromhisvendingmachinebusiness24,migratedfromShanghai

citytothelittlevillageofXiaoqiao,Zhejiangprovince,andestablished

ChuantongFarminpartnershipwithJiangShifu.Theymetandbecame

acquaintedafewyearsearlieratJiangShifu’spreviousfarm,whereLiuShan

wasacustomer.LiuShanowns70percentofChuantongFarm,whileJiangShifu

owns30percent.

Figure3.2LiuShantendingtothefirepriortoaneveningmeal.

ofNan’sworkinhisbookshelvesatChuantongFarmandgaveasettomeasagiftduringmytimethere.Often,lateinthewintereveningandbytheglowandwarmthofthefire,wesatinLiuShan’sloungeroomanddiscussedNan’sbooksandideas.24Hemayhavemaintainedfullorpartialownershipandcontinuedtoreceiveincome,thoughIwasneverabletoverifythis.

128

IsuspectthatChuantongFarmisaplatformforLiuShantomorallycleanse

himself.Assuch,organicfarminganditsassociatedlifestyleisakindofgood

deed.LiuShanmaywanttorelievefeelingsofguiltifhiswealthwasacquired

throughillegalorsemi-legalmeans.Morecynically,hemaywanttobuildsocial

distinctionthatisnotbasedsolelyonmoney(Osburg2013).Whateverthecase,

ChuantongFarmisameansforLiuShantoinfuseaformofmoralityintohis

life.

ThereisacleardivisionoflabouratChuantongFarm.LiuShanmanagesthe

farm’sbusinessaffairsandcustomerrelationswhileJiangShifulooksafter

production.Eachhirestheirownstaff:LiuShanhiresthreeyoungfemalesto

undertakemarketing,customerserviceanddeliveryduties;JiangShifuhiressix

localmenandwomen,allover60yearsofage,todotheactualfarmworkwith

him.ChuantongFarmpractisestraditionalfarming(chuantongnongfa传统农法).

Traditionalfarmingisthetermtypicallyusedtodescribetheformoflabour-

intensivesustainablefarminghistoricallypractisedthroughoutChinaand

describedbyFranklinH.KinginFarmersofFortyCenturies(King2004),his

accountofpermanentagricultureinChinaandotherAsiannationsintheearly

twentiethcentury.

LiuShaniscriticalofChinesemodernity.HebelievesChinahas“lostitsway”by

blindlyfollowingdevelopmenttrajectoriesimportedfromthewest.Indoingso,

Chinaignoresagreatdealofitsownhistory,knowledgeandwisdom,whichLiu

Shanbelievesstillhasanimportantroletoplayandcontributiontomaketoday.

Thishelpsexplainwhyhewantstoliveinthecountryside,farmorganicallyand

129

sellproducetourbanresidents.ItisameansforhimtoinjectsomeofChina’s

history,knowledgeandwisdomintothecity.

Onedayfornoapparentreason,LiuShanconfessedtome,“Itreallyis

importantforamaninChinatohavesomeland(ZaiZhongguonanrenyouyidian

didiquehenzhongyao在中国男⼈有点地的确很重要)”.Thissinglecommentreveals

agreatdealaboutLiuShan’smotivationsandintentions.Itconnectshimwith

animperial-eratrendwheneliteurbanChineseinvestedtheirmoneyin

agriculturalland.Theyshunnedthecityandnurturedaromanticimageofthe

countryside.HanchaoLunotesapopularsayingatthetime,“Getrichwiththe

incidental[thatis,commerce],butkeepyourwealthwiththefundamental[that

is,farmland]”(Lu,H.2010:36).Infact,LiuShanisdeterminedtobecomea

modern-dayreincarnationoftheseimperial-eraelitecitizens.

LiuShanalsoevokestheimageofaConfucianbusinessman(Rushang儒商).

EventhoughtheConfuciandoctrineplacesmerchantsinthelowestrankofthe

socialorder(Pearson1997),byfocusingon‘doinggood’ratherthanseeking

profit,aConfucianbusinessmancanriseinrankandbecomeanobjectof

respect(CKGSB2012;Tu1985).

Tellingly,LiuShanspendshisdaysreading,studyingandlearningeverythinghe

canfindassociatedwithtraditionalChina.HisinterestsincludeBuddhism,the

Chinesecountrysideandtraditionallifestyles,Chinesephilosophy,farming,

TraditionalChineseMedicineandmore.Hedoesnotspendmuchtimeinthe

130

fields.Wheneveravisitorfromthecitycomes,betheyfriendsorcustomers,he

talksendlesslytothemonwhatevertopicheiscurrentlystudying.

LiuShancertainlysurprisedmewiththedepthanddedicationofhislearning

andself-cultivation.Iheardhimspeakatlengthaboutnumeroustopics,suchas

theinfluenceofChinesephilosophyonSocraticthoughtandtheBuddhist

practiceoffreeingoneselffromallconvictions(wozhi我执).Iwasfarfrom

immunefromhispedagogicmethods.Duringoneofourmanyconversations,he

stoppedtowriteontheblackboardtoensureIunderstoodwhathewassaying.

HewroteSaSaoYingDui(洒扫应对),aphrasestraightoutoftheAnalectsof

Confuciusthatmeans“towelcomeguestsbysprinklingwaterandsweepingthe

floor”(Legge2011:64[19.12]).ThisshortquotefromConfuciusdescribeshow

childrenlearnthevalueofwork;theybeginwithsimpletaskssuchassweeping.

LiuShan’suseofthequoteiscritical;hebemoansthatChineseyouthtodaydo

notlearnthevalueofmanualworkanymore.

TherearenumerousotherdetailsofLiuShan’slifeinthecountrysidethat

furtherillustratehispracticeofpositiverurality.MosteveningsLiuShanbrews

teamadewithoneplantoranother,proclaimingtheirmedicinalbenefits.In

winter,hebrewspurpleperilla(zisu紫苏),aherbfromthemintfamilythat

activatestheimmunesystemandtreatsthecommoncold.

LiuShanbecamevegetarianonarrivalinthecountryside.JakobKleindiscusses

motivationsforeatingvegetarianfareamongstthemiddle-classesinKunming

city,Yunnanprovince(Klein2016).HeshowsthattheBuddhistnotionof

131

karmicretributionaswellasmiddle-classpracticesofself-cultivation–one

persondescribesvegetarianismas“fashionable”–compelabstinencefrom

meat.LiuShan’smotivationsappearsimilar;hebecamevegetarianpartly

becauseofhisgrowingBuddhistbeliefsandpartlybecauseofhisstrictregime

ofself-cultivation.

LiuShanalsodesignedChuantongFarm’sintroductionmaterialsinthestyleof

atraditionalstitch-boundChinesebook(xianzhuang线装).Hecollectsscrap

material(suchaswoodandmetal)fromwhereverhecan,lugsittothefarm

andleavesitforJiangShifutothinkupauseforit.Heexplains,“Peasantscando

anything!(Nongminshenmedouhui!农民什么都会！)”,admiringtheir

resourcefulnessandabilitytomakedowithwhateverresourcesareathand.

LiuShanistheonlyexemplaryagriculturalisttoenterintoafinancial

partnershipwitharuralresident.Thisishighlysignificant.Whilemany

exemplaryagriculturalistsareurbanresidents,theyhailfromthecountryside

andnurturedaruralethosduringtheiryearsstudyingandworkinginthecity.

LiuShan,bycontrast,isoneofonlythreeexemplaryagriculturalistsborninthe

city;helackstheruralethosotherspossess.Hedidthenextbestthing:he

partnerswitharuralresident,a“realpeasant(laonongmin老农民)”,ashe

describesJiangShifu.LiuShanbelievesthisgiveshimevenmorecredibilityand

moralauthoritythanexemplaryagriculturalistsborninthecountryside.

Tellingly,LiuShanrefusedtoparticipateinfarmers’marketswheninitially

invited(thoughhedideventuallyjoin).HewasvisiblyinsultedwhenJiang

132

Yifan,aco-founderofNongHao,saidhemightlearnsomethingifhe

participated.LiuShanwantedtoavoidallcommercialactivities,believingthey

contaminatehisproductanddistorthismission.Healsodidnotseeanybenefit

ininteractingwithotherexemplaryagriculturalists,believingtheydonottake

organicfarmingasseriouslyashedoes.

WhenLiuShanwasn’treadingandstudying,awayonBuddhistretreatsor

visitinghisfamilyinCanada,hewasworryingandagonisingovertheselection

andpresentationofhisorganicproduceforcustomers.LiuShanwantstoteach

hisurbancustomerstoacceptwhateveragriculturalproduceisinseason.Heis

adamantthathisapproachis“downtoearth(shishizaizaide实实在在的)”and

totallyfreefromanythingsuperfluous.Whenitcomestopresentation,thebox

shapeandsize,howvegetablesarepackaged–whetherinbagsorbundledwith

string(ifwithstring,shoulditbewithyarnordrygrassorelasticrubber

bands?)–andinwhatorderareallimportantvariableshewantstogetright.

Yetsuchpracticalitiesareanongoingstruggle.DuringtheearlydayswhenLiu

Shanwasbuildinghiscustomerbase,someurbanresidentsdidnotliketheir

vegetablestiedupwithdrygrass;theyfeelitischeapandlazy.Others

complainediftheirvegetableswerenotnicelycompartmentalisedinplastic

bagsordividers.Stillothersdemandedvegetablesnotinseason,claimingthat

astheycouldpurchasethemfromsupermarketswhycouldn’tChuantongFarm

providethem.Sometimes,whenseasonsandcropschanged,itwashardfitting

produceintostandardboxsizes,especiallywhenseasonalgreenschangedto

133

rootplants,whicharebiggerandrequirelargerboxes.Somecustomers

complainedthattheiritemswereeithersquashedorbruisedondelivery.

Awareofmyprofessionalbackgroundinmarketingresearch,LiuShanregularly

askedmehowhecouldgrowhiscustomerbaseandreachmorepeoplewithout

anykindofpromotionalactivity.Iinitiallyponderedhowtorespondyetcould

seenowayofavoidingthetopic.Isimplysaid,“Youknow,marketingisnota

rudeword!(Nizhidaoma?Yingxiaobushixialiuhua!你知道吗？营销不是下流话！)”

andexplainedhowitcanbeaforceforchangeandforgood.LiuShantookthese

wordstoheart,andtheybecamehismantraforawhile.

Oneday,LiuShanhadanepiphanyregardinghowto‘teach’hiscustomersto

acceptseasonalproduce.Herealisedthattheyneedtobelievetheyaremaking

theirownchoiceswhenselectingproduce,evenifthesechoicesareactually

limited.Afriendofhisdesignedasmart-phoneapplicationallowingcustomers

toratetheirdesirabilityforeachvegetable.Foritemstheyreallylike,customers

cangiveitfivestars;foritemstheyreallydislike,justonestar.Whenallthe

resultswerecollectedandtabulated,LiuShanwasabletolinkcustomer

preferenceswithseasonalavailability,solvinghisproblems.

LiuShan’sjustificationforhisapproachrevealshowheseeshimselfasa

teachertourbanresidents.Hebelievesthatwhencustomersbegintheir

relationshipwithChuantongFarm,theyareignorantoffarmingandplanting

cycles.Theythusrequireagoodteacheraswellastimetolearn.Heeven

134

explainshisapproachtosomecustomers.Theyaresurprisedthoughnotupset

whentheylearnhowLiuShan‘tricked’themearlier.

ShangMeiandShengtaiFarm:theGentrifiedCountrysideandaComfortable

Lifestyle

ShangMeiwasbornin1975inruralHunanprovince,insouthChina.Untilshe

was25,herparentsmademajordecisionsforher,includingherfirstjoband

marriagepartner.Thoughherparentsareruralresidentsandfarmers,they

shieldedShangMeifromfarmworkbutdidnotsupporthertopursuean

educationbeyondChina’scompulsorynineyears.Instead,ShangMeiwas

expectedtofindajob,earnmoneytocontributetothehouseholdandlater

establishoneofherown.

Whenshewasyoung,ShangMeimovedtothecityinHubeiprovincewithher

father.Shelearntelectricalwelding(dianhan电焊)andworkedinthisfieldfor

manyyears.Shemarried,hadachildandsettleddown.Despitethelackof

encouragementfromherhusbandandfamily,ShangMeisavedsomemoney

andenrolledinanopenuniversityforadults(calledDianDa电⼤,meaning“TV

university”)whereshecompletedherseniorhighschooldiplomaand

universityentranceexam.

By2000ShangMeihadgraduated,wasearningagoodsalaryandliving

togetherwithherhusbandandchildintheirownapartment.Buther“heartwas

nothappy(xinlibugaoxing⼼里不⾼兴)”.Shewasdepressedthinkingthatthis

135

couldbeherlifeforever.Shethoughtofalltheotherthingsshecoulddo.

Withoutwarning,shequitherjob.Hermother-in-lawwasdisgusted,believing

itwasunacceptablethatshedidnotwork.ShebelievedShangMeibrought

shametothefamilyandtoherson.ShangMeiwassuchaliabilitythather

mother-in-lawcompelledShangMei’shusbandtofilefordivorce.Thechild

stayedwiththefatherwhileShangMeimovedout.

Singleandfree,ShangMeimovedtoNanjingcity,Jiangsuprovince,whereshe

studiedcomputingandworkedinagraphicdesigncompanydesigningfonts.

ShealsosetupherownsmallInternetbusinesstradingvirtualtoolsusedin

onlinegaming.In2004onafriend’sadvice,shemovedtoShanghaicitywhere

herInternetbusinessrapidlyexpanded.

In2010shemetandmarriedOldShen.Tenyearshersenior,OldShenhails

fromChongmingIslandandgrewupworkingonhisfamily’sfarm.He

eventuallycametoShanghaicityandworkedatAudi,theGermanautomobile

manufacturer.OldShen’sjobwasquitestressfulandhesufferedfromanxiety

andinsomnia.In2011,theybegantoconsiderchangingtheirlifestyleto

accommodateOldShen’shealthandexploredamovetothecountryside.They

visitedZiranFarmandspentaweektherewithOldZheng,observinghis

lifestyleandconsideringiftheywouldenjoyrurallivingandorganicfarming.

Asitturnedout,theylikeditalot,andthefollowingyeartheymovedtoPuceng

Village,asmallvillageinQingpuDistrict,westofShanghaicity.PucengVillageis

becominggentrifiedandishometoanincreasingnumberofotherurban

136

migrantslikeShangMeiandOldShenwhocallthemselves“newvillagers(xin

cunmin新村民)”.

WhenShangMeiandOldShenarrivedinPucengVillage,theydidnotplanto

sellanyoftheirorganicproduce.Theyonlyrentedasmallpieceoffarmlandto

helpOldShenrelax.Eachday,hewokeearlyandsetoffforthefields,returning

onlyforlunchanddinner.Hestartedtofeelandsleepbetter.ShangMeibusied

herselfwithherInternetbusiness,householdchoresandgettingtoknowand

socialisewithothernewvillagers.ShestillspenthalfoftheweekinShanghai

city.Theydonothaveanyfinancialworriesbecause,inanunusual

arrangement,OldShenstillreceiveshismonthlysalaryfromAudieventhough

henolongerworksthere.

AfterafewmonthsinPucengVillage,OldShenbegantohaveanxietyattacks

andfeelstressedagain.Theproblemwasthathewasdoingtoomuch:hewas

utilisingtheirentiretwohectaresoflandtogrowgrainsandvegetablesaswell

asraisegoats,chickensandducks.Heemployedanumberoflocalresidentsto

helphim.Whilethisarrangementensuredproducewasharvested,therewas

toomuchforthemtoconsumeorgiveawaytofamily,friendsandneighbours,

androttingproducebegantopileupandsmellbad.OldShen’sruralretreathad

quicklybecomeastressfulexperience.

ItwasatthispointthatShangMeiclosedherInternetbusinessanddecidedto

workwithOldShen.Together,theycreatedShengtaiFarm.OldShenlooksafter

thefarmingsideofthingsandShangMeiutilisesheraccumulatedbusiness

137

experiencetolookafterthefarm’sbusinessandcustomeraffairs.Shengtai

Farmisoneofthesmallestexemplaryfarmsandneverhasmorethanten

regularcustomersatanygiventime.

Figure3.3ShangMeitakingagroupofvisitorsfromthecityonatourofPucengVillageand

ShengtaiFarm,pointingoutvariouscropsastheywalk.

ShangMeiandOldShencalltheirapproachtoorganicagricultureecological

farming(shengtainongfa⽣态农法).Quickly,thenewarrangementstartedto

workwellandOldShenfeltbetteragain.TheydonotwanttogrowShengtai

Farmanybiggerbecausethepursuitofahealthy,enjoyableandcomfortable

lifestyleremainstheirprimarymotivationformovingtothecountryside.

PucengVillagediffersfromthevillageswhereOldZhengandLiuShanlive

becauseitisbecominggentrified.TianshuPannotesthatinawesterncontext

gentrificationinurbanareasiscommonandrefersto“middle-classsettlement

orresettlementinolderinner-cityneighbourhoodsformerlyoccupiedby

mostlyworking-classandunder-classresidents”(Pan2011:155).JunxiQian

138

andhiscolleagues,bycontrast,noteChinesecasesofgentrificationinthe

countryside,describingitasaninfluxofurbanresidentswhoconsumerural

aestheticsandvaloriselocallandandhousing(Qianetal2013).

InPucengVillage,inadditiontotheinfluxofurbanmiddle-classresidentsand

theirvalorisationoflandandhousing,ShangMeiandothernewvillagersalso

introducediscoursesofurban/ruraldifference,especiallyurbanpracticesof

civility.Indeed,forShangMei,positiveruralityisrefinedrurality.Totakeone

example:sherenovatedthehousesheleasessoithasmoreincommonwith

cityapartmentsthantraditionalruralhouses.Comfortistheoperativeword.

YetwhileShangMeiacts‘urban’inPucengVillage,sheacts‘rural’when

representingthecountrysidetoherurbancustomers.AtShanghai’sfarmers’

markets,shedressesinethnicclotheswithcolourfulheadscarvesand

introducesherselftocustomersasa“newpeasant(xinnongmin新农民)”.

Moreover,contrarytoOldZheng’smessageoftoilandhardwork,ShangMei

explainsthat“Itisreallyfunbeinganewpeasant(Dangxinnongminzhenhao

wanr当新农民真好玩⼉)”and“Thelifeofanewpeasantisreallycomfortable(Xin

nongmindeshenghuohenshufu新农民的⽣活很舒服)”.

ExemplaryagriculturalistssuchasShangMeiarenotthefirstexampleofthe

urbangivingvoicetotherural.TadBallewdescribeshowShanghaiTelevision

StationdevelopedaRuralChannelinthe1990stoprovidecontentforviewers

inShanghai’ssatelliteregions.Hediscussesthecontradictionbetweenthe

urbanShanghaiTelevisionStationteam’sremittodepictthecountrysideasit

139

reallyisandtheirfrequentrequeststoruralintervieweestopresentthemselves

asmorerefinedandsophisticated(xiaosayidianr潇洒⼀点⼉)(Ballew2001:

3364).25

Oneinterviewee,forexample,saysoncamera“Wepeasantsworkhard,and

afteraharddayinthefields,somedinner,andawash,weliketowatch

television,especially[soandsostyle]opera”(Ballew2001:3348).This

presentstheruralresidentasrefinedandappreciativeoftraditionalChinese

culture,whereasinrealitytheyneverwatchthistypeofsoapopera.

ShangMei’srepresentationofthecountrysidetourbanresidentsatfarmers’

marketsismorenuanced.Herchoiceoftheterm“newpeasant”–ratherthan

somethingmoresuggestiveofanoccupationalclasssuchas“newfarmer(xin

nongfu新农夫)”–isparticularlyillustrative.Inthecaseofpost-SovietRussia,

CaldwellnotesthatwhilemanyRussianslivinginthecityhaveaspecial

relationshipwiththecountrysideandengageinnumerousfarmingandforaging

activities,theydonotidentifythemselvesas“modernpeasants”(Caldwell

2011:79).Thisisbecausepeasantry,evenmodernre-inventions,signals

backwardandprimitivelifestyles.ShangMei,bycontrast,definesherselfasa

“newpeasant”todistinguishherselfandotherexemplaryagriculturalistsfrom

bothruralresidentsandotherorganicfarmers.Shebelievessherepresentsan

entirelynewcategoryofpeopleengaginginorganicfarming–andinthe

25BallewprovidesthephoneticratherthantheChinesecharacterforxiaosa,whichhetranslatesas“sophisticated”.Ibelievethecorrectcharactersare潇洒 whichmeans“elegant;unconventional;natural;unrestrained”.

140

countrysidemoregenerally–whoarenotimplicatedindiscoursesof

backwardness.

ThisdistinctionisparticularlyapparentonShangMei’spopularpersonalblog.

Oneofherpostsbearsthetitle“Whoisresponsibleforyourhealth?Afew

thingsconsumersshouldknowwhenselectinganorganicfarm”.Inthispost,

ShangMeioutlinesfourcommonareasofmisunderstandingregarding

agriculturalproduceaswellasfourfactorsurbanresidentsmustconsiderwhen

selectinganorganicfarm.

Thefourcommonareasofmisunderstanding(wuqu误区)are:

1. Producethatisprettyandgoodlookinghasbeengrownwithpesticides;2. Producewithvisiblewormholesissafeandproducegrownwithout

pesticidesissafe26;3. Producegrownintheopen(i.e.notingreenhouses)issafe;and4. Realpeasants(laonongmin老农民)aretheonlygroupofpeopleableto

producehealthyandsafeagriculturalproduce.ShangMeiisclearlychallengingaestheticappearancesofproduceaswellasthe

notionthatonlyruralresidentscan/areabletofarm.Implicitly,sheis

challengingtherelationshipimplicitindiscoursesofurban/ruraldifference,

whichisthaturbanresidentslooktoruralresidentsinthecountrysidefortheir

food.Instead,ShangMeisuggestsurbanresidentsexpandtheirhorizonby

lookingelsewhere,listingfourfactorstheyneedtoconsider:

26MyownexperiencelivingandworkinginChinaconfirmsShangMei’sobservations.In2012andbeforehand,therewasawidespreadbeliefthatsimplerulesofthumb–suchaslookingforwormholesinvegetableleaves–wereallthatwasnecessarytoidentifysafeandhealthyfarmproduce.Andwhilethisbeliefcontinuestoday,asmallbutincreasingnumberofurbanresidentsacceptthatitisnotquitesosimple.

141

1. Lookatthemoralquality,honestyandsincerity(renpin,zhengzhi,chengxin⼈品,正直,诚信)ofthefarmerandensuretheyarenotsmooth-talkers(buyuanhuashigu不圆滑世故);

2. Lookathowlongthefarmerspendsonthefarm.Iftheyareonlythereoneortwodaysaweek,theyshouldnotbeconsidered;

3. Lookatthefarmer’sattitudetofood.Iftheydonotpayattentiontonutritionthemselvesitwillbehardforthemtoproducehighqualityorganicfood;and

4. Lookattheirmotivationsforbecomingafarmer.Aretheymotivatedfromtheheart,theirinterestorlifestyleconsiderations?Oraretheysimplychasingabusinessopportunity?

Thislistfurtherillustratessomeoftheinternalpoliticswithinexemplary

agriculture;ShangMeichastisesthosethatdonotlivefull-timeinthe

countrysidelikeherself.Moreover,bydescribingtheidealqualitiesoforganic

farmersashighmorals,honestyandsincerity,ShangMeiseemstoevokethe

imageofanauthenticChinesepeasantry.Buthersuggestiontoconsiderthe

organicfarmer’smotivationsfor“becomingafarmer”indicatesthatsheisnot

referringtoruralresidentsatallbutanothergroupofpeople“motivatedfrom

theheart”.Thesepeoplearepeoplelikeherself.

Infact,implicitinherlististhenotionthatruralresidentscannotbetrusted,as

aconstantpresenceonthefarmisrequiredtoensurelocalworkersdonot

cheat.ShangMeialsoadvisesherreaderstoavoid“smooth-talkers”andthose

chasingabusinessopportunity,furtherdistinguishingherselffromthefloodof

newentrantsintoorganicagriculture,manyofwhom–accordingtoher–are

charlatans.

142

ContextualisingExemplaryAgricultureWithOtherCasesofUrban-to-Rural

Migration

Althoughthesethreestoriesareallcasesofexemplaryagriculturalists

relocatingtothecountryside,onlytwootherslivepermanentlyontheirfarms.

Theremainingeightsplittheirtimebetweenthecityandthecountryside,and

havehousesorotherformsofaccommodationinbothplaces.

Howdoesthiscomparewithothercasesofurban-to-ruralmigration?Letus

taketheUSasanexample,wherethevoluntarymigrationofurbanresidents

fromthecitytothecountrysideismorecommonthaninChina.Termssuchas

counterurbanisation,amenity,lifestyleandnoneconomicmigration,andrural

gentrificationareusedbyscholarstodescribethetrendofthevoluntary

migrationofcitizensfromthecitytothecountryside(Hines2010;Hoey2005;

McCarthy2008;Phillips2010).Someofthesescholarsframeurban-to-rural

migrationintheUSintermsofdisillusionwithmoderncitylife(forvarious

reasons)andhenceaflightfromurbanmodernity.Thisissimilartoonegroup

ofexemplaryagriculturalists.

BrianHoey,forexample,researchedurban-to-ruralmigrationtoatowninrural

MichiganhecallsTraverseCity(Hoey2005).Hediscoveredthaturbanmigrants

questiontherelationshipbetweenlivingandworkinginthecityandtheirlevel

ofhappiness,especiallyduringtimesofeconomicdownturn.Theirdecisionto

relocatetothecountrysideis“consciously,intentionallyalsooneabouthowto

live”(Hoey2005:615).

143

OnesuchmigrantcalledMark,forexample,wasasuccessfulengineerinthe

city.HeleftthiscareerbehindwhenhearrivedintheMichigancountrysideas

hewastiredfromphysicallyandmentallyinvestinghimselfinworkand

projectsthatwere“routinelyaxedbyhisemployer”whengovernment

contractsandfundingdriedup(Hoey2005:598).Markopenedagourmetpie

shopinTraverseCity.

ButHoeyconcludesthattheseAmericanmigrantsare“optingforelsewhere”

(Hoey2014);thereisapermanencetotheirmigrationthatdiffersfrom

exemplaryagriculturalists’migration.Hoey’smigrantsseemtoretreatalmost

completelyfromurbanmodernityinanattempttoavoid“self-consuming

routinesofthepast”(Hoey2005:616).

DwightHinesalsoresearchedurban-to-ruralmigrationintheUS,arguingitisa

searchforauthenticityandprestigemotivatedbyclassdistinction(Hines

2010).Hinesdescribesanumberofmiddle-anduppermiddle-classAmericans

hemetintheruraltownofLivingston,Montana,whomovedfromthecityand

establishednewhomesandlivesinthecountryside.Dave,forexample,a

sculptorwithaMasterofFineArtsqualification,movedtoLivingstonwithhis

wifebecausetheywere“tiredoftheanonymouslifeofthebigcity”and“wanted

tobepartofsomethingreal;somethingthatwouldafford[them]the

opportunitytoexpand[their]horizonsandengagewithamoreauthenticstyle

oflife”(Hines2010:286).Hinescallstheurban-to-ruralmigrationheobserved

“lifestyle/amenitymigration”andbelievesitisevidenceofanew

144

“postindustrialmiddle-class”(Hines2010:288).NeitherhenorHoeyidentify

anyongoingengagementwiththecityasadefiningfeatureofurban-to-rural

migrationintheUS.

Butamajorityofexemplaryagriculturalistsdonotlivefull-timeontheirfarms.

Eventhosethatdostilltraveltothecityregularlytoparticipateinfarmers’

markets.Whydoexemplaryagriculturalistsremainconnectedtothecity?Isit

purelytomeetandinteractwithcustomers?Tounderstandmore,weneedto

investigatetheirfarms’financialstatusaswellastheirfinancialsituationmore

generally.

Veryfewexemplaryfarmsturnaprofitandmostlosemoney.Thosethatdo

makemoneytakefourorfiveyearsjusttobreakeven.Nonetheless,exemplary

agriculturalistsexhibitasenseofpridewhendescribingtheirfarm’snegative

financialsituation;makingmoneyfromorganicfarmingdiminishestheirmoral

authority.Ialwayssensedthatexemplaryagriculturalistsdonotwantto

generateaprofitfromtheirexemplaryfarm.

Butexemplaryagriculturalistsneedmoneytosurvive.Theyneedtosupport

theirfamiliesaswellascontinuallyinvestinandmaintaintheirfarms.Asurvey

Iconductedtowardstheendofmyfieldworkisrevealing.Itshowsthatfarm

earningsarethesolesourceofincomeforonlytwooutof13exemplary

agriculturalists.Oftheremaining11,eighthaveearningsoutsidetheirfarmin

excessof50percentoftheirtotalhouseholdincome.Thiscomesfromother

businessventures,investmentsorfull-timeemploymentinShanghaicity

145

(eithertheirownortheirspouse’s).Theremainingthreeexemplary

agriculturalistshavenon-agriculturalearningscomprisinglessthan50percent

oftheirtotalhouseholdincome.

Thisshowsthatmostexemplaryagriculturalistsrelyonthecityfinanciallyand

ensurethisrelationshipremainsseparatefromtheirexemplaryproject.This

explainswhytheirflightfromurbanmodernityisonlypartial.

ContextualisingExemplaryAgricultureWithOtherAlternativeFoodInitiatives

andMovements

Wheredoesexemplaryagriculturesitwithregardtootheralternativefood

initiativesinChina?Chinahasthreemajorclassificationsforsustainablefood27,

allofwhichrequirecertificationthatisoverseenbytheMinistryofAgriculture.

Thefirstclassificationis“Hazard-FreeFood(WuGonghaiShipin⽆公害食品)”.

Hazard-FreeFoodisagriculturalproducethatisgrownusingchemical

pesticidesandfertilisersthatareappliedinquantitiesthatmeetorfallbelow

maximumacceptedlimits.Assuch,theMinistryofAgriculturedoesnot

considerharmfulanychemicalresiduethatremainsontheproduce.Hazard-

FreeFoodcomprisesapproximately60percentofsustainably-producedfoodin

China(Paull2008a).

27InChina,alternativefood(suchasorganicfood)isgenerallycalledShengtaiShipin(⽣态食品),whichtranslatesas“ecologicalfood”.

146

Thesecondclassificationis“GreenFood(LüseShipin绿⾊食品)”,whichlies

halfwaybetweenconventionalchemicalagricultureandchemical-freeorganic

farming.GreenFoodisproducedwithacontrolledandreduceduseofchemical

pesticidesandfertilisersandhasatestingprocesstocheckforresidues.Green

FoodhasconsistentlydemandedapricepremiumoverHazard-FreeFoodand

othermainstreamagriculturalproducts.Itcomprisesapproximately30percent

ofsustainably-producedfoodinChina.BothHazard-FreeFoodandGreenFood

areChineseinventionsandbasedonChinesestandards.

Thethirdclassificationis“organicfood(youjishipin有机食品)”whichcanbe

basedoneitherinternationalorChinesestandards,dependingonthe

circumstance.Itcomprisestheremainingtenpercentofsustainably-produced

foodinChina.TheInternationalFederationofOrganicAgricultureMovements

(IFOAM),whichhasrepresentationinChina,definesorganicagricultureas

follows:

Organicagricultureisaproductionsystemthatsustainsthehealthofsoils,ecosystemsandpeople.Itreliesonecologicalprocesses,biodiversityandcyclesadaptedtolocalconditions,ratherthantheuseofinputswithadverseeffects.Organicagriculturecombinestradition,innovationandsciencetobenefitthesharedenvironmentandpromotefairrelationshipsandagoodqualityoflifeforallinvolved(IFOAM2015).

ModernorganicfarmingemergedinChinainthe1980s.Atthattime,itwasan

export-orientatedbusinesswithlimiteddomesticdemand.By2011,Chinawas

oneofthetopfivelargestorganicproducersintheworld(ITC2011).While

muchofthiswasstillforexport,thegrowthofChina’smiddle-classesandfood

safetyconcernscreatedastrongdomesticmarket(Smith2002).Itisestimated

147

thatbetweentwotothreemillionhectaresoffarmland,orthreepercentofall

cultivatedlandinChina,iscertifiedorganic(ITC2011).Moreover,because

manyChinesefarmsusechemicalpesticidesandfertilisersexcessivelyand

damagetheecosystem,thereareongoingattemptstoincreasethiscoverage

(Paull2007;Paull2008b;Sanders2006;Thiers2005).

OrganiccertificationinChina,however,iscomplexandconfusing.Certification

isrequiredfromaninternationalauthorityfororganicproducethatisexported,

whiledomesticcertificationisrequiredforsalesinChina.Yetaseachprovince

mayhavetheirownstandardsandcertificationprograms,themarket,inthe

wordsofsomeanalysts,is“highlychaotic”(Hoetal2006).

ExemplaryagriculturefallsoutsidebothHazard-FreeFoodandGreenFoodasit

ischemical-free.Andwhileitisaformoforganicfarming,ithasthreeunique

characteristicsthatdifferentiateitfromotherformsoforganicfarminginChina.

Firstandmostimportantly,asthestoriesofOldZheng,LiuShanandShangMei

illustrate,exemplaryagriculturalistsstructureamoralnarrativeandpedagogic

missionaroundtheiragriculturalproject.Second,theyareallsmall-scaleand

independentandarenotcertifiedorganicbyanyauthority.Third,ofShanghai’s

13exemplaryagriculturalists,allexceptoneareurbanresidents.

ThesecharacteristicsareimportantbecauseorganicfarmersinChinaare

mostlypeasantsandotherruralresidentswhoworkoncertifiedorganicfarms

thataremoreeconomicallyratherthanmorallymotivated.Organisations

associatedwiththeNewRuralReconstructionmovement,forexample,have

148

assistedanumberofruralcommunitiestoconverttoorganicfarmingto

increasetheirstandardoflivingwhileretainingtheirruralculture(Hale2013).

NGOshavealsoplayedaparticularlysignificantroleinthepromotionoforganic

farmingacrossruralChinawithsimilareconomicandculturalgoals(Klein

2009).ExemplaryagricultureisnotpartoftheNewRuralReconstruction

movementoranyoftheseNGOs.Theirfundamentalintentionsdiffer;the

formerseekstoimprovetheurban,thelattertwotherural.

Someorganicfarmsareestablishedbymigrantentrepreneursreturningto

theirhometownsinthecountryside.Thesemigrantentrepreneursarecalled

“ruralreturnees(fanxiangnianqingren返乡年青⼈)”.28Yettheyareyoung,did

notattenduniversity,werenotabsentfromthecountrysideforverylongand

neverattainedurbanhouseholdregistration.Moreover,theyalsowanttomake

money.

Thecultivationoflimitedorganicproducebypeasantsandotherruralresidents

fortheirownhousehold’sconsumptionistheonlyotherformoforganic

farminginthecountryside(Wu2014).Inthiscase,peasantsintentionally

separatetheirownfoodfromotheragriculturalproducegrownwithchemical

fertilisersandpesticidesandintendedforcommercialpurposes.

WhileexemplaryagricultureisauniqueformoforganicfarminginChina,what

aboutalternativefoodmovementsinwesternnationssuchasNorthAmerica28ManypeoplefamiliarwithorganicfarminginChinadistinguishbetweenthebackgroundsofdifferentfarmers;thusafarmer,organicorotherwise,whocomesfromthecityisoftenreferredtoasa“newfarmer(xinnonghu新农户)”.Thistermisconfusingthrough,becauseitisalsousedtorefertoruralreturnees.Ithustrytoavoidusingtheterminthisthesis.

149

andEurope?Exemplaryagriculturesharessomesimilaritieswith

contemporarymovementsinthesenations.29Theybothgrewoutofthecityand

arebothledbyurbaniteswhoestablishsustainablefarmsandcommunitiesin

boundaryareaswhereurbansprawlmeetsthecountryside.Inaddition,both

seektoimprovetheexperienceofurbanmodernitybyofferingalternativesthat

arewrappedinamoralnarrative.

Theexperienceofmovementactivistsinthecountrysideisalsosometimes

similar.ThestoryofJohnPeterson,afarmerinruralIllinois,isillustrative.He

reversedthefortunesofhisfamilyfarmbyturningitintoasuccessfulorganic

farmandoneofthefirsttrueCommunity-SupportedAgricultureinitiativesin

theUS.TheRealDirtonFarmerJohn(2006),adocumentaryaboutPeterson’s

life,showsthatneighbourswereinitiallyhostiletowardhisnovelapproachto

agriculture,ostracisinghimfromthelocalcommunity.

Butthereareimportantdifferences.ManyalternativefoodmovementsinNorth

AmericaandEuropeseektoprovidealternativestofoodproducedbylarge

corporations.PatriciaAllenandhercolleagues,forexample,arguethat

sustainablefoodinitiativesinCaliforniaaimtoreducethedistance,or

29Exemplaryagriculturediffers,however,fromearliermovementsinwesternnations.The“back-to-the-land”movementintheUSintheearlytwentiethcentury,forexample,wasdrivenbyhighfoodpricesinthecityandtheattractionofeconomicself-sufficiencyinthecountryside.Exemplaryagriculturalists,bycontrast,aremiddle-classurbanresidentswhoarefinanciallysecure(someofthemconsiderablyso).Furthermore,thecounter-culturalmovementintheUSandUKinthe1960salsoincludeda“back-to-the-land”component.Sentimentsofanti-establishmentarianismandanti-violence,explorationsofspiritualityandadesiretobeself-sufficientandfreefromoutsideinfluencedevelopedincitycentresandmanyurbanitestooktothecountryside.However,atthetimetheyweremoreinterestedinpursuingbohemianandhippielifestylesanda“freedomfromworkanddiscipline”ratherthanforginganongoinglivelihoodinagriculture(Brown2011:205).Theirpoliticswasalternativebuthighlyoppositional;theydidnotaimtoimproveoralterthestatusquobuttodismantleit.

150

alienation,betweenconsumersandfoodproducerscreatedbycorporate

interests(Allenetal2003).

Moreover,inEurope,organicfarmersholdprotestsagainsttheindustrialisation

ofagricultureandlossoflivelihoodsinagriculture.InFrance,farmersrally

aroundthemotto“AnotherWorldisPossible”andseektoredefinethe

pejorativeterm“peasant”bypromotingfarmingculturesandface-to-face

relationships(Heller2013).AnddocumentariessuchasFood,Inc.(2009)also

portraythecorporatefoodindustryasgreedyandirresponsibletowardthe

planetandlocalfarmingcommunities.Eventhoughmanyexemplary

agriculturalistshavewatchedFood,Inc.andothersimilardocumentaries,

oppositiontocorporatismisnotverycentraltotheirmovement.

Importantly,therearesignificantdifferencesintheirsociopoliticalframing.

Scholarsconductingresearchinwesterncontextsdrawaclearconnection

betweeneconomicandhegemonicdeclineandalternativefoodmovements.

Theyarguethatsuchmovementsappearwhengrandnarrativessuchas

modernismorthepromiseofunfetteredgrowththroughglobalisationbreaks

down.Alternativefoodmovementsareaformofcopingaswellasawayof

reconstituting,repairingandimprovingthediscursiveframingthathas

ruptured.

GerdaWekerle,forexample,arguesthatsustainablefoodmovementsin

Toronto,Canada,formedindirectresponsetotheeconomicdownturnofthe

1980s(Wekerle2004).Thesemovementsseektopromotethelocalanddelink

151

thecityfromitscompleterelianceonglobalisednetworks.DonaldNonini

arguesthattheproliferationoflocalfoodmovementsintheUSislinkedtothe

nation’shegemonicdecline(Nonini2013).Heillustrateshowdiscoursesof

modernity–anorientationtowardprosperityanddevelopment,andan

expansiveandprovidingstate–werereplacedbydiscoursesofpostmodernism,

traditionalismandprimitivism.Suchavarietyofresponsespreventthe

emergenceofatrulynationalalternativefoodmovement:postmodernism

servesthemiddle-classesandtheirdemandfornaturalfood;traditionalism

seesactivistsdistributefoodtotheneedy;whileprimitivismiswitnesstoaturn

tothelocal,anincreaseinself-sufficiencyandadistrustofthenation-state.

ThisargumentisproblematicforChinabecauseithasexperiencedneither

economicnorhegemonicdecline.Infact,theoppositeistrue:Chinais

spearheadingwhatisbeingcalledtheAsianCentury,definedasarisingglobal

influenceforAsia,bethateconomic,politicalorcultural(Mahbubani2008).

Chinaaveragedanannualeconomicgrowthrateof9.8percentfrom1978to

2010(duringwhichtimeexemplaryagricultureemerged),thehighestinthe

world.Moreover,Chinaisexpectedtomaintainanannualeconomicgrowthrate

ofbetween6.6to7.5percentuntil2020,stillasignificantfigure(Fang&Yang

2015).

Chinaisalsoinaperiodofhegemonicascent;itrecentlyestablishedtheAsian

InfrastructureInvestmentBankinan“institutionalbalancingstrategyagainst

theUnitedStates”(He&Feng2015)and,accordingtosomeanalysts,has

152

rebalancedglobalpowerbyreviving“South-South”economicrelations(Poon

2015).

ButasthestoriesofOldZheng,LiuShanandShangMeiillustrate,adiscursive

rupturehasnonethelessoccurred.Exemplaryagriculturalistsharborfeelingsof

disillusionregardingthetrajectoryChinesemodernityistakingandare

experiencingadramaticincreaseinconcernforthequalityoflifeavailableto

themselvesaswellastheirchildrenandparents,bothnowandinthefuture.It

isthesepersonalrupturesinthefaithandpromiseofurbanmodernity,fuelled

byimmediateandpressingconcerns,whichcompelexemplaryagriculturalists

tobecomeorganicfarmersinthecountryside.

Citizensofmanynationsstrugglewithandbecometiredofmodernlife.Inthis

regardChinaisnoexception.ArthurKleinmanobservesthistrendwhenhe

discusseswhathebelievestobeadefiningfeatureofcontemporaryChina:the

individualquestformeaninginlife(Kleinman2011).Kleinmanarguesthat

amidstthecontinuingchangeandtransformationofthereformera,Chinese

citizensbalanceahighlypracticalorientationtotheworldandpressingdaily

concernswithongoingeffortstofinddeepermeaningbeyondthese

experiences.Heidentifiesthesearchforhappiness,justice,religiousmeaning,

respect,women’srights,altruismandstabilityandorderasjustsomeofthese

individualquestsformeaning.Fromthisperspective,exemplaryagricultureis

alsoasearchforindividualmeaning.

153

Buttheurbanmiddle-classeshavemanychoicesavailabletothemwhenit

comestoairinggrievances,includingdirectprotestandemigration.Sowhythe

countryside?Whyorganicfarmingandnotsomethingelse?Whythisactivity?

RaymondWilliamsshowsthatthereisquiteanextensivepatternwithinEnglish

literatureoflookingbacktothe‘goodolddays’ofrurallifeasasolutionto

problemsofcitylife(Williams1975).Heconcludes,facetiously,thathewould

needtogobackallthewaytotheGardenofEdentolocateitsoriginalsource.

Williams’pointisthatthereisalongueduréepatternofnostalgiaand

romanticisingthecountrysideinthewest.Back-to-the-landmovementsinthe

moderneraaresimplymanifestationsofalong-standingwesterncultural

trend.

Asimilartrend,however,doesnotquiteexistinChina.PeterWellernotesthat

thetraditionoftravellingtoareasofbeautyinthecountrysidefor

contemplationandreflectionwaslimitedtotheChineseliteratiandhasanyhow

largelydisappeared(Weller2006).

Exemplaryagriculturalists’choicetomovetothecountrysideandtakeup

organicfarmingismorereflectiveofthefactthatfoodsafetyisnowalegitimate

channelforprotestandtheexpressionofdissatisfactioninChina.Itcarriesa

limitedriskofcensorshiporpersecution.AccordingtoGuobinYang,thisis

becausetheexpressionofdissatisfactionregardingfoodsafetyisdiffuse.He

explains:“Diffusedcontentionisliterallyscattered,unfocused,individualized

andnotorientatedtocollectiveaction”(Yang,G.2013:337).Farmers’markets

inShanghaicityarestilltoosmalltogarnermuchattentionfromthe

154

authorities.Moreover,theChinesegovernmentinalllikelihoodallowssome

levelofcriticismastheytoohaveaninterestinimprovingfoodquality.

Inaddition,agro-tourismisincreasinglypopularamongsttheurbanmiddle-

classes.Whetherthisistovisittoarustichotelandrestaurantorengagein

otheractivities,moreandmoreurbanresidentsarespendingpartoftheirfree

timeinthecountryside.Thispoliticalandculturalcontextmakesorganic

farmingattractive.InthewordsofZhuling,exemplaryagriculturalistandowner

ofCanxianFarm,“InordertointroducenewwaysoflivingtourbanChinese,

organicfarmingreallyisthebestway”.30

Conclusion:PersonalRupturesattheRightPlaceandRightTime

Anarchy,corporatepower,economicandhegemonicdecline,economic

necessity,inequality,fluctuationsofglobalisation,industrialisationof

agricultureandthedecayofruralcommunities:thesehaveallbeenputforward

asexplanationsofalternativefoodmovementsinothernations.Noneofthese,

however,adequatelyexplainstheemergenceofexemplaryagricultureinChina.

Exemplaryagriculturalistsadvocatealternativestomainstreamurbanlifestyles.

Yetiffoodsafetywasnotachannelopentothemforlegitimateprotestandif

agro-tourismwasnotofinteresttourbanChinese,itisquestionablewhether

30Zhulingoriginallywantedtopromotenatureconservationandtourism,aninterestofhisafterspendingmanyyearsinSouthAfricaworkinginalargenationalpark.HechangedhisapproachoneyearafterreturningtoChinawhenherealisedthatorganicfarmingwouldbemoreeffective.

155

theywouldbemotivated,interestedorabletopursuetheirexemplaryproject

atall.Ispeculatethattheywouldnot.

IntheirdiscussionofprotestinruralChina,KevinO’BrienandLianjiangLicoin

theterm“rightfulresistance”,whichtheydescribeasfollows:

Rightfulresistanceisaformofpopularcontentionthatoperatesneartheboundaryofauthorizedchannels,employstherhetoricandcommitmentsofthepowerfultocurbtheexerciseofpower,hingesonlocatingandexploitingdivisionswithinthestate,andreliesonmobilizingsupportfromthewiderpublic(O’Brien&Li2006:2).

Exemplaryagricultureispotentiallytoanelitegroupofurbanmiddle-class

residentswhatrightfulresistanceistosomeruralresidents:aformofpopular

contentionthatoperateswithinrelativelysafeboundariestoachievea

particularoutcome.Inaddition,theabsenceofsystematicorregular

interferencefromanylevelofgovernmentsuggeststhatexemplaryagriculture

istoleratedandmaybeevenviewedasacivilisingforceinitsownright(justas

urbanmiddle-classcivilityis)bytheauthorities.Whateverthecase,exemplary

agricultureiscertainlytherightkindofprotestforitsplaceandtime.

156

157

ChapterFour.Intellectuals:ANewConsciousnessoftheCountryside

ThereisanextensiveandongoingrangeoforganicfarmingeventsacrossChina.

Theseincludeconferencesandtrainingprogramsonbiodynamics,community-

supportedagriculture,organicfarming,naturalfarmingandpermaculture,

amongstothers.Theseeventsareorganisedandledbyadiverserangeof

Chineseintellectualsfromuniversities,NGOsandgovernment-supportedmodel

(mofan模范)organicfarms.31MerleGoldmanobservesthatChineseintellectuals

todayaremorewillingthanevertojoinorengagewithawiderangeofsocial

groupsinpoliticalaction(Goldman2014).Inthecaseoftheseorganicfarming

events,theyareclearlyengagingwiththegrassroots.

Likeexemplaryagriculturalists,Chineseintellectualsframeorganicfarmingina

moralnarrativeconcerningtherelationshipbetweenurbanandruralChina.

Moreover,mysurveydatashowsthatallofShanghai’sexemplary

agriculturalistspreviouslyattendedatleastoneoftheseevents.Iwasthus

intriguedastotherelationshipbetweenintellectuals,theorganicfarming

eventstheyorganiseandexemplaryagriculture.Tounderstandtheconnection,

Iattendedthreeoftheseeventsasapayingparticipantorstudentwith

hundredsofothers,mostlyurbanresidents.Iattendedathree-dayCommunity-31Government-supportedmodelorganicfarms(MofanYoujiNongchang模范有机农场)arefunctionalfarms,thoughareheavilyusedassitesforinstructionandshowcasingorganicfarmingtechniquesandrelatedbusinessmodelstovisitors.Theyarepet-projectsoflocalgovernmentofficialskeentopromotesustainabilityandgreen-livingconceptstoothers.

158

SupportedAgriculture&OrganicAgricultureConferenceinShanghaicityand

twoweek-longtrainingprograms;aCommunity-SupportedAgriculture

TraininginBeijingandaNaturalFarmingCampinZhejiangprovince.

Ateachevent,Iobservedanincessantmoralpleafromintellectualsfor

participantstoproactivelyengagewiththeChinesecountryside.Atthe

Community-SupportedAgricultureConference,professorsandlecturersfroma

numberofuniversitiespresentedsuccessivecasestudiesillustratinghowurban

residentscanconnectwithruralChina.Thesecasestudiesincludedfarms,

educationprogramsandinternshipsforstudents.Theyalldiscussedanumber

ofsuperiorruralvaluesandcharacteristicsconsideredabsentinthecity,such

asself-sufficiencyandbenefitsgainedthroughface-to-facecommunityrelations.

AttheCommunity-SupportedAgricultureTraining,ZhouLi,aprofessorof

agriculturaleconomicsandruraldevelopmentfromRenminUniversityin

Beijing,deliveredalectureonthemyriadchallengesfacingChina.Hedrewan

unusualparallelbetweenChinaandcoffee.Caffeineistheessence(benzhi本质)

ofcoffee,heexplained,thusdecaffeinatedcoffeeisnot“realcoffee”.Likewise,

agricultureistheessenceofChina’scultural,economic,environmentaland

socialwellbeing;aChinesesocietywithoutagricultureisasocietythathaslost

itsessence.Helamentedtheterribleconsequencesofsuchasituation.

159

AndattheNaturalFarmingCamp,anorganicfarmownerledasessioncalled

“Agricultureistheartofcooperationbetweenhumansandnature”32,during

whichshediscussedthespiritualaspectsofagricultureanditsrelationshipto

theartofself-cultivation.Shepresentedtheimageofthepeasantasarole

modelfromwhomurbanparticipantscanlearn.

Iwassurprisedtoobservethatadequateinformationorguidancefor

participantsconcerningtheactualprocessoffarmingwasabsentfromChinese

intellectuals’agenda.Likeexemplaryagriculturalists,theseintellectualspreach

moralityandethicsratherthandiscussthepracticalitiesoffarming.

Inthischapter,IdescribeanddiscussthethreeorganicfarmingeventsI

attended.IfocusonthekeydiscoverythatChineseintellectualsareseekingto

forgeandsteeranewconsciousnessofthecountrysideandanawarenessof

nature.Theyseektocreateanethicsofresponsibilityamongsturbanresidents

byencouragingthemtotakeastakeinthecountrysideandengageinorganic

farming.Likeexemplaryagriculturalists,intellectualsbelieveintheinclusionof

ruralChinaintonarrativesofChinesemodernity.Andlikeexemplary

agriculturalists,itisurbanitesratherthanruralresidentsthatdeterminejust

whatthisentails.

32InChinese:“NongyeShiRenYuZiranHezuoDeYishi农业是⼈与自然合作的艺术”.

160

ShanghaiCommunity-SupportedAgricultureConference:IntroducingaNew

ConsciousnessoftheCountryside

“TheFifthNationalCommunity-SupportedAgriculture&OrganicAgriculture

ExperienceSharingConference33”(hereafter‘theConference’)washeldin

ShanghaicityinNovember2013.Itwasorganisedbyintellectualsfromthe

InstituteofRuralReconstructionofChinainChongqing,RenminUniversityof

ChinainBeijingandtheCollegeofDesignandInnovationatTongjiUniversityin

Shanghai.

MorethantwohundredpeoplefromalloverChinaattendedthethree-day

conference,whichwasapopularannualevent.Duringthefirsttwodays,we

attendedvariouslecturesandseminars.Onthefinalday,wetookaroad-tripto

ChongmingIslandtovisitanumberoforganicfarms.

Figure4.1OnthefinaldayoftheConference,wetouredChongmingIslandandvisitedanumberof

farms,includingoneexemplaryfarm(Zhuling’sCanxianFarm).33InChinese:“DiwujieQuanguoShequHuzhuNongyeJiYoujiNongyeJingyanJiaoliuHui第五届全

国社区互助农业及有机农业经验交流会”.

161

MostofShanghai’sexemplaryagriculturalistsattendedtogetherwithsomeof

theirvolunteers.OtherattendeesImetworkinvariousagriculturalindustries.

Duringonesession,forexample,IsatnexttotwomenfromGuizhouprovince

whoworkforacompanythatmanufacturesarangeofnaturalpesticides.They

wanttopersuadelocalGuizhoufarmerstoreducetheiruseofchemical

pesticidesandhopedtofindinspirationandideasattheConference.WhenI

askedwhattheywantedtolearn,theysimplyreplied“We’reheretostudy

(Womenlaixuexixuexi我们来学习学习)”,acommonresponseIheardfromother

attendees.

Alsoattendingwerenumerouspeopleontheperipheryofexemplary

agriculture.Theywanttobepartofthemovementbuthavenotyetfully

committedthemselves.Theirpresenceillustratesthecontagiousnatureof

exemplarityandsocialmovementsingeneral(Buechler2000).Onesuchperson

IknowwellisYangPeiwen,aformerinformationtechnologyconsultant

planninghisownpersonalprojectinthecountryside.Atvarioustimesoverthe

pastfewyears,Peiwenwas“aboutto(kuaiyao快要)”openaruralartsand

craftsshopinQingpuDistrict,startanorganicfarmonChongmingIslandand

restorehisparentsdilapidatedvillagehouseinGuangxiprovince.Heattended

theConferenceseekingfreshideas.

Sinceitsinceptionin2009,theConferencehasrepresentedtheviewsand

objectivesofboththeNewRuralReconstructionmovementandNew-Left(Xin

Zuopai新左派)intellectuals.Theseviewscritiqueanunfetteredrelationship

betweenthemarketandsociety,arguingitresultsinthetotalmarketisationof

162

socialrelationshipsandisdamagingtoruralcommunities(Day2013;Goldman

2009;Goldman2012;Kipnis2008;Wang,J.1996).Openingspeechesonthe

firstdayoftheConferencewereevencriticalofstatepoliciesdesignedtoignite

ruraldevelopment,includingthoserelatedtothecentralgovernment’sprogram

inthe2000sto“constructanewsocialistcountryside”.Eventhoughthis

programincludededucation,electricity,medicalandwaterreforms,conference

speakersarguethattheysimplymirrorpoliciesfoundinthecity–urbanisation,

marketisationandconsumerism–andfailtotakeintoaccountactualconditions

inthecountryside(Yehetal2013).

Indescribingactualconditionsinthecountrysidetoconferenceattendees,

speakersexplicitlyreferencedanopenletterwrittenbyLiChangping,arural

cadrefromHubeiprovince,toPremierZhuRongjiin2006.Inhisletter,Li

describesthelifeofChinesepeasantswithpowerfulandimpressionablewords:

“Thepeasant’slotisreallybitter,thecountrysideisreallypoorandagriculture

isincrisis”(Day2013:6).34Simplyput,Chinesepeasantshaveamiserablelife

anditisnotgettingbetter.Li’sdescriptionofruralChinabecameknownasthe

“ThreeRuralProblems(SannongWenti三农问题)”.The“ThreeRuralProblems”

wastherallyingcatchphraseoftheConferenceformanyyears(Conference

Handbook2013).

Theintellectualswhoorganisedandspokeatthe2013Conferencewantto

enlistordinaryChinesecitizenstoassisttheminsolvingruralissues.They

34InChinese:“Nongminzhenku,nongcunzhenqiong,nongyezhenweixian农民真苦，农村真穷，农业

真危险”.

163

realised,however,thatthecurrentconceptualisationof“ThreeRuralProblems”,

whichmanyattendeeswerefamiliarwith,wasnotveryattractiveormotivating

becauseitdepictsruralChinaasbackwardandbitterlypoor.Itisnotvery

positiveaboutruralprospects.

The2013Conferencecarriedanewmotto:“NewThreeRuralProblems(Xin

Sannong新三农)”.The“NewThreeRuralProblems”ismorethanjustsemantics:

itoffersamorepositiveconceptualisationofthecountryside,articulatedas

“Safeagriculture,cooperativepeasantsandharmoniousvillages”(Conference

Handbook2013:18).35Thisreconceptualisationreplacestheimageofthe

miserablepeasantwithanimageofanattractive,vibrantandcolourfulrural

cultureandpopulation.

Conferencematerialswereceivedareexplicitinexplaininghowattendeescan

help:

The“ThreeRuralProblems”wasregardedastheparamountsocialissuetobetackledbytheCentralGovernmentadecadeago.Nowweareatanewstartingpoint.WiththeCentralGovernment’scontinuedfinancialsupportonagriculture,ruralfacilitiesandinfrastructure,ruralcommunitiesaregreatlyimproved.Furthermore,thereisanincreasingtrendofmiddle-classurbancitizensoptingforagreenerlifeandmovingtothecountrysidetoestablishsustainableagriculturefarms.Ratherthanrelyingsolelyonthegovernment,thecontributionofthemiddle-classeshaswitnessedamorediversifiedsourceofinvestmentintoagricultureandruralcommunities(ConferenceHandbook2013:18,emphasisadded).

Toenlistthesupportandinvolvementofattendees,theConferencepromoted

theconceptof“BigDesign(DaSheji⼤设计)”.ProfessorLouYongqi,whoheads

35InChinese:“Anquannongye,hezuonongmin,wendingnongcun安全农业，合作农民，稳定农村”.

164

thedesignschoolatTongjiUniversity,explained:“Designisnolonger

concernedwithmerelycreatingproducts.Instead,itisconcernedwith

influencingbehaviour”.Hedrewontheetymologyofthetwocharactersthat

makeuptheChinesewordfordesign(sheji设计)andstressedtheirliteral

meaning:“tosetupastrategy”.LouarguedthatChinaissufferingbecauserural

Chinaisweak,unsupportedandunappreciated.Thefaultlieswithurban

residents.“BigDesign”canhelpby“redesigningtherelationshipbetweentwo

differentgroupsofpeople”.Thatis,betweentheurbanandruralpopulation.

Louusedtheanalogyofacupuncturetoillustratehow“BigDesign”canhealthis

rift.AccordingtoTraditionalChineseMedicine,thestimulationofspecific

pressurepointsonthebodybypenetratingtheskinwithfineneedlescorrects

imbalancesinenergyflow(qi⽓)alongchannelscalledmeridians(jingluo经络).

Theapplicationofacupunctureneedlestoaselectnumberofspecificpressure

pointsonthebodyrelievesmeridianblockagesandallowsthepatienttoheal.

Asforthebody,sotooforthenation.Byselectivelyestablishinganumberof

small-scaleorganicfarmsacrossthecountryside,urbancitizenscanhelpheal

ruralChina.Louandhiscolleaguescallthis“anacupuncturaldesignapproach

towardssustainability”(Louetal2013).

Throughoutthethree-dayconference,speakerafterspeakertalkedaboutthe

needforanewconsciousnessofthecountrysideamongsturbanresidents.The

Chinesephrasetheyusefor“newconsciousness”isxindeyishi(新的意识)or

sometimesjustthewordyishi(意识)byitself.Yishiisanimportantwordfor

bothChineseintellectualsandexemplaryagriculturalists.Asanoun,itdirectly

165

translatesas“consciousness”.Asaverb,itmeans“beconsciousorawareof;

awaketo;realize”andisoftenusedwiththecharactersdaole(到了)followingit,

toindicateastateofbecomingoractualisation,suchas“sherealised”or“she

becameconsciousof”(Tayishidaole她意识到了)”.Whenspeakingaboutyishi,

intellectualsoftenuseditasaverbtostressitstransformativenature.

Theconceptofconsciousnessiswidelydiscussedinawesterncontextwith

regardtoethicalconsumption(Devinneyetal2010;Harrisonetal2005;

Humphery2010).PeterSingerandJimMason,forexample,describethe“new

awareness”citizensofdevelopedcountrieshavetowardtheirfood.Through

theirethnographicresearchamongstfamiliesintheUS,SingerandMason

witnessedariseinorganicsandvegetarianism,adeclineinmeatconsumption

andanoverallshiftinconsumerdemandtowardethically-producedfood.They

concludethat“peoplearelearningtoasktoughquestionsaboutwheretheir

foodcomesfromandhowitwasproduced”(Singer&Mason2006:4–5).

SimilartointellectualsinChina,advocatesofethicalconsumptionintheUSare

heavilyinvolvedinrecruitmentinitiativestofurthertheircause.

Chinascholarsoftensubsumetheconceptofconsciousness,oryishi,under

anotherterm,suzhi(素质),whichmeans“humanquality”.Suzhiisacomplex

term.Itinformsawidespectrumofdiscoursesanddebatesacross

contemporaryChinayetmanycitizens–evenofficialsandeducators–struggle

todefineexactlywhatitisandwhatitmeans(Anagnost2004;Jacka2009).

Originally,suzhimeantthe“unadornednatureorcharacterofsomething”

(Kipnis2006:297)andreferredtoinnatecharacteristics.AndrewKipnisnotes

166

thatdictionariesaslateas1979definesuzhias“theinborncharacteristicsofa

person”(Kipnis2006:297,emphasisadded).

Themeaningofsuzhihassinceevolved.WhenDengXiaopingbeganseeding

market-orientatedreformsinthelate1970sandearly1980s,discoursesof

developmentandprogressbegantodominategovernmentpolicyandeveryday

life.Veryquickly,Chineseofficialsbecameobsessedwiththe“inborn

characteristics”ofChinesepeople–theirsuzhi–andwhetheritwassufficient

tomeettheirvisionsofamodernisedChina(Bakken2000;Murphy2004).

Citizensbegantobelievethattheirsenseofselfandworthwasdefinedbytheir

resourcefulnessandabilitytomeaningfullycontributetoChina’smodernisation

push.

Stronganxietyexisted,however,thatChinaanditspeoplewereweakand

deficientinsomeway(Jacka2009).Thisanxietywaschanneledintodiscourses

ofurban/ruraldifferenceandnotionsofurbanadvancementandrural

backwardness,orwhatRachelMurphycalls“relatedsystemsofvaluation

alreadyembeddedwithinChinesedevelopmentdiscourse”(Murphy2004:3).

WhileurbanChinesewereconsideredtoeitherpossesssuzhiorhavetheability

andopportunitytoeasilyacquireit,ruralChinesewereperceivedaslacking

suzhi,unabletoacquireitandinneedofsupport.HairongYan,forexample,

conductedresearchintoastateprogramintendedtostrengthenpeasantsuzhi.

Sheconfirmstheofficialstance,whichisthat“[ruralpeopleare]seenaslacking

aconsciousness(yishi)ofdevelopmentthatthepost-MaoChinesestatehas

beenstrivingtoachieve”(Yan,H.2003:495).

167

Notionsofovertintentionality,borderingonmanipulation,arenowexplicitin

discussionsofsuzhi.Assuch,thetermhasamuchbroadermeaningtoday.It

nowreferstothe“innateandnurturedphysical,psychological,intellectual,

moral,andideologicalqualitiesofhumanbodiesandtheirconduct”(Jacka2009:

524,emphasisadded).

IntellectualsandspeakersattheConferencesimilarlypairedconsciousness,or

yishi,withthetrajectoryofmodernity.Yettheyreversedtheofficialstance;itis

nolongeraconsciousnessofdevelopment,butaconsciousnessofthe

countrysideandnature,ofruralcommunitiesandruralresidents.Aprofessor

fromTsingHuaUniversityinBeijingspokeaboutanorganicfoodnetworkheis

creatingandhowitrelatestothenewconsciousness.Heexplains:

Ournetworkisaboutgoingbeyondbasicfarmers’marketsandrustichotelsandrestaurants(nongjiale农家乐).Wewanttocreateanewconsciousness(xindeyishi新的意识)ofthecountrysidebybuildingastrongplatformthatcanbeenjoyedbyurbanites.Todoso,ournetworkispermeatedwithastrongandgenuineruralflavor(nongwei农味).

Moreover,onthethirddayoftheConference,oneoftheorganicfarmswe

visitedwasCanxianFarm,anexemplaryfarmownedbyZhuling.Inhisfarm’s

introductorymaterials,Zhulingoutlineshisgoalsasanorganicfarmer:

Weneedtoreturntonature.Inthenameofstandardisationandmodernisationwehaveruinedoursoilwithchemicalpesticidesandfertilisers.Inthespaceofonly30years,ourlandhaschangedfromapartnertoatoolweexploit.Weneedtorememberthatour5,000yearsofhistoryisdefinedbysustainableagriculture.Oncewedothis,wewillrealise(yishidao意识到)thatecologicalagriculture(shengtainongye⽣态农

168

业)cansolvemanyoftoday’sproblems.Myonlyhopeisthatwedothisbeforeitistoolate.

Centraltothe“newawareness”intheUSandyishiinChinaisapositivere-

evaluationofpast‘traditional’practicesandasubsequentdevaluationof

modernscienceanditsmonopolyoverclaimstoabsoluteknowledge.IntheUS,

forexample,SallyFalloncritiquesthegovernment’sheavily-promotedfood

pyramidas“politicallycorrectnutrition”(Fallon2001).Instead,sheadvocates

dietsthatarecommonin‘traditional’societiesandcultures–richinmeatsand

animalfats–andarguesthatthecurrentfocusonlowfatdietsandvegetable

oils(amongstotherthings)isresponsibleformanychronicdiseasesanddeaths.

InChina,Lou’sdiscussionofruralhealth,scatteredsmall-scaleorganicfarms

andTraditionalChineseMedicineisasimilaryearningfortraditionalChinese

knowledge.

ManyattendeesImetattheConferenceweretalkingaboutyishiandbeginning

tointernaliseanewconsciousnessofthecountryside.MaoYu,forexample,

runsanetworkofguesthousesinMoganshan,Zhejiangprovince,wherehe

promotesruralcultureandartsandcraftsthroughculturalmarkets(wenhua

shiji⽂化市集).HebemoansthaturbanChineselackanappropriate

consciousnesstoappreciatetheirruralculture.HebelievesChinaneedstolearn

fromJapanandTaiwan,whereurbanresidentsappreciatetheirnation’s

countryside.Inaddition,YangPeiwenbelieveslocalvillagersinhishometown,

includinghisparents,lackaconsciousnesstowanttopreservetheiroldhouses,

whicharemadeofmudbrickandthatchedroofing.Theyprefertolivein

modernhigh-riseapartmentsnearbyandlettheiroldvillagecrumble.Lastly,Jie

169

Yingrecallsherexperiencerunningaretailstoresellingimportedorganicfood

inShanghaicity.Whenthestoreopenedin2006,Shanghainesehadno

consciousnessoforganicfood;theydidnotknowhoworganicproduceisgrown

oranyofitsbenefits,eitherforthemselvesortheproducer’scommunity.

BeijingCommunity-SupportedAgricultureTraining:InternalisingaNew

ConsciousnessoftheCountryside

InMarch2014Ienrolledasastudentinaweek-longtrainingprogramin

Beijingwithapproximately40otherstudents.“TheThirdNationalCommunity-

SupportedAgriculture&FamilyFarmTrainingProgram36”(hereafter‘the

Training’)wasjointlyorganisedbyRuralReconstructionCentresfromRenmin

UniversityinBeijingandSouthwestUniversityinChongqing.Over15

instructorsparticipated.Mostofthemareintellectualswithvariousuniversity,

NGOorgovernment-supportedmodelorganicfarmaffiliations.

ThehighlightformanystudentswasavisitbyWenTiejun.Wenisanagrarian

economistandDeanoftheSchoolofAgriculturalandRuralDevelopmentat

RenminUniversity.Heiscreditedwithbringingthe“ruralcrisis”inChinainto

intellectualandpoliticaldiscourse(Day2013).Heisverywell-knownandmany

ofthestudentsattheTrainingwerevisiblyexcitedbyhispresence.Ijokingly

remarkedtoonestudentthatgivenalltheattentionWenwasreceivingheis

36InChinese:“DisanqiQuanguoShequHuzhuNongyeYuJiatingNongchangPeixunBan第三期全国

社区互助农业与家庭农场培训班”.

170

justlikeacelebrity(mingxing明星),towhichthestudentveryseriouslyreplied

“Butheisacelebrity!(Tajiushiyigemingxingba!他就是⼀个明星吧！)”.

Duringhisvisit,WenoutlinedhisviewsregardingruralChinaandsetthe

agendafortheentireTraining.China,heexplained,isdifferenttowestern

nationssuchastheUS.Mostwesternnationshavesmallindigenousagrarian

populations.Thepursuitofindustrialagriculture,therefore,isfeasibleastheir

populationsareheavilyurbanskewed.China,bycontrast,isfundamentally

different.Wenarguedthatsurplusrurallabouristhecentralproblemfacing

Chinaandquestionsofmodernisation.Withanenormousindigenousruraland

agrarianpopulation,pursuingindustrialagricultureisnotappropriate,asit

rendersmillionsofruralChinesewithoutworkandwithoutahome.

WenpointedoutthatproponentsofindustrialagricultureinChinacouch

questionssurroundingruralChinainabstracteconomicanddevelopment

principles.Heclaimsthatthismirrorsurbanpoliciesofurbanisation,

marketisationandconsumerism.Instead,Wenbelievesthat“thepeasant”needs

tobebroughtbackintotheconversationandneedstobeacentralpartofany

solution(Day2013).ThismeansthatabetterunderstandingofChinese

peasantsandtheircultureprecludesanysolution.

InlinewithWen’sviews,conditionsattheTrainingsoughttomimicrural

culture.Infact,therearesignificantparallelsbetweentheTrainingandthe

sent-downyouthprogramof1968–1978.Sent-downurbanyouthwere

expectedtoundergoaseriousreshapingofvalues,attitudesandaspirations.

171

Ratherthanpursueclimbingthesocialhierarchythroughwhite-collar

employmentinthecity,becominganordinaryworkerorevenapeasantwas

heldtobeavaluableanddesirablefutureforsent-downyouth(Bernstein

1977).

Similarly,theTrainingwantedustoviewafuturecareerinagricultureand

livelihoodinthecountrysidefavourably.Eachdayoftheweek,fromseven

o’clockinthemorninguntilwellafternineo’clockatnight,intellectualsledand

deliveredaseriesofmorethan20lectures,workshops,groupdiscussionsand

fieldvisits.Itwashighlylabourious.Theydevelopedanddeliveredtheprogram

intentontemperinganyperceptionsofurbansuperiorityweheld,thereby

compellingustofullyinternaliseanewconsciousnessofthecountryside.

TheTrainingwasheldatanoldfactorycompoundontheoutskirtsofBeijing

(outsidethesixthringroad,notquiteruralbutclose).Itwassimpleliving,eight

studentstoadorm.Moreover,aspectsofruralculturesuchasdiscipline,work-

teamsandculturalactivitiesincludingsing-alongswerestrictlyimplemented.

Assoonaswearrived,instructorsexplainedthedisciplinethatwasexpectedof

us.Weweretoldtherewouldbelotsofhardship(xinku辛苦)andweresplitinto

fivework-teams(gongzuodui⼯作队),whichrotatedbetweentasksonadaily

basis.Eachday,fourofthefivework-teamsbecameeitherthelabourgroup

(laodongzu劳动组),culturegroup(wenhuazu⽂化组),disciplinegroup(jilüzu纪

律组)orstudygroup(xuexizu学习组).Thelabourgroupwasresponsiblefor

preparingthedailymealsandcleaningthebathrooms(whichwereeco-toilets,

172

waterlesspitsthatuselimetoaiddecomposition);theculturegroupmotivated

studentsbetweenclasseswithgamesandsing-alongs;thedisciplinegroup

ensuredstudentsroseontimeeachmorning,werepunctualforclassesand

generallywellbehaved;whilethestudygroupsummarisedthepreviousday’s

keylearningsandthemeseachmorning.

Finally,membersofthefifthwork-teamwereinstructedtoundertakepublic

self-assessments.Inaself-assessment,studentssharetheirbackgroundand

motivationsforpursuingorganicagricultureandengagementwithruralChina.

Iwilldiscussinmoredetailthecultureandself-assessmentgroups.

Eachday,theculturegroupledsing-alongs,bothinthemorningbeforeclasses

beganandafterlunchbeforetheyresumed.Songswereselectedfromathick

pocket-sizedbookfullofruralChinesefolksongsthatwaspassedaround

throughouttheTraining.Thesesongscelebrateboththeromanticandidyllic

pleasuresofthecountrysideaswellasthehardandbitterrealityoffarmwork.

OnedaywesangTheTwenty-FourSolarSeasonsSong(ErshisiJieqiGe⼆⼗四节⽓

歌),whichcelebratesthe24lunarseasonsintheagriculturecycle.Throughout

Chinesehistory,Chinesefarmersusethesunandmoon’spositiontonotonly

guideagriculturaltasks,butalsotodirectculturalpracticesandexpectations.

Thefirstofthecycles“springbegins(lichun立春)”,forexample,reminds

farmersthattheannualagriculturalcycleisabouttobeginandthatitistimeto

initiatefestivities(i.e.ChineseNewYear).Thesecondcycle,“therains(yushui雨

⽔)”,indicatesunpredictableweatherforafewdays,whichinfluencesplanting

173

schedules.Italsosetsfilialexpectations,andmarrieddaughtersareexpectedto

returntotheirhometown.Thesongcelebratestheintimaterelationship

peasantshavewiththeirland,communityandfamily.

AnothersongwesangisTheFarmer’sSong(NongfuGe农夫歌).Therearemany

versionsofthissongandthelyricsoftheversionwesangareasfollows37:

WearingraggedcottonclothesEatingcountry-stylefoodApipeandtobaccobaghangingonmyhipAgrasshatonmyheadWithmyfarmingtools,ItoilalldayinthefieldsEnduringthebittercoldandchillingwind,myachievementsarehigherthan

theskyWhenthedayisover,IsubmitmyquotaofgrainAfterIhandthisoverIcanrelaxOfficials,workers,businesspeople,soldiers–theyalllookdownuponus,all

lookdownuponusButwithoutpeasants,howcouldtheysurvive?Butwithoutpeasants,howcouldtheysurvive?

Theselyricsarehighlysignificant.Theyjuxtaposetheidyllictogetherwiththe

bitternessofrurallife:“Eatingcountry-stylefood(Chidejiachangfan吃的家常饭)”

and“Apipeandtobaccobaghangingonmyhip(Yaoliyezhehanyandai腰里掖着

旱烟袋)”versus“Enduringthebittercoldandchillingwind(Shouxielengku

37InChinese:穿的粗布衣 吃的家常饭 腰里掖着旱烟袋 头戴草帽圈 ⼿拿农作具，日在田野间 受得劳苦风寒，功德⾼⼤如天 农事完毕积极纳粮捐 将粮⼉交纳完 自在且得安然 ⼠⼯商兵轻视咱轻视咱 没有农夫谁能活天地间 没有农夫谁能活天地间

174

fenghan受些冷酷风寒)”.Throughsuchlyrics,weareencouragedtoappreciate

thenatureofthecountrysideandruralpersonalitiesforgedthroughsimple

pleasuresamidstthetoughrealityoffarmwork.

Moreover,thesongpointsoutthatfarmersinthecountrysidearekeenlyaware

oftheirpositioninthesocialhierarchy:“Officials,workers,businesspeople,

soldiers–theyalllookdownuponus(Shigongshangbinqingshizan⼠⼯商宾轻

视咱)”.Finally,therepetitionofthelastlineissignificantanditreceived

additionalvocalintensitywhenwesangit.Itemphasisesthedeeprespectand

admirationruralChinadeserves,derivedfromthetruenatureoftheurban-

ruralrelationshipaswearetounderstandit.Asproducersoffood,Chinese

peasantsfeedtheirurbancounterparts.

AnothersessionattheTrainingthatencouragedustoconfrontourattitude

towardthecountrysideandpeasantshadthetitle“Whatproblemsdopeasants

haveandwhatsolutionsarethere?”38Inthissession,wefirstwatcheda

televisionnewsstorythatwascriticalofpeasantsandthendiscussedthetopic

andpotentialsolutionsinsmallerwork-groups(seefigure4.2).Welater

returnedandpresentedourworktothewideraudience.Thiswasakey

opportunityforustodemonstratethatwehadinternalisedanew

consciousnessofthecountryside.

Thetelevisionnewsstorywasaninvestigativepiececoncerningconditionson

severalchickenfarmsinruralChina.Thestoryarguedthatthroughthe

38InChinese:“ShenmeShiNongminKunnanHeChuli?什么是农民困难和处理?”

175

excessiveandforcedconsumptionofantibiotics,chickensatthesefarmsmature

andarereadyforslaughterinfivetosixweeks(thenaturalrateofgrowthfor

thisparticularbreedis20weeks).Thechickensarethensoldtocompanies

includingYUM!(whoownKentuckyFriedChickenandPizzaHut)and

McDonald’s.

Thestoryemphasisedtheterriblesanitaryconditionsatthefarms,ignorant

attitudesofpeasantsandcorruptqualityinspectionandtestingsystems.It

featuredimagesofcrowdedchickenpensandlargenumbersofemptyboxesof

antibiotics.Aninterviewedpeasantclaimedhischickenseat18differentkinds

ofantibioticseveryday.Interviewswiththefarm’sadministrativestaffrevealed

theyfailtofollowanyqualitycontrolchecks.

Thenewsstorywasclearlyintendedforanurbanaudienceandsupportsthe

commonpejorativeviewofpeasantsasuncivilised,backwardandofdubious

moralquality.Theywerealsodepictedaslackingin“humanquality”,orsuzhi,

specificallytheskillsnecessarytoengagewiththemodernurbanmarket.

Despitethenewsstory’spointofviewandtheunambiguousevidenceit

presented,asastudentIwaskeenlyawarewhatthisexerciseexpectedofus,as

wereothers.Wheneachgroupreturnedtosharetheirsummaryandsolutions,

criticismroutinelyfellonthecorporationsandgovernment,notontherural

factoryworkers.Somestudentsarguedthatthepricescorporationspayaretoo

lowtoallowworkerstoearnadecentwage,forcingthemtocutcornersin

quality.Theybelievethatthefactoryworkersarevictimsinthecorporate

176

supply-chainsystemandsubjecttourbanChina’sinsatiabledemandforquick,

convenientandcheapfood.Thegovernmentwasalsocriticisedfornot

sufficientlyregulatingtheindustryandpenalisingoffendingcompanies.

ThestudentwhopresentedthefeedbackofthegroupIwasinbecame

emotionalinfrontoftheclass.Inacroakyvoice,sheexplainedthatherattitude

toruralChinesechangedafterwatchingthestory.Shenowfeltsympathy

towardthem.Itisnotalwaystheirfault,shepleaded,becausetheyare

implicatedinlargersociopoliticalissuesinwhichtheyhavelittleorno

influence.Herpublicdisplaysuperblyexemplifiesthenewconsciousnessofthe

countrysidetheTrainingaspiredtonurtureaswellasitsperformativenature.

Figure4.2Discussingthetelevisionnewsstoryinwork-groupsandpreparingourresponsebefore

presentingbacktothewideraudience.

BørgeBakkennotesthatCCPexemplarityrequirescitizenstocontinuously

checkandreflectovertheirattitudesandbehaviourstoensuretheyare

177

acceptableandinalignmentwithofficialdiscourses.Suchself-evaluationispart

ofanextensiveevaluationprocessofone’sbehaviour,orbiaoxian(表现).

“Biaoxian”,saysBakken,“concernsloyaltyandothertypesofbehaviourworthy

ofrewardfromanauthority”.Ithelps“checkeachindividual’sattitudetowards

theprescribednorms”(Bakken2000:232).Biaoxian,however,isalsoa

theatricalritual.ItallowsChinesecitizenstofeigngenuineinternalisationwith

outwardduplicity.

AttheTraining,eachmorningat6:30ambeforebreakfast,eachmemberofthe

fifthwork-team,oneaftertheother,stoodonatablefacingalltheother

studentsinalargecourtyardanddeliveredapublicself-assessmentforfiveto

tenminutes.Ontheonehand,self-assessmentsaregenuineheartfeltand

emotionalmomentswhenstudentsshareatransformativeexperiencethat

inspiredthemtopursueorganicfarmingandengagementwithruralChina.

Theyarepublicdeclarationsthatastudenthassuccessfullyacquiredanew

consciousnessofthecountrysideandinternalisedtheTraining’steachings.

WhileIneverdoubtedthesincerityoftheseself-assessments,theyare

nonethelessstillcloakedinthesocialisttheatricalityofbiaoxian.

Therearetwokindsofself-assessmentsattheTraining:monologuesthat

reflectonanexactmomentinthepastwhenthestudentrealisedthatthe

trajectoryofChinesemodernityis,insomeway,harmingsomethingpreciousor

importantinthecountrysidethatisworthpreserving;orsermonsthatoffer

advicetootherstudentsbasedontheassessor’sownwisdomandexperience

(oftendeliveredbyanolderstudent).

178

Guyao,inhismid20s,deliveredaself-assessmentonemorning(seefigure4.3).

HesharedastoryfromarecentvisittohishomevillageinruralYunnan

provinceafteryearsawayatuniversityinanotherprovince.Oncebackinhis

village,hewasunabletofindanyoftheoriginalcornvarietiesheremembers

fromhischildhood.Thismadehim“extremelysad(xinhentongxin⼼很痛⼼)”

becausethequalityofcornhishometowngrewwaspopularandwell-known.

Nowadays,Guyaolamented,farmersplantgenetically-modifiedcorn.

Figure4.3Guyaodeliveringhisself-assessmentonemorningattheTraining.

ThistroubledGuyao,thoughhewasoriginallyunsurehowtoarticulateand

contextualisethisfeelingand,moreimportantly,whattodoaboutit.Guyaosaid

thatwhenhearrivedattheTrainingandspokewithothers,hefullyrealised(he

usedthewords“yishidaole意识到了”)thatwhatoccurredinhishometownis

179

“wrong(budui不对)”.Heendedhisself-assessmentbydeclaringhis

determinationtofarmorganiccorninhishometowninthefuture.

WenHeng,alecturerinchemistryatauniversityinInnerMongolia,an

autonomousregioninnorthernChina,deliveredalongself-assessmentone

morning.Hebeganbyrecitingpoetrywithanalogiestoorganicfarming(some

studentsrecitedwithhimiftheyknewthepoem)andtoldstorieswithobvious

moralundertones.Inoneofthem,onlythefarmer(nottheofficial,worker,

businessmanorsoldier)answerstheprophet’squestioncorrectly,thus

demonstratingthewisdomofChinesepeasants.

WenHengalsodiscusseddifferentkindsofeducationandknowledgenecessary

inordertolivewell.Atabasiclevel,“survival”(WenHengusedtheword

shengcun⽣存,whichmeans“subsist;exist;live”)requirespracticaleducation

andknowledge.Considering“howoneshouldlive”(WenHengusedtheword

shenghuo⽣活,meaning“life”asin“dailylife”and“livelihood”),thisrequiresa

higherlevelofeducationandknowledgeandbeginstotouchontheabilityto

useone’simaginationtoconsideralternativevaluesandrealities.Lastly,Wen

Hengdiscussed“existence”(heusedthewordshengming⽣命,alsomeaning

“life”thoughreferringtolifeinabiologicalsense)andsuggestedthatthekind

ofeducationandknowledgerequiredtoapproachthemeaningofexistenceis

philosophicalinnature.

WenHengconcludedbydeclaringthathehopesallthestudentswillrealise

(again,heusedthewords“yishidaole意识到了”)thatonlybyparticipatingin

180

organicagriculturecantheyequipthemselveswiththeeducationand

knowledgenecessarytounderstandallthreelevelsoflife(orsheng⽣):survival,

howtoliveandexistence.HefinallypraisedusforparticipatingintheTraining,

beforesteppingdowntoloudapplause.

TherewerealsothreesessionsthatdiscussedfarmworkattheTraining(outof

morethan20sessionsintotal).Thesesessionswereaboutpestcontrol(called

bingchonghai病⾍害,meaning“disease,pestsandharm”),naturalfertilisers

calledjiaosu(酵素,meaning“fermentedenzymes”)andasessionoriginally

intendedtodiscusssomethingelsethatinsteadbecameanintroductiontobasic

farmingprocedureswhenthepresenterdiscoveredhowlittleweknew.

LiuXiaoping,aveteranorganicfarmernowinhisfifties,presentedthesession

onpestcontrol.Headvocatesaharmoniousrelationshipwithnature,and

stressesthattheorganicfarmer’staskisoneofmanagement,ratherthan

control,ofpests(guanlierbushikongzhi管理⽽不是控制).Thisdistinguishes

organicfarmingfromindustrialagricultureandencouragescooperationwith,

notdominationover,nature.Iwassurprisedtoobservethatmanystudents

foundthisideahighlynovel.Xiaopingneededtoexplainindetailhowinsects

andwormsactuallyassistthefarm’secosystem.Tomakeitclear,Xiaopinggave

ananalogyofnottakingantibioticsfortoolongandnotbathingtoooftensoas

toenjoythebenefitsmanykindsofbacteriaprovidethehumanbody.

YuanQinghuaranthesessiononfermentedenzymes.Qinghuapreviously

workedatLittleDonkeyFarminBeijingandhadrecentlymovedtoShanghaito

181

betheGeneralManagerofDesignHarvest.Bothfarmsaregovernment-

supportedmodelorganicfarms.Heplacedorganicfarmingoutsidecapitalist

practicesbyarguingthatcapitalismandindustrialagriculturedestroy

traditionalknowledgeand,duetothehighlevelofexpertiseandequipment

required,excludemanyfromparticipation.

Scholarsarguethatcapitalismfavours“hightechnology(gaojishu⾼技术)”,

whichfundamentallytransformstheworldthroughstandardisationand

routinisation(e.g.Priceetal2008).Boththetechnologyandthenewly

transformedfieldarethencommoditised.Thepharmaceuticalindustryisan

example:boththemedicinesdevelopedaswellastheconditionstheytreat

becomethepropertyorexclusivefieldofcorporationsandspecialistmedical

practitionerswhoprescribethemedicine(untilthepatentexpiresandgeneric

brandsareavailable).Agriculturalcompaniesthatmanufacturepesticidesand

seedsgenetically-modifiedtocomplementtheuseofthesepesticidesare

anotherexample.Inthiscase,farmersbecomedependentonthecorporationto

supplyboththeseedsandpesticides.LouisaScheinarguesthatintheir“craze”

tobemodern,urbanChineseembracehightechnologyandpracticesthat

encouragestandardisationandroutinisation,leavinglittleroomfor

improvisation(Schein2001).

Qinghuastressedthatorganicfarming,bycontrast,haslowentrybarriers

becauseitutilises“lowtechnology(dijishu低技术)”.Lowtechnologyissimple

technology.Itcanbeusedeffectivelywithoutspecialisedtrainingorinstruction

andrequiresminimuminvestment.Moreover,asChaiaHellershowsinthecase

182

ofindependentorganicfarmersinFrance,theadoptionoflowtechnologyisas

muchaboutcelebratingthelifestyle,culturalvalues,andindependenceof

farmingandthecountrysideasitisaboutfunctionalityorproductivity(Heller

2013).

Importantly,lowtechnologyimprovisesasitprogresses.Differentpeopleusing

thesamelowtechnologyoftenendupwithentirelydifferentapproaches.Jiaosu,

orfermentedenzymes,isacaseinpoint.Everybodycaneasilymakeit–weall

hadthechancetomakeourownbatchattheTraining–andeveryonewillhave

differentrecipestailoredtotheland’sspecificneedsandthematerialsathand.

Indeed,Qinghuaencouragedustobecomefamiliarwiththeprocess,getto

knowtheingredientsandtoexperimentovertimebytryingavarietyofrecipes.

Thethirdsession,ledbyChengPengfei,anorganicfarmerbasedinGuangxi

province,introducedthebasicfarmingprocessstep-by-step.Throughoutmy18

monthsoffieldwork,thiswastheonlyoccasionthatIwitnessedthefarming

processsystematicallydiscussed.Pengfeiwasinitiallyscheduledtodiscuss

anothertopic.Inhisintroductionandpurelybyhappenstance,Pengfeiaskedus

whatthefirststepinfarmingis.Whenheheardhighlyimpreciseandhazy

answers,hedecidedtodevotehissessiontodiscussingthebasicfarming

process.

Hesystematicallydiscussedploughing(fandi翻地),raisingseedlings(yumiao育

苗),planting(zhongdi种地)andwatering(jiaoshui浇⽔)anddrewattentionto

importantdifferencesbetweennorthandsouthChina.Iwassurprisedbythe

183

lowknowledgebaseofbasicfarmingproceduresamongstmoststudents,even

amongstthosewhocurrentlymanageorworkonorganicfarms.

Initially,Ididnotunderstandwhytherewassuchbriefattentiongiventofarm

workattheTraining.Evenwhenitwasdiscussed,itwasunplannedand

spontaneous(asPengfei’ssessionaboveillustrates).Throughoutmyfieldwork,

Ididnotencounteranyforumthatdiscussedspecificinformationonsoilquality

andnutrition,waterquality,therelationshipbetweenclimate/seasonandcrop

choiceorspecificcropneeds.

Thethreesessionsdescribedabove,thoughcertainlypractical,werestillrather

general.Thepestcontrolsession,forexample,lackeddetailedinformationon

specificcropdiseasessuchastheirclassification,appearance,causeorcure.

Andthefermentedenzymessessiondidnotdiscusssoilnutritioninspecifics,

suchaswhatconstitutessatisfactorylevelsofnitrogen,phosphorusand

potassium.

Oneexplanationforthescantattentionintellectualsgivetothepracticalitiesof

farmingisthattheythemselvesdonotpossesstheknowledge.Theymayalso

seektodifferentiateorganicfarmingfromindustrialagriculture.Industrial

agriculturebringsscientificaspectsofagriculturetotheforefrontthroughclose

measurementandmonitoring;intellectualsseektopromoteamoreintuitive

approachtoorganicfarming.Amorelikelyexplanation,however,isthat

intellectualsaresimilartoexemplaryagriculturalists,andperceivetheirtopic

ofinstructiontobemoralityandethicsratherthanagriculture.

184

Nonetheless,Ialwayssensedthatthereisalsoanunspokenconviction,

sometimesmentionedinpassingbutneverdwelton,thatthetaskofactual

farmworkshouldbelefttoruralChineseemployedonorganicfarms.Thisis

alsotheviewpointofmostexemplaryagriculturalists.Despitethefactthatmost

oftheruralresidentsthatworkonexemplaryandorganicfarmsareoversixty

yearsoldandfarmworkchallengestheirailingbodies,theycontinuetobe

hiredtodothework.

Thissituationisilluminating.Ontheonehandandlookedatpositively,

intellectualsandexemplaryagriculturalistsprovideruralresidentswith

employmentandincome,theopportunitytolearnnewskills,theopportunityto

teachurbanitesaboutfarming,andachancetoconnectwithurbanChina.A

superficialDurkheimianinterpretationofthisarrangementmightviewthisasa

justdivisionoflabour;individualsareperformingspecialisedanddifferentiated

tasksaccordingtotheirability.

Lookedatmorecritically,however,itishardtodrawthisconclusion.Durkheim

notesthatforthedivisionoflabourto“engendersolidarity,itisthusnot

sufficientforeveryonetohavehistask:itmustalsobeagreeabletohim”

(Durkheim2014:294).Thereisanoticeableabsenceofnegotiationor

discussionbetweenurbanandruralresidentsconcerningtheallocationoftasks

onexemplaryandorganicfarms.Whilemanyruralworkersareresignedto

theirlotandtoldmetheyundertakefarmworkbecause“there’snothingelse

wecando(Meiqitadenenggan没其他的能⼲)”,itisnotnecessarilyagreeableto

185

them.Classidentitydictatesroles:urbanitesmanageandlead,whilerural

residentsfarmanddowhattheyaretold.

QiandaohuNaturalFarmingCamp:LearningfromNature

Ifounditdifficulttogaugetheattitudesandopinionsthatcadresatvarious

levelsofgovernmentholdtowardorganicfarmingandexemplaryagriculture.

Theirphysicalabsenceacrossallofmyfieldsitesnearlycompletely

characterisedmyentirefieldworkexperienceandIonlyencountereda

governmentofficialonce.39ThethirdandfinalorganicfarmingeventI

participatedin,bycontrast,wasdirectlysponsoredbytheChinesegovernment

anddeliveredinpartnershipwithanNGO.

ArthurMolandNeilCarternotethatNGOsinChinariskeffectivenessiftheyare

tooadversarialorconfrontational.Instead,theyaremosteffectivewhen

providingexpertiseorhelpingraiseawarenessofparticularissues(Mol&

Carter2007).Unliketheprevioustwoorganicfarmingeventsdiscussedinthis

chapter,whichdirectlydiscussandcritiquestatepoliciestowardthe

countryside,thethirdandfinaleventIattendedisquitedifferent.Despite

receivinggovernmentsupport,itisthemostapolitical.

39Adistrict-levelgovernmentofficialfromShanghairegularlyattendstheweeklymeetingsoftheNGOinvolvedinruralreconstructionandorganicfarmingprojectsinHengshaIsland,nexttoChongmingIsland.HisgovernmentofficeprovidesfundsandsupportfortheNGO’sactivities.

186

“TheSecondNaturalFarmingCamp40”(hereafter‘theCamp’)washeldin

QiandaohuinZhejiangprovinceinApril2014.Qiandaohu(千岛湖,meaning

“ThousandIslandsLake”)isapicturesqueandsceniclocationcomprising

parklandandaman-madelakeover500squarekilometresinsizeanddotted

withover1,000largeislandsandthousandsofsmallerones.Iattendedthe

week-longCampwithover100otherstudents.

TheCampwassponsoredbythelocalChun’anCountygovernment,adistrictof

theHangzhoumetropolitanarea,anddesignedanddeliveredbyaDaoistNGO

calledTheCentreforthePromotionofNaturalFarming(hereafter‘the

Centre’).41TheCentreisthecreationofKongHai(空海),theMaster(FaShi法师)

ofaTaiwaneseDaoistgroupwhospendslongperiodsoftimeontheChinese

mainlandandwaspresentthroughouttheweek-longCamp.

KongHaiwasmotivatedtoestablishtheCentrein2013becauseofthe

increasingprevalenceof“problemsofmodernity(xiandaidewenti现代的问题)”

acrossChinesesociety,especiallypollutionanditseffectonfoodquality.His

goalistoprovidehealthyandsafegrainsandvegetablestoChinesecitizens.

ThepartnershipbetweentheChun’angovernmentandtheCentre,nowinits

secondyear,ismultifaceted.ThedesignanddeliveryoftheCampisactually

secondarytothemainproject,whichistheconversionofalargeareaofland

withinQiandaohuintoanorganicfarmusingnaturalfarmingprinciples.The

CentredesignedandrunsthefarmandtheChun’angovernmentwillcreateand

40InChinese:“DierqiZiranNongfaYanxiying第⼆期自然农法研习营”.41InChinese:“ZiranNongfaTuiguangZhongxin自然农法推⼴中⼼”.

187

supportretailoutletsforthesaleoforganicproducetoresidentsthroughout

thecounty.

TheCampdidnotfocusonconditionsinruralChinaliketheothertwoevents.

Instead,itstressedtheimportanceofnature,advocatingastrongspiritual

approachtoorganicfarming.Speakersdiscussedthecentralityofnatureto

humanexistenceandshowedhowcreepingandvisiblepollutioniseroding

humanity’sabilitytolivewell.DuringtheCamp’sscheduledsessions,speakers

challengedacommondoctrineofmodernity,thathumansholddominanceover

nature.Andduringbreaksandovermeals,theyhistoricallycontextualisedthe

currentstateofpollutioninChina.Whiletheydidnotdiscussthetopicas

comprehensivelyasIdobelow,apervasivesenseoflong-termenvironmental

declineinChinawasevidentwithintheCamp’ssyllabus.

AsearlyasancientChina,leaderstriedtoprotectthenaturalworld.Thereis

evidencefromtheQinDynasty(221–206B.C.E.)showingtheexistenceof

provisionstoprotecttheenvironment.Theseinclude“prohibitingpoaching

younganimalsandbirdsinspringtime,restrictingdeforestation,and

prescribinghowlandwastobeusedonhillsides”(Shapiro2001:230).

MarkElvinarguesthatpriortothemodernperiodandcontrarytopopular

belief,ancientandimperialChinadidnotachieveanykindofbalancewith

nature.Instead,theenvironmentdeterioratedduetoadrivetoacquirepolitical,

economicandmilitarypoweratbothstateandsocietallevels.Elvinsuggests

thattherestraintexercisedbyhumanstowardthenaturalworld,suggestedin

188

classicaltexts,isprobablyoverstatedandareactiontoenvironmental

degradationthatwasalreadyvisibleatthetime(Elvin1993).

Assuch,bytheendofdynasticChinaatthebeginningofthetwentiethcentury,

China’senvironmentwasseriouslydamaged.ElvinnotesthattheChinese

landscapewas“oneofthemosttransformedinthepre-modernworldasthe

resultofitsreshapingforcerealcultivation,re-engineeringforhydraulicworks

fordrainage,irrigationandflood-defence,anddeforestationforthepurposesof

clearanceandtheharvestingofwoodforfuelandconstruction”(Elvin1998:

733).

EnvironmentalconditionsdeterioratedfurtherduringtheMaoerawhenlarge-

scaleprojectsutilisedmassivenumbersofChineselabourerstoremakethe

naturalworld.42Andinthereformera,anumberofscholarsbelievethat

Chineseleaderspursuerapidindustrialisationwithlittleregardforthe

environment(Economy2010;Tilt2010).

IlivedinChinafrom2002until2015.Inthelastfewyears,Inoticedan

increasingconcernamongsturbanresidentstowardtheenvironment.This

concernreachedaclimaxwhenanindependentdocumentary,madebyanex-

journalistcalledJingChai,wasreleased.ThedocumentaryiscalledUnderthe

42TheexperienceofDazhaicommunityisillustrative.DazhaiislocatedinamountainousareainShanxiprovince.Itregularlyexperiencessevererainfallandfloodsthatruincrops.Inthe1960sfollowingseveredamage,thelocalCCPSecretaryinsistedthatnotonlywouldDazhairebuildtheirfields,theywouldalsocontributegraintothestate.Workinginisolation,Dazhairesidentsre-workedthemountainouslandscapeintoterracedricefields.DazhaibecameasymbolofthepowerofCCPideologicalunity,solidarityandtheChinesewillovernature.MaoutilisedtheDazhaiexperiencetogreateffecttopromotetheabilityofChinesetoovercomeanyobstaclepresentedbynature.

189

Dome(QiongDingZhiXia穹顶之下)(2015)andcritiquesanumberofChinese

state-ownedenterprisesaswellasgovernmentdepartmentsconcerningtheir

airpollutionpolicies.Itwasreceivedwithwidespreadacclaim.Andeven

thoughauthoritiesrestrictedInternetviewingofthedocumentary,theMinister

oftheEnvironmentChenJiningpraisedJingChaiforhelpingraisepublic

interest(deBoer2015).

SpeakersattheCampusedthetermziran(自然)extensively.Today,ziranrefers

to“nature”or“thenaturalworld”,asdistinctfromcultureortheworldcreated

byhumans.Thismeaningisrecent,however,anddatesfromtheearlytwentieth

centuryandtheonsetofmodernity.Priortothis,ziranreferredtoaneventor

occurrencethatis“self-evident”or“spontaneous”.Ziranerran(自然⽽然),for

example,usedtomean“asamatterofcourse”andrefertothingsthathappen

instinctively,spontaneouslyandwithoutinterference(Weller2006:325).Ziran

wasthenaturalcourseofevents.

ZiranisalsoacentralconceptwithinDaoism,andthisearliermeaningofthe

termissimilartohowitisemployedbyDaoists.Daoismbelievesallactionand

behaviourintheworldisgovernedbyonegreatunderlyingcosmological

principlecalledtheWay,orDao(道).TheWayis“thesourceofallbeing,the

governorofalllife,humanandnatural,andthebasic,undividedunityinwhich

allthecontradictionsanddistinctionsofexistenceareultimatelyresolved”(de

Bary&Bloom1999:78).

190

ZiranisbehaviourinaccordancewiththeWay.Itisspontaneousratherthan

deliberatebehaviouranddoesnotinterferewiththeself-evidentcourseof

events.AstheDaoistscholarXiaChenexplains,“Themoraldutyforhuman

beings…istodisclose,bringout,oractualizethepotentialthatisalready

inherentwithinthings”(Chenetal2014:74).Zirancanthusalsoreferto

behaviourthatmediatesbetweenthecosmologicalWayandtheworldhumans

livein.

Giventhismorecomplicatedmeaning,ziranisalsotranslatedas“selfso;soof

itsown;soofitself”,referringtoastateofaffairswherehumanactionaccords

withthecosmos(PersonalTao2015;Zito1987).43Naturalfarmingisaperfect

partnerforaDaoist-inspiredformoforganicfarming;its“donothing”approach

alignswiththeWayofDaoism.

SpeakersattheCampencouragedusto“Learnfromselfso-ness/nature(Cong

daziranxuexi从⼤自然学习)”.Theyelevatednaturetoasuperiorposition,

referringtothenaturalworldasthe“ultimatecreator(tiandifumu天地⽗母,

literally‘heavenandearthparents’)”.Alldilemmas,farmingandpersonal,can

beresolvedthroughthe“soofitself”guidanceofnature,andweshouldyieldto

acourseofeventsthatthenaturalworldwillrevealtousinduecourse(see

figure4.4).

43ThisunderstandingofziranisnotlimitedtoDaoism.AngelaZitotranslatesziranas“self-so”inheranalysisofCityGodsindynasticChina.ImperialChineseleadersconsultedCityGodstoensuretheiractionswerecosmologicallyappropriateandinaccordancewithheaven(tian天):“TheYongzhengemperordoesnotomitthehumanelementfromhispictureofcosmicorder,butitissubordinatedtocosmic‘self-so-ness’”(Zito1987:348).

191

Figure4.4LearningfromnatureattheCampinvolvedseveraloutdoorsessions.Wedidnotdoany

farmworksuchasploughing,butinsteadobservedandtouchedcrops.

OldZhengwasaguestspeakerattheCampandsharedanexperienceofhisthat

encapsulatesthisapproach.Inhisfirstyearoffarming,OldZhenglearnthowto

sharehisfarmwithotherlivingthings.Once,aftersprayinghiscropswith

organicpesticides,OldZhengsawmanybugswrigglinginagony.Thesprayhad

notkilledthem.OldZhengwasemotionallymoved,evensheddingtearswhile

speakingtous.Hebelievesthatnolife,nomatterwhatitis,deservessuchafate.

Hedecidedtoletbugs,insectsandwormsliveonhisfarmamongsthiscrops

andtogethertheywouldlearntoshareresourcesandliveinharmony.He

claimsthatovertheyearshehasdevelopedarelationshipwiththemtothe

extentthattheyonlyeatcropsheplantsespeciallyforthemandnotthosehe

plantsforhiscustomers.

192

Otherspeakersstressedtheimportanceofdevelopingan“awareness(juecha觉

察)”ofziran.Thecharactersthatcomprise“awareness”mean“sense(jue觉)”

and“observe(cha察)”,indicatingthatziranisahighlyindividualandpersonal

experience.Speakerssharedtheirownfarmingexperiences–payingparticular

attentiontowhattheydidontheirfarmandwhathappened,orcauseandeffect

throughexperimentation–ratherthanprovideuswithrulesorguidelines.

Whenaparticipantaskedaspecificquestion,thespeakeralwaysdeflectedthe

answer,leavingitinthehandsof“selfso-ness”:“Well,thatdependsonyour

farm,thesoilandwaterandeventheair.Tryitandseewhathappens.Ifit

doesn’twork,trysomethingdifferentuntilitworks”.Theexternalimpositionof

orderisunnecessary.

AnotherspeakercalledMr.GaorunsanorganicfarmnearChengducityin

Sichuanprovince.Hesharedanexperienceconcerninghowhelearntwhat

organicproducetoselltohisurbancustomers.Mr.Gaobeganorganicfarming

in2008withhistwosistersaftermorethantenyearsworkinginthecity.

Initially,theiragriculturalknowledgewaslimitedandprogresswasslow.Yet

throughobservationofnatureinsitu,Mr.Gaoandhissisterslearntagreatdeal.

Theywatchedwhatbirdseatandnoticedthattheyavoideatingbrightred

tomatoes.Thissimpleobservationtaughtthemthattheperfectredtomato–

theiroriginalquestastheysoughttowoourbancustomers–isnotnecessarily

thebesttomato.

193

ItisilluminatingthattheChun’anCountygovernmentdecidedtopartnerwitha

DaoistNGOratherthananyoftheotherinstitutionsorintellectualsinvolvedin

China’sorganicfarmingevents.WhileallthreeeventsIattendedsoughttosteer

anewconsciousnessofthecountrysideandanawarenessofnatureamongst

urbanresidents,theCampdidsointhemostapoliticalmanner.Theirapproach

isperhapsmoreattractivetogovernmentofficialsinChun’anbecauseitfocuses

onissuesofurbanconcern(i.e.pollutionandfoodsafety)ratherthanon

inequalitybetweenurbanandruralChina,amoresensitivetopic.

Conclusion:theRelationshipBetweenExemplaryAgricultureandIntellectuals

All13exemplaryagriculturalistsinShanghaiattendedatleastoneorganic

farmingeventorganisedbyChineseintellectuals.Theydidsooutofcuriosityor

seekingtofillspecificknowledgegaps.Yetmanyexemplaryagriculturalistsare

quitecriticaloftheseevents.ShangMeifromShengtaiFarm,forexample,

criticisedtheCommunity-SupportedAgricultureConferencefortheirchoiceof

organicfarmstodiscuss.Shecomplainedthatasmanyaregovernment-

supportedmodelorganicfarmstheyaredifficultforordinaryurbanresidents

newtoagriculturetoreplicate.

Nonetheless,therewasstillagreatdealofinteraction.Participantsoftheevents

metexemplaryagriculturalistsandlatervolunteeredattheirfarms;exemplary

agriculturalistsmetintellectualsanddiscussedsharedtopicsofinterest;and

exemplaryagriculturalistswereoftenspeakersthemselvesattheseevents.By

situatingexemplaryagricultureamidsttheworkofChineseintellectualsasthey

194

seektosteeranewconsciousnessofthecountryside,abroaderpictureofthe

exemplaryagriculturemovementemerges;therearemultipleinitiatives

currentlyunderwayinChinathatseektoinfluenceurbanattitudestowardthe

countryside.

AsGloriaDaviesnotes,manyChineseintellectualsbelievein“thepowerof

intellectuallabortoshapeandchangesociallife”(Davies2001:3).Thethree

organicfarmingeventsIattendedarecertainlyevidenceofthisbelief.Yetwhile

manyintellectualswanttohelpruralChina(onlytheDaoistNGOshares

exemplaryagriculture’sfocusonimprovingcityliving),ruralresidentsare

noticeablyabsentfromtheirevents;theywerenotinvitedtosharetheirviews

orneeds.Thus,whileintellectualsmaybegenuinelymotivatedtohelprural

China,theurbannonethelessloomslargeintheirmoralproject.

195

PARTTWO

EXEMPLARYAGRICULTUREINTHECOUNTRYSIDE

&THECITY

196

197

ChapterFive.TheFarm:TrytobeRuralorImporttheUrban

DuringmyfirstvisittoZiranFarminJanuary2013,ItouredthefarmwithOld

Zheng.Aswepassednumerousricefieldsandvegetablepatches,largelybarren

asitwaswinter,wetalkedabouthisadjustmenttolifeinthecountryside.Along

thewaywemetafewlocalvillagers.Eachtimewedid,OldZhengstoppedand

chattedwiththemforashorttime.Onelocalvillagerwasstrugglingtosecurea

largeloadoftreecuttingsonthebackoffhissmallthree-wheeledtractor.Old

Zhengimmediatelybrokeawayfromourconversationtohelptheoldman,who

wasextremelygrateful.Iknewthatthefirstyearinthecountrysidefor

exemplaryagriculturalistsisoftendifficult.Thesefleetingfirstimpressions

gavemethefeelingthatOldZhengwasintegratingwellintohisrural

community.

Lateronthetour,wepassedanotherofhisricefields.Inoticedalargewooden

signconspicuouslyplacedinthecorner,facingtheroadforeveryonetosee(see

figure5.1).AwrittenpassagewaspaintedonthesigninlargeblackChinese

characters,withanexcerptasfollows:

Iwanttoestablishafarmingapproachfundamentallydifferenttoconventionalfarmingthatisbasedonorientalphilosophy,thoughtandreligion.Myultimategoalisnotonlytogrowcrops,buttocontributetohumanself-improvement.

198

ThesignintriguedmeandIaskedOldZhengifwecouldstopsoIcouldtakea

closerlookandaphotograph.Aswedid,Inoticedthatinthebottomrighthand

cornerofthesign,insmallercharacters,waswritten“MasanobuFukuoka,The

One-StrawRevolution”.MasanobuFukuokaistheJapanesefounderofnatural

farmingandTheOne-StrawRevolution(Fukuoka2009)ishispopularbookthat

introducesanddiscussesthisformoforganicfarming.WhatOldZhenghad

writtenonhissignisactuallyadirectquotationfromFukuoka’sbook.

Throughoutmy18monthsoffieldwork,Ionlysawoneothersigninafarmer’s

field–bethatofanexemplaryagriculturalistorruralresident–andthiswas

placedtherebythelocalgovernmentasawarningnottodigtoodeepbecause

telephonelinesareunderneath.OldZheng’splacementofhisownsigninafield

inthecountrysideisratherunusualbehaviourbyruralstandards.

Figure5.1SigninoneofOldZheng’sfields.Writteninlargecharactersisaquotationfrom

MasanobuFukuoka’sbookTheOne-StrawRevolution(Fukuoka2009).

199

Iwonderedwhatlocalresidentsthoughtofthesign.Attheveryleast,its

presencesuggeststhatlocalresidentsdonotunderstandOldZheng’sfarming

technique(naturally-farmedfieldslookverydifferenttoconventionally-farmed

fields)andheneedstoexplainthistothem.IaskedOldZhengwhyhehad

createdthesignandplaceditwhereitis.HeconfirmedwhatIthoughtand

explainedfurtherthathewantshisneighbourstoknowwhyhe,anurban

resident,migratedtotheirvillagetofarmorganically.Iaskedhimifthesign

helpshimachievethesegoals,towhichherepliedthatitpartlydid.

Icametolearnthatdespitehisbestintentionsandefforts,anddespitehis

reasonablycordialrelationswithmanyofhisneighbours,OldZhengisstill

perceivedbylocalresidentsasdifferenttothemandsomethingofanoutsider

inthevillage.Neitherhenoranyotherexemplaryagriculturalistwasever

acceptedinaruralcommunityas‘oneofthem’.

Thischapterdiscusseswhythisisthecase.Idiscusstheuniquepoliticaland

culturalcontextofthreevillagesthatexemplaryagriculturalistsmigratedtoand

describeindetailthebehaviourofOldZheng,LiuShan(andJiangShifu)and

ShangMei(andOldShen)inthesevillages.Theyallwanttocompensateforthe

significantdifferencesthatexistbetweenthemselvesandtheirrural

neighbours;theywanttofitin.Todoso,exemplaryagriculturalistsadoptand

exaggerate–ortrytoalter–whattheyunderstandtobetypicalruralpractices.

Sometimestheireffortsarepartiallysuccessful,whileatothertimestheyare

not.Iarguethatthisbehaviourmustbeunderstoodasapoeticsofrural

identification,andIengagewithsocialpoeticstheorytoillustratethis.

200

CapitalandSocialPoetics

Exemplaryagriculturalistsarevisiblyproudoftheirorganicfarms.Theygive

theirmoralprojectsignificantcredibility,provingtheypractisewhatthey

preach.Yetadaptationtolifeinthecountrysideisnotstraightforward.Thisis

becausetherearevastdifferencesbetweenexemplaryagriculturalistsandtheir

ruralneighbours.Themoralorientationofexemplaryagriculturecontrasts

withagricultureaspracticedbyruralresidents.Whereastheformerfocuseson

theintegrityoftheindividualandanexperimentalapproachtoagriculture,the

latterfocusesontheefficiencyofthefarmerandapracticalitythatisconcerned

withyieldsandeconomicviability.

Oneexplanationforthisdifferenceconcernscapital.Ifweaccepturban/rural

discoursesofdifferenceatfacevalue,exemplaryagriculturalistsandtheirrural

neighbourspossessdifferentformsofcapital.Exemplaryagriculturalists

possesseconomicandculturalcapital,whichPierreBourdieudefinesascontrol

overproductiveeconomicassetsandformaleducation,knowledgeandlearning

(Bourdieu2010).Ruralresidents,bycontrast,possess‘peasantness’;they

naturallyembodypositiverurality.Thisnotionof‘peasantness’approaches

Bourdieu’sconceptofsymboliccapital,definedas“theacquisitionofa

reputationforcompetenceandanimageofrespectabilityandhonourability”

(Bourdieu2010:285,289).Inotherwords,beingapeasantinthecountryside

hassymbolicvalue.

201

Onarrivalinthecountryside,exemplaryagriculturalistsfindlittleincommon

withtheirruralneighbours.Theytrytomanipulatesymboliccapitaland

constructcommonalitiessothattheycanintegrateintotheirlocalcommunities.

Theynormallytryto‘berural’themselves.Insomecases,however,theytryto

makeruralresidents‘urban’.

Howdotheydothis?MichaelHerzfelddiscusseshowculturalcommonalityis

constructedatthenation-statelevel(Herzfeld2005).Heisinterestedinhow

individualschoosetopresentthemselveswhentheyaresurroundedbyofficial

representationsofnationalculture.Hefindsacloseandtenserelationship

betweenthepresentationoftheselfandtheformalimageofacollective

identity.Hesaysthereare“politicalforcesthatcause…strainbetweenthe

creativepresentationoftheself…andtheformalimageofanationalor

collectiveself”(Herzfeld2005:ix–x).

Herzfeldexplainstheinterplaybetweenthetwousingatheoryofsocialpoetics.

Socialpoeticsistheuseofmetaphorandrhetoricinsocialinteraction.It

acknowledgesthatindividualsmayintentionallyadoptofficialrepresentations

ofaculturalidentityinpursuitoftheirowninterests.Herzfeldusesanexample

frommodernAmericanslang–the“regularguy”–toillustratehisargument:

A“regularguy”isremarkablebecauseheissounremarkableastodeservecomment...[H]emightbeaveryordinarysailororprofessor,forexample,butunlesshisactionshighlighttheeccentricitiesassociatedwiththeseprofessionshisordinarinessinvolvesnocreativedeformation.Asa“regularguy”,ontheotherhand,heshowsmasteryoftherulesofgoodfellowship;heisreliableandfriendlytothepointwhereheactuallystandsout–butnottothepointofappearingtoshowoff.Henegotiatesabalancebetween

202

thedullandthesillysocarefullythatitisneither:hemasterstherules,nottheyhim(Herzfeld2005:190,emphasisadded).

Thispassagehighlightstwofeaturesofsocialpoetics.Thefirst,implicitlystated,

isthestereotype:apreconceivedoroversimplifiedideaofwhatcharacterisesa

particularculturalidentity.Thesecond,explicitlystated,is“creative

deformation”,theabilitytointentionallycontortofficialrepresentationsto

one’sownend.AsHerzfeldsummarises:“Thecoreofsocialpoeticsistotreat

essentialismasasocialstrategy”andtodeploystereotypes“inthepursuitof

personalinterests”(Herzfeld2005:183,206).Itisthistensionbetween

individualpracticesandofficialrepresentationsthatatheoryofsocialpoetics

illuminates.

Therelationshipbetweenexemplaryagriculturalists’behaviourinthe

countrysideanddiscoursesofurban/ruraldifferencemightalsobecalleda

poeticsofruralidentification.Manyexemplaryagriculturalistsadopt

stereotypicalbehavioursof‘peasantness’onarrivinginthecountryside.Yetthe

significantdifferencesthatexistbetweenthemandruralresidentscompels

themtoovercompensate.

Asthefollowingaccountsshow,theirconsistentexaggeration(or,inonecase,

deformation)ofstereotypical‘peasantness’suggeststhattheyneverfindthe

balanceofHerzfeld’s“regularguy”andneversuccessfullybuildtheirown

reserveofsymboliccapital.Exemplaryagriculturalistsremainoutsidersinthe

eyesoftheirlocalneighbours;toleratedandsometimesbefriended,yetnever

acceptedasa‘real’ruralresident.

203

OldZhengandZiranFarm:StereotypingRuralResourceUse

In2007,OldZhengmadetheflightfromurbanmodernityandmigratedtothe

Chinesecountryside.HefoundandrentedhisfirstpieceoflandinruralNanhui,

partofPudongDistrictinShanghai,byspendingafewdayswalkingaroundthe

streetsofvariousvillagesandtalkingwithlocalresidents.Eventually,avillager

introducedOldZhengtoaneighbourwhowaswillingtorentoutone-quarterof

ahectareofland.

AfteroneyearinNanhui,OldZhengmovedandbeganfarmingtwohectaresof

landwithafriendinthemountainousMoganshanregioninZhejiangprovince.

Sometimelater,OldZhengwantedtomoveagainandestablishalargerorganic

farmindependently.Bythen,ChongmingIslandwasapopularchoicefor

organicfarmersbecauseitwashometoanumberofgovernment-sponsored

sustainabilityprograms.Infact,sixexemplaryfarmswereestablishedin

ChongmingIslandbetween2009and2011.44

44Before2009,accesstoChongmingIslandwaslimitedtoferryservicesthatweresusceptibletobadweather,especiallyduringShanghai’srainyseason.Theirfrequencywasofteninterrupted,whichmadeitdifficultforbusinessesinChongmingIslandtoservicetheShanghaimainlandmarket.In2009,however,a26kilometrelongtunnelandbridgeprojectconnectedChongmingIslandwithShanghai’seasternPudongdistrict.Thiscoincidedwiththeisland’sdesignationasakeystrategicdistrictinShanghaiforsustainabledevelopment(Zhou&Shen2011).Justunder1,400squarekilometresinsize,only40percentoftheislandisplannedforurbandevelopment;theremainderisdesignatedforagriculturalorwetlanduseandsubsidiesareavailableforfarmers,includingorganicfarmers(Chang&Sheppard2013).Inadditiontoimprovementsinaccessibility,adoor-to-doorcourierindustry(knownaskuaidi快递,meaning“fastdelivery”)emergedinChinainthe2000s.Thisindustrycomprisedapproximately35,000firmsby2013(Mir2013).Thisenabledthedailydeliveryofbillionsofsmallparcelsacrossthenation,makingtheregulardeliveryofexemplaryagriculturalists’organicproducedirecttocustomersinthecityfeasible.ExemplaryfarmsinChongmingIslandwerethefirsttoutilisethisserviceextensively,asdeliveryfromChongmingIslandtoShanghaicityischeapandinhighdemand.Aboxoforganicproducethreetofourkilogramsinweight,forexample,onlycostsbetweenCNY8toCNY15perdelivery.

204

OldZhengarrivedinChongmingIslandin2010andsecuredjustunderseven

hectaresoflandtoestablishZiranFarm,anenormousfarmforhimatthetime

(seemap1.1onpage41).Heleasesthelandfromlocalvillagersinan

arrangementthatgiveshimusagerightsuntil2030.Localresidentsgenerally

haveuptotwohectaresoflandeach,sometimesless.OldZhengthereforehad

tosecureleaseagreementsfromanumberofindividualfamiliestocreatehis

farm.Thisiscommon.Inonecase,OldDufromDuoyanFarminZhejiang

provinceliaisedwithmorethantenseparatefamiliestosecureamereoneand

ahalfhectares.

Figure5.2OldZheng’svillage.Thesigninthetopleftofthephotoreads“wasterecycling(feipinhuishou废品回收)”.RecyclingiscommoninruralChina.AsIdiscussbelow,OldZhengadoptsthis

particularpracticeofthecountrysidetointegrateintohiscommunity.

Suchpiecemealprogressispossiblebecausemanyruralresidentsarekeento

leaveagriculturalworkandsecureothersourcesofincome.ThomasVendryes

notesthatby2008asmuchas15percentofruralresidentswithclaimstoland

205

acrossChinahadtransferredsomeoralloftheirlandtoothers(Vendryes

2010).ThistrendisparticularlyprevalentinChongmingIsland.

DuringthefirstyearinChongmingIsland,OldZhengstruggledtobeaccepted.

Manylocalresidentswereuneasywithhisapproachtofarmingandgossiped

behindhisback.Theyfarmwithchemicalpesticidesandfertilisers,fenceoff

theirfieldsormaketheminaccessibleviatheplacementofditchesorcanals,

deploythesamecropsyearafteryearandadoptanairofindifferencetoother

localresidentsoutsidetheirextendedfamily.

OldZheng,bycontrast,iszealouslytransparentwithhisneighboursandhis

approachtofarming.Hedoesnotuseanychemicals,hedoesnotfenceoffor

makehisfieldsinaccessible,andheintroducesnewcropstothearea(someof

thesearehighlysuccessful,suchasavarietyofricefromYunnanprovincethat

hasmuchhigheryieldsthanlocalvarieties).Moreover,hefarmshisriceindry

fieldsanddoesnotfloodthemasiscommonamongsthisneighbours.The

regularpresenceofvolunteersatZiranFarmisalsoanovelexperienceforlocal

residents.And,ofcourse,hesign-postedoneofhisfieldswiththequotation

fromMasanobuFukuoka’sbook,asthischapter’sopeningvignettediscusses.

Moreover,OldZhengestablishedasimple,clearandefficientdivisionoflabour

atZiranFarm.Heleadsallthefarmingtaskswiththemalevolunteers.Hiswife,

Xiaona,managesthestoreroomandbusinessmattersaswellasthefemale

volunteers.DaiYan,afemaleinherlate20swhomarriedalocalresidentand

movedtothevillage,worksasafull-timestaffmemberandlooksafter

206

customerservice.Ayounglocalmanalsoworksonafull-timebasisandis

responsibleforthefarmequipment.ZiranFarmalsohiressixfull-timelocal

elderlywomenand,duringthebusyharvestseasoninOctober,upto30part-

timestaffthatarealsolocalelderlywomen.

By2014,OldZhenghadmorethandoubledthesizeofZiranFarmto151/3

hectares.Anumberoffactorscontributedtothis.Localresidentswhoworked

atZiranFarmobservedOldZheng’sgrowingpassionandeffectiveness.They

toldothersinthevillage.Inaddition,localssawvisibleandmaterialsignsof

success,suchasOldZheng’sleaseofanadditionalhouseforhisvolunteersto

livein.Thesefactorspersuadedanumberofneighbourstoleasetheirownland

toOldZheng.

Akeyreason,however,forthemodestlevelofacceptanceOldZhengachievedis

hisbehaviour.Headoptedanumberofstereotypicalpracticesheobserved

amongsthisruralneighbours.Stereotypessimplifyreality.AsHerzfeldsays:

Theactofstereotypingisbydefinitionreductive,and,assuch,italwaysmarkstheabsenceofsomepresumablydesirablepropertyinitsobject(Herzfeld2005:201).

ForOldZheng,anurbanresidentformanyyears,stereotypingisameansto

buildhissymboliccapital–his‘peasantness’–sohecanfindcommonground

withhisruralneighbours.Hisstereotypingisintendedtoincreasethe

likelihoodthathewillbeacceptedinhiscommunity.

207

ThemostfrequentlyvisiblestereotypeOldZhengadoptsishisattitudetoward

anduseofresources.JanDouwevanderPloegpointsoutthatanattitudeof

thriftcharacterisespeasantandhouseholdfarmersaroundtheworld,including

inChina,withregardtotheiruseandre-useofmaterials,betheynaturally

availableitemsorendproductsofthefarmingprocess.Heexplains,“Peasant

farmingismainly,thoughnotexclusively,builtuponarelativelyautonomous

flowofresourcesproducedandreproducedwithinthefarmunititself”(vander

Ploeg2009:966).Theseprocessesensurethatacertainlevelofautonomyis

maintainedfromthemainstreameconomy.

Culturalpractices,moreover,areofteninseparablefromtheseprocesses.Van

derPloeggivestheexampleofmanure;itisnotonlyaninputtothefarming

process,thereisalsoan“artofmakinggoodmanure”thatmobilisespeasant

farmersaroundspecificviewsofandpracticesregardinganimalwaste(vander

Ploeg2009:935).

ResidentsofruralChina,andthoseinOldZheng’svillage,similarlyuseandre-

useallnaturallyavailablematerialsaswellasendproductsofthefarming

process.Inaddition,theyhoardsecond-handmaterialssuchasdismantled

temporaryhousingstructuresanddecommissionedroadsidebillboards.Rural

residentsusetheseitemsasconstructionmaterialfortheirhousesandother

farmstructuressuchasstoragesheds.

Acrossvariousexemplaryfarms,Iregularlyobservedpilesofscrapwoodand

metal,collectionsofwindowframesandstacksofoldhouseholdfurniture,

208

amongstotherthings,lyingaroundandwaitingtobeused.Theculturallogicof

suchapracticehastodo,ontheonehand,withtheabundanceofstoragespace

aswellastheperceptionofpermanence,limitedmobilityandthuslittleneedto

movethings.Ontheotherhand,itgivesruralresidentsanairofthriftinessand

moralsuperioritythatdistinguishesthemfromthewastefulanddecadent

consumptionpracticestheybelievecharacterisethecity.

OldZhengdidnotdisposeofanything.Sometimesintheeveningbeforedinner,

IwanderedaroundthestoreroomsatZiranFarm,takingnoteofeverythingI

saw(seefigure5.3).Electricploughsandgrasscutters,tractormotors,oilfilters,

cookingutensilsandfarmingtools,amongstotheritems(manyofwhichIcould

notidentify)arealltightlystackedandneatlyarranged,thoughinno

discernableorder,acrossnumerousstorerooms.Thereareoftenthreeoffourof

everyitem,sometimesmore.Surprisingly,therearenorubbishcollectionsor

cleanupsofanykind,andtheonlybinsatZiranFarmareforcompost.

Figure5.3AviewofsomeofOldZheng’sstorerooms.Here,twobuildingsareusedforstorage.Neat

andtidyoutside,theyarefullystackedinside.

209

Unlikethehoardingofruralresidentsthatisorientatedbypracticality,Old

Zhengdoesnotsortthroughwhathecollectsandrarelyusesanyofit.One

afternoon,forexample,OldZhengandIspentfourhoursmakinglargecrates

fromscrapwood,thoughweneverusedthecratesforanything.OnlatervisitsI

foundthecratesdismantledandsqueezedintothestorerooms.

Onanotheroccasion,alargeremovaltruckpulledupatZiranFarmfullof

variousitems.IworkedwithOldZhengandsomevolunteerstounload

numerousboxesofbooksandclothes,variouspiecesoffurniture,anold

washingmachine,ropesandcablesandotherfarmmachineryandequipment–

mostofitveryoldandalotofitunrecognisable–andthenstackitallawayin

thestorerooms.Anorganicfarmerelsewhere,whomOldZhengknewwell,was

infinancialdifficultyandclosinghisfarm.Hedonatedallofhispossessionsto

OldZheng.Ratherthangothroughthecontentsofthetrucktocheckandsee

whatherequires,OldZhengsimplyhoardeditall.

Tellingly,OldZhengpurposelyusesthispracticetoengagewithhislocal

neighbours.Hesometimespaysthemforitems.Ononeoccasion,hepersuaded

anelderlyneighbourtoacceptCNY50fortwolargeconcreteslabs(thekind

usedonroadsandfootpathstocoveraccesstoplumbingandwiring

underneath).Theneighbourherselfhadhadtheitemsforsometimealready,

thoughshehadnotusedthemforanything,norcouldshethinkofanypractical

usefortheminthefuture.ShewassurprisedathoweagerOldZhengwasto

acquiretheslabsandhappytopartwiththem.OldZheng,himselfunsurewhat

210

usehewouldmakeofthem,wasexcessivelyeagertoacquirethem,andCNY50

isagenerousprice.

Stereotyping,Herzfeldargues,isadiscursiveweaponofpower:“Itdoes

something,andsomethingveryinsidiousatthat:itactivelydeprivesthe‘other’

ofacertainproperty”.OldZheng’sbehaviourcertainly“markstheabsenceof

somepresumablydesirableproperty”(Herzfeld2005:201),yetitdoesnot

deprivelocalneighboursofanything;theycontinuetobehaveasbeforewith

regardtotheiruseandre-useofresources.Ontheonehand,OldZhengis

simplybeingfriendlytohisneighboursandsharinghisincomewithhis

community.Inthecaseofhisfriend’sorganicfarm,heisjusthelpingout.

Ontheotherhand,however,OldZhengisseekingtobuildhissymboliccapital

of‘peasantness’andassimilateintohiscommunity.Hewantstobeacceptedby

hisneighbours.Whilehispoeticsofruralidentificationanduseofresources

helpshimbuildanumberofcordialrelationswithlocalresidents,thisonly

partiallyhelpstooffsetthelargeeconomicandculturalgapbetweenthem.

LiuShanandChuantongFarm:theCulturalIntimacyof‘Peasantness’

ChuantongFarmissituatednearMoganshan(seemap1.1onpage41).

MoganshanisamountainousregioninZhejiangprovince,60kilometresfrom

Hangzhoucity,thecapitalofZhejiangprovince,and200kilometresfrom

Shanghaicity.Withitselevatedheightandextensiveforest,Moganshanenjoys

cooltemperaturesduringthehotsummers.Throughoutthetwentiethcentury,

211

itwasapopularretreatfortheChineseeliteandforeigners.ChiangKai-shek,

theleaderoftheKuomintang(ChineseNationalistParty)andtheRepublicof

China(1912–1949),hadavillathere.Mygrandparents–ofRussianandFrench

Syrianbackground–livedinShanghaifromthe1920suntil1950.They

travelledtoMoganshanbyhorsebackandspentsummersthere,residingin

largestonehouses.Manyofthesehousesstillstandtoday.

Nowadays,Moganshanisapopulartouristdestination.Itoffersaformofagro-

tourismdescribedbytheChinesetermyangjiale(洋家乐).Yangjialearerustic

hotelsandrestaurants,somewhatsimilartonongjiale(seechapterone).But

becauseofitsassociationwiththeeliteinthetwentiethcentury,businessesin

Moganshanreconceptualisedtheconceptofnongjiale:theyreplacedthefirst

characternong(农),whichmeans“peasant;farmer”,withthecharacteryang

(洋),whichmeans“foreign”andisaeuphemismfor“western”.Whilenongjiale

means“farmhousefun”(Klein2009),yangjialemeanssomethinglike“western

housefun”.Itisruralitycharacterisedbycomfortandluxury.Guestsenjoy

mountainandtrailhiking,comfortableaccommodation(oftenintheoriginal

stonehousesthatareluxuriouslyrenovated)andfine-diningexperiences.

In2009,JiangShifuwasrunningasmallfarmnotfarfromMoganshanthat

primarilyservicedtheHangzhoucitygovernment.45ThoughJiangShifuwasnot

farmingorganically,hissmall-scalefarmandintimateinvolvementwithall

45Thisisanarrangementknownastegong(特供,literally“special-supply”,shortfortegongnongchang[特⼯农场],or“special-supplyfarm”).Thesearefarmsthatexclusivelysupplyaparticularcompanyorwork-unitandno-oneelse.TegongfarmsarealegacyoftheMaoeraandtheurbanwork-unit(Demick2011).Manystillexistinthetwenty-firstcenturyandsupplyseniorleadersoftheCCP(Osnos2011).AmongstmanyordinaryChinesecitizens,theyaresymbolsofcorruptionandinstitutionalisedinequalitywithregardtoaccesstosafefood.

212

aspectsofthefarm’soperationsattractedasmallnumberofurbancustomers.

LiuShanandhiswifewereamongstthem,andJiangShifuandLiuShangotto

knoweachother.WhenLiuShandecidedtoleavehislifestyleandbusinessin

thecityandstarthisownorganicfarminthecountryside,hesoughtoutJiang

Shifuasapartner.Coincidentally,atthesametimetheHangzhoucity

governmentdecidednottorenewtheircontractwithJiangShifu.

ItstilltookLiuShanonefullyeartogainJiangShifu’sagreementtoenterintoa

partnershiptogetherand,importantly,toadoptorganicfarmingmethods.Itis

thispatienceandpersistencethatlargelypersuadedJiangShifutoagree.The

closeandintimaterelationshipthatsubsequentlydevelopedbetweenLiuShan

andJiangShifuisunprecedentedanduniquewithinexemplaryagriculture.46

TheyestablishedChuantongFarmin2012.

JiangShifudeeplycaresforandrespectsLiuShan.HedescribesLiuShanas

“honestanddependable(shizai实在)”andIregularlyobservedsmallandlarge

gesturesthatexpresshissentiment.OnefreezingmorninginJanuary,for

example,LiuShanwastodrivemeintoShanghaicityanddropmeoffatametro

stationbeforehemadehiswaytotheairportforoneofhisregulartripsto

Toronto,Canada.Whenwewereabouttodepart,JiangShifucameoverto

farewellus.Whenhenoticedthatthecar’sbackwindscreenwasdirty,without

46Threeotherexemplaryagriculturalistspartnerwithruralresidents.TheseexemplaryagriculturalistsareZhulingfromCanxianFarm,ZhiquanfromMengkeFarmandOldDufromDuoyanFarm.Theirpartnershipsdonotincludethesharingoffinancialresponsibilitiesorrevenues,however;theyaremoreacaseoftheexemplaryagriculturalistseekingandfindingareliableruralresidenttooverseethefarm’soperations,plantingschedulesandotherruralworkers.Inaddition,thesethreeexemplaryagriculturaliststapintotheirruralpartner’srichagriculturalknowledgeandlearn,totakeoneexample,aboutcropseasonalityfromthem.

213

hesitationhepulledthesleeveofhisjumperoverhisfistandusedhisentire

armtowipecleanthewindscreen.Thewindscreenwasclean,yetJiangShifu’s

jumperwasfilthy.Hethoughtnothingofit,and,smiling,spoketousaboutthe

importanceofroadsafety.

JiangShifuevendesignedthehouseLiuShanlivesinonthefarm.Ithasabetter

designandisbuiltwithbettermaterialsthanhisownhouse(whichusesalotof

second-handmaterials)(seefigures5.4a&b).

Figures5.4a&bLiuShan’shouse(left)andJiangShifu’shouse(right).LiuShan’shouseis

significantlybetterwithregardtoboththequalityofmaterialsandoveralldesign/functionality.

Yetthereisstilltensionbetweenthem.Thistensionrevolvesaroundthe

“culturalintimacy”of‘peasantness’,oflifeinthecountrysideandtheattitudes

andpracticesofruralresidents.Herzfelddefinesculturalintimacyasfollows:

[T]hoseaspectsofaculturalidentitythatareconsideredasourceofexternalembarrassmentbutthatneverthelessprovideinsiderswiththeirassuranceofcommonsociability,thefamiliaritywiththebasesofpowerthatmayatonemomentassurethedisenfranchisedadegreeofcreativeirreverenceandatthenextmomentreinforcetheeffectivenessofintimidation(Herzfeld2005:3).

LiuShanandJiangShifuengageinaconstanttug-of-warregardingthesymbolic

capitalof‘peasantness’.Eachtakesstereotypicalrepresentationsof

214

‘peasantness’andeitheraffirmsordeniesitsworthiness.Themoreonepushes

inonedirection,themoretheotherresistsandembracestheopposite.

JiangShifu,forexample,valuespracticalskills.Theabilityto‘getthingsdone’

withwhateverisathand,evenifitmeanstheresultisnotperfect,isnearly

alwayspreferredbyruralresidentsoverplanningaperfectresultthatrequires

resourcesorskillscurrentlyunavailable.JiangShifuisconvincedthatLiuShan

lackssuchpracticalskills.Specifically,JiangShifubelievesLiuShanisincapable

ofrunningtheproductionsideofthefarm’sbusiness.Hesometimesdaredme

toquestionLiuShanonspecifictasks,withtheintentionofrevealingLiuShan’s

ignorance.

ThisanimosityisthepartlytheresultofLiuShan’sregulardemandsto

undertakefarmbeautificationprojects,whichmeansJiangShifuspendsless

timefarming.Onesuchprojectwastheconstructionofalargeshedthatwasto

becomeavisitor’scentre.Itiscompletewithamovie-viewingroomandarural-

stylekitchenforurbangueststocookandeatfarmproduce.Ispentmany

weeksworkingwithJiangShifuandhisassistant,XiaoMeng,liningtheroof

withbamboomatting(anextremelydifficulttask).

AlthoughJiangShifuundertookthetaskwithhisusualenergyandseriousness,

heresentsLiuShanfordistractinghimfromfarmwork.Healsocomplains

aboutthemannerinwhichLiuShangivesinstructions.AccordingtoJiangShifu,

LiuShanhasideasthatrequireadditionalresources.WheneverJiangShifu

215

suggestsamorepracticalapproachthatutiliseswhattheyhaveonhand,Liu

Shaninsistsonhisoriginalideaanddismissesanyalternatives.

LiuShanalsodeeplyrespectsJiangShifu.Yetheissometimeswaryofovertly

encouragingorendorsingJiangShifu’sruralattitudesandbehaviours.Thisis

becauseLiuShanisdriventopositionhisfarmamongsturbancustomersas

“thethinker’s/philosopher’schoicefororganicfood”,clearlyreflectinghisown

philosophicalinterestsandcultivatedlifestyle.Anincreasingstreamofvisiting

urbancustomersmadeLiuShanhighlysensitiveregardinghowstaffat

ChuantongFarm,especiallyJiangShifu,behaveinfrontofthem;dotheyaffirm

orrefutehisintendedpositioning?

Assuch,ratherthannurturehisownsymboliccapitalof‘peasantness’likeOld

Zhengdoes,LiuShancompelsruralresidentstobecomemore‘urban’.He

believestheywillonlygaintherespectofurbaniteswhentheyaremore

cultivated(xiuyang修养).LiuShanfocuseshiseffortsonJiangShifu(seefigure

5.5).IfirstnoticedthiswhenIoverheardLiuShanlectureJiangShifuaboutthe

healthhazardsofdrinkingfromplastic(adebateinurbancirclesatthetime),

askinghimtoreplacehisplasticteathermos–somethingalongwithcigarettes

thatJiangShifualwayshaswithhim–withasteelone.

Sometimelater,duringourChineseNewYeareveningmeal,heldinthedining

roomofJiangShifu’shouse,IbroughtabottleofredwinefromShanghaicityto

share.Itwasnotanexpensivebottleofwineforacoupleofreasons.First,other

packagedbeveragesIsawatChuantongFarmappearedtobeofalowprice,and

216

Ididnotwanttodrawattentiontoanyincomedifferencestheremightbe

betweenus.Second,Ididnotthinkmanypeoplewoulddrinktheredwine,asin

thecountrysidesorghumwine(baijiu白酒),aspiritwithahighalcoholcontent,

ispreferred.Isimplywantedtoexpressgratitudetomyhostsandredwine,asa

‘foreign’drink,seemedlikeagoodidea.

Figure5.5JiangShifu,asdepictedbyLiuShaninChuantongFarm’sintroductionmaterials.

LiuShanspentasignificantamountoftimeduringthemealdemonstratingto

JiangShifutheproperwaytodrinkredwine:thathefirstneedstosmellthe

wineandonlyafterheissatisfiedshouldhedrinkit.Thefactthatthewinewas

217

verycheapcontrastedwiththehigh-diningpracticeLiuShanwas

demonstrating.Thismadetheentireepisodeverystrange.JiangShifudoesnot

evendrinkalcoholandwasclearlyuninterested,evenslightlyoffended.

Atanothertime,LiuShanpurchasedanumberofimperial-andcommunist-era

agriculturalbooksforJiangShifutostudy(seefigure5.6).Oneofthesebooks,

calledARecordofIndigenousChinesePesticides(ZhongguoTuNongyaoZhi中国

⼟农药志),waspublishedin1959andisnowararity.Itcontainsadetailed

listingofnaturalpesticidesandhowtheycanbeusedtoeradicatefarmpests

suchasworms.JiangShifu,alwaysaproudman,respondedthatheknowshow

todothisalready.

Figure5.6BooksLiuShanpurchasedforJiangShifutoread.Fromlefttoright:Essential

TechniquesfortheWelfareofthePeople(QiminYaoshu齐民要术)anagriculturaltextfromthe6thcentury;TheWangFamilyfromEasternShandong’sAgriculturalBook(DongluWangshi

Nongshu东鲁王⽒农书);anagriculturaltextfromthe14thcentury;andMateriaMedicaforSuccessfulDietaryTherapy(ShiliaoBencao食疗本草),anearlydietaryworkfromthe8thor9th

century.

FromLiuShan’sperspective,acultivatedpeasantwhounderstandsdebates

concernedwithhazardousplastics,knowshowtodrinkwineandconsults

218

reputablereferencesforhisfarmingpracticebringstheruralclosertothe

urban.47InanareasuchasMoganshan,wherealuxuriousversionofagro-

tourismprevails,LiuShanbelievesthatawine-drinkingandbook-readingrural

residentwillbewarmlywelcomedandrespectedbyurbanvisitors.ForLiu

Shan,sourcesof‘peasant’embarrassmentmustbepurged.

Bymanypeople’sestimation,JiangShifuisoneofthesmartestandmost

knowledgeableruralresidentstheyhaveencountered.Hadhewishedto,he

couldeasilypursueacareerasaconsultanttoagriculturalbusinessesledby

urbanites.Indeed,hebraggedanumberoftimesaboutthenumerous

invitationshereceivedofferingwell-paidconsultingwork.Nonetheless,Jiang

Shifudeclinedallsuchinvitations.HealsodidnotadoptthehabitsLiuShan

encouraged.Instead,hedemonstrateshissolidaritywithandidentityasa

peasant.HeidentifiesmorewithOldChen,OldTaoandOldZhu(thethreeold

menhehirestodothefarmworkwithhim)thanwithLiuShanoranyofthe

staffthatLiuShanhires.

Consequently,JiangShifuinternalisesandintentionallyexaggerateshisusual

peasantbehaviourstothepointwheretheybecomestereotypicaland

sometimeshumourous.HeseekstoturnwhatLiuShanconsidersderogatory

attributesofruralityand‘peasantness’intostrengthsandvirtues.Inshort,he

47MahotaFarmisperhapsthemostsuccessfulorganicfarmintermsofachievingwhatLiuShanistryingtodoatChuantongFarm.MahotaFarmisalargeSingapore-ownedorganicfarminChongmingIslandandpartofalargebusinessconglomeratethathasinterestsingolfcourses,retailoutletsandschoolsacrossChina.Dr.ZongxianLin,Mahota’sDirectorofAgricultureandaretiredProfessorofAgriculturefromNationalTaiwanUniversity,meticulouslyattemptstoimplementagriculturalknowledgeheobtainsfromoldChinesetextsintothefarm’sdailypracticesandamongstlocalfarmstaff.MahotaFarmisverypopularamongstShanghai’suppermiddle-classesandeliteconsumers.

219

visiblyandunambiguouslycelebrateshisidentityasaruralresidentandloudly

callshimselfa“realpeasant(laonongmin老农民)”ateveryopportunity.

Herzfeldnotesthattheinternalisationofstereotypesissomewhatinevitable

whenhegemonicpressuressurroundingthatculturalidentityareconcurrently

circulating.Herzfeld’sfictitiousGreekmale’scomment,“We’rewarm-blooded

Mediterraneantypes,whatelsecanwedo?”(Herzfeld2005:201),perfectly

depictstheattitudeJiangShifuadoptsinthefaceofLiuShan’sgamesof

cultivation:“Iamadirt-lovingpeasant,whatelsecanIdo?”

Tellingly,JiangShifuembracesdirtanddisorder–oneofthemostcommon

derogatoryperceptionsofruralChinaanditspopulation–asaninevitableway

oflifeinthecountryside.ButtoJiangShifu,dirtismorethananecessaryevil;it

isavisiblerepresentationofpeasantidentityandasourceofpride.Oneday

whenweweretalkingaboutmyadaptationtolifeonthefarmandthecontrast

betweenurbancleanlinessandruraldustandgrime,IaskedJiangShifuwhathe

thinks.Smiling,heanswered,“Ilovethis!I’marealpeasant!(Wore'aizhege!

Wojiushiyigelaonongmin!我热爱这个!我就是⼀个老农民!)”.Atanothertimehe

wanderedintothestoreroomwherevegetablesarepreparedandboxedfor

delivery.Hetookalookaround,turnedhisnoseupattheroomandsnorted.He

remarked,“Thisplaceisjusttooclean!(Zhegedifangtaiganjingle!这个地⽅太⼲

净了!)”andleftabruptly.

LiuShanbelievesJiangShifu’spersonalgroominghabitsarecomical.Hefindsit

hardtounderstandwhyJiangShifucannotbecleaner.LiuShanrecallswith

220

absurdityhowJiangShifuspenttheentiredayspreadingmanureinthefields

andthen,withoutwashinghishands,gavehimaheadmassage.WhenLiuShan

complained,JiangShifurebuffedhim,“It’snothing,bequiet!(Meishi,bie

shuohua!没事，别说话！)”.

JiangShifuseekstoturnsupposedlypeasantignoranceintomoralvirtues.Once,

forexample,LiuShanandXuehui,thestaffmemberresponsibleforChuantong

Farm’scommunicationefforts,hadaseriousargumentaboutcustomerservice.

Onedaylater,whenpickingpotatoeswithJiangShifu,Iaskedwhathisthoughts

areabouttheissue.Herepliedthatwhileheisawareoftheargument,heisn’t

clearwhatthedetailsare.Headdedthatheisneveraskedhisopinionon

mattersconcerningcustomerserviceanyway.

Theconversationappearedtohaveendedonthisnote.YetJiangShifu

continued,sternlytellingmethathefocusesonproductioninstead:“Youcan’t

haveanysalesorcustomerserviceifyoudon’thavegoodproduction”.He

continuedandexplainedinnumerouswaysthatproductionismoreimportant

thansalesormarketing.“Aslongasyouhavegoodproducts”,JiangShifuargued,

“peoplewillbuyitregardlessofwhatmarketingisdone”.Inthiscase,Jiang

Shifuturnshisignoranceofurbancustomersonitsheadandrelegatesittoan

inferiorpositionbehindthetaskofgrowingproduce.

Afinalexample:oneafternoon,LiuShaninvitedJiangShifutojoinhimanda

groupofurbancustomersvisitingfortheday.JiangShifudidsoreluctantly,said

nothing,smokedcontinuouslyandlookedatthegroundtheentiretimehesat

221

there.Shynesscannotexplainhissilence;hispeasantidentityandsolidarity

manifesteditselfintooutrightdefianceinfrontofLiuShan’surbanguests.After

tenminutes,heleftabruptlywhenOldChencalledouttohimwithaquestion

abouttheirplantingregime.JiangShifudidnotevenexcusehimselforsay

goodbye.

ThistensionbetweenLiuShanandJiangShifuistheresultofdifferent

motivations.LiuShanisanexemplaryagriculturalist;heismotivatedbyurban

concerns.JiangShifualsohasamoralproject,yethisconcernsarerural.Heis

particularlyconcernedwiththewellbeingofhisagingworkersandismotivated

toprovideongoingemploymentandincomesforthem.Thesedifferences

ensureLiuShan’sgamesofcultivationareunsuccessfulandthatavastcultural

gapremainsbetweenhimandruralresidentslikeJiangShifu.

ShangMeiandShengtaiFarm:NostalgiaforRuralHospitality

PucengVillage,whereShengtaiFarmislocated,isinQingpuDistrict,the

westerndistrictofShanghai(seemap1.1onpage41).Aboutonehour’sdrive

fromdowntownShanghai,thevillageisacharmingcollectionofbetweenfour

tofivehundredsingle-anddouble-storiedold-stylebrickhousesclusteredon

thenorthandsouthsideofanarrowandwindingriver(seefigure5.7).Puceng

Villageishometoapproximatelyonethousandresidents,mostofwhomhave

livedeitherinthevillageornearbytheirentirelives.48

48Becauseofitsquaintappearanceandconvenientlocation,anumberofgrassrootssustainabilityinitiativesselectedPucengVillageastheirbaseinthelate1990s.ThisincludedanorganicagricultureNGO.Throughtheiractivities,alargenumberofurbanresidentshadthe

222

Figure5.7ViewofPucengVillage.ComparedtoothervillagesclosetoShanghaicity,Puceng

Villageisuniqueforitsaestheticbeautyandcharm.

Sincethelate2000s,PucengVillagehasbeenundergoinganumberofprocesses

ofgentrification.Mostnotably,thevillagehasbecomehometoasmallbut

growingnumberofself-proclaimed“newvillagers(xincunmin新村民)”;a

motleycollectionofurbanShanghainese,Singaporeans,Taiwaneseandafew

westerners,whomovedintothevillage,leasedhousesandrenovatedthem

(sometimeslavishly).TheyallfindtheidyllicandnostalgiccharmofPuceng

Villagecomfortablecomparedtotheirurbanlives.

ShangMeiandOldShenmovedtoPucengVillagein2012.Bythistime,the

villagewasaccustomedtothepresenceofnewvillagersandthelocalVillage

opportunitytovisitPucengVillage.AnotherNGOatthesametimebeganconductingrecyclingactivitiesthere.Theycollectedtruckloadsofusedgroundcoffeefromchain-storesinShanghaicity,suchasStarbucks,andregularlyleftitinlargepilesacrossoneofthevillage’spublicfields,tobelatersortedanddistributedacrossanumberofcompostheaps.AnumberofmyvisitstoPucengVillageduringtheautumnandwinterof2013areintimatelyconnectedwiththeunmistakablystrongfragranceofcoffeepermeatingtheair.

223

Committee(CunminWeiyuanhui村民委员会,alocalgovernmentdepartment

responsibleforvillageaffairs)helpedShangMeiandOldShenlocateahouse

andleasetwohectaresoffarmland.Unlikelandleasingarrangementsin

ChongmingIslandandtheMoganshanregion,ShangMeiandOldShenare

subjecttoanannualrenewalprocessanddonothavetocommituntil2030.

ShangMei’sinteractionwithlocalresidentsislargelylimitedtoemploying

them.Shehiresatotalofsixpart-timestaffatvarioustimesthroughouttheyear

thatarealllocalelderlywomen.WhenIwasavolunteeratShengtaiFarmI

workedwithanumberofthem.Ineverknewtheirnamesandsimplyusedthe

termAyiwhenaddressingthem.49Ayisprepareandservemealsforguests

duringShengtaiFarm’svisitoractivities(jiedaihuodong接待活动)and

undertakefarmworksuchasweedingandplanting.Theyarepaidbythehour,

sometimestheday,andonlycometoworkwhenneeded.Otherwise,theywork

acrossanumberofnewvillagerhouseholdsandmanagetheirownhouseholds

andsmallpieceofland.

NewvillagerssuchasShangMeiexhibitnoticeableapprehensiontowardAyis

andothervillagers,oftendistrustingthem.Thisisespeciallythecasewith

regardtotheirworkethicandgenerallevelofeducation.Ispentoneafternoon

poddingpeaswithanAyiwherewespokeatlengthaboutherbackground.The

nextday,ShangMeisternlyaskedmenottotalkwiththeAyiswhileworking

49Ayi(阿姨)means“Auntie”andisarespectfultermofaddressforallunrelatedfemalesolderthanoneself.

224

becausetheyareunabletoworkandtalkatthesametimewithoutitseriously

affectingtheirproductivity.

Atanothertime,Iwaswashingdishesusinggroundseedsratherthanwashing

detergent.ShangMeiandIbeganaconversationabouttheenvironmental

benefitsofsuchanapproachandhowitwouldbeworthwhiletodeployacross

theentirevillage.ShangMeiagreed,thoughsighedwhenshethoughtaboutthe

difficultyofgettinglocalvillagerstoadoptsuchapracticeduetotheirlackofan

environmentalconsciousness(huanbaodeyishi环保的意识).50

ShangMeiintentionallydifferentiatesherselffromherlocalneighboursby

pursuingwhatistoheranessentialelementofasatisfactoryrurallifestyle:

appropriatehygiene(weisheng卫⽣),cleanlinessoflivingandcomfort.Having

visitedmanyexemplaryandorganicfarmsherself,ShangMeibelievesthatmost

organicfarmerscompromisetheirlifestyletoomuchoncetheyrelocatefrom

thecitytothecountryside.Shefeelstheyliveinsqualor,dirtandfilth.Whileher

assessmentupsetsmanypeople,itisnotatotalexaggerationanditistruethat

atmanyexemplaryandorganicfarmslivingconditionsaresimpleandbasic.

ShangMeirejectssuchcompromisesanddoesnotwishtolivethisway,purging

dirtanddiscomfortfromherlifeinPucengVillage.Shegoestoextraeffortto50Iwassurprisedtolearnthattherecouldbequitealotofnegativitytowardruralresidentsamongstexemplaryagriculturalists.BihuafromAilanFarm,forexample,isespeciallyscathing.Shecallsherlocalneighbours“stupid(henben很笨)”becausemanyreplacedtheiragriculturalcropswithtreestotakeadvantageofgovernmentsubsidiesandthelargemarketforfast-growingtalltrees.Thesetreesarepurchasedfromruralresidentsandmovedtothegardensandgreenspacesofnewlybuiltresidentialcomplexesinthecity,afastandcost-effectivewaytobeautifytheenvironment.Asmoreandmoreruralresidentsreplacedtheircropswithtrees,supplyexceededdemandandpricesfellsharply.Manyruralresidentsarestillleftwithfieldsoftreestheyareunabletosell.

225

makeherhousecleanandcomfortable.Sheis,forexample,theonlyexemplary

agriculturalistwhohasacomfortablesofainthelivingroom,comparedwith

themorecommonwoodenfurnitureIsaw,andsaton,elsewhere.AsShangMei

tirelesslyexplainstoeveryone,sustainabilityfortheorganicfarmermeansthe

abilitytosustainurbanlivingcomfortsonceinthecountryside,justasmuchas

itreferstothepracticeofenvironmentalsustainabilitymoregenerally.

Herapproachcontrastswithherhusband’s.OldShenspendsmostofeachday

tendingtheirland.Hedressesinoldclothes,iscomfortablebeingdirtyand

dislikesbeingindoors.Whenheisnotworkinginthefield,heisoftenhanging

aroundoutsidechewingfreshlypickedtiangan(甜杆),akindofsugarcane.Its

sweetjuiceisextractedbychewingitsflesh,whichisthenspatout,muchlike

howonechewssugarcane.Thoughmanyvisitingurbanitesalsoeattianganthis

way,theyconsideritquitevulgar.Insomeways,heistoShangMeiwhatJiang

ShifuistoLiuShanonChuantongFarm.ThemoreShangMeiseekstocultivate

OldSheninthewaysofnewvillagers,themoreherejectsthesebehaviours.

OldShenrefusestobeautifyormisrepresentthecountryside.EachweekShang

Meipreparesbetweenfivetotenboxesofvegetablesfortheircustomersin

Shanghaicity.Oneweek,sheaskedOldShentodothisasshehadothermatters

toattendto.Later,whenShangMeisawtheresult,shebecameveryangry

becauseOldShendidnotpackagetheboxestoherexpectations.Hedidnottake

intoaccountanyoftheircustomer’svegetablepreferencesandpackedthe

boxesclumsily.YetOldSheninsisted,“Itdoesn’tmatterwhatvegetablesthey

226

like,itonlymatterswhatvegetableswegrow”and“Thisiswhatorganic

vegetableslooklikewhenpacked”.

Figure5.8OldShenpreparingaboattotakevisitorsonatouroftheriverandlake.ShangMei

mustcontinuouslycompelhimtoparticipateintheirvisitoractivities.

ShangMeididnotaccepthisreasoning.Shewentouttothefieldagaintocollect

morevegetablesandthenrepackagetheboxes.Laterthatevening,ShangMei

complainedbitterly:“Hedoesn’tunderstandmyworkatall!Allheknowshow

todoisfarm!(Tabulijiewodegongzuo!Tazhidongzhongcai他不理解我的⼯作! 他

只懂种菜)”.Insaying“mywork”,ShangMeiisreferringtothemoreimportant

educationalelementofexemplaryagriculture,asdistinctfromfarmwork.

ShangMeiandOldShen’srelationshipisdelicateattimes.WhenOldShen

originallyvoicedhiswishthattheymigratebacktohishomevillagein

ChongmingIsland,ShangMeiquicklypersuadedhimotherwise.Shereminded

OldShenthattheywanttomigratetothecountrysideforlifestylereasons

227

(weileshenghuo,shenghuoweizhu为了⽣活,⽣活为主),nottoworkhard.She

describesOldShen’shometowncurtlyas“justanothervillage(jiushiyigecun

eryi就是⼀个村⽽已)”wherelocalresidentsdonottrulyappreciatewhatthe

countrysidehastooffer.AnidealrurallifestyleforShangMeiiscleanand

comfortable;idealneighboursareeducated.OthernewvillagersinPuceng

Villagesharethisperspective.

JunxiQianandhiscolleaguesdiscussasimilarcaseofChineseurban-to-rural

migrationandruralgentrificationinXiaozhouVillage,Guangdongprovince

(Qianetal2013).Agroupofavant-gardeartistsandtheirstudentsfromthecity

called“pioneergentrifiers”relocatedtoXiaozhoubecausetheywanttodistance

themselvesfromurbanlifeandwhattheybelievearesuffocatingandinflexible

discoursesofmodernisationanddevelopment.Oneoftheseartistsdescribes

theirdecisiontomovebyreferencinganumberofimportantdifferences

betweencitylifeandlifeinaChinesevillage:

NowadaysinGuangzhou[thecapitalofGuangdongprovince],theharmonybetweennatureandhumansisnolongervisible.Also,manytraditionalneighbourhoodsandstreetshavebeentorndowntomakewayformodernisation…People’srelationswithothersareoftenbasedoncarefulcalculationsofpersonalinterests…(Qianetal2013:338).

Thediscoveryandsubsequentconsumptionandenjoymentofruralaesthetics

iscentraltotheattractionthecountrysidehasamongsttheseurbanartists.

Qianandhiscolleaguesexplain:“Thepursuitforaestheticisedrurallivingisone

ofthemajordrivesofcounter-urbanmovements,andruralwardmigrationto

Xiaozhoualsofollowedthisculturallogic”(Qianetal2013:338).

228

Althoughmanyavant-gardeartistsmayhaveneverexperiencedruralliving

priortoarrivinginXiaozhou,theynonethelessharbourasenseofnostalgiafor

thecountryside.Inthiscontext,nostalgiarefersto“Xiaozhou’smany

resemblancestosocio-culturalrealitiesandtraditionalwaysoflifeinChina’s

remotepast”(Qianetal2013:332).Whilethisincludesfieldssuchasfoodand

clothing,itisprimarilylocalvillagehousing–andtherenovationofthese

housesintomorecomfortableabodes–thatistheirfocus,similartoPuceng

Village.51

BothartistsinXiaozhouVillageandnewvillagersinPucengVillageseek

‘authentic’relationshipswithotherpeople.Theybelievesuchrelationshipscan

onlybefoundinChinesevillagesandnotincities.ThisevokeswhatHerzfeld

calls“structuralnostalgia”,the“collectiverepresentationofanedenicorder–

timebeforetime–inwhichthebalancedperfectionofsocialrelationshasnot

yetsufferedthedecaythateffectseverythinghuman”(Herzfeld2005:147).

Ironically,thesesupposedlymoreauthenticrelationshipsinbothPuceng

VillageandXiaozhouVillagedonotinvolvelocalresidents.ShangMeiis

happiestnotwhensheissupervisingherhusbandortheAyis,butwhensheis

51Fromthelocalvillager’spointofview,thisarrangementishighlyattractive.Qianandhiscolleaguesarguethatadeclineinagriculturalproductivityandincome,combinedwiththeirownperceptionthatlocalgovernmentdeliberatelyexcludesthevillagefromtheprocessesandbenefitsofmodernisation,ledthemtoadoptaggressiverent-seekingbehaviours(Qianetal2013).TheycanearnanannualincomeofuptoRMB20,000fromtheincreasingpopulationofartistsandstudentswhomovetoXiaozhou,farmorethantheycanearnfromagriculture.Mostofthisincomeisfromthelettingofhousing,whichbecamesoprevalentthattheVillageCommitteesteppedintomanagetheentireprocess.ThisconvenientandstreamlinedarrangementfurtherencouragesmoreurbanitestomigratetoXiaozhou.LocalculturalandeconomicconditionsinXiaozhousuchastheseillustratetheimportantinfluenceruralresidentshaveinshapingandframingtheruralexperienceofurbanmigrants.

229

interactingwithothernewvillagers.52Theircollectivebehaviourisespecially

illuminating.Together,theynurturetheirownsymboliccapitalof‘peasantness’

whileclearlydifferentiatingthemselvesfromruralresidents.

Whendiningtogether,forexample,newvillagersperformwhatthey

understandtobestereotypicalruraltraits;friendlyhospitalityandawarm

sentimenttoothers(haokeheganqing好客和感情).Thekeydifference,however,

isoneofdegree;theirperformanceisextremelyexaggerated.

AtadinnerIattendedwith12newvillagers,disheswereservedoneafter

anotheruntilDongDong,thehost,hadtostackthemontopofeachotheras

thereweresomany.Thepileofdisheswasthree-foldinsomeplacesonthe

table.Whileitisimportantforaruralhosttodemonstrateabundanceandbe

generous,DongDongtookittoanentirelynewlevel.Itwasimpossibleforthe

gueststofinishevenhalfofthefoodservedthatevening.Moreover,allthe

disheswerecookedwithlocalproduce,andaseachdishcameoutsomeoneat

thetablewouldextoltheoriginandvirtuesofthedish.Yetitwasdoneinsuch

anexaggeratedmanner:thefield,theyieldandeventheharvestdatewas

shared(Idiscussthesignificanceofthisinchaptereight).

52ImetmanynewvillagersinPucengVillage.Letmepaintapictureoftwo:QingwaBabaandQingwaMama(青蛙爸爸and青蛙妈妈,literallyDaddyFrogandMummyFrog).TheyareaTaiwanesecoupleintheirearly60swhosettledinPucengVillagein2010insemi-retirement.TheireccentricnicknamesaretheresultofQingwaBaba’sworkasalandscapearchitectresponsibleforthedesignofecologicalenclosuresforreptilesandfrogs.ThefrontoftheoldhousetheyrentandrenovatedinPucengVillagehasbeengorgeouslyredesignedasaminiatureecologicalgardenandisitselfhometohundredsoffrogs.

230

Finally,beerandotheralcoholicbeveragesweretoastedindividuallyandloudly

acrossthetable.Toastingatbanquetsisanimportantrelationship-building

practicewhereonedinershowsdeferenceandrespecttoanotherinfrontof

others.Newvillagerscaricaturedthepractice.Onenewvillagercontinuously

teasedandmockedotherguestsastothespeedandpotencyoftheirdrinking,

rattlingoffhumorousone-linersunderhisbreaththatwerestillloudenough

foreveryonetohear.

Once,Itookasipofbeerfrommyglasswithouttoastinganyoneandwasloudly

lambastedfordrinkingalone.Iwastoldnotto“stealmyownsips!(buxutouhe

ba!不许偷喝吧!)”andjokinglylecturedinfrontofeveryoneasto“howthingsare

done”inthecountryside.Conspicuouslyabsentfromthegroup’sperformance

ofruralhospitalityandsentimentthateveningwerelocalvillagers.Andwhile

ShangMeitookpartintheevening’sjoviality,OldShenwasquietandmeek

throughout.

Structuralnostalgia,asHerzfeldpointsout,emergesduringmomentsof

supposedmoraldecay;itstakesasitsobjectinstancesof“damagedreciprocity”

(Herzfeld2005:148).Thediningpracticesofnewvillagersmustnot,however,

betakenentirelyatfacevalue.AsHerzfeldexplains,structuralnostalgiacan

alsobeamoralploy;itisastrategyusedinthepursuitofone’sowninterests.

Thediningpracticesofnewvillagersareclearlyanefforttoenjoypurportedly

simplersocialrelations.Yetthereismoregoingon.Whileitappearsnew

villagersaremockingruralresidents,thisisnotthecase.Rather,theyaretrying

231

toprovetoeachotherthattheyunderstandwhatisexpectedoftheminthe

countryside(clean,civilised,educatedandsoon)andareworthyresidentsof

PucengVillage.Inotherwords,theyaretryingtoprovethattheydeservetobe

newvillagers.ThisiswhyOldShenfounditsohardtoappreciatethenatureof

theexaggerationatDongDong’shouse.Itisalsowhyasignificanteconomicand

culturalgapexistsbetweennewvillagersandruralresidentsinPucengVillage.

Conclusion:thePoeticsofRuralIdentification

Exemplaryagriculturalistspossesshigheconomicandculturalcapital.Yetthey

lackthesymboliccapitalof‘peasantness’thatisnecessarytoeasilyintegrate

intothecountryside.Theirsignificantlydifferentattitudesandapproaches

towardagriculturealsoensuresavastgapbetweenthemselvesandrural

residents.Nonetheless,exemplaryagriculturaliststrytofitin.Theytrytobe

likeruralresidents(OldZheng),trytomakeruralresidentsmorelike

themselves(LiuShan),andeventrytomaketheirownversionofrurality,

excludingruralresidents(ShangMei).Whateverthecase,itiscommonfor

exemplaryagriculturaliststosystematicallyexaggerateordeformstereotypical

peasantpracticeswhentheyareinthecountryside.

Exemplaryagriculturalistsarenottheonlygroupofpeoplewhointentionally

targetpeasantpracticesinpursuitoftheirowninterests.AndrewKipnisnotes

howvillagersthemselvesinnortheastChinarecreatemany“traditional”

peasantpracticesthatwerepreviouslylookeddownuponandshunned:“They

constructedthefutureassomethingtobepurposivelyfilledwiththe

232

recreationsofpastpractices”(Kipnis1997b:124).Thesepracticesalsoinclude,

amongstothers,hospitalityandsentimenttowardsguestsandneighbours,asI

observedinPucengVillage.Classandsocialstatusstillmatter,however,and

Kipnisnoteshowtheupper-classescontinuetolookdownuponpeasants,

believingtheirtraditionalbehaviourwillslowdownmodernisationefforts.53

JakobKleinandhiscolleaguesarguethat‘peasantness’canalsobe“bourgeois

andupper-class”andhencenotinconflictwithmodernisation(Kleinetal2014:

17).TheymentioncasesinLatinAmericawheredevelopmentprojectsonly

supportartisanfoodproductsthatareknowntobeattractivetothemiddle-

classeswhileneglectingothers.54Kleinandhiscolleaguesdonotmentionany

specificinstancesofbourgeois‘peasantness’inChina,yetthisisexactlywhat

LiuShanandShangMeiaretryingtodo.LiuShanseekstocreateacultivated

peasantoutofJiangShifu,whileShangMeipromotesacleanerandmore

comfortablestyleoflivingthanwouldbeexpectedinthecountryside.

BothLiuShanandShangMeiembracetheideaof“BigDesign”theyheardatthe

Community-SupportedAgricultureConferenceinShanghai(discussedinthe

53Theexampleofquarterlypregnancytestingisillustrative.Onceeverythreemonths,thevillagedoctorisresponsibleforensuringthatallmarriedwomenwhohavenotreachedmenopausearepregnancytestedaspartofthestate’sbirthcontrolpolicy.Whenanumberofwomenfailedtoshowupontime,theurbanofficialwhowassupervisingcriticisedthemasuntrustworthyandbackward.Thelocaldoctor,usuallya“confidentandearthlyman”–suggestingthathewasatleastsomewhatsympathetictopeasantculture–hadnochoicebuttogoalongwiththeofficial’santi-peasantpositionashetooisapartymember(Kipnis1997b:129).54JeffreyPilcherdepictsbourgeois‘peasantness’usingtheexampleoftheMexicantortilla.WhilemechanisationensuresMexicanwagelabourerscanstillaffordtortillas,itisonlythewealthiermiddle-classeswhoareabletopurchasethetraditional(andnowmoreexpensive)hand-madefare.Pilchersympathiseswiththewagelabourers.HenotestheironyoftheSlowFoodandothersimilarfoodmovementsthatcelebrateregionalartisanfoodsyetexcludetheverypeoplewhorelyonthem.Pilchercomparesthesefoodmovementsto“themissioncivilisatriceofnineteenthcenturyimperialism”(Pilcher2008:407).

233

previouschapter).Yetratherthanahealingstrategy,“BigDesign”isawayfor

themtocontortandpurgevarious‘unsavoury’ruralattitudesandpractices

relatedtodirt,grimeanduncleanliness.InChinaasinLatinAmerica,

‘peasantness’isonly“bourgeoisandupper-class”whenitisappropriatedbythe

upper-classes.Whenpeasantsthemselvespromotetheirownculturetoothers,

itremains‘low-class’.OldZhengistheonlyexemplaryagriculturalistwho

acceptshisvillageforwhatitis.Yethisexaggerationofpeasantpractices–his

poeticsofruralidentification–isstillnotenoughtocompletelycompensatefor

theeconomicandculturalgapbetweenthem.

Itisthereforenotsurprisingthatsignificantdifferencesexistbetween

exemplaryagriculturalistsandtheirruralneighboursinthecountryside.Thisis

surelytheprimaryreasonwhypositiverurality–theirderivationofrural

culture–selectivelyrepresentsthecountryside.

234

235

ChapterSix.TheVolunteer:Disciples&Defiance

IwasavolunteeratChuantongFarmduringthewinterof2013/14.Working

withJiangShifuandhisteam,Idugandweeded,plantedandharvested,and

preparedproducefromearlyinthemorninguntillateintheafternoon,just

beforethesunwentdown.Itwascold;temperatureswerejustabovezeroin

thedaylightandbelowzerootherwise.Duringthecoldestperiod,workerslita

smallfireinthemorningrightoutsidethecabinIsleptin(seefigure6.1)to

warmthemselveswhiletheywaitedforJiangShifutoarriveandoutlinethe

day’swork.Thefarmworkwasexhausting.Attheendofeachday,Iretreatedto

mycabinandlaydownuntilcalledfordinner,exhaustedandachingallovermy

body.TwiceItookanentireweekoff,spendingtimeinmyapartmentin

Shanghaicityandworkingonothermatterswhilemybodyrecuperated.

Itwasconfusingbeingavolunteeratanexemplaryfarm.Iwasoftenunclear

whatwasexpectedofme.Therearenovolunteerguidelinestoconsultand

nobodytookresponsibilityforme.Sometimes,JiangShifugavemespecific

instructionsastowhattodoorwhotoworkwith.Mosttimes,however,I

figureditoutmyself.Igenerallyaccompaniedthethreemaleworkers,OldChen,

OldTaoandOldZhu,workingwiththeminthefields.Theywerenotalways

happytohavemearoundbecausetheyhadtoexplainindetailwhatwas

requiredforeachtask.TheydidnotunderstandwhyIwantedtoworkat

236

ChuantongFarmwithsuchlimitedagriculturalexperience,andfoundit

amusingwhentheylearntIhadnoexperiencechoppingdownbambootrees,

plantingafieldofrapeseedorcarrying50kilogrambagsofcementonmy

shouldersforhundredsofmetres.

EverydayImademanymistakesandhadtore-dowork.JiangShifuandhis

teamwerequicktopointoutmyerrors;everythingfromhowIheldaspadeto

thequalityofmyploughingwascriticised.Ibecameincrediblyself-conscious.

OneoftheworstmomentswasanaltercationIhadwithOldChen,wholeftme

aloneto“workonaditch(bagougaoyixia把沟搞⼀下)”.Iwasn’tentirelysure

whathewantedmetodo.Astheditchwasfullofweeds,Idugthemout.When

OldChenreturned,heshoutedatme.Hewantedmetore-digtheentireditch.

Hesentmeaway,claimingIlacktheability(nengli能⼒)todothiskindofwork.

Atmomentslikethis,Itriedtofindtheolderfemaleworkerswhoprepare

producefordeliverytocustomers.Theytoldmetogoawayandworkwiththe

men.Atothertimes,IlookedforLiuShantohaveaconversation.Hebeganto

accommodatemeaftermanyweeks,thoughearlyonrebuffedme:“Youwantto

learnaboutthecountryside?Well,goandworkinthefields!”Byslowlylearning

whatwasexpectedofmeandsubsequentlyworkinghard,Iearnedsome

respectfromtheworkersatChuantongFarm.Onlythendidtheytalktome

abouttopicsotherthanfarmtasks.

237

Figure6.1MyaccommodationatChuantongFarm.ItwassocoldinwinterthatIsleptwearingtwosetsofthermalclothesandinsideasleepingbagdesignedforhighaltitudemountaineering.Thedoorontherightisapublictoilet.Still,IsleptbetterherethanIeverdidinShanghaicity.

Ibecameavolunteertospendtimewithexemplaryagriculturalists.Iquickly

observedthatvolunteersareacommonfeatureofdailylifeonmostexemplary

farmsandthereisalargevolunteermovementsurroundingexemplary

agriculture.Indeed,nineoutof13exemplaryfarmsregularlyenlistvolunteers.

Myownexperienceasavolunteer,however,showsthatmypresencemade

littledifferencetoeitherthequantityorqualityofworkaccomplished.

Moreover,Iwasnotalwayswelcome.Manyothervolunteershadasimilar

experience.

Theregularpresenceofvolunteersonexemplaryfarmsisthereforeintriguing.

Oneofthemainreasonstherearesomanyvolunteersisbecauseexemplary

moralityaspirestobecontagious;exemplaryagriculturalistswanttospread

theirexemplaryprojectandvolunteersareoneoftheirtargets.Anexamination

ofthevolunteerexperiencecanilluminatehowandtowhatextentexemplary

238

agricultureissuccessfulinco-optingnewmembersintothemovementand

nurturingfollowers.

InthischapterIexploreanddiscussthisvolunteermovement.Ibeginby

discussingvolunteeringinChinaingeneral,andshowthatmotivationsfor

volunteeringareevolvingandbecomingmoresophisticated.Ithenhighlighta

numberofexpectationsexemplaryagriculturalistshavetowardvolunteersby

discussingtheirrecruitmentmethods.Ifinallydescribeindetailthreetypesof

relationshipsbetweenexemplaryagriculturalistsandvolunteers,illustrating

eachrelationshipwiththreeexamples.Bysharingthestoriesofninevolunteers

intotal,Iwishtoprovideasenseofthediversityandpervasivenessof

volunteersonexemplaryfarms.Throughtheirstories,itbecomesclearthat

volunteersareco-optedintoexemplaryagricultureinvariousways,notonlyby

emulatingexemplaryagriculturalists.

VolunteeringinChina:AnOverview

DuringtheMaoera,volunteeringwassomethingthatChineseyouthandyoung

adultswerecompelledtodothroughschools,theCommunistnetworkofurban

work-unitsandotherinstitutions.Eventoday,amajorityofvolunteerinitiatives

acrossChinaareinstitutionalised.Theyareorganisedbyvariousorgansofthe

stateaswellasNGOs.Manyuniversities,forexample,encouragestudentsto

participateinvolunteeringactivities.Nowadays,however,Chinesehavetheir

ownmotivationsandpersonalreasonsforvolunteeringandparticipate

willingly.

239

ThischangeisreflectedintheChineselanguage.Thewordyiwu(义务)was

previouslyusedtodescribetheactofvolunteering.Itmeans“duty;obligation”

andtapsintodiscoursesofsocialistcitizenryandself-sacrificetowardthe

nation.Today,thewordzhiyuan(志愿)ispreferred.Itmeans“aspiration;wish;

ideal”.Avolunteerisazhiyuanzhe(志愿者),or“someonewhoengagesintheir

aspiration,wish,orideal”(Fleischer2011:318).Itsuggestsanactoffreewill

andhenceasymbolicbreakwithnotionsofdutyandobligation.

Theyear2008wasawatershedmomentforvolunteeringinChina.Itiseven

dubbedthe“unprecedentedYearofVolunteering”andtheyearof“theriseof

thevolunteer”followingwide-scaleinterestandinvolvement(Clark2012;

Shieh&Deng2011).In2008,boththeBeijingOlympicsandtheSichuan

earthquakeralliedmanyChinesetovolunteerthroughinstitutionalchannels.

TheShanghaiWorldExpo,twoyearslater,alsoattractedalargevolumeof

volunteers.Officialfiguresindicatethat4.2millionChineseregisteredfor

variousvolunteerinitiativesacrossthesetwoeventsandnaturaldisaster

(UnitedNationsVolunteers2011).

Andwhilethecentralgovernmenthasalwaysviewedvolunteeringasoneofthe

mechanismsavailabletomobilisethepopulationaroundvariousobjectives,this

intensifiedafter2008.TheTwelfthFive-YearPlan55,initiatedinlate2011,

specificallyrecommendsthatvolunteeringplayastrongerpolicyrolein

55TheFive-YearPlaninChina(ZhongguoWunianJihua中国五年计划)isablue-printforsocialandeconomicdevelopmentaslaidoutbytheCentralCommitteeoftheCCP.TheThirteenthFive-YearPlanwaslaunchedin2015,coveringtheyears2016–2020.

240

meetingChina’sdevelopmentgoalsinthecomingdecade(UnitedNations

Volunteers2011).

Chineseyouthandyoungadultsarenowincreasinglyinterestedandwillingto

volunteeroutsideofficialchannels.IntheaftermathoftheSichuanearthquake,

forexample,approximately200,000peopledescendedonSichuanprovince,

eagertohelpoutasunofficialvolunteersinwhatevercapacitytheycould

(Fleischer2011;Shieh&Deng2011).

PaulClarkdescribesthisnewformofvolunteeringasfundamentallydifferent

fromtheinstitutionalformsthatprecedeit.Ithascreatedanewsocialspace,he

argues,whereChineseyouthconnectwitheachothereitherface-to-faceor

virtually.Individualismdefinestheirdriveanddesiretoenjoylife.56One

volunteerdescribesthesedifferences(somewhatawkwardly)asfollows:

[Myvolunteerwork]representsagroupwhowerebornafterthe1970s.Whenyousee…thoseofthe1950s,theysay“Hitonthehead,sprinklehotblood”[areferencetotheviolenceoftheCulturalRevolution].Nineteen-sixtiespeoplesay,“Iusedmyyouthtogambleontomorrow”[areference

56Theindividualhasgarneredincreasingattentioninwesternsocialtheoryoverthepastthreedecades.UlrichBeck,forexample,discussesthenotionof“reflexivity”(Beck1992)andAnthonyGiddensarguesforthecentralityof“self-identity”(Giddens1991)inmodernsocieties.Mostscholarsagreethatindividualsarenowtaskedwiththeirownself-reflexiveprojectofidentityconstruction.Thisistheresultofthedisintegrationoftraditionalinstitutions,rapidsocialchangeandafasterpaceoflife.AlthoughsomescholarsbelieveanalysisofChinesesocietydownplaystheindividual(e.g.Griffiths2013),thisisnotentirelytrue.ContemporaryscholarshipdoesexaminetheindividualinChina.YunxiangYan,forexample,arguesforthe“individualisation”ofChinesesociety(Yan,Y.2009b)andMetteHansenandRuneSvarverudargueforthe“riseoftheindividual”(Hansen&Svarverud2010).Themessuchascommercialisationandconsumerism,theerosionofsocialistinstitutions(collectivefarmsinthecountrysideandwork-unitsinthecity),thetrendtowardnuclearfamiliesandlearningtolivewithstrangersinlargemetropolitancentresprovidethecontextforthistransformation.InsecurityisarecurringthemeinthisliteratureonChina;notonlyhasa“me-culture”andasenseofindividualrightsovercollectiveresponsibilitiesarisen(Sima&Pugsley2010),sotoo,paradoxically,hasayearningforthespiritualityandcollectivityofsocialistChina(Wilcox2012).

241

toTiananmendemonstratorsin1989].Nineteen-seventiespeoplesay:“Iwant…arelaxedlife…”Thisisthesharedviewofmeandthepeoplearoundme(Clark2012:185).

Anthropologicalresearch,however,suggeststhereisnotsuchastarkcontrast

betweenpastandpresentmotivations.Throughresearchconductedin

institutionalcontexts,thisresearchconfirmsthatasenseofdutystillremains

oneoftheimportantfactorsmotivatingvolunteers.UnnRolandsen,for

example,spenttimeattheChinaYouthVolunteers’AssociationinFujian

province.Hefoundthatvolunteersaredrivenbydualmotivations:ontheone

hand,theywanttobepartofacollectivegroupandcontributetosociety;onthe

otherhand,theystillwanttoberecognisedasindividuals(Rolandsen2008).

Inaddition,FrederikeFleischerconductedresearchamongststudent

volunteersinGuangzhoucity,Guangdongprovince.Shealsonoticesdual

motivationsandfindsithardtomeaningfullydistinguishbetweenself-interest

andaltruisticmotivations(Fleischer2011).

BothRolandsenandFleischeragreethatvolunteeringisariteofpassagein

manyways;itplaysanimportantroleintheconstructionofindividualidentity

amongstyouthandyoungadultsinChinatoday.Rolandsendiscoveredthat

volunteersinFujianprovinceseektoextendtheirsocialnetworkaswellas

learnleadershipskillstheycannotlearninhighschooloruniversity(Rolandsen

2008).AndFleischerfindsthatvolunteeringreleasesstudentsinGuangzhou

cityfromtheirmonotonousstudyregimes.Studentsviewvolunteeringasan

opportunitytocorrect“perceivedpersonality‘flaws’”thathinderthemfrom

242

becomingself-reliant,productiveandfunctionalmodernsubjects(Fleischer

2011:317).

Theclaimthatthereisabreakwiththevolunteeringcultureofthepast–a

movefromdutytoself-interest–seemspremature.Themotivationof

volunteersinChinatodayisclearlymoremultifacetedthansomescholars

suggest.Volunteersonexemplaryfarmsaresimilarlymotivatedbybothduty

andself-interest.Inaddition,anuncertainrelationshipwithcitylifeandurban

modernityinformsmanyoftheirdecisionstospendtimeinthecountrysideand

onexemplaryfarms.

VolunteersonExemplaryFarms:EatingBitternessandSimplicity

Mostvolunteersonexemplaryfarmsareurbaniteswholackagricultural

experience.Moreover,theyarenotallyoung;fouroftheninevolunteersI

discussinthischapterareintheir40s.Theyallarrivealone.Ofthe50to60

volunteersImetthroughoutmyfieldwork,notoncedidIobservefriendsor

spouses/couplesvolunteeringtogether.Thisissignificantandillustratesthat

volunteeringonexemplaryfarmsisaverypersonalundertaking.Volunteers

eitherwanttheirdecisionkeptprivateordonothaveanyfriendsorfamilywho

sharetheirdesiretoworkonanorganicfarm.Contrastedwithstate-organised

andotherinstitutionalvolunteering,whereclassmatesorfriendsenrol

together,volunteersonexemplaryfarmsareindependentandaloneeitherby

choiceorcircumstance.

243

Manyvolunteerstravelquitefartoreachanexemplaryfarm.Theystay

anywherefromafewdaystoafewmonths,withtheaveragelengthofstay

betweenfivetosevendays.Thisisnotalongperiodoftime,andgivenitalways

takesafewdaysforanewvolunteertosettleinandlearnwhatisrequiredof

them,theyareoflittlepracticalhelptotheexemplaryagriculturalist.Partly

becauseofthis,mostexemplaryfarmsthathostvolunteerslimittheirintaketo

threeorfourvolunteerseachyear.Inanycase,farmworkisreallyonlyameans

toanend.Itisfarmoreimportanttoexemplaryagriculturaliststhatvolunteers

growmorallyandethically,ratherthanimprovetheirfarmingskills.

Thewillingnessofvolunteerstotraveltothecountrysideisilluminating.In

Chinesecitiestoday,therearemanyactivitiesavailabletotheurbanresident.

Theirdecisiontoremovethemselvesfromthecityandspendtimealoneinthe

countrysidesuggeststhatthecitydoesnotprovidewhattheyareseeking.It

suggeststhaturbanmodernitydoesnotoffersuitablespacesforintrospection

andcontemplation.

Nonetheless,volunteerscanbeveryunreliable.Itisnotuncommonforthemto

arrivewithintentionstostayforoneweekorlongerandleaveunannounced

thenextday.Sometimestheydonotevenshowup.Ibelievesomeareshocked

whentheyarrivedatthefarmandseewhattheChinesecountrysideisreally

like.Thisbehaviourfuelsanambiguousattitudetowardvolunteerswithin

exemplaryagriculture,andexemplaryagriculturalistscanbequiteselectivein

decidingwhostaysattheirfarm.

244

Exemplarymoralityaspirestobecontagious.Processesofsocialisationwithin

themovementarethereforeofinterest.MargaretMeaddiscussesthree

socialisationprocessesfoundacrossdifferentcultures(Mead1970).In

postfigurativesocieties,oftenfoundintraditionalcultures,childrenlearnfrom

theirancestorsandforebears.Incofigurativesocieties,childrenandadults

learnfromtheirpeers.Andinprefigurativesocieties,adultslearnfromtheir

children.BørgeBakkennotesthatChinahaspreservedasignificant

postfigurativesocialisationstructurethroughoutmodernisation(Bakken2000).

Indeed,CCPexemplarityfunctionsthroughpostfigurativemeans.

ChuantongFarm’svolunteerrecruitmentmethodssuggestitoperatesina

similarmanner.Aspiringvolunteersmustfirstcompletearigorousapplication

form,whichismoredetailedanddemandingthanmanyjobapplicationsfor

seniorwhite-collarrolesinShanghaicity.Somequestionsarerather

straightforward,suchas:

1. WhatdoyoufindattractiveaboutChuantongFarm?2. Whydoyouwanttobeavolunteer?3. Whatdoyouhopetolearn?4. Whatareyourexpectations?

Otherquestionsasktheapplicanttooutlinetheirattitudeandexperience

towardphysicalwork:

5. Whatexperiencedoyouhaveofdemandingphysicallabour?6. Howdoyoudealwithmonotonouswork?7. Underwhatcircumstanceswouldyou“havejusthadenough”?

245

Thesequestionsaddressruraldiscoursesofbitterness.TheChinesecharacter

ku(苦)isimportanthere;itsliteralmeaningis“bitter”–asinbittertasteor

bittermedicine–thoughanothermeaningis“hardship;suffering;pain”.Kuisa

compoundoftwoChinesewordscentraltodiscoursesofbitterness:xinkuand

chiku.Xinku(辛苦)means“hard;toilsome;laborious”aswellas“workhard;go

togreattrouble;gothroughhardships”;whilechiku(吃苦)literallymeansto

“eatbitterness”.Xinkuandchikubothpointtoacapacitytoendurehardships,

makesacrificesandworkhard.Theyhavelongbeenregardedasruralvirtues

andassociatedwithsubsistencefarming.

MichaelGriffithsandJesperZeuthenarguethatruraldiscoursesofbitterness

havebeenhijackedbytheurbanmiddle-classes(Griffiths&Zeuthen2014).

Urbanresidentsbelievetheytoofacehardshipandsacrificewhilstlivinginthe

cityunderCCPrule:“todaybitterness-eatinghasbecomeanalmostironic

signifierofacceptanceandacquiescencetoastateinwhichmanyindividuals

haveverylittlestake–aformofsymbolicslaverytothemachinationsofthe

newsocialistmarketeconomy”(Griffiths&Zeuthen2014:169).

Urbanresidentsalsousexinkuandchikutodescribethechallengesand

upheavalstheyfaceinthecity,suchasindividualquestsforself-discovery

againstabackdropofurbandisrepair.Thisilluminatesthatexemplary

agriculturalistsandtheirurbanvolunteersmayhavevastlydifferent

expectationsregardingwhattypeofhardships,ifany,willbeenduredon

exemplaryfarms.

246

ChuantongFarmalsoasksapplicantstoreflectontheirmentallimits,their

abilitytoworkwithothersandonanybeliefsthatmayimpedetheirwork:

8. Whatchallengesdoyouexpecttoencounterandhowwillyoubehavein

thesesituations?9. Whatisthemostdifficultexperienceyouhaveovercome?10. Howdoyoudealwithuncertainorconfusingsituations?11. Underwhatcircumstanceswillyouquityourjob?12. Doyouworkwellwithothers?13. Doyouhaveanyparticularbeliefsthatwouldimpedeyouworkingwith

others?Allthesequestionsaremorethansimplechecksonphysicalandmentalability.

Theyarealsonotnecessarilyintendedtoguardagainstunexpected

resignationsfromvolunteers.Theyarealitmustestofthemoralfibreofthe

potentialvolunteer,intendedtoinformLiuShanastowhethertheapplicantis

worthyenoughtojoinChuantongFarmandexemplaryagriculture.AllofLiu

Shan’squestionscanbesummarisedinjustone:canthevolunteerdowhatis

expectedofthemwithoutcausingafuss?

OldZheng,bycontrast,doesnotrecruithisvolunteerslikeLiuShan;heattracts

them.Hisapproachprovidesadifferentperspectiveonsocialisationprocesses

withinexemplaryagriculture.ZiranFarmhas40to50volunteerseachyear,

morethananyotherexemplaryfarm.OldZhengmodelshisattitudeand

approachtovolunteersonMasanobuFukuoka,theJapanesefounderofnatural

farming.AthisfarminJapan,Fukuokabuiltseveralmud-walledhutswhere

“agriculturalresearchers,students,scholars,farmers,hippies,poetsand

wanderers,youngandold,menandwomenofvarioustypesandnationalities”

visit,volunteerandcometolearnaboutnaturalfarming(Fukuoka2009:152).

247

Fukuokaexplains,“Therearenomodernconveniences.Spendingpeaceful

eveningsbeneathcandleandlamplight,theylivealifeofsimplenecessities:

brownrice,vegetables,arobeandabowl”.Fukuokaalsodiscussesthe

motivationsofhisvolunteers:“Mostofthosewhostayforalongtimeareyoung

peopleinneedofaperiodofintrospection”(Fukuoka2009:152).Fukuoka

believesquietandpeacefulcontemplationiskeyforhisvolunteerstofully

internalisewhathisfarmcanteach.OldZhengalsorentsaseparatehousefor

hisvolunteersnexttohisown.Theysimilarlyliveasimplelifeoffarmworkand

peacefulevenings,whichareoftenspentpreparingmeals,cleaningand

conversingwithOldZheng.Manyvolunteersthoroughlyenjoytheirtimeat

ZiranFarm,spreadthewordandencourageotherstocome.

Figure6.2ThemaledormitoryatZiranFarm.Livingarrangementsforvolunteersaresimple.

Overall,therearethreedifferenttypesofrelationshipsbetweenexemplary

agriculturalistsandtheirvolunteers.Anexaminationoftheserelationships

248

revealsthatgrassrootsexemplarityisveryfluidandoftencontested.Volunteers

arejustaslikelytochallenge,reconfigureorignorewhatexemplary

agriculturalistsaskofthemastheyaretoimitateandemulatethem.

IntrospectionandCharismaticLeadership

Themajorityofvolunteersonexemplaryfarmsarenotpartofinstitutionally-

arrangedprograms.Instead,theyidentify,contactandtraveltoexemplary

farmsindependently.Theyareoftenattractedtospecificexemplary

agriculturaliststhatexertanauraofinfluenceoverthem,bothbeforetheir

arrivalthroughemailcommunicationandlateronceonthefarm.Thisis

especiallythecasewithOldZheng.

MaxWeber’sdiscussionofdifferenttypesofauthorityhelpsunderstandthis

attraction(Weber,M.1946).Undertraditionalauthority,leaderslegitimate

theirrighttoleadthroughinheritance.Traditionalleadersarefoundin

monarchiesandkingdoms.Underlegalauthority,asystemofrulesand

appointmentsapply.Legalleadersrulenationsaselectedleaders.Centralto

bothtraditionalandlegalauthorityistheimportanceandauthorityoftherole

orposition.Charismaticauthority,bycontrast,stemsfromtheindividualand

theircharisma.Manyfoundersofreligiousmovementsarecharismaticleaders,

motivatingotherstofollowthem.

Charismaismorethanpersonality,however;followersbelievethatthe

individualcanachievetheextraordinary(Feuchtwang&Wang2001).Theyare

249

thusabletoformnetworksoffollowersthatcangrowverylargeinsomecases

(Goossaert2008).Insomerespects,charismaticauthorityisanabsoluteor

extremeformofexemplarymorality.

Anumberofscholarsarguethatcharismaticauthorityishighlygermanein

understandingChinesereligiousandspiritualmovements.DavidPalmer,for

example,discussestheroleofcharismaticauthorityintheqigong(⽓功)

movement,whichwasprevalentinthelasttwodecadesofthetwentieth

century.57Qigongisofficiallytranslatedas“asystemofdeepbreathing

exercises”.Itisaformofurbanreligiositythatpractisesbreathingand

meditationtechniquestoalignandhealthebody.Theemotionalaffectbetween

qigongmastersandfollowerswasinstrumentalinleadingto“tens,ifnot

hundreds,ofmillionsofChinesepractisingqigong”(Palmer,D.2008:69).

SomeexemplaryagriculturalistssuchasOldZhengaresimilartoqigong

masters,whichiswhyIcalledhiman“‘exemplary’exemplaryagriculturalist”

earlier.OldZhengisa“sourceofexpectation”forvolunteers(Feuchtwang2008:

94);theylooktohimtohelpthemovercomedisillusionandapathytowardthe

city.SpendingtimeatZiranFarmisanopportunityforpersonalintrospection,

andvolunteerstakerefugeunderthecharismatictutelageofOldZhengwhile

theyrejuvenateandconsidertheirfuture.

57Whiletherearemanyformsofqigong,themostwell-knownversionisFalungong(法轮功).FalungongemergedinChinaintheearly1990swhenLiHongzhifirstpublicallytaughtit.Bythelate1990sFalungonghadamassedaconsiderablenumberoffollowers;theCCPestimatesthenumbertobeapproximately70million(Faison1999).InApril1999,over10,000FalungongpractitionersgatheredincentralBeijingseekinggreaterrecognitionoftheirspiritualpractices.Shortlyafterwards,thecentralgovernmentbeganastrictcrack-downonFalungonganditspractitioners,anditisnowbannedinChina.

250

FleischernotesthatvolunteeringinChinaistemporal,bestdescribedasan

“encounter”(Fleischer2011).Ratherthanbecomeanongoingpartoftheirlife,

studentsgetwhatevertheycanoutoftheirvolunteeringexperienceasfastas

possible.Mostvolunteers’experiencesonexemplaryfarmsarealsoshort-term

encounters.EverytimeIvisitedZiranFarmorspokewithOldZhengata

farmers’marketinthecity,heupdatedmeonthechangingstatusofhis

volunteers.AtChuantongFarm,mostvolunteersstayforonlyafewdays.Andat

ShengtaiFarm,manyvolunteersstayonlyonedaydespitebeinginvitedtostay

longer.Thesevolunteersareyoungandold.Someareuniversitygraduateswho

haveworkedinthecityformanyyears;othersareruralmigrantswithless

formaleducation.Afterabriefencounterontheexemplaryfarm,theyeither

returntotheirformerurbanlivesorcontinuetravellingaroundChina.

LiQiao,whomImetatZiranFarminNovember2013,isonesuchvolunteer.At

thetime,hewasinhisearly40s.BorninruralHunanprovince,LiQiaoisa

graduateofPekingUniversityinBeijing,atoprankedandprestigiousChinese

university(QSWorldUniversityRankings2015).Followinggraduation,he

workedinthelegalindustryinShanghaicityformorethantenyears.Unhappy

withcitylife,LiQiaowantedtoretreatfromurbanmodernity.Hewantedto

returntohishometowninthecountrysideandraisecows.Hiswife,however,

didnotsupporthim.Shebelievedthesolutiontohisunhappinesswastofinda

newjobinShanghaicityinacompletelydifferentindustryunrelatedtolaw.

251

OfallthevolunteersImet,LiQiaoisoneofthemostskepticalandcynical

regardingmodernurbanlifeinChina.Hedislikedhislegaljobandmockingly

claimsthatinlawbothsideslosewhilethelawyerwins.Thecruxofhis

unhappinessisrootedinthenatureofrelationshipsinthecity.Hebelieves

relationshipsarepollutedandcorruptbecausepeoplechasemoney.Afaçade,

however,camouflagesthisreality.AccordingtoLiQiao,“Inthecityyouhaveto

lookafterrelationshipsratherthantasks(Zaichengshiyaozuorenerbuzuoshi

在城市要做⼈⽽不做事)”,implyingthatmanagingrelationshipswithothers

distractsfrommoremeaningfulactivities.

LiQiaohasaparticularlynegativeperspectiveofinterpersonalrelationsin

China,knownasguanxi(关系).Asdiscussedinchapterone,inthe1940sFei

Xiaotongcoinedthephrase“differentialmodeofassociation(chaxugeju差序格

局)”todescribeinterpersonalrelationsinChina(Fei1992).Feiusesthe

metaphorofripplesonthewater’ssurfacetodescribethesocialinfluenceofthe

Chineseindividual,whoisnotonlyatthecentreoftherippleshe/shecreates,

butisalsoimplicatedintheripplesofothers.

Contemporaryanthropologistsprovideconcreteexamplesofhowthiscan

createbothsentimentandtensionineverydaylife.AndrewKipnis,forexample,

showshowvillagepracticessuchasancestralsacrifice,banquetingandgift-

givingcontributetoindividualidentitywhilebuildingsocialrelationships

(Kipnis1997a).Inotherwords,thegive-and-takeof“managingrelationships”

actuallyhelpscreateanindividual’ssenseofidentity.Otherscholarsdiscuss

potentialconsequencesofthesepracticeswhenexportedtothemodern

252

metropolis.JohnOsburgargues,forexample,thatthereciprocityinherentin

thesepracticescanleadtocorruptionandclientism(Osburg2013).

LiQiaospentsixdaysvolunteeringatZiranFarm.HefoundOldZheng’sonline

blogandlikedwhathesaw.Unabletopursuehisultimatedreamofreturningto

thecountryside,hereasonedthatsixdaysisbetterthannothing.LiQiaotook

refugeinrurallivingonarrivalatZiranFarm,behavingasaruralfarmer(ashe

understood).Heworkedslowlyinthefields,regularlytakingbreaks.Headvised

others“nottogettootiredandsaveenergy(buyaotailei,yaoshengli不要太累,要

省⼒)”.Heevencarriedhistoolslikea“realpeasant(laonongmin老农民)”–over

hisshoulder,usinghisfrontarmtobalancetheweight–andaskedeveryone

elsetodothesame.Hereallyenjoyedthefarmwork.Aftersixdays,LiQiao

returnedtoShanghaicity.AsfarasIknow,hechangedjobsandjoineda

trainingcompany.

AnothervolunteeratZiranFarmcalledBigSisterCheng,bycontrast,views

urbaninstitutionsratherthanpersonalrelationshipsasproblematicand

representativeofurbandecay.BigSisterChenghailsfromruralShandong

provinceandworkedinthecityformanyyears.Inhermid40s,sheisdivorced

andherex-husbandhascustodyoftheir14yearoldson.WhenImetBigSister

ChengatNongHaoFarmers’MarketinApril2014,shehadalreadyvolunteered

atZiranFarmforoneweekandhadnospecificplansforhowlongshewould

stayorwhatshewoulddonext.WhenIvisitedZiranFarmtwoweekslater,she

wasgone.

253

Threeyearsearlier,BigSisterChengwasquiteill,sufferingsevereheadaches

andachesandpainsalloverherbody.AftermeetingagroupofBuddhistsshe

becamevegetarian,feelingbetterwithinthreemonths.Forthenextthreeyears,

shetravelledaroundtheChinesecountryside,avoidingthecityasitis“boring

andmonotonous”.Instead,shewantstobeoutsidewithnature,tobe“freeand

clean”.BigSisterCheng’sdivorce,recoveryfromillnessandsubsequenttravels

aroundruralChinaprofoundlyaffectedherbeliefsandlifestylechoices.Sheis

exploringvariousformsofspirituality,experimentingtoseewhichfaithsand

beliefshelpandsuitherthemost.

Perhapsbecauseofherillness,BigSisterChengdirectshertiradetowardthe

industrialfoodandmodernhealthcaresystems.Foodinsupermarkets,she

believes,islacedwithharmfulandunnaturalingredients.Fishcausesleukemia

inchildrenandhalfaglassofalcoholisdangerous.Hospitalsarecorruptand

discriminateagainstlow-incomeChinese.Nowshetotallyavoidsmeatandmost

animalproducts,asshebelievestoconsumethefearthatanimalsexudewhen

slaughteredisextremelyharmfultothehumanbody.58

BigSisterChengisinterestedinspiritualaspectsoforganicfarming.Workingat

ZiranFarmundertheAprilsun,forexample,isherwayofconnectingwithGod

(Shangdi上帝)and“hisunconditionallove”.Sometimesshewouldstopworking,

turnandfacethesunandbaskinitswarmthforlongperiodsoftime,oblivious

58BigSisterCheng’sbeliefisnotwithoutscientificbasis.Ifanimalsarefearfulandanxiouswhenslaughtered,theiradrenalinincreasesandmakestheirmeattough(TheEconomist2015).

254

towhatothersweredoingorifshewasworkinginateamthatdayand

someonewaswaitingforher.

Sometimes,BigSisterChenglistenedtoBuddhistprogramsonheadphones

whilesheworkedoutside.Intheeveningsafterdinner,shestudiedtheBible.

Later,shequizzedOldZhengonbothtopics.HerexplorationofbothBuddhist

andChristiantextsillustratesthevarietyofresourcessomevolunteersutilisein

theirquestforintrospectionandinspiration.YetBigSisterChengrejectsurban

modernity;shedoesnotwishtoimproveitasexemplaryagriculturedoes.For

thesereasons,OldZhengandZiranFarmdidnotmatchherultimatespiritual

questandshelefttocontinuehertravelsthroughoutruralChina.

AnJiealsotravelledaroundChinaformanyyears,workinginnumerousodd

jobs.WhenImethimin2013,hewas46yearsoldandhadfinallyfoundhis

havenatZiranFarm.Aftervolunteeringtheretwiceinthepast(oneweekin

2011,anotherweekin2012),OldZhenghiredAnJieasafull-timestaff

member.Inhisnewrole,AnJie’sprimaryresponsibilityistoensure“everybody

getsalong(dajiaguanxihao⼤家关系好)”.Healsomanagesthestoreroomand

someofthefarmequipment,runserrandsforOldZhengandensuresother

volunteersfollowabasicdailyschedule.

AnJieisaruralresident.IndecidingwhethertoacceptOldZheng’soffer,AnJie

firstconsideredhowdisappointedhisfatherwouldbeifheknewAnJieworked

255

inagriculture.59YetAnJiehadalreadybeguntointernalisemanyofOldZheng’s

beliefsanddecidedtoaccept.HesubsequentlybecameenamouredwithOld

Zheng’sapproachtoorganicfarminganditsmoralcharacteristics.Forexample,

hestartedtoworryaboutthequalityofindustrially-producedfood,questioning

itsrighteousness.WhenhecomparedittoZiranFarm’sproduceandOld

Zheng’snaturalfarmingphilosophyandapproach(whichheknewnothing

aboutpreviously),hesaid:“Imusthavemadetherightchoicetojoinheregiven

howOldZhengfarmshislandandhowpureandcleanitis”.Indeed,underOld

Zheng’stutelage,AnJiebelieveshemadeanexcellentdecisiontojoinZiran

Farm.

OldZheng’sreasonsforhiringAnJiearerevealing.Mostexemplary

agriculturalists,includingOldZheng,areawaretheyneedtoconsiderthe

arrangementoffarmworkinthefutureoncetheagingruralresidentswho

currentlyundertakeitretireorpassaway.Iwaspuzzled,therefore,astowhy

OldZhengomittedfarmworkfromAnJie’sduties,especiallyasAnJieisarural

residentandhasrelevantexperience.

OldZhengexplained,“Onlysomeonelikehimcandothisjob(Zhiyoutanayang

derenkeyizuozhegerenwu只有他那样的⼈可以做这个任务)”.WhatOldZheng

meansisthatbecauseofAnJie’sage,wideworkandtravelexperienceandrural

59Therearefewruralresidentswhowishtheirchildrentoremainaruralresidentandafarmer.Mostaspirefortheirchildrentoattendseniorhighschoolaswellasuniversity.Amongstthesixexemplaryagriculturaliststhatwerebornwitharuralhouseholdregistration,allofthemwereshieldedfromfarmworkbytheirparentsandallowedtofocusontheirstudies.AsurveyundertakenbyAndrewKipnisinruralShandongprovinceinthe2000srevealsthateverysinglefamilywantstheirchildrentoattenduniversity(Kipnis2011).Kipnisrecallsthatmostparentswereshockedwhenaskediftheywantedtheirchildrentoattenduniversity.Commonrepliesinclude“Ofcourse!”and“Doesn’teverybodywantthat?”(Kipnis2010).

256

residentstatus,hepossessesamaturetemperamentthatisformedthrough

yearsofhardshipanddiscrimination.Certainly,AnJiedescribeshisapproachto

workinthefollowingway,“Whateveryoudo,doitseriously(Zuoshiyao

renzhen做事要认真)”.Accordingly,AnJiedoesnotneedtodofarmworkasother

volunteersdo;hehasalreadyinternalisedmanyofOldZheng’smoralteachings

andisthuswell-suitedtoassumealeadershiprole.

NegotiatingExemplarity

Somevolunteersarehighlymotivatedtoforgemedium-tolong-termlifestyles

andcareersinagriculture.Whiletheyarealsodissatisfiedwiththeirurban

lives,theyhandletheirambiguousfeelingstowardChinesemodernitywith

greatermaturity.Theycommitthemselvestoextendedperiodsoftimeon

exemplaryfarmswheretheyoftenbecomeimportantteammembersandare

sometimeshiredasfull-timestaff.Theirrolesonexemplaryfarmsarenot

prescribed.Instead,theyaremutuallydevelopedtogetherwiththeexemplary

agriculturalistandtakeintoaccountthevolunteer’sparticularbackground,

skillsandaspirations.

Thesevolunteersadmireandrespectexemplaryagriculturalists.Yettheyhold

theirownbeliefsandvalues,someofwhichdiffer,andtheyarenotafraidto

voicethem.Assuch,thesevolunteersconsiderthemselvespeersandequals

withexemplaryagriculturalists,notfollowers.Theydonotimitateordirectly

heedtheadviceofexemplaryagriculturalists.Sometimestheyignorethem

completelyanddotheexactopposite,makingalotofefforttodeveloptheir

257

ownconceptualisationsofhowexemplaryagricultureshouldbeexecuted.In

doingso,theypushthelogicofexemplaryagricultureasfarastheycan.

Yetbecausethesevolunteerslacktheirownlandandwillinglybecome

volunteers,exemplaryagriculturalistsdonotalwaysseeitfromtheir

perspective.TheresultisfarfromthepostfigurativeframeworkofCCP

exemplarity.Exactlywhoassumestheroleofrolemodelandemulatorisfluid.

ThecaseofLittleChongatZiranFarmisanexampleofahealthyrelationship

betweenanexemplaryagriculturalistandthistypeofvolunteer(seefigure6.3).

LittleChongcametoZiranFarminMarch2014.Twenty-twoyearsoldandfrom

atownnearXiamencityinFujianprovince,herecentlygraduatedfrom

universitywithabachelor’sdegreeininternationaltrade.Hedecidedtoforgo

graduatestudyinAustraliaandjoinZiranFarmasalong-termvolunteer,

planningtostayforninemonths.HefindsOldZheng’sapproachtoorganic

farmingrefreshingandinspiring.

Growingup,LittleChong’sparentsdidnotbelittleagricultureorruralfarmers.

Onthecontrary,LittleChongremembershisparentstakinghimtoplayatfarms

asachild.Herecallshisfriendsbeingchidedbytheirparentsandtoldto“study

hardorendupapeasant”,somethingheneverheardinhisownhousehold.

Consequently,upongraduationhewasopen-mindedastohiscareerprospects.

Hedecidedtopursueagriculturebecauseofasimmeringdislikeofcitylife.His

experienceofmonotony,overcrowding,anabsenceofnatureandself-interest

258

inthecitywhileatuniversityspawnedanoriginalanalogyofhisconcerningthe

pleasuresofagriculturalworkandrurallife.Heexplains:

Imaginethecityisacake.Iwantapiece,butinthecitytherearesomanypeoplethatallIgetisatinypiece.Tasty?Sure,butsmall.Nowimaginethecountrysideisasteamedbun(mantou馒头).Maybenotastasty,maybealittleblander,butIcanhavealotofthissteamedbun,perhapsallofit.Andthatisworthwhile.

LittleChong’sarrangementatZiranFarmisunlikeanyother.Whileother

volunteersfollowworkschedulessetbyOldZheng,hiswifeXiaonaorAnJie,

LittleChonghasindependentplansandfollowshisownschedule.Hetendsa

pieceoflandhimself,raisesquailsandfarmsearthwormsandmealwormsfor

proteinandanimalfeed.Heexplainsthathe“cooperates,ratherthanvolunteers

(hezuode,bushizhiyuanzhe合作的,不是志愿者)”.

LittleChongbelievesitisimportantforpeoplelikehimselftoundertake

independentactivities.Successescanbesharedwithexemplaryagriculturalists,

whocanlatertrialtheapproachthemselves.Heseeshimselfasarolemodel.

LittleChongquestionsthevalueofvolunteersentirely,notingthatlocalrural

residentsperformfarmworkbetterandfasterthanvolunteerswilleverbeable

to.TheonlybenefitLittleChongseesinhostingvolunteersfromthecityisthat

atleasttheyareexposedtothecountrysideandruralChineseculture.

OldZhengrecognisesLittleChong’sdedicationtoagriculture,andprovideshim

withaplatformtoexperiment.HedescribesLittleChongtoothersas“special

(tebiede特别的)”.LittleChongdineswithOldZhengandhisfamilyintheir

259

house,notwiththeothervolunteersinthevolunteerhouse.Overthesemeals,

LittleChongandOldZhengconverseaboutnaturalfarmingandshareideas.

Figure6.3LittleChonginfrontofhisfieldsatZiranFarm.

Somevolunteersareverysuccessfulinconvincingexemplaryagriculturaliststo

adoptentirelydifferentfarmingmodels,suchasTiantiandidwithOldDufrom

DuoyanFarm.Tiantianwasbornin1982inShandongprovince.After

graduatingfromuniversity,sheworkedinthesoutherncityofShenzhenfor

manyyearsasanelectricalengineerdesigningconsumerproducts.Shebecame

disillusionedwithurbanlifeandconsumerism,believingurbanChineselivein

260

constantfearandanxiety:fearoflosingtheirjob,fearofnothavingenough

moneyandstatusanxiety.Suchfearleadstofakeandforcedrelationships

betweenpeople.

Tiantianresignedfromherjobandspent18monthstravellingindependently

acrossCambodia,India,NepalandThailand.Shevolunteeredatelderly-care

facilities,taughtChineseatschoolsandworkedonapermaculturefarm.The

farmexperienceinspiredhertopursueorganicagriculturebackinChina.When

ImetherinAugust2013,shewasvolunteeringatZiranFarm.Forthenextyear,

shemovedaroundChongmingIslandandZhejiangprovince,volunteeringat

numerousexemplaryfarms.

Tiantianinitiallyplannedtoestablishherownorganicfarm.Yetshebegan

rethinkingthisplanwhileworkingasavolunteer.Tiantianfeelsthatexemplary

agriculturalists’customerspurchasetheirfoodnotbecausetheyrespect,value

orunderstandtheexemplaryproject,butbecausetheyfearconventionalfood.

ThistroublesTiantian.Shebelievescustomersmustbeattractedtoorganic

agriculturebasedonanunderstandingofitssuperiority,notbecauseitisa

defaultchoiceforalternatives.

Tiantianalsobelievesexemplaryagriculturalistsdonotdoenoughtoeducate

customersoncertainaspectsoforganicfarmingbecausetheyareunder

pressuretosell.Inotherwords,theyarenotfussyenoughaboutwhopurchases

theirorganicproduce.Ireturntothistopiclaterandshowthatexemplary

agriculturalistsareinfacthighlyselectiveinbuildingtheircustomerbase.Still,

261

Tiantian’sbeliefisoneofdegree;shewantsexemplaryagriculturaliststobe

evenmoreselective.

WhenIcaughtupwithTiantianinMay2014,shewasmakingfutureplanswith

OldDuatDuoyanFarm.TiantianpersuadedOldDutopartnertogetherto

establishanewfarmthatwillteachtheimportanceofself-sufficiencyto

urbanites.Nolongerwillurbanresidentsbepassiveconsumerspurchasing

organicproduceoutoffear.Ratherthanfarmandsellorganicproduceto

customers,TiantianandOldDuarepreparingtoestablishafarmcloseto

Hangzhoucitywheretheywillrentoutsmallplotsoflandwhereurbanfamilies

canfarmthemselves.TiantianandOldDuwillprovidesometoolsandadvice

butwillnotassistwiththeactualfarming.Suchanapproachwillslowlyteach

theirmemberstoacceptthesuperiorityoforganicfarming.

Disagreementisalsocommoninthistypeofrelationship.ThecaseofXuehuiis

illustrative.Approximately40yearsold,XuehuihailsfromHaikoucityinthe

southernislandofHainan.SheisanurbanresidentandworkedinChina’s

advertisingindustryformanyyears.LiuShanhiredXuehuiatChuantongFarm

inNovember2013aftershecompletedsixweeksofvolunteerwork.

Inhernewroleandasavolunteer,XuehuimanagedChuantongFarm’s

communicationprogram.Thisprimarilyconsistedofsocialmediaupdates.

Oncehired,shereceivedCNY3,000amonth,lowerthanmoststartingsalaries

forgraduatesinlargecitiessuchasBeijingandShanghai.Still,Xuehuiaccepted

theofferbecauseshewasfedupwiththecityandthe“trickery”ofadvertising.

262

ShefeltLiuShanwasofferinghera“realandhonestjob(zhenzhengde,

shishizaizaidegongzuo真正的,实实在在的⼯作)”andwasexcitedtouse

advertisingtopromotesomethingmeaningful.

ButXuehuiwasnotverypopularatChuantongFarm.Thisisbecauseshetooka

particularlyhardlinestance.ShetookLiuShan’sexemplaryprojecttoextremes,

determinedtowipeurbanattitudescleanandreplacewithpositiverurality,no

matterwhatthecost.Shebelievedurbanitesare“stupid(henben很笨)”for

buyingindustrially-producedfood,andspententiredaysplanninganddrafting

socialmediaupdatestocommunicateherpointofviewinnotsosubtleways.

Toprepareherupdates,Xuehuitouredthefarmandtookphotosofworkers

andvolunteersatthemostinopportunemoments,oftenwhentheywere

strainingtocompleteaparticularphysicaltask.Onceshehadtakenherphoto,

shewalkedawaywithoutsayingawordorofferinghelp.Thisangeredpeople.

Moreover,XuehuiviewedChuantongFarmandlocalvillagelifeinhighlyidyllic

terms.Sheconstantlypraisedhowcleantheairisandhowgoodthefoodtastes.

Thesearecertainlysharedsentimentsbutnottopicsofconversation.

GrassrootsexemplarityismoresubtlethanCCPexemplarity.Byvocalisingher

opinions,Xuehuicameacrossascondescendingandeveryone,ruralandurban

alike,foundheroverbearingandavoidedherwheneverpossible.

Althoughexemplaryagriculturalistsareconcernedwiththemoralfibreoftheir

volunteers,farmworkisstillimportantasameanstoanend.Nowhereisthis

moreapparentthanforsomeonelikeXuehui,whowashiredtoperforman

263

‘officejob’.Laobanniang,JiangShifu’swife,clearlyexplainedexpectations

concerningfarmworkatChuantongFarmonedaywhenshesaid“Evenhalfan

houraweekisfine”,indicatingitssymbolism.

UrbanresidentssuchasXuehuiareexpectedtodemonstratesolidaritywith

ruralresidentsthroughthesimpleandshortactivityof30minutesoffarm

workperweek.Morefarmworkcanbeperformed,butitisnotessential.

Failuretoundertakeanyfarmwork,however,createsrifts,asXuehui

discovered.DuringthesixmonthsXuehuiworkedatChuantongFarm,sheonly

workedinthefieldsonce.Herexplicitacknowledgementthatherpedagogic

workcommunicatingwithurbancustomers–undertakeninanair-conditioned

officewithconsiderableflexibilityinworkinghours–wassuperiortofarm

workearnedhersignificantscornandsheleftthefarminMay2014.

InstitutionalRitesofPassage

Afinalgroupofvolunteersarriveonexemplaryfarmsaspartofinstitutionally-

organisedplacements.OrganisinginstitutionsincludeWaldorfeducation

schools,government-supportedmodelorganicfarmsandNGOsaffiliatedwith

theNewRuralReconstructionmovement.Staffattheseinstitutionshold

negativeviewsofChineseyouth.Onesumsuptheirperspectivepithily:“Urban

Chineseyouthprefertoplaycomputergamesandchaseboyfriendsand

girlfriendsalldayratherthanthinkaboutsocialissuesinChina”.

264

Thesestaffbelievethatthroughamanagedandsteeredprocessofimmersionin

thecountryside,urbanChineseyouthwillemergeasmoreresponsiblecitizens

andtakeaninterestinlargersocialissuesaffectingChina.Placementonan

organicfarmisariteofpassagetoachievethis.

Accordingtoanumberofscholars,theseopinionsarenotunreasonable.

LiteratureonurbanyouthcultureinChinaidentifiesanumberofdifferences

betweenyoungChineseandtheirparents’generation.Individualism,self-

interestanda“me-culture”,forexample,aredistinctivecharacteristicsof

contemporaryChineseyouth(Fong2006;Hird2009;Sima&Pugsley2010;

Weber,I.2002).

Languageilluminatesthesecharacteristics.RobertMooreinvestigatedChinese

slangandthewordku(酷)(Moore2005).Kuisofficiallytranslatedas“cruel;

oppressive”butmeans“cool”ineverydayChineseslang.Kuand“cool”sound

similar;thereisalsoasenseofyouthfulimaginationwhenawordthatmeans

“cruel;oppressive”isrecastintohipsterslang.Mooreconcludesthaturban

Chineseyouthtakeanoppositionalstancetowardtheexistingculturalvaluesof

theirparents.DrawinganalogieswiththeEnglishwords“swell”and“cool”in

theUSandUK,MoorearguesthatthewidespreaduseofkuinChinaadvocates,

amongstotherthings,liberalattitudestowardsmale-femalerelations.

Inaddition,YunxiangYanshowsthatevenyouthcultureinruralChinareflects

urbanvaluesandstyles(Yan,Y.1999).Ruralyouthnolongersharetheethosof

265

theirparent’sgeneration.Likeurbanyouth,theyareanti-authoritarianand

valueindividualrightsmorethancollectiveresponsibility.

GenerationalconflictiscertainlyapparentacrossChina.HansSteinmuller

observesthatatfuneralsinruralChina,youngerChinesearereluctantto

performthekowtowsexpectedofthem(Steinmuller2010).Theyonlydoso

whentheirparentscompelthemto,muchtotheembarrassmentofbothsides.

AndCarolynHsu,inherresearchamongsturbanyouthinHarbincity,

Heilongjiangprovince,findsthatChineseyouthclashwiththeirparentswhenit

comestoquestionsofemployment.Parentswanttheirchildrentochoosejobs

inthesecurestatesector,whiletheirchildrenwishtoworkintheprivate

sector.Hsuexplains:“Youngpeoplenowadaysonlycareaboutmoney,while

[theirparent’s]generationhadonlybeenconcernedaboutcontribution”(Hsu

2005:557).Thedualismbetweenaltruismandself-interestthatistoo

simplistictounderstandtheevolvingnatureofvolunteers’motivationsis

nonethelessbelievedtodefinedifferentgenerations.

OrganisersofinstitutionalvolunteerismbelievetheycansteerurbanChinese

youthawayfromafocusonself-interesttoafocusoncontributionbyplacing

theminthecountrysideforaperiodoftime.Theybelieve,however,that

adaptationtoruralChinaisnoteasyandrequirestime.Theirapproachand

philosophysharestrikingsimilaritieswiththesent-downyouthprogramof

1968–1978.Inhisresearchintothissocialistprogram,ThomasBernsteinnotes

thefollowingobjectivesandchallenges:

266

[T]headaptionofurbanyouthstorurallife,iscentraltoanunderstandingoftheprogramme.Byadaptionismeantthaturbanyouthsshouldtakeroot(chagen插根)inthevillages,andfeelathomeandatease(anxin安⼼)intheirnewenvironment,integratingwiththepeasants.Itisrecognisedthatattainmentofthisgoalisnoteasyandthatitcantakeplaceonlythroughaprocessofstruggletoovercomedifficulties,inwhichurbanyouthsare‘tempered’(duanlian锻炼),andinwhichtheygrowandmature,ultimatelybecomingworthyrevolutionarysuccessors(Bernstein1977:75).

Oneofthecentralgoalsofcontemporaryinstitutionalvolunteerismon

exemplaryandotherorganicfarmsisalsothetemperingofurbanites.The

Chinesewordfor“temper”,duanlian(锻炼),means“temper;steel;toughen”.For

organisers,itconnotestheabilitytoovercomepersonaldifficulties,attaina

higherlevelofmaturityandbecomeconcernedwithcontemporarysocialissues

throughoutChina,notablythoseinthecountryside.

However,thisisnotalwayssuccessful.Manyvolunteerswhoareinstitutionally

placedhavetheirownagendaandviewitasaplatformforindividualidentity

experiments.GaoYingandXiaoWangaretwosuchvolunteers.

GaoYingwasavolunteeratChuantongFarminMarch2014.Shewas26years

oldandakindergartenteacherataWaldorfschoolinHangzhoucity.Herschool

arrangedherplacement.LiuShangladlyacceptedGaoYingasavolunteer

becauseitconnectshisfarmwiththeprinciplesandphilosophiesofWaldorf

education.60Itissomethinghecanpromotewithhiscustomers,anumberof

whomalsohaveyoungchildrenstudyingatWaldorfschools.

60RudolfSteiner,theAustrianfounderofWaldorfeducation,describedhisapproachtoeducationin1921asfollows:

267

GaoYing’saffiliationwithaninstitutionthatappearsfavourableandsupportive

ofexemplaryagricultureconcealedherownagenda.Shewasactually

rethinkinghercareerpathasateacher,confusedwithwhatthefuturemight

holdforher.Shefelttooyoungtocommittoanycareer.Shetookadvantageof

herplacementatChuantongFarmtothinkitover.

Veryquickly,GaoYingdidnotliveuptoLiuShan’sexpectations.Shearrivedat

ChuantongFarmduringawetandmuddywinterwithoutsuitablefootwear.

Xuehuihadtoaccompanyhertothelocalvillagetopurchaserubberbootson

herfirstday.Overthenextfewdays,GaoYing‘bounced’aroundfullofzealand

energyassheworkedwiththethreeelderlylocalwomen,helpingthemprepare

vegetablesfordelivery.Theelderlylocalwomendidnotappreciateher

enthusiasticbehavior.TheyfeltGaoYingwasnotengagingwiththem

genuinely.Instead,GaoYingbehavedasifeverythingshedidonthefarmwasa

photoopportunitytouploadandsharewithherfriendsonsocialmedia.I

observedGaoYingdothisonanumberofoccasions.

“TheWaldorfschool,whichhasitsrootsinanthroposophy,isaschoolapplyingspecificmethodsandclassroompractices,aswellaspedagogicalideasandimpulsesdrawnfromanthro-posophically-orientatedspiritualscience…theWaldorfschoolteachesitspupilsthatahumanbeingconsistsnotonlyofaphysicalbody…butalsoofaethericbody,supplyingtheformativeandorganicgrowingforcesatworkinthephysicalbody,andalsoofanastralbodythat,duringearthlylife,carrieswhatwasdevelopedduringpre-earthlyexistence…intothehumanphysicalorganization”(Steiner2003:707–749).

Waldorfeducationstressestheroleoftheimaginationinlearningandtheholisticdevelopmentofpupils.Suchaspiritualapproachtochildhoodeducationhasaparticularfocusonnatureandimmersionwithinnaturalenvironments.ThismakesexemplaryagricultureandWaldorfeducationparticularlymatchedtoeachother.

268

XiaoWang,anurbaniteinhisearly20s,wasundertakingasix-monthinternship

atLittleDonkeyFarminBeijingcity,agovernment-supportedmodelorganic

farm.Thirtyyearsold,herecentlylefthisjobininformationtechnologyinthe

citybecausehewastiredof“staringatcomputersallday”.

LittleDonkeyFarmdesigntheirinternshipprogramtotemperinterns,instill

responsibilityandpromoteanewconsciousnessofthecountryside.Internsare

providedwithaccommodationandmealsaswellasbetweenCNY600–800each

monthforlivingexpenses.DeputyManagerZhongFangexplainsthatinterns

comefromarangeofbackgrounds.Aslongastheypossessacertainlevelof

confidencetheyareaccepted.Andwhileabasicinterestinagricultureisapre-

requisite,futureplanstoworkinagricultureisnot.Manyinternstalkcandidly

aboutcompletelyunrelatedplansforthefuture.

Throughouttheirinternship,internsworkacrossmostdepartmentsand

functionsofthefarm,includingdelivery(peicai配菜),customerservice(kefu客

服),customeractivities(kehuhuodong客户活动)andfarmwork(nongyejishu农

业技术).Althoughfarmworkisincludedintheprogram,internsdonotdomuch

becausethisislefttoolderlocalvillagershiredespeciallyforthistask,similar

toexemplaryfarms.

ItisunlikelythatmanagementatLittleDonkeyFarmconsiderXiaoWang’s

motivationsforjoiningtheinternshipprogramnoble.Onedayatanoff-site

activity,avisitingfarmercriticisedXiaoWangfornotdoingmuchfarmworkat

269

LittleDonkeyFarm.HeinvitedXiaoWangtojoinhisownfarmwherehecould

“reallylearnhowtofarm”.

XiaoWangdefendedhisdecisiontojoinLittleDonkeyFarm,sayingtheir

environmentisoneoftrustandmutualrespect.Hesaidhelearnsimportant

ruralvaluesinadditiontobusinesspracticesandfarmingtechniques.A

bystanderalsodefendedXiaoWang,sayingthatyouthinChinatodayhaveso

fewopportunitiesforself-exploration.Momentslater,nervousandshaking

fromtheargument,XiaoWangconfidedtome:“ThereisagirlIreallylikewho

isalsointheinternprogram,butIcouldn’tverywelltellhimthatisthereasonI

wantedtojoin,couldI?”

HistorianHelenaRenenotesthatexperiencesamongstsent-downyouthwere

mixed:“Forsomeitwasthebesttimeoftheirlives;forothers,theworst”(Rene

2013:358).Thesamecanbesaidforinstitutionalvolunteersonexemplaryand

otherorganicfarms.LiXinshiisanexampleofsomeonewhobecameintimately

involvedinruralChinaandorganicfarmingfollowinganinstitutionally-

organisedplacement.Nowinhislate20s,XinshiworksfortheLiangShuming

RuralConstructionCentre,locatedontheoutskirtsofBeijingcity.61TheCentre

wasestablishedin2004byagroupofintellectualsaffiliatedwiththeNewRural

Reconstructionmovement.

61TheCommunity-SupportedAgricultureTrainingwasheldattheLiangShumingRuralReconstructionCentre(seechapterfour).

270

TheCentrearrangesshort-andlong-termplacementsinthecountrysidefor

urbanites.Short-termprogramsaretargetedatuniversitystudentsandaimto

impartabasicawarenessofruralcultureamongstparticipants.Recruitment

targetsuniversitiesthathavestudentgroupsrelatedtoruralissues,suchas

organicfarming.Long-termprogramsaretargetedatgraduatesorstudents

wishingtotakeamedium-termbreakfromtheirstudies.Itplacestheminrural

communitiesforsixtoninemonthsfollowingintroductoryclasses.Placements

areoftenatlocallyrunandmanagedfarmcooperativesorcollectives,including

organicfarms.Studentsareinstructedtoparticipateindailyrurallifeand

culture.Xinshigraduatedfromthelong-termprogramfiveyearsago.Henow

managesshort-termprogramsattheCentreandisanoutspokenadvocateof

ruralissuesandorganicfarming.

Conclusion:ContagionandNegotiation

CCPexemplarityseeksadirectandunambiguoustransferofattitudesand

behavioursfromrolemodelstotheChinesepopulation.Itisapostfigurative

socialisationprocess;studysessionsstudy,notdebate,rolemodelsandtheir

gooddeeds.Insuchanenvironment,emulationisimitation.

Butexemplaryagricultureismorecomplexandtherearemanytypesof

volunteersonexemplaryfarms.Sometimes,theytakerefugeunderthe

charismaticauthorityoftheexemplaryagriculturalistinanintrospectiveand

fleetingencounter,learningalltheycan.Atothertimes,theyopenlychallenge

andpushthelogicofhowexemplaryagricultureisexecuted.Andfinally,they

271

participateininstitutionally-organisedplacements.Designedtotemperthem

andnurtureempathyforthecountryside,anumberofthesevolunteerspursue

theirownpersonalidentityexperimentsastheyrethinktheirfutureand

reframetheirlifestylechoices.

Thesesocialisationprocessesofvolunteersareprocessesofbothcontagionand

negotiation,demonstratingthatgrassrootsexemplarityisfluid,nuancedand

versatile.Notonlydofollowersemulaterolemodels;rolemodelsalsoemulate

followers.

Theindividualismandself-interestdescribedbymanyscholarsiscertainly

evidentinsomeofthesevolunteers’stories.Butitisnotubiquitous;itappears

mostobviouslyamongstinstitutionalvolunteerssuchasGaoYingandXiao

Wang.Othervolunteersmixpersonalambitionwithwantingtobepartofa

teamandcontributingtosomeofthechallengesChinacurrentlyfaces.

AmoredefiningfeatureofthevolunteersImetconcernstheirambiguous

attitudetowardurbanlife,andfailuretofindaspacetoreflect.Inotherwords,

urbanmodernitydoesnotprovidethemwithsuitablespacesofintrospection.

Thisisoneoftheprimarysourcesofattractionthatexemplaryfarmsandother

organicfarmsinthecountrysidehaveforthesevolunteers.Aboveall,the

movementhelpsvolunteersmakesenseoftheirambiguousattitudetowardcity

livinganddecidethenextstepintheirlives.Somereturntothecity;othersstay

inthecountryside.

272

273

ChapterSeven.TheProduct:ExemplaryArtifacts&OrganicCommodities

BehindthevolunteerhouseatZiranFarmliesavegetablefieldabouthalfa

hectareinsize.Overthespringof2014,IspentanumberofweekswithOld

Zhengandothervolunteersplantingcorn,cucumbers,eggplants,leafygreens,

sorghum,tomatoesandawiderangeofothervegetables.Unusually,weplanted

thecropsinsidesmallandshallowsphericalpitsintendedtomimicamountain

slope.Cropswithhigherwaterneedswereplacedlowerdownontheslope

comparedwiththosethathavelesswaterneeds.Weonlyplantedcropsonone

sidetocatchthesunwhiletheothersideofthepitremainedvacant.

AnumberofvolunteersaskedOldZhengtoexplainhisapproach.Hesimply

repliedthatitwasanexperiment(shiyan实验)andhewasunsureifitwouldbe

successful.Acoupleoflocalresidentspassedbyandstoppedtolookatthefield,

firstwithcuriosityandthenwithbewilderment.Oncetheyrealisedthatitwasa

legitimateattemptatfarming,theylaughedloudlyinourfacesandaskedwhy

wedidnotplantcropsinstraightlinesasiscustomary.OldZhengexplained

againthat“We’redoinganexperiment(Womenzuoyigeshiyan我们做⼀个实验)”

andcontinuedabouthisbusiness.

Welaterdiscoveredthatsomeofthecropsgrewverywellwhileothersdidnot.

Thosethatdidnotgrowwellwerecomposted;thosethatdidweresetasidefor

274

ustoeatlater.AsmallamountwasalsogiventosomeofOldZheng’sfriends.

Noneoftheproducewassetasideforsaletocustomers.WhenIaskedOld

Zhengwhyhewaswillingtoinvestsomuchtimeinanexperimentwithoutany

intentiontoselloratleastshowcasetohiscustomers,hesaid:“It’san

experiment,yousee.IwanttoseeifthisapproachworksasIheardfroma

frienditproducesbetterqualityvegetables.ThisfriendsaidChinesefarmed

thiswayinthepast,butnotsomuchnow.Itmightevenbeforgotten”.

Allexemplaryagriculturalistsexperimentontheirfarms,inonewayoranother,

significantlymorethantheirruralneighbours.Thismaybebecauselocal

residentsareriskaverse,wantingtoavoidpotentialcropfailuresandlossof

income.Alternatively,itmaybebecauselocalresidentshavefine-tunedtheir

farmingapproachovertimeanddevelopedatechniquethatisproventowork.

Whateverthecase,therearealsoculturalaspectsatplay,suchasnotionsof

whatafarmintheChinesecountrysideshouldlooklike(straightandorderly).

Whatisclearisthatexemplaryagriculturalistsplaceahighimportanceon

exploringandexperimentingwithorganicagriculturetoseewhattheyare

capableof,ratherthansingle-mindedlypursuingproduction,revenueoroverall

businesssizetargets.

OldZheng’sexperimentwithsphericalpitsisalsoilluminatingforwhatit

illuminatesabouttherelationshipbetweenexemplaryagriculturalists’organic

produceandcommoditytheory.Abasicdefinitionofacommodityissomething

forexchange.WhileagreatdealofZiranFarm’sproduceisindeedsoldto

275

customers,thevegetablesfromthesphericalpitswerenot.Strictlyspeaking

then,theyarenotcommodities.Butiftheyarenotcommodities,whatarethey?

Ibeginthischapterbydescribingindetailbothhowexemplaryagriculturalists

producetheirorganicproduceandexactlywhattheyproduce.Centraltoboth

ofthesediscussionsismyargumentthattheorganicproduceofexemplary

agriculturalistsarefirstandforemostexemplaryartifacts,precedentsinfused

withpositiveruralityseekingpermanence.Ithenintroducecommoditytheory

andoutlinefourmajorculturalbiographies(Kopytoff1986),orlifetrajectories,

ofexemplaryartifacts,onlyoneofwhichseesthembecomeorganic

commodities,orobjectsforexchange.Ifinditunavoidabletoalsotouchon

conceptssuchascommodityvalueandalienationinthisdiscussion.YetIkeep

mycommentstoaminimumandexpandonthesetopicsmorefullyinchapter

eight.Iconcludethischapterbydiscussingwhyandhowexemplary

agriculturalistsovercametheirreluctancetomarketingandadvertising,and

showcaseanumberoftheirinitiatives.

HowareExemplaryArtifactsProduced?LabourAdvocacyandaFusionof

AgrarianKnowledge

Exactlyhowexemplaryagriculturalistsfarmorganicproduceisaquestionof

centralimportance.Theirapproachtoorganicagricultureisacombinationof

theirinterpretationofdormantChineseagriculturalwisdommergedwith

contemporaryknowledgeoforganicfarmingfromaroundtheworld.Assuch,

exemplaryagriculturalistshaveahighlyexperimentalandslightly

276

cosmopolitanapproachtoorganicfarming.Centraltoalloftheirapproaches,

however,isthecentralityandadvocacyoflabourandself-sufficiency.They

infusethisaspectofpositiveruralityintoalloftheirorganicproduce.

Workinginthefields,cultivatingsoilandplantingandharvestingcropsare

formsoflabourcommontoallformsoforganicfarming.All13exemplary

agriculturalistsperformsomeleveloffarmworkontheirfarms.Sixdosoona

weeklybasisandtheremainingsevendosoatleastonceamonth.Many,

however,reducedtheamountoftimetheyspendworkingonthefarmafter

establishingacleardivisionoflabourandhiringreliablelocalworkers.After

thefirstyearofoperation,localworkersgenerallyundertakemostofthefarm

workonexemplaryfarms.

Mostfarmtasksareundertakenwithbarehandsorwithsimpletoolssuchas

hoes,knives,pickandspades.Workcanbeexceedinglyslow;anentireday

mightbespentwateringabedofvegetablesorploughingearthtoformanew

bed.Somefarmsusemachineryforsignificantearthmovingtaskssuchas

ploughinglargefieldswhencropsneedtoberotatedorflatteningricefields

afterflooding.Machineryisalsousedtopolishriceortopressrapeseedand

extractoil.Insuchcases,exemplaryfarmsborrowmachineryfrom

neighbouringfarmsasfewowntheirown.DespiteallofZiranFarm’s

storeroomsandequipment,OldZhengstillhastoborrowhisneighbours’

machineryregularly.

277

Thoughphysicallyexhaustingandoftengrueling,itismisleadingtothinkof

farmworkaspurelyphysicalandofthebodyalone.Instead,farmworkisthe

artandcraftofworkingwithnaturetosustainablycreateanobjectofbenefit.It

isaformofself-actualisationandpositivelytransformative.Mostexemplary

agriculturalistsusetheChinesewordlaodong(劳动)whenreferringtofarm

work.

LaodongisoneofthreeChinesewordscommonlyusedtorefertovariousforms

of“work”.Theothertwoaredagong(打⼯)andgongzuo(⼯作).Dagongrefersto

“temporaryorseasonalemployment”andgenerallyimpliesphysicallabour

(Jackaetal2013b:2239).62Forexample,ruralmigrantsworkingon

constructionsitesinmetropolitanareasdescribetheirworkasdagongbecause

itistemporary;oncetheconstructionprojectiscompletedtheyare

unemployed.Gongzuo,bycontrast,isofficiallytranslatedas“work;job”and

referstoworkundertakenbyemployeeswithinenterprises,professionsorthe

civilservice.Gongzuoiswhaturbanresidentscalla“realjob”.

Laodongtranslatesas“work”butalso“physicallabour;manuallabour”andas

suchisdifferentfromgongzuo.TamaraJackaandhercolleaguesnotethat

laodongreferstothe“actionoftransformingnature,creatingproductsor

performingservices”andisinclusiveofanarrayofformsofworkandactivities,

from“thegrowingoffoodforpersonalconsumption,cooking,cleaningand

caringforothersinahome”toactivitiessuchas“bondedandchildlabour,sex

work,farmwork,volunteercommunityserviceandunpaiddomesticwork”

62IcouldnotfindanEnglishtranslationofdagonginanyofthedictionariesIown.

278

(Jackaetal2013b:2237).Laodongoftenfallsoutsidethemainstreameconomy

(andhenceoutsidethesalariedeconomy)andinaparalleleconomy.This

perhapsexplainswhylaodong,ratherthangongzuo,isembracedwithin

exemplaryagriculture.Itconfirmsthatthemovementadvocateslabouryetis

alsoautonomousfromandoperatesoutsidethemainstreameconomy.Butitis

alsoslightlymisleading;itshowsthatexemplaryagriculturalistswantto

associatethemselveswiththeideaofphysicallabour(eventhoughrural

residentsundertakethemajorityoffarmworkonexemplaryfarms).

JiangShifuatChuantongFarmcontrastsgongzuowithlaodong.Gongzuois

somethingyoudoforsomeoneelse.Itprovideslittle,ifany,autonomyandfew

benefits.Laodongsuchasfarmwork,bycontrast,guaranteesautonomy.Ithas

physicalandspiritualbenefits.Certainly,regularfarmworkleadstoafitand

healthybody.Once,whentendingtoChuantongFarm’spotatocropona

freezingwintermorningwithJiangShifu,Istruggledtoregularlybenddown

becausemywaistached.JiangShifudiagnosedmewithfengshiillness.Fengshi

illness(fengshibing风湿病)istranslatedas“rheumatism”.Accordingtowestern

medicine,thisiscausedwhentheimmunesystemattackshealthycells.In

TraditionalChineseMedicine,however,itreferstoaconditionof“wetnessor

dampness(shi湿)”,causedwhen“cold(leng冷)”entersthebody’sporesand

lodgesinside.Thisleadstojointandmuscleaches.JiangShifutoldmefengshi

illnessisrareinruralChinabecausefarmworkensuresruralresidentsare

constantlymovingandhenceavoidthesedentaryurbanlifestyletheillnessis

associatedwith.

279

Iobservedthistobetrueandwasregularlyamazedathowstrongandfitsome

ruralresidentsare.ThethreeoldmaleworkersatChuantongFarmareallover

60yearsoldandpossessremarkablestrength.OldZhuistheeldest,over70,

andhasaparticularlybadhunchback.Yetitseemstobeofnoconcerntohim

andheundertakesallthephysicalworkthatisaskedofhim(someofitvery

hard)withabrisknessandappearanceofeasethatIwasneverabletomatch.

EvenJiangShifuadmiresOldZhuandwantstobeashealthyasheis.JiangShifu

exclaimed,almostinincredulity,that“OldZhuisjustsohealthy!(LaoZhushenti

jiutaihaole!老朱身体就太好了!)”.

Spiritually,accordingtoJiangShifu,farmworkallowshimtotakechargeofhis

life.Itpositivelyaltershisstateofbeing.Toillustratewithaspecificexample,he

explainsthatfarmworkfundamentallyaltershisexperienceoffood.Foodhe

produceshimselfalwaystastesbetterandmakeshimfeelbetterthanfoodfrom

elsewhere.“Feelingbetter”goesbeyondthebodyandreferstoahighersenseof

wellness.IlostcountofhowmanymealsIhadwithJiangShifuwherehesubtly

criticisedeatingout,claimingallfoodinrestaurantstastesterrible.

Asfarasexemplaryagriculturalistsareconcerned,organicfarmingdoesnot

refertotheinternationalordomesticcertificationscheme.Itsimplymeans

chemical-freeandsmall-scalefarming.Allexemplaryagriculturalistsareunited

underonefundamentalprinciple:“Nochemicalpesticides,nochemical

fertilisers(Meiyounongyao,meiyouhuafei没有农药,没有化肥)”.Thisisthe

standardphrasetheyusewhenengagingwithcustomers.Itwasalsotheir

defaultanswerwhenIfirstbeganinquiringintotheirfarmingmethods.Earlyin

280

myfieldwork,Ihadtoprobefurther,sometimesexcessivelyandassertively,to

elicitmoredetails.

ExemplaryagriculturalistsdrawextensivelyonChineseagrarianwisdomin

craftingtheirspecificorganicfarmingtechniques.Moreover,intheirquestto

developtechniquesthatarebothattractiveandreplicablefornewcomersto

organicfarming,theyalsodrawonabroadrangeofcontemporaryorganic

agriculturalknowledgefromothercountries,includingnaturalfarmingfrom

Japan,biodynamicfarmingfromEuropeandgeneralinternationalorganic

farmingstandards.

Fouroutof13exemplaryagriculturalistsdescribetheirorganicfarming

techniqueasnaturalfarming.Naturalfarming(zirannongfa自然农法)was

foundedbytheJapanesefarmerMasanobuFukuoka(1913–2008).Itishighly

concernedwiththespiritualhealthofthefarmeranditsbasicpremiseisthat

onlysomeonewithahealthyandclearmindisabletolearnfromandcooperate

withnature,andhenceabletogrowgoodqualityorganicproduce.Forthe

naturalfarmer,self-actualisationprecedesfarmlabourandnature‘works’on

thefarmer.Naturalfarmingistheleastlabour-intensiveofalltheorganic

farmingtechniqueswithinexemplaryagriculture.63

63Fukuoka’sbackgroundilluminateshowhedevelopednaturalfarmingandcametohavesuchaspiritualapproachtoorganicagriculture.HebeganhiscareerintheYokohamaCustomsBureau’sPlantInspectionDivision,inspectingplantsfordiseasecarryinginsects.Afteranepisodeofacutepneumoniain1937andastrongsenseofaimlessness,Fukuokaresignedfromhisjob.Hefeltthenaturalscienceshehaddevotedhislifetosofarwasinsufficientforunderstandingtheworld.Heeventuallyreturnedtohisfather’sfarmonamountainsidenearasmallvillageontheislandofShikokuinsouthernJapan.Itwasatthistimethathebeganexperimentingwithwhathelatercallednaturalfarming.

281

Fukuokadescribesfourbasicprinciplesofnaturalfarmingasfollows:no

cultivation,ploughingorturningofsoil;nochemicalfertiliserorprepared

compost;noweedingbytillageorherbicides;andnodependenceonchemicals.

WhileinpracticeIobservedsomedivergencesfromtheseprinciples,the

somewhatrelaxedattitudetolabourisakeyfeatureofnaturalfarmingwithin

exemplaryagriculture.Indeed,Fukuokareferstonaturalfarmingasthe“do

nothing”approach(Fukuoka2009:18).Thisdoesnotmeanthatfarmworkis

notimportantorsometimesexcessive.Itrefers,rather,toaconcertedeffortto

avoidfarmworkunlessabsolutelynecessary;naturecantakecareofitself.

Anotherorganicfarmingtechniquecalledtraditionalfarming(chuantong

nongfa传统农法)isonlypractisedbyoneexemplaryfarm,ChuantongFarm.

Traditionalfarmingisnonethelesshighlysignificantandrequiresdiscussion.

Thisisbecausetraditionalfarmingistypicallythetermusedtodescribethe

formofagriculturethatwaspractisedforthousandsofyearsinChinauntilthe

twentiethcentury.

Comparedtonaturalfarming,traditionalfarmingisverylabour-intensive.

DuringhistourofChinainthefirstdecadeofthetwentiethcentury,the

AmericanFranklinH.Kingmakesmanyreferencestothenumberofworkershe

observedonChinesefarms.Cottonplanting,forexample,inShandongand

Jiangsuprovincesinvolved“alargeamountofhumanlabor”(King2004:262);

gardenworkheobservedelsewherewas“efficientandpainstaking”(King

2004:67);andofricecultivation,hesaid“theysaveinmanywaysexceptinthe

matterofhumanlabor,whichistheonethingtheyhaveinexcess”(King2004:

282

11).Intraditionalfarming,therelationshipbetweenlabourandself-

actualisationisreversed.Itisthroughlabouringonthelandthatself-

actualisationisachieved.Intraditionalfarming,labourprecedesself-

actualisationandthefarmer‘works’onnature.

JiangShifuatChuantongFarmjuxtaposestraditionalfarmingwithnatural

farmingasfollows:“Whenatreeintheforestdropsaseedandsomething

grows,thatisnaturalfarming.TheminuteItakeaseedandplantitmyself,this

isnotnaturalfarmingbutsomethingelseentirely”.Theterm“natural”clearly

bothersJiangShifu.Forthetraditionalfarmer,natureneedstobealteredand

transformedinordertocreatetheoptimalgrowingconditions.Thisincludes

theuseofgreenhouses.Yetwhiletraditionalfarmersmanipulateconditions,

thisisalwayswithinthelimitssetbynature.Ofnaturalfarming’sfour

principles,traditionalfarmersonlyfollowone:nochemicals.Cultivation,

ploughingandturningofthesoilisintense,preparedcompostisused

extensively(goatmanureatChuantongFarm)andweedingiscommon,either

byhandorwithnaturalsprays,suchaswatermixedwithcrushedchilies.

Theremainingeightexemplaryfarmsdescribetheirfarmingtechniqueusing

thetermsorganicfarming(youjinongfa有机农法)orecologicalfarming

(shengtainongfa⽣态农法).Thesearesomewhatgenericterms.Whilethese

farmsfollowthedictumof“Nochemicalpesticides,nochemicalfertilisers”,

exemplaryagriculturalistsotherwiseadoptanumberofdifferentpracticesand

approachesdependingonwhatsuitsthem.Thisincludes,butisnotlimitedto,

techniquesfromnaturalfarmingandtraditionalfarming.

283

Labourintensityvariesconsiderablyamongstthesefarms.ChengJunfrom

TianlanFarm,forexample,explains:“Weareorganic.Butthewaywefarmis

intensive”.Thetermheusesfor“intensive”isjinggengxizuo(精耕细作),which

means“intensiveandmeticulousfarming;intensivecultivation”,referringtoa

painstakingattentiontodetail.TianlanFarmhiressixfull-timelocalworkers

andeverythingfromweedingtoplantingandharvestingisdonebyhand

withoutanymachinesornaturalfertilisers.Bycontrast,WangChangfromKejia

Farmalsodescribeshistechniqueasorganic,thoughheusesgreenhouses,has

veryfewstaffandusesnaturalpesticidesextensively.

Anotherillustrationoftheexperimentalandcosmopolitannatureoforganic

farmingtechniqueswithinexemplaryagricultureconcernstheuseofnatural

fertiliserssuchasjiaosu(酵素),orfermentedenzymes(discussedinchapter

four).Fermentedenzymesarerichinenzymesandmicroorganismsand

primarilyusedtoimprovesoilqualityandnutrition.Fermentedenzymesarea

componentofbiodynamicfarminginEurope,andarefoundonmanyexemplary

farms.

Fermentedenzymesaremadebyfermentingspringwater,organicplantmatter

suchasvegetables,grassoreggshellsandbrownsugarinaten-three-oneratio

foratleastthreemonths.Thebestqualityfermentedenzymesarecolourless

andalmostcompletelyodourless.Inadditiontotheirbenefitstothesoil,

exemplaryagriculturalistsdiscussandtreatthisnaturalfertiliserasahigh

potencyelixir:theybelieveitcancureillness,removegenetically-modified

284

genesfromcropsandimprovemeatquality.Someorganicrestaurantsin

Shanghaicitylistfermentedenzymesonthemenuasabeverage.Once,on

arrivingatOldDu’sDuoyanFarminthemiddleofafreezingwinter,Ihada

runnynose.OldDuencouragedmetorubsomeofhisfermentedenzymes

undermynoseandIfeltbetterthenextmorning.OldDucouldnotstoptalking

fortheentiredayabouthowhehadhelpedmeandaboutalltheotherpositive

thingsfermentedenzymescandoforthehumanbody.

Inhishistoryofsugar,SidneyMintzdescribesthemanypropertiespeople

believedsugarpossessed.Oneoftheseistheabilitytoimprovefailingeyesight

whenmixedwithcrushedpearlsandgoldleaf(Mintz1985).Mintzexplains

thesemagicalqualitiesbyarguingthatweinvestpowerinthingsweholddear.

Similarly,fermentedenzymesarealsoinvestedwithextraordinarypowers–

suchasremovinggenetically-modifiedgenesfromcrops–andevidenceof

exemplaryagriculturalists’sentimentandempathytowardlowtechnology.

WhatisProducedonExemplaryFarms?CommonExemplaryArtifacts

JamesWatsonarguesthatfoodiscentraltoculturalidentityandelaboratesthat

notionsofwhatconstitutesapropermealarecentraltotheexperienceof

everydaylife(Watson2006).SincetheShangDynasty(1766–1122B.C.E.),food

inChinahasbeenclassifiedintothreemaincategories:staples(calledfan饭,

cookedcerealssuchasriceandwheat),sidedishes(calledcai菜,vegetablesand

greens,thoughalsoreferringtonon-staplefoodaswellasdishes/coursesin

general)andsnacksandrefreshments(calledxiaochi小吃,literally“smalleats”)

285

(Anderson1988).ThisconventionisstillfollowedincontemporaryChinaand

anordinarymealtodaycomprisesboththecentralityoffanandthe

accompanimentofcai.Tochifan(吃饭)means“eat;haveameal”andis

composedofthecharactersthatliterallytranslateas“eatrice”.

Theimportanceofthefanandcaicombinationiswell-knowntoanyonewho

hasbanquetedinChina.Thefandish,whichistypicallynoodlesinnorthChina

andriceinsouthChina,isalwaysservedlastafterallthecaiandxiaochidishes

havebeenserved.Thisway,thehostcanclaim“Westillhaven’teaten!(Women

haimeiyouchifan!我们还没有吃饭！)”.

Culturalanddietaryhabitshavecertainlybeeninfluencedbytheintroduction

ofwesternfast-foodintoChina,especiallyamongsttheyoungergeneration.Yet

suchfoodisoftenclassifiedasaxiaochi,orsnack,andtheemphasisonthe

combinationoffanandcaiasconstitutingapropermealremains(Yan,Y.2006).

Whatexemplaryagriculturalistsproduceontheirfarmsisasimportantashow

theyproduceit.Theyproducefan(riceandothergrains),cai(vegetablesthat

areeasytostir-fryaswellasrootplants)and,inaddition,eggs(asourceof

proteinespeciallyvaluableforpregnantwomen).Byfocusingexclusivelyon

componentsthattraditionallyconstituteaproper(andhealthy)mealinChina,

exemplaryagriculturalistsfurtherinfusepositiveruralityintoexemplary

artifacts.

286

Basedonmysurvey,fourexemplaryagriculturalistslistriceastheirmain

product,sixlistvegetablesandthreelisteggs.Allfarms,however,experiment

withmultipleproduceandnofarmsmono-crop.ZiranFarm,forexample,plants

131/3hectaresofrice.Ontheremainingtwohectares,OldZhengexperiments

withbeans,vegetables,wheatandothergrains.ChuantongFarmgrowsjust

overthreehectaresofvegetablesandalsohasonehectareofriceaswellas

smallerareasofbeansandothergrains.AndShengtaiFarmgrowsriceand

wheat,vegetablesandevenabitoffruitacrosstheirtwohectares.

Evenwithincorecrops,exemplaryagriculturalistsexperimentwithawide

varietyofriceandothergrains,vegetablesandrootplantsandeggs.Rice

varietiesincludepolishedwhiterice(calledsouthernwhiterice,orjiangnan

jingmi江南粳米),wholegrainrice(caomi糙米),blackrice(heimi⿊米),red

wholegrainrice(hongcaomi红糙米)andblack,redandwhiteglutinousrice

(heihongbainuomi⿊红白糯米).Manyexemplaryagriculturalistsalsotryto

createusefulproductsfromwhatwouldnormallybeconsideredwaste.OldDu

fromDuoyanFarm,forexample,collectsricekernelsafterpolishing,grinds

themfurtherandpackagesthem,promotingtheiruseasaseasonerorasa

healthydrinkbrewedwithhotwater.

Vegetablevarietiesareevenricher.Inadditiontocommonvegetablesandroot

plantssuchasbeans,cauliflower,celery,corn,cucumber,eggplant,potato,

pumpkin,radishes,springonions,sweetpotato,taroandtomato,exemplary

agriculturalistsgrowalargevarietyofChineseleafygreenvegetables,many

withoutEnglishequivalentsoreasytranslations.Theseincludecabbage

287

varieties(suchasdabaicai⼤白菜andjuanxincai卷⼼菜),lettucevarieties(such

asyeshengcai叶⽣菜andyoumaicai油麦菜)andspinachvarieties(suchasbocai

菠菜andwengcai蕹菜,alsoaffectionatelyknownaskongxincai空⼼菜or“hollow

spinach”).Anasparaguslettucecalledwosun(莴笋)andforagedbambooshoots

(sun笋)arealsopopular.

Vegetablesareunanimouslyconsideredmuchhardertogroworganicallythan

grainsandthereisaclearrelationshipbetweentheexperienceandskillofthe

exemplaryagriculturalistandthequalityandquantityofvegetablestheygrow.

Thosewithlessexperiencetendtogrowvegetablesthatarerelativelyeasy,

suchascornandedamamebeans(sometimescalled“greenfruitsoybeans

[maodou⽑⾖]”)orgiveupandfocusonriceoreggsinstead.

Exemplaryagriculturaliststhatfocusoneggsraiseawidevarietyoffowl.

ChickenscouldbefromAnhuiprovince,BeijingorGuangdongprovince,each

withspecificfeatures,characteristicsandbenefits.QinfengfromMengleFarm

raiseshundredsofguineafowls(zhenzhuji珍珠鸡)andshowcasestheiregg’s

superiorproteincontent.Ashisfarmissituatedonanoldvineyard,healso

growsgrapes.JuHaofromJiandanFarmraiseshundredsofsilkiefowls(wuguji

乌骨鸡).Literally“black-bonedchickens”,thepigmentintheirblackskinis

believedtocontainhealingproperties.

Inhisdiscussionofpeasantandhouseholdfarmingaroundtheworld,Jan

DouwevanderPloegnotesthatpluriactivityisverycommon(vanderPloeg

2009).Pluriactivityisanyactivityundertakenbyfarmersoutsidethemajor

288

taskofcropfarmingthatisintendedtogenerateadditionalincome.Ithelps

securefundsforinvestmentandenablesthefarmertoavoidborrowingfrom

eitherfamilyandfriendsorfinancialinstitutions.Inotherwords,pluriactivity

helpsmaintainautonomy.TheUnitedNationsofficiallyrecognisespluriactivity

asanimportantcharacteristicofpeasantcommunities(Edelman2013).

Exemplaryagriculturalistsalsoengageinotheractivitiesinadditiontotheir

corecrops.Theirpluriactivityiscomposedoftwocomponents.First,they

produceanumberofprocessedorsemi-processedfoods(orjiagongpin加⼯品,

meaning“labour-addedgoods”)includingcongee,glutinousricecakesand

lollies(nuomigao,nuomitang糯米糕, 糯米糖),jams,pancakes(bing饼),peanut

butter,ricewine(mijiu米酒),soysauceandtofu.Thesefoodsaremadeinsmall

quantitiesusingtraditionaltechniquesandareregularlysoldatfarmers’

marketsinShanghaicity.

Second,exemplaryagriculturalistsholdactivitiesfortheircustomersandother

guestsattheirfarms(calledjiedaihuodong接待活动,literally“receiving

activities”).Duringmyfieldwork,thenumberofexemplaryfarmsholdingsuch

activitiesincreasedsignificantly.Theyarehalf-orfull-dayeventsandincludea

meal,tourofthefarmandvillageaswellassometokenfarmwork.

Exemplaryagriculturalistsareatpainstopointoutthedifferencebetweentheir

guestactivitiesandtherustichotelandrestaurantmovement(nongjiale农家乐).

Theyindeedappeartobesimilartosomeoneunfamiliarwithexemplary

agriculture.Implicitatrustichotelsandrestaurants,however,isaproducer-

289

consumerrelationship–urbanChinesepurchasearuralexperiencethatis

‘served’tothem.Exemplaryagriculturalistsdistinguishtheirguestactivities

fromrustichotelsandrestaurantsbyremovinganyformofovertservice;they

expectgueststocooktheirownmealsandtocleanupafterthemselves.They

alsoincludeexpliciteducationalitems.ZiranFarm,forexample,signpoststheir

farmwithexplanationsofnaturalfarming.Moreover,someexemplary

agriculturalistsonlyacceptvisitorsfromsympatheticinstitutions,suchas

DaoistgroupsorWaldorfeducationschools.

CulturalBiographiesofExemplaryArtifacts

Beforetheyaresoldtocustomersinthecity,exemplaryartifactsbecome

organiccommodities.Whatisacommodity?Howdoesitdifferfromanartifact?

ArjunAppaduraipointsoutthatacommodityiscommonlyunderstoodasa

productorservice“intendedprincipallyforexchange”,adefinitionheascribes

toKarlMarx(Appadurai1986:6).Bywayofasimpleexample,partyAiswilling

toexchangeanobjectwithanotherpartyandpartyBiswillingtoacquirethat

object.

Thisfocusonexchangeisimportant.Appaduraibelievesitisimportanttotake

intoaccounttheroleofboththeproducerandthebuyer:“Thisgetsusaway

fromtheexclusivepreoccupationwiththe‘product,’‘production,’andthe

originalordominantintentionofthe‘producer’andpermitsustofocusonthe

dynamicsofexchange”(Appadurai1986:9).Inotherwords,theintentto

exchangecreatesacommodity.

290

Butexchangecantakeplaceinmanywaysandacrossmanysettings.Igor

KopytoffexpandsonMargaretMead’sadvicetotreatthingsaspeopleand

followtheirbiographytoobserveunderwhatconditionstheyareexchanged

andunderwhatconditionstheyarenot(Kopytoff1986).Kopytofffurther

arguesthatthereisnosuchthingasaperfectcommodity.Bythishemeansthat

nothingisperpetuallybeingexchanged.Somethingmaybeacommodityatone

timeandnotatanother.Inhisterms,somethingmightbe“singular”atonetime

and“common”atanother.Thesingularisuniqueandeitherunexchangeableor

restrictedfromexchangeinsomeway.Thecommonistheopposite;itis

saleableandwidelyexchanged.

Ofcourse,ifthingswereabsolutely“singular”or“common”sociallifewouldbe

practicallyimpossible.Nonetheless,culturalbiographieswidelydiffer.Their

foraysintostatesofsingularityandcommonalityareincrediblyvaried.

Accordingly,byidentifyingtheculturalforcesthatallowmovementbetween

thesetwostates,themoraleconomy“thatstandsbehindtheobjectiveeconomy

ofvisibletransactions”canberevealed(Kopytoff1986:64).64

Exemplaryartifactsemergeasprecedentsthatare“singular”.Yettheyseek

permanence,or“commonality”.Theprocessesthatenablethistransformation

notonlyrevealsaspectsofthemoraleconomyofexemplaryagriculture,but

64Kopytoffusestheexampleofaslavewhomovesfromthestatusofacommonexchangeablecommodityto,followingpurchase,a“singularindividualoccupyingaparticularsocialandpersonalniche”(Kopytoff1986:65).

291

alsothetenserelationshipthemovementhaswithpracticesofurban

consumerism.

Bymyreckoning,betweenone-quartertoone-halfofexemplaryartifactsinthe

aggregatedonotbecomeorganiccommodities.Letmeputthisintoa

quantifiablecontext.Theaverageannualriceyieldacrossexemplaryfarmsis

3,323kilogramsperhectare,theaverageannualvegetableyieldis12,645

kilogramsperhectareandtheaveragechickeneggyieldis43kilograms,orjust

over1,000eggs,perweek.65Thus,takingriceasanexample,in2013Shanghai’s

13exemplaryagriculturalistsproducedalmost100,000kilogramsofrice.This

meansthatbetween25,000to50,000kilogramswasnotsoldtocustomers.

Whathappenedtoallthericethatwasnotsold(aswellastheexcessvegetables

andeggs)?Intotal,Iobservedfourdifferentculturalbiographiesofexemplary

artifacts.

First,someexemplaryartifactsarenotharvestedoraredirectlycomposted.

Somecropsareleftunharvestedinthefieldtoactascovercropsandeventually

decomposeintotheearth;othersareharvestedandimmediatelymovedtoa65Moreover,yieldsizesvaryconsiderably.Someexemplaryfarmshaveveryhighyieldswhileothersareminiscule.Forexample,riceyieldsrangefromverylow(OldZhengfromZiranFarm’syieldis2,100kilogramsperhectare)toveryhigh(ZhulingfromCanxianFarm’syieldis5,000kilogramsperhectare),rememberingthatZiranFarmhasover13hectaresofricefieldswhileotherfarms,includingCanxianFarm,generallyhavetwohectaresorless.Vegetableyieldsalsorangefromverylow(threefarmsaverage7,500kilogramsperhectare)toveryhigh(ChuantongFarmhasayieldof18,000kilogramsperhectare).Finally,eggyieldsdependonhowmanychickensareraised.JuHaofromJiandanFarmhasthehighestyieldwith150kilograms,or3,000eggs,eachweek.Toputthesefiguresintocontext,andtakingriceasanexample,theaverageglobalriceyieldis4,300kilogramsofriceperhectare(29percenthigherthantheexemplaryagricultureaverage),whiletheaverageinChinaisapproximately6,750kilogramsofriceperhectare(104percenthigherthantheexemplaryagricultureaverage)(NationalBureauofStatistics2012).Thisshowsthatsomeexemplaryagriculturalistsexceedtheglobalaverage,albeitonaverysmallfarm.Moreover,sixexemplaryfarmsareexperiencingmoderateorhighyieldgrowthyearonyear,whilethreearenotexperiencinganychangeandtheremainingfourhavedecliningyields.

292

compostpitelsewhereonthefarm.Thisisbecausetheywereeitherravagedby

insectsandwormsorareplantedespeciallyforcompostingpurposes.In

addition,thelabourresourcesrequiredwhencropsneedharvestingis

sometimesunavailable.Thisisespeciallythecaseinsummerwhenlarge

amountsofproduceripenatthesametimeandhavetobeconsumed

immediately.Harvestingisalsoquitehaphazardattimesandalotofproduceis

simplymissed.

Second,someexemplaryartifactsareconsumedonthefarm.Exemplary

agriculturalists,theirstaffandvolunteersalleattheirownfarm’sproduce.At

mostexemplaryfarms,thiscomprisesasignificantproportionoftheirdietwith

littleelsebeyondsmallamountsofmeatandfishpurchasedexternally.At

ChuantongFarm,forexample,lunchanddinnerisalmostexclusivelyfarm

produce.AtZiranFarmaswell,grainsandvegetablesconsumedateachmeal

arethefarm’sown.Furthermore,farmsthatraiseanimalssuchaschickensand

goatsfeedthemproduce.ZhiquanatMengkeFarmregularlyfeedshisgoats

excessvegetableproducefromunharvestedgardenplots.Andasmentioned

earlier,OldZhengplantscropsespeciallyforbugs,insectsandwormstoeatat

ZiranFarm.

Third,exemplaryartifactsaregiftedtofamily,friends,colleaguesandsocial

causes.Thoughnowachickeneggfarmer,JuHaobeganJiandanFarmfarming

vegetables.Originallyhehadnointentionofseekingpayingcustomersatalland

gaveawaywhatheandhisfamilydidnoteat.Inaddition,ChuantongFarm

293

suppliesalocalBuddhistrestaurantwithalargevolumeofvegetablesevery

summer.

Inthesethreeculturalbiographies,exemplaryartifactsareused,consumedor

giftedwithinthefarm’sexistingnetworkandundergolimited,ifany,selection

orsortingbeforehand.Theyaregivenandacceptedexactlyastheyare

harvested.Yetthefourthandfinalculturalbiography,whenexemplaryartifacts

becomeorganiccommoditiesforexchangewithpayingurbancustomers

outsidethefarm’sexistingnetwork,isverydifferent.Tobecomeanorganic

commodity,anexemplaryartifactsometimesundergoesaselectionandsorting

process.Ironically,thisprocesscaterstotheculturalpracticesandaesthetic

preferencesofurbanresidentsinShanghaicity.

AnnaTsingdiscussestherelationshipbetweenfoodsortingandcommodity

statusinheraccountoftheglobalmatsutakemushroomindustry(Tsing2013).

Sheargues,likeMarx,thatworkersinmoderneconomiesareroutinely

alienatedfromtheobjectstheyproduce.UnlikeMarx,however,Tsingbelieves

alienationoccursinmultipleways,notjustviamassindustrialproductionin

factories.

Inthecaseofthematsutakemushroom,thisoccursfollowingsorting

procedures.Mushroomsareinitiallysortedintosuitableandunsuitablegroups

bytheforagers.Foragersunderstandwhatagoodorbadmushroomis.A

secondsortingprocedure,however,isundertakenatalaterstageby“boredand

poorlypaidcasualworkers”thatdonotunderstandanythingaboutmatsutake

294

mushrooms(Tsing2013:27).Tsingarguesitisthissecondsortingprocedure

thatalienatesthemushroomsfromtheirsocialtiestotheforagingprocessand

transformsthemintoalienatedcommodities.Thisisbecausetheultimate

consumersofthemushroomarenotobtainingmushroomsselectedbyforaging

experts,butratherbyfactoryworkerswhoseselectioncriteriaisbasedona

differentlogictotheauthorityoftheforager.

Tobecomeanorganiccommodityandtakentoafarmers’marketfordisplayor

packagedfordeliverytocustomers,exemplaryartifactssometimesundergoa

sortingprocess.Thissortingprocesscaterstonotionsofwhaturbanresidents

believesafefoodshouldlooklike.Earlyinmyfieldwork,ImetmanyChinese

whobelievethatsafefood“justlooksgood(jiuhaokan就好看)”.Theybelieve

thatspecificaestheticcues–simplerulesofthumb–signalquality.Meat,for

example,shouldnotbetoopale(taidan太淡)ortoored(taihong太红).Fishis

bestfresh;hencebloodycutsindicateitisfreshlyslaughtered.

Asimilarlogicappliestoorganicfood.“Don’tgoforbeautifulproduce”was

somethingIoftenheard,“Lookforafewwormholes.Thismeanstheydidn’t

usepesticides”.Thisiswhyslightimperfectionsarevalued.Thekeyworkis

slight;ideallyorganicproducedoesnotdiffertoomuchfromconventional

productsfoundinsupermarkets.Rather,theyhaveapredictableandmildly

rusticappearance.

AnexperienceofmineworkingatShengJiaChongFarmers’Marketprovidesa

tellingaccountofwhathappenswhentheappearanceofproducedoesnotmeet

295

urbancustomers’preferences.LindyNie,oneofthemarket’sco-founders,farms

organicdatesinXinjiangprovinceandsellsthematthemarket.Oftenbusy

managingthemarket,sometimesItookcareofherbooth.Sheexplainedtome

everythingIneededtoknowaboutdatestointeractwithcustomers.Ilearnt

thatthenutritionalvalueofdatesiskeyandthelongertheirgrowingtimethe

highertheirnutritionalvalue.Yetsomefarmersharvestearlyandusechemicals

toartificiallyripenthedates,therebydiminishingtheirnutritionalquality.

Thesedatesarelargeandsmooth,or“plumpy(baoman饱满)”,whileorganic

datesaresmallerandwrinkly.

Oneday,amaninhis50sstoppedbythebooth.Glancingatthepacketofdates

openfortasting,hepickedoneup,tookalookandbegantocomplain:“Theyare

toowrinkly”,hesaidoverandoveragain.“Iknowathingortwoabout

farming”,hecontinued,“andIknowthatdatesshouldbeplumpy”.Nomatter

whatIsaid,herefusedtolisten.Iencouragedhimtotasteone,butherefused.

Throughouttheday,Iencounteredothercustomerswhorespondedsimilarly.

Theywereshockedatorganicdates’wrinklyappearance.

Althoughexemplaryagriculturalistsarenotalwayshappytodoso,sometimes

theytrytoaccommodatethisculturallogic.Sortingworkcanthusbeamajor

taskatexemplaryfarms(seefigure7.1).AtZiranFarm,forexample,ittakes

threetofourdaystosortthroughatubofsoybeans.Theresultisfiveorsix

kilogramsofsoybeansthatdonothaveanyblemishesordiscolourations.The

remainderisconsumedonthefarm.Inaddition,atChuantongFarmelderly

femaleworkersspendeachmorningharvestingproducescheduledfordelivery

296

laterthatday.Theythenspendalongtimecuttingoffunsightlyleaves,stems

andothercomponents(whicharefedtothegoats).

Figure7.1XiaoMeng,JiangShifu’sassistantatChuantongFarm,withaneighbourwhoislendinghismachinerytopolishrice.XiaoMengisshowingtheneighbortheexactcolourhewants.

AndatAilanFarminChongmingIsland,IhelpedBihuapackchickeneggsfor

deliverytohercustomersinShanghaicity.Shecarefullyinstructedmenotto

packeggsthataretoosmallortoobig,explaining:“Iftheyaretoosmall,the

customerwillbeupset.Iftheyaretoobig,thecustomerwillwantalltheireggs

297

thatsize.Tosaveusthetrouble,wejustremovethesmallandbigonesandeat

themourselves.Weensurealltheireggsareasimilarmediumsize”.

Sortingproceduresundertakenbyathirdpartyinafactoryalienatethe

matsutakemushroomfromitsvalue,whichisthelabourandexpertiseofthe

forager.Fortheorganiccommodity,however,sortingtakesplaceatthe

exemplaryfarmitself;thereisnothirdpartythatinterferesorcomesbetween

exemplaryfarms’labourandthecustomer.Yeturbanaestheticpreferencesstill

havethepotentialtoalienatetheorganiccommodityfromitsvalue,whichisthe

alternativewaysofcitylivingenabledthroughthepositiveruralityembedded

inside.

Atomato,forexample,thatundergoesaprocessofaestheticsortingrisks

becoming,inthewordsofLiuShan,“justanothertomato”thatfulfillsurban

expectationsinsteadofchallengingthemwith“whatarealtomatolookslike”.

Onlybyovercomingtheirreluctancetomarketingandadvertisingdid

exemplaryagriculturalistsfindasolutiontothisconundrum.

298

PromotingOrganicCommoditiesandCounteringUrbanFoodAesthetics

YanShi,anorganicfarmerinBeijing,andhercolleaguesbelievesuccessin

Chinademandsadegreeofpoliticalawareness“amongthefarm’soperatorsas

theypromoteandpublicizethefarm”(Shietal2011:556).Theyadvocate

workingwithlocalauthoritiessotheytoounderstandtheorganicfarm’sgoals

andphilosophy.Thishelpsensurelicensesareacquiredsmoothlyandgenerally

createsahospitableenvironment.

Exemplaryagriculturalists,bycontrast,avoidinteractingwithgovernment

departmentsandofficialsunlessabsolutelynecessary.Onlysixoutof13

exemplaryagriculturalistsevenbothertocollectthegovernmentagricultural

subsidiesowedtothem.Furthermore,localregulationsdonotpermitany

constructiononagriculturalland.Butcourtinglocalofficialscancircumvent

this.ZhiquanfromMengkeFarm,forexample,wasallowedtobuildwooden

hutsonhisfarm.Woodenhutsaresmallerversionsofthesummercottages

MelissaCaldwellstudiedinpost-SovietRussia(calleddacha)(Caldwell2011).

Theyareextremelypopularwithvisitingurbanresidentsandmanystay

overnight,sleepinginsleepingbagsandembracingsimpleliving.Zhiquan’s

relationshipwithhislocalgovernmentisunusual,however,andmost

exemplaryagriculturalistsavoidtalkingtolocalofficialsastheybelieveitis“too

exhausting(taileile太累了)”.66

66Organicfarmsthatcourtrelationswithauthoritiesareoftendespised.IrecalldiscussingafarmcalledSanmuFarmwithanumberofexemplaryagriculturalistsattheCommunity-SupportedAgricultureConferenceinShanghai.NoneofthemrespectSanmuFarmbecausetheybelieveitistoobusiness-orientated.Theyalsoquestiontheethicsofitsowners,astheirsalesseemexcessivebasedontheirlandsize.Thissuggeststheyaresourcingfromelsewhere.During

299

Exemplaryagriculturalistsalsobegantheirmissionwithasimilarlyapolitical

stancetowardanyformofpromotionalactivity.Ontheonehand,theyequate

marketingandadvertisingwithprofit-focusedbusinessesandthemodern

urbaneconomy.Theybelieveadvertisingisamanipulativeprocessand

undertakensimplytomoveunwanted,unnecessaryandevenharmfulproducts

topeoplethatdonotneedthem.Tothem,advertisements“cookupconcepts

(chaogainian炒概念)”.

TherearesomeparallelsbetweenexemplaryagricultureandAmish

communitiesintheUS.IntheirexaminationofanAmishorganicfarming

cooperativeinnortheastOhio,MattMariolaandDavidMcConnelldiscusshow

thecooperativemanagescontradictionsbetweenthebureaucraticorganic

certificationprocessandgovernmentfoodsafetyregulationswithAmish

practicesofself-imposedtechnologicalrestraintandareluctancetoovertly

markettheirproduce(Mariola&McConnell2013).AlthoughAmish

communitiesaregenerallyperceivedasapoliticalandantitheticaltomodernity,

thethreatoflosingtheiragrarianheritageandvalues,compoundedwithrising

“socialills”suchasalcoholismamongstAmishyouth,ledthemtoadopthigh-

valueorganicfarmingtopreservetheirwayoflife.Anumberofsufficiently

liberalAmishleadersworkedwiththeircommunity,encouragingand

facilitatingpreparationfororganiccertificationandmeetingitsongoing

theconversation,someoneaskedwhySanmuFarmwasnotpresentattheConference,towhichBihuafromAilanFarmrepliedinacontemptuousmanner:“Ohyouknow,theyareprobablyoutcourtinggovernmentofficials(Zaiwaimiangenzhengfugaohaoguanxi在外面跟政府搞好关系)”.Everyoneelsenodded.

300

standards.Theyforgedalinkbetweentheirreclusivecommunityandthewider

commercialmarket.

Exemplaryagriculturalists,likewise,realisedtheyhadtodosomethingto

promotetheirproduce,lesttheybecomeservantstourbancustomersandtheir

aestheticpreferences.AsYiXiaowufromNongHaoFarmers’Marketputsit:“If

theydon’tadvertise,whowillknowaboutthem?No-one!(Ruguotamenbuzuo

yixietuiguang,meijigerenzhidaotamen!如果他们不做⼀些推⼴，没⼏个⼈知道他

们!)”.

Exemplaryagriculturalistsovercametheirreluctancetomarketingand

advertisingbyreconceptualisingwhatitiscapableofachieving.Manyslowly

cametoregardadvertisingasaformofsocialjusticethataddresses“realsocial

problems”.Theyrealisedtheycouldadvertisetopromotetheirexemplary

projectandvisionofChinesemodernity.Moreimmediately,theycouldalso

counterthecultureofurbanfoodaestheticsandinformurbaniteswhatorganic

producereallylookslike.

Whenexemplaryagriculturalistsandotherorganicfarmersadvertise,Iam

oftenpleasantlysurprised.Ifindtheirapproachesasthoughtful,cleverand

strategicasthosecreatedbyprofessionaladvertisingagenciesfortheir

multinationalanddomesticcorporateclientsinChina.Anadvertisementmade

bytheBeijingFarmers’Market,anorganicfarmers’market,isacaseinpoint.

ChangTianle,oneofthemarket’sfounders,wastiredandfrustratedwithurban

customersrepeatedlyaskingforvegetablesthatare“tooperfect(taiwanmei太

301

完美)”.Shewantedtoeducateurbancustomersastowhatvegetablestendedto

andgrownorganicallyreallylooklike.

Inresponse,thefarmers’marketcreatedanadvertisementandplacediton

theirsocialmediahomepage(seefigure7.2).Theadvertisementshows

differently-shapedcucumberswithaclevercaption.Itreads,“Natural

cucumbers;somearecurved,somearestraight”.Whilemanycustomersaskfor

perfectlystraightcucumbers,theadvertclearlyillustratesthatthisisnot

alwaysthecasefororganically-grownproduce.

Figure7.2BeijingFarmers’Market’scucumberadvertisement.

Explicitintheadvertisementisaplayontheword“curved”.TheChineseword

forcurvediswan(弯).Ineverydaylanguage,wanisalsoalight-hearted

synonymforhomosexuality.Implicitintheadvertisementisthenotionofwhat

thetruenatureandappearanceofacucumbercanbe.Justlikehomosexuality

302

canbesomeone’ssexualpreference(theirtrue‘nature’),acucumberthatisa

little“curved”canalsorepresentthetruenatureofwhatvegetableslooklike

whenfarmerstendtoandgrowthemorganically.67

Inanotherexample,BihuaandherhusbandXiezhenfromAilanFarmin

ChongmingIslandproducedaseriesofInternetads,postingthemacrosstheir

socialmediaaccounts.Theseriesofsixadvertisementsshowphotosoftheir

farmandchickenswithdifferenteducationalmessagesascaptions.Theyall

stressthehighqualityoflifetheirchickensleadandinferthesuperiormoral

qualityoftheireggs.

Oneadvertisementshowsaroosterstandinginahugeandspaciousfield.The

captionbelowstates:“Thisbossenjoysalifestyleeventhemostcorruptpeople

canonlydreamabout.KnowwhatImean?”Anotheradvertisementshowsa

sceneinsidealargechickentent,wherechickenshaveamplespacebothonthe

groundandonshelvestowalk,restandsleep.Thecaptionstates,“Notall

chickenscansleepinsomuchspace”.TheseadvertisementsdistinguishAilan

67ThecucumberadvertfromtheBeijingFarmers’MarketisverysimilarinapproachtoUnileverandDove’s(apersonalcarebrand)campaignforRealBeauty.Launchedworldwidein2004,includinginChina,theglobalDutchconsumergoodscompanywantedto“widenthedefinitionofbeauty”withthiscampaignbyshowingwomenofdifferentbodilyshapes,sizesandageintheiradvertisements.Unileverexplaintheirapproachasfollows:

“ImagineaWorldWhereBeautyisaSourceofConfidence,NotAnxiety.TheDovebrandisrootedinlisteningtowomen.Basedonthefindingsofamajorglobalstudy,TheRealTruthAboutBeauty:AGlobalReportDovelaunchedtheCampaignforRealBeautyin2004.Thecampaignstartedaglobalconversationabouttheneedforawiderdefinitionofbeautyafterthestudyprovedthehypothesisthatthedefinitionofbeautyhadbecomelimitingandunattainable.Amongthestudy’sfindingswasthestatisticthatonly2%ofwomenaroundtheworldwoulddescribethemselvesasbeautiful.Since2004,Dovehasemployedvariouscommunicationvehiclestochallengebeautystereotypesandinvitewomentojoinadiscussionaboutbeauty.In2010,Doveevolvedthecampaignandlaunchedanunprecedentedefforttomakebeautyasourceofconfidence,notanxiety,withtheDoveMovementforSelf-Esteem”(Dove2015).

303

Farmfrom(corrupt)industrialchickenfarms.Byimplyingthattheirchickens

leadahappierandhealthierlifeandarelookedafter,BihuaandXiezhen

effectivelysuggesttheyoperateoutsidethefraudulentmainstreammarketina

separateandautonomousmoraleconomy.

Finally,LiGeng,anorganicfarmernearWuhancityinHubeiprovince,wishesto

educatehisurbancustomersabouttheagrarianwisdomofChina.Hisfarm’s

name,carefullycraftedtodoso,isperhapsthemostcreativeillustrationof

marketingIobserved.HisfarmiscalledMr.Li’sAuthenticProduce

DemonstrationFarm(ShiZhenLiShengNongzhuangShifanqu食真李⽣农庄示范

区).ThisisanawkwardtranslationandtheEnglishdoesnotconveytherich

meaningofthefarm’snamenorthecreativeinterpretationLiGengappliestoit.

Infact,hespentoveronehourexplainingtheentiremeaningtomewhenwe

metattheNaturalFarmingCampinZhejiangprovince.

AsLiGengexplained,thefirstcharacterofhisfarm’snameis食(Shi)andmeans

“food”.Thischaracterisitselfcomposedoftwocharacters:⼈(ren,onthetop,

meaning“person”)and良 (liang,onthebottom,meaning“goodpeople”though

suggestingsomeonewithgoodmorality[seechaptereightforadiscussionof

liang]).Thus,only“goodpeople”canandshouldproducefood.

Thesecondcharacter真(Zhen,meaning“true;real;genuine”)isopposedtothe

fake.ThedirectoppositeofzheninChineseis假 (jia).NowLiGengreallybegins

tostretchhisinterpretiveskills,andextrapolatesconsiderably.Another

characterwithasimilarmeaningtojiais伪(wei),whichmeans“false;fake;

304

bogus”.Weiisitselfcomposedoftwocharacters:⼈(renagainandontheleftas

theradical亻),and为(wei,ontheright,whichmeans“do;act”).Thus,the

‘thingspeopledo’,orman-madethings(LiGengcallstheindustrialfoodsystem

“so-calledscience”),isfakeandopposedtogenuinefoodsuchasorganically-

producedfood,whichiszhen.

Thethirdandfourthcharacters李⽣(LiSheng)refertoLiGenghimselfand

mean“Mr.Li”.YetthesecharactersalsorefertoanotherMr.Li,beingLiShizhen

(李时珍),thesixteenthcenturyMingDynastyChineseherbologistwhois

eternallyfamousforhisworkCompendiumofMateriaMedica(BencaoGangmu

本草纲目).MateriaMedicaclassifiesalmost2,000plants,animals,mineralsand

otheritemsbelievedtohavemedicinalproperties.Italsocontainsover11,000

prescriptionstotreatvariousillnessesusingnaturalremedies.Itisan

extraordinarypieceofworkandmanyofLiShizhen’sentrieshaveproven

reliable.ItslegacyinChinahasbeentoaffirmthedeepconnectionbetween

foodandmedicine,leadingtothewell-knownfour-characteridiom“Medicine

andfoodhavethesamesource(YaoShiTongYuan药食同源)”.

Inaddition,thefirsttwocharactersofthefarm’sname,食真(ShiZhen),or

“genuinefood”isactuallyanotherreferencetoLiShizhenasithasthesame

phonetic.Thus,inonlyfourcharacters,LiGengexplains,hehascommunicated

hisfarm’ssuperiormorality,itsqualityfoodanditsconnectionwithoneof

China’smostfamoushistoricalfigureswhohelpedestablishtheconnection

betweendietandhealth.

305

Theremainingcharactersinthefarm’snamearemoreself-explanatory.The

nexttwocharacters农庄(Nongzhuang)means“farm”.Thefinalthreecharacters

示范区 (Shifanqu)means“demonstrationarea”.Inchoosingthesefinalthree

characters,LiGengexplainshewantstobemorethanjustafarm;hewantsto

showandteachhisurbancustomersthehealthbenefitsofvariousfoodsand,at

thesametime,unmaskinherentChineseagrarianknowledgeandwisdom.He

believesthatnowadaysurbanChinesearehighlyignorantofthisknowledge.

Table7.1belowsummarisesthemeaningofthefarm’snameasnarratedbyLi

Geng.Icanonlyimaginehowmanytimeshesharedsimilarwordyexplanations

withinquiringcustomersjustashedidwithme.

306

Character Pronunciation Literalmeaning LiGeng’sinterpretation Additionallayerofmeaning

食 Shi Food

Comprisingcharactersmeaning“person”and“goodpeople”,andindicatingthatonlyapersonofgoodmoralscanandshouldproducefood. ShiZhenisalsoaphoneticreference

toLiShizhen.

真 Zhen True;real;genuineOpposedto“false;fake”and“man-madethings”,thusonlyorganicfoodiszhen.

李 Li Asurname

ReferringtoLiGenghimself.

AlsoreferringtoLiShizhen(李时珍),thesixteenthcenturyMingDynastyChineseherbologistwhohelpedestablishtheconnectionbetweendietandhealth.

⽣ Sheng Mister/Mr.

农

庄 Nongzhuang Farm - -

示

范

区

Shifanqu Demonstrationarea

Implyingmorethanafarm.ToteachcustomersaboutthehealthbenefitsofvariousfoodsandrevealChineseagrarianwisdom.

-

Table7.1ExplanationofLiGeng’sfarmname,asnarratedbyLiGeng.

307

Conclusion:GettingReadytoEngagetheUrbanConsumer

Thischapterbeginstodefetishtheeconomicrelationshipssurrounding

exemplaryagriculture.Ishowthatexemplaryagriculturalists’organicproduce

–exemplaryartifactsandorganiccommodities–aretheproductofan

experimentalmindset,atmosphereandprocess;theyareprecedents.By

capturingpositiveruralitywithintheexemplaryartifact,exemplary

agriculturalistshopethatwhentheybecomeorganiccommoditiestheywill

compelurbancustomerstorethinktheirrelationshiptofoodingeneral,food

producersinthecountrysideandsubsequentlywithruralChina.Ultimately,

customerscanimprovetheirexperienceofurbanmodernity.

Justhowsuccessfulexemplaryagriculturalistsareisthesubjectofthenext

chapter.Theirsuccessdependsonwhethertheycanensureorganic

commoditiesretainthepositiveruralityinfusedinsideexemplaryartifacts.The

centralquestionisasfollows:docustomersgainaccesstovisionsofalternative

waysofcitylivingfollowingthepurchaseofanorganiccommodity,orarethey

alienatedfromit?

308

309

ChapterEight.TheCustomer:ChineseConsumers&theStrugglefor

Reciprocity

AswepulledoutofJiandanFarm,JuHaodrovecarefullyalongamakeshiftroad

foraboutonekilometretowardthehighway.Slowlyandcarefully,henavigated

hiscaralongthenarrowandbumpydirtroadthatrecentwinterrainshad

madeworse.Thebackofhiscarwasfullypackedwithboxesofchickeneggs,20

eggsinabox,eachfilledwithsawdusttopreventbreakage.JuHaowasstill

afraidthatifhedrovetoofastonthebumpyroadsomeeggswouldbreak

beforewereachedthehighway.

JuHaohadnotexpectedtopacksomanyeggsthistripandwewerediscussing

hisplanstosellthem.Heexplaineditwasgoingtobedifficult.Later,onceon

thehighway,acallcamethroughonJuHao’smobilephone.Thecallerhadjust

reviewedJiandanFarm’swebsiteandwascallingtomakealargepurchaseof

organiceggsasChineseNewYeargiftsforhiscolleagues.Ithoughthow

fortuitousthecallwasandthatJuHao’sproblemsweresolved.Iwassurprised

tohearJuHaotellthecallerthathewasallsoldoutofeggs.WhenIaskedwhy

hesaidthat,heavoidedadirectanswerandmumbledthathedidn’tknowthe

caller.IwaspuzzledwhyJuHaowouldrefusesuchalargecustomerorderright

whenhereallyneededit.

310

Severalmonthslater,IwitnessedoneofthemostextraordinaryencountersI

everobservedbetweenanexemplaryagriculturalistandacustomer.Afemale

customerinHangzhoupurchasedtenkilogramsofricefromOldDuatDuoyan

Farm.Shortlyafterreceipt,herhusbandcontactedOldDucomplainingthatthe

ricecontainedsomeblackgrains.OldDuassuredhimtheyarejustdiscoloured

grains,notdirtorsand.

Thehusbandwasnotpersuadedandrudelydemandedasolution.Unfussed,Old

Dupresentedthehusbandwiththreechoices:first,hecouldexchangetherice

foranotherbatch;second,hecouldreturnthericeandhavehismoney

refunded;third,hecouldreturntherice,havehismoneyrefundedandreceive

anadditionalamountofmoneyhecoulddecideforhimselftocompensatehim

andhiswifeforanyinconveniencecaused.ItisobviousOldDuistestingthe

husband,buttestingwhatexactly?

AccordingtoOldDu,thepresentationofthesechoicesforcesthehusbandto

reflectonhisbehaviour,histreatmentofOldDuand,mostimportantly,his

attitudetowardtheorganiccommodity.Hadhechosenanyofthethreeoptions,

OldDuwaspreparedtomeethisendofthebargain.Asithappened,however,

thecoupleoptedforanoptionnotpresented;theykepttheiroriginalten

kilogramsofriceandateit.ThisistheidealoptionforOldDubecausethrough

thischoicethecouplesuccessfullydemonstratestheirmoralworthas

customersbyunconditionallyacceptingtheorganiccommodity(evenifthey

werecompelled).

311

Thischapterexplorestwoimportantquestionsraisedbythesefieldwork

experiences;whoareexemplaryagriculturalists’customersandwhatisthe

natureoftherelationshipbetweenthem?Naturally,exemplaryagriculturalists

needcustomersbecausetheyproviderevenue.Moreimportantly,however,as

theprimarytargetsoftheexemplaryproject,onlyurbancustomerscanaffirm

theworkofexemplaryagriculturalists.Whilecustomerscancertainlybe

difficultanddemanding,thestoriesofJuHaoandOldDuillustratethat

exemplaryagriculturalistsarehighlyselectiveindecidingexactlywhomthey

selltoaswellastheconditionsofsale.Simplyput,exemplaryagriculturalistsdo

notbelievethateverybodyisqualifiedtobetheircustomer.

IbeginthischapterbydiscussingthenatureofcontemporaryChinese

consumerismandbroadlyoutliningwhoarethecustomersofexemplary

agriculture.Ithenintroduceanddiscussfarmers’marketsinShanghaicity,the

mostimportantvenueforexemplaryagriculturaliststointeractwithurban

residentsandpromotetheirmovement.Ishowhowexemplaryagriculturalists

andcustomersaliketrytogaincontrolduringserviceencountersatfarmers’

markets.

Theseencountersrevealthetensionbetweentheexemplaryprojectandthe

natureofChineseconsumerism.Whereastheformerexpectsreciprocity,the

latterdemandsdeference.Throughananalysisofkeyanthropologicaltheories

ofreciprocity,Ishowexactlywhatexemplaryagricultureexpectsfromits

customers.Lastly,Idiscussasomewhatdifferentfarmers’marketinBeijingcity

thatalsocomprisesindependentandsmall-scaleorganicfarmers.

312

TheUrbanChineseConsumer:DemandingyetInsecure

AnumberofscholarsdiscusstheexperiencesofurbanChinesethroughoutthe

reformera.Theynotearetreatofthestatefrommanyspheresofsociallifeand

subsequentreplacementbymarketforces.Thistrendiscommonlyunderstood

asatransitionamongsturbanresidentsfromsocialistproducerstourban

consumers.

InhereditedcollectionofessaysTheConsumerRevolutioninUrbanChina

(Davis2000),DeborahDavisexploressomeofthepersonalandinterpersonal

consequencesofthisdramaticchangeineverydaylife.Thebookincludesessays

onavarietyofnewformsofrelationshipsenabledbythemarket,from

residentialhousingandfoodshoppingpracticestothegiftingofgreetingcards

andsocialactivitiessuchasbowling.

Daviscallsthenewandnovelrelationshipscitizensformwitheachother

“horizontalrelationships”,drawingattentiontotheirdiminishingrelianceon

thestateand“verticalrelationships”.Daviscallstheseprocessesa“consumer

revolution”,notingthatthepurchaseandconsumptionofcommercially

producedgoodsandservicesincreasinglycharacterisesurbanChinese

culture.68

68ElisabethCrolloutlinesthreedistinctstagesofthisconsumerrevolution(Croll2006).First,whenagriculturalquotaswererelaxedforruralresidentsinthe1980s,spendingonnecessitiesandbasicitemssuchasclothing,foodandhouseholddurablesincreased.Second,intheearly1990sshoppingbecameapopularpastimewhenurbanincomesbegantorise.ItwasalsoatthistimethatbrandingandadvertisingreallytookoffinChina,encouragingurbanChinesetouse

313

Theterm“revolution”suggestsafundamentalchangeorrevisioninthecourse

ofevents(Williams1983).Somescholars,however,trytounderstandwhether

thezealunderlyingcontemporaryChineseconsumerismisarecent

phenomenonoractuallyanovelmanifestationofsomethingmoreengrained.

JiweiCi,forexample,arguesthatprocessesofconsumerisminChinacontain

bothdisjunctureandcontinuitywiththepast(Ci1994).Cibelievesthe

hedonismandbuyingexuberancefoundinconsumptionpracticesinthereform

eraactuallyevolvedfromthe“socialistcraze”oftheMaoera.Inthewordsof

anotherscholarwhoholdsasimilarviewpoint:“socialismhadtrained[Chinese]

todesire,capitalismsteppedintoletthembuy”(Borneman,inFleischer2007:

304).

Infact,theseedsofcontemporaryChineseconsumerismwereplantedeven

earlier.JoeStudwellarguesthatsincethetimeofMarcoPolo(1254–1324)

foreigngovernmentsandbusinesseshavebelievedChinatoholdunimaginable

richesanduntoldfortunes(Studwell2002).ThesheersizeofChina’s

populationsymbolisesthispotential,bothinthepastandpresent.The

AmericanadvertiserCarlCrowdescribeshisexperiencessellingconsumer

goodssuchaslipstickandpantyhoseinShanghaicityinthe1930sand1940sin

hisbook400MillionCustomers(Crow2008).Andrecentpopularbookson

China’sconsumermarketcontinuetocelebrateitsscale;titlesincludeOne

BillionCustomers(McGregor2005)andBillions(Doctoroff2005).

brandedgoodsandservicestoexperimentwithnewidentities.Andthird,sincethelate1990sthescaleandscopeofmarketingactivityhasproliferatedastheabilityoftechnologiessuchastheInternetandmobilephonestomagnifymarketingpracticesintensified.

314

Sincethebeginningofthereformera,anincreasingnumberofprivateChinese

firmsandstateenterpriseswithindependentseniormanagementare

determinedtocapturethelion’sshareofChina’sexpandingdomesticmarket.

Theyengageinendlessmarketingtussleswithcountlessmultinational

corporationswholooktoChinaastheirmust-wininternationalmarket.For

manyglobalfirms,strongbusinessperformanceinChinacompensatesfor

weakerperformanceinWesternEuropeandtheUS.Competitiontogain

consumerloyaltyandmarketshareisintense.

Bytheendofthetwentiethcentury,Chinawascelebratedasoneofthelargest

andmostappealingconsumermarketsintheworld.KarlGerth,historianof

China,claims“WhatiscertainisthatChina’sfutureandthefutureoftheworld

willbeprofoundlyshapedbyChina’srushtowardconsumerism”(Gerth2011:

17).Moreover,TheEconomistnewspapercallsChinaoneoftheworld’smost

“sophisticatedconsumermarkets”(TheEconomist2014).

Enjoyingthebenefitsofchoiceprovidedbyallthiscompetition,urbanChinese

havebeenpropelledintoapositionofprivilegeandsuperiority,especiallyin

internationalandcosmopolitancitiessuchasShanghai.Insuchan

accommodatingenvironment,aconsumerconsciousnessandidentity

characterisedbyadiscourseofconsumerhegemonysolidifiedamongstthe

urbanmiddle-classes.Consumerhegemonyisconcernedwithpower;itisthe

expectationurbanresidentshavethatdeferencewillbeextendedtothem(or

canbeextracted)atmost,ifnotall,oftheirserviceencounters.

315

Deferencetakesdifferentforms.Institutionaliseddeferencehasemergedwithin

manybusinessesinthetwenty-firstcentury.Thesebusinessesareeagerto

maintaincordialrelationswithanincreasinglydemandingurbanChinese

consumer.Whilethisisnotlimitedtomultinationalcompanies,theygenerally

maketheheadlines.In2009,forexample,TheEconomistnewspaperbeganto

publishtheirSinodependencyIndex,acomprehensiveindexofthedependence

ofmultinationalfirmsontheChineseeconomy(TheEconomist2012).Itindexes

theamountofglobalrevenueattributedtoChina.Themostrecentindexfrom

2012showsYUM!,ownerandoperatoroffast-foodchainsKentuckyFried

Chicken(KFC)andPizzaHut,atthetopofthelistwithChinaaccountingfor

over50percentoftotalglobalrevenue.

KFChasbeensubjecttonumerouswidely-publicisedfoodsafetyincidentsin

China–includingtheincidentIdiscussinchapterfourconcerningexcessive

antibioticusageinruralchickenfarms–thathavenegativelyinfluencedtheir

Chinabusinessperformance.JamesWatsonarguesthatwhenMcDonald’s

enteredEastAsia,promisesofrestaurantcleanlinessandfoodhygiene

attractedmanyurbanconsumersbecauseitcontrastedsharplywiththeir

negativeexperiencesofpubliceateriesinthepast(Watson2006).Oneofthe

reasonsforthedisproportionatepublicoutcryinChinaagainstwesternfast-

foodrestaurantchainswhentheyerr,asKFCdid,islinkedtotheexpectation

thattheserestaurantssolvehygieneandcleanlinessissues,notcreatenewones.

316

Inasurprisingmovetoregainconsumertrust,in2014KFCbeganheavilyairing

atelevisioncommercialfeaturingYUM’sChinaChairmandirectlyaddressing

Chineseconsumers(KFC2014).Intheadvert,theChairmanreiteratesKFC’s

commitmenttofoodsafety.Thisapproachisunusualbecauseitstarkly

contrastswithtypicalfast-foodadvertisinginChina,whichdepictsteenagers

socialisingandhavingfunoryoungofficeworkersenjoyingvaluemealsduring

squeezedworkdaylunches.Whilesomewesternbusinessesmakeahabitof

regularlyfeaturingtheirleaderorfounderinmarketingcampaigns,suchasSir

RichardBransonofVirginGroupintheUKandJimPerdue,thethirdgeneration

leaderofPerdueFarmsintheUS,thisisrareforlargebusinessesinChina.

Inanothercase,theFrenchretailerCarrefourcameunderfirein2008when

pro-TibetanprotestsdisturbedtheOlympictorchrelayasitmadeitsway

throughFrance(Bergstrom2012).AsBeijingwerepreparingtohostthe

Olympicsthatyear,Carrefour’sChinabusinesswaseagertoavoidanynegative

publicity.Followingtheincident,theypublicallystatedthattheywouldnever

“harmChinesepeople’sfeelings”.EventhoughCarrefourinChinahadnothing

todowiththeeventsthattookplaceinFrance,theircommentsillustratethe

extenttowhichglobalfirmsdependonChineseconsumersandtheir

willingnesstomaintaincordialrelations.Inotherwords,itillustrateshow

muchdeferencetheyarewillingtoextendtoChineseconsumers.

DeferenceisalsoakeyfeatureofcustomerandstaffrelationsinChinaatan

individuallevel.Inherresearchintoclassdistinctionacrossthreeretail

environmentsinHarbincity,Heilongjiangprovince,AmyHanserdescribesthe

317

trainingnewstaffreceiveataprivately-ownedluxurydepartmentstore

(Hanser2008).Sheobservesthatthe“customerisalwaysright”mantrais

embodiedinbodylanguage,suchasnevercrossingone’sarmsorpointingwith

afinger(anopenpalmispreferred).Inaddition,shereceivedstrictadvice

nevertoassertherselftoacustomer,lestsheangerthem.Hanserwaseventold

thatthereislittleneedtointroducemerchandise,ascustomersseethemselves

asexpertsandgetoffendedifsomeoneelseappearstobemoreknowledgeable

thantheyare.Shelearntnevertocarryherownpurseinherpocketwhen

workingonthesalesfloorincaseacustomerlosthisorherownwalletorpurse

andfalselyaccuseherofstealing.

Hansersummarisestherelationshipbetweenstaffandcustomersattheluxury

departmentstoreasfollows:“Thekeyopportunityforrecognizingcustomers’

classprivilege,however,wastheserviceencounter,whichwastypifiedbya

lackofreciprocitybetweencustomerandclerk”(Hanser2008:108,emphasis

added).

Inaddition,inhisresearchatforeign-ownedretailstoresinShanghaicity,Jos

GamblenoteshowJapanese-ownedstoresimporttheircustomofbowingto

eachindividualcustomerastheyenterthestore(Gamble2007;Gamble2009).

Moreover,inordertomanagechallengingcustomers,UK-ownedstoresconduct

role-playingexercises.Staffmembersatthesestoresbelievethatinthepast

urbanChineseconsumerswereonlyinterestedinprice,whilenowthey

demandserviceandrespectbutdonotreciprocate.

318

SomeChineseextractdeferencetogreateffect.HaiWang,ayoungmanfrom

Shandongprovince,becamefamousinthemid1990swhenherepeatedlyand

successfullytookadvantageofaprovisionintheConsumerProtectionLawthat

makessellerswhoengageinfraudulentactivityliableforcompensationtwice

thevalueoftheoriginalpurchase.Inanemergingandrapidlyexpanding

consumermarketsuchasChina,counterfeitproductswereeverywhere,and

Wangdeliberatelysoughtoutsuchproducts.MichaelPalmerexplains:

[HaiWang]hasbeencastbytheChinaConsumers’Associationinheroicmouldasacitizenbattlingagainstthestatusquoinanefforttoenhanceconsumerwelfarebystrategicuseoflitigation,andnowrunsaconsultingcompanyforconsumers(Palmer,M.2006:76).

ButwhilethecontemporaryChineseconsumerisdemandingandcarriesanair

ofsuperiority,itisnonethelessafragileandinsecuresenseofsuperiority.This

isespeciallythecasewhenitcomestofoodandfoodsafetyconcerns.Iregularly

witnessedtheunusualbehaviouritcouldtrigger.Intheearlystagesofmy

fieldwork,IwentshoppingwithanumberofChinesetoobservehowthey

decidewhatfoodtopurchase.Ingeneral,Iaccompaniedfemaleswhoshopfor

theirhousehold.Theyeithershopfortheirhusbandandyoungchild(whenthey

arethemother)orfortheiradultchild,theirchild’sspouseandtheirgrandchild

(whentheyarethegrandmother).

AmongstthenumerousstrategiesIwitnessed,onestoodout:theheavyreliance

onrumoursandgossip.Regardlessofthesource,thewomenIaccompanied

tookeveryfoodsafetyrumourtheyheardseriouslyjustincaseitwastrue.

Theyimmediatelystoppedpurchasingthecategoryorbrandinquestionuntil

319

theissuewasresolved.Inthiscontext,rumoursandgossipfulfilahighly

importantfunction.BecausenewsinChinaisnotalwaystransparent,rumours

andgossipactas“explanatorydevices”,fillingingapsininformationstemming

frommediaandofficialaccounts(Stewart,P.&Strathern2004:548).

Thereisalimittohowmanyrumourscanberememberedatanygiventime,

whichisnomorethanfourorfive.Assuch,shoppersareconstantlyreshuffling

intheirmindstheitemstheyneedtoavoid.Itgivestheiranxietyaclearfocus.

Oncetheissueisresolved,however,theypurchasetheproductagainalmost

immediately.Asonemotherexplains,“Thiscompanyhasbeeninvestigatedand

theyfixedtheissue,sotheyaresafe.Butalltheseotheravailablechoices?Well,

Ijustdon’tknow”.

CustomersofExemplaryAgriculturalists

Thisistheenvironmentinwhichexemplaryagriculturalistsbuildtheir

customerbase,anenvironmentcharacterisedbyanurbanconsumeridentity

thathashighdemandsandexpectationsyetisinsecureregardingwhocanbe

trusted.Despitethischallengingcontext,exemplaryagriculturalistsmanageto

attractcustomers,slowlybutsurely.TheybelievethatasShanghaicityisa

relativelydevelopedconsumermarket,therewillbeenoughpeoplewhoaccept

organicproduce.Moreover,asacosmopolitanandinternationalcity,theyalso

believeitishometoalargenumberofpeoplesympathetictothecountryside.

LiuShanfromChuantongFarm,forexample,shiftedhisfocusfromHangzhouto

Shanghaicityinlate2013forthisveryreason.

320

AmongstShanghai’s13exemplaryagriculturalists,allbuttworeceiveatleast

70percentoftheirfarmincomefromsalestocustomersinShanghaicity.

DuoyanFarminZhejiangprovinceandFuYou’sOrganicFarminHunan

provincearethetwoexceptions.Theyhavemorecustomersinurbancentres

closertothem.Moreover,themajorityofexemplaryfarmsalsohavesmall

numbersofurbancustomersinBeijingcity,HangzhoucityinZhejiangprovince

andSuzhoucityinJiangsuprovince.

Notsurprisingly,householdsareexemplaryagriculturalists’primarycustomers.

Atallbutthreefarms,atleast70percentoffarmincomecomesfromsalesto

households,asopposedtobusinesses(suchasrestaurants)orincomefrom

farmactivities(jiedaohuodong接待活动).Ofthesethreefarms,twosella

significantamountoftheirproducetoorganicvegetarianrestaurants,and

ShengtaiFarmholdsenoughfarmactivitiesforittoconstituteasignificant

proportionoftheirincome.Takingallthisintoaccount,the‘typical’or‘average’

customerofexemplaryagricultureisafemaleagedbetween30to45yearsold

inShanghaicitywholiveswithherhusbandandchild.

Sometimesthecustomeralsoliveswithherparentsorparents-in-law.Assuch,

exemplaryagriculturalistsoftencontendwithgenerationalconflict.Itisnot

uncommonforparentsorparents-in-lawoftheaspiringcustomertoblockthe

purchase.Theyeitherbelieveitisimpossibletogrowgrainsorvegetables

withoutpesticidesorthatthepriceistoohigh.Inhiseditedvolume

investigatingchildren’sfoodincontemporaryChina,JunJingshowsthat

321

childrenhaveagreatdealofinfluence,or“pester-power”,overparents’

purchasesofindustrially-producedfood(e.g.brandedsnacksandsweets)(Jing

2000).Ifinditinteresting,however,thatwhenitcomestoagriculturalproduce,

itistheolderparentswhooftenhavethefinalsay.

Concerningprice,theparentsandparents-in-lawarecorrect.Basedonaprice

surveyIconducted,organiccommoditiescosttwotofourtimesmorethan

conventionalretailalternatives.Table8.1belowlistsaveragepricesandprice

rangesfororganiccommodities,aswellasaveragepricesfromapopularonline

store,YiHaoDian.

PricesofOrganicCommoditiesRetailPricesforSameItem

ItemAveragepriceper

kg(CNY)Rangeperkg

(CNY)Onlinepriceperkg

(CNY)69Rice⼤米 30 24–36 6.80Beans⾖ 42 30–80 18.10Flour面粉 22 14–40 6.80

Vegetables蔬菜 26 24–40 18.50Eggs蛋 114 40–176 21.10

Table8.1Pricecomparisonoforganiccommoditiesandalternatives.Note:1kilogramofeggscontainsapproximately20eggs.

69OnlinepriceswereobtainedfromYiHaoDian(⼀号店www.yhd.com)inSeptember2015.YiHaoDianisthemostpopularonlineshoppingsiteinChinaandisusedextensivelybyShanghai’smiddle-classconsumers,evenforfood.Pricesshownareaveragesofthefivemostpopularselectionsineachproductcategory.Onlynon-organicanddomesticsuppliersareincludedinthecalculations.ThechoiceofYiHaoDian,ratherthanphysicalretailoutlets,forcomparisonisduetothedifficultyinestimatingaveragepricesfromsuchawidevarietyofretailchoicesacrossShanghaicity.Ingeneral,however,theaveragepricesasfoundinYiHaoDianareneithersignificantlyhighernorlowerthanmyobservationsinShanghaiinareaswhereIpersonallyshop.Theonlyexceptionisvegetables,whichareoftensignificantlycheaperinoutdoormarketswheretheycostbetweenCNY5-9perkilogram.

322

Organiccommoditiesareexpensive.Thislimitstheaccessibilityofexemplary

agriculturetofamilieswhohavemonthlyhouseholdincomesbetweenCNY

10,000toCNY50,000.Ofcourse,somecustomersareextremelywealthy.

Thetwoprimarysaleschannelsexemplaryagriculturalistsuseareonlinesales

andweeklyvegetableboxdeliveries.Thesetwochannelscontributebetween

80to95percentofsalesincome.ZiranFarm,forexample,mainlyproducesrice

andothergrainsandsellsthemthroughonlinechannels,whileChuantongFarm

focusesonvegetablesandoffersweeklyvegetableboxdeliveries.Bothofthese

saleschannelsrelyoncouriers(kuaidi快递)todeliverdirectlytothecustomer’s

door.

Thismeansthatthebulkofexemplaryagriculturalists’salesdonotrequire

face-to-facecontactwithcustomers.Thismakesfarmers’marketsinShanghai

cityallthemoreimportantfortheirexemplaryproject.

Farmers’MarketsinShanghaiCity:fortheOrganicFarmerorfortheCustomer?

Afarmers’marketistypicallyagatheringoflocalsmall-scaleproducersof

agricultural(andsometimesartisan)productswhocometogetheronaregular

basisatapredeterminedlocationtoselltheirproductsdirectlytocustomers.As

such,keycharacteristicsofafarmers’marketincludeface-to-faceinteraction

betweenproducersandcustomers,localsmall-scalevendorsandunprocessed

(orminimallyprocessed)foodproducts.Farmers’marketshavebeencredited

withnumerousbenefits,suchasstrengtheninglocalcommunities(Bell&

323

Beeston2011),connectingurbancitizenstoruralcommunities(Blumberg2014)

andrejuvenatingdowntownurbanareas(Bubinas2011).

Theideaoflocalproducerscomingtogethertoselldirectlytolocalcustomersis

notnewinChina.To“gotomarket;gotoafair(ganji赶集)”isthecommon

expressionusedtodescribeattendingaruralmarketinChina.Thesemarkets

aresimpleaffairslaidoutalongonesideofavillage’smainthoroughfare.

Farmers’marketshaveproliferatedacrossChinaoverthepastdecade.Like

exemplaryagriculture,manyareclass-basedresponsestosociopolitical

concernsandconnectedwithurban-ledorganicfarmingand/orrural

reconstructioninitiatives.

AttheCommunity-SupportedAgricultureConferenceIattendedinShanghai

cityinlate2013,onepresentershowedamapofChinafilledwithdotsmarking

thelocationofvariousfarmers’markets.Iwassurprisedtoseeatleast100dots

onthemap,clusteredthroughouttheeasterncoastalcities.

Despitetheirincreasingubiquity,however,farmers’marketspresentChinese

consumerswithahighlynovelretailenvironment,eveninthecosmopolitan

cityofShanghai.Obviously,farmers’marketsareunambiguouslydifferentto

othermodernretailenvironmentssuchassupermarketsandhypermarkets.On

initialappearance,however,theyappearsimilartotheolderandtraditional

indoorwetmarketsoroutdoorfoodmarkets;theyarealsoagatheringof

324

independentvendorssellingagriculturalproducewithinamake-shiftorsimple

buildingstructure,oroutdoorsliningthestreets.70

Farmers’markets,however,arefundamentallydifferent.Notonlydothey

advocateaproductthatChineseconsumersdonotunderstandverywell–

organicagriculturalproduce–theyarestaffedbytheproducerthemselvesor

theirlive-instaff.Indoorwetmarketsandoutdoorfoodmarketsneither

exclusivelysellorganicproduce(ifatall)noraretheystaffedbyactual

producers;theirvendorsarenormallyintermediaries(zhongjie中介).

Farmers’marketsdonotcontributemuchtoexemplaryagriculturalists’income.

Duringmyownexperiencebehindthebooth,onatypicalmarketdayIsold

produceworthbetweenCNY500toCNY2,000.Otherexemplary

agriculturaliststoldmethatiftheyearnedCNY3,000thiswasanexcellentday.

Yetbecauseexemplaryagriculturalistswantface-to-facecontactwithurban

residents,farmers’marketsareveryimportanttothem.Theyarea“platform

(pingtai平台)”forexemplaryagriculturaliststomeetregularcustomersand

promotetheirexemplaryprojecttoothers.

Therewereaboutfiveself-identifiedfarmers’marketsactiveinurbanShanghai

duringmyfieldwork.Exemplaryagriculturalistsfrequentedtwo:NongHaoand

ShengJiaChong.Theremainingmarketsweretoosmallandtooinfrequent,or

mainlysoldnon-agriculturalandartisanproducts,todiscussfurther.

70ThemarketalongDinghaiRoadinShanghaicityisagoodexampleofanoutdoorvegetablemarketattendeesofShanghai’sfarmers’marketsareallfamiliarwith.

325

NongHaoandShengJiaChongareplaces,asRenataBlumbergsaysoffarmers’

marketsinpostsocialistLithuania,where“ruralworkingagriculturelandscapes”

and“urbanconsumptionpractices”meet(Blumberg2014).Eachmarketthrives

offdiscoursesofurban/ruraldifference.NongHaoisprimarilyinterestedin

promotingtheexemplaryprojectandpositiverurality,orinBlumberg’swords,

“ruralworkingagriculturallandscapes”.ShengJiaChong,bycontrast,wantsto

satisfyurbanconsumers’growingdemandforsafeandhealthyfood.Itfeedsthe

discoursesofconsumerhegemonyandfoodsafety,or“urbanconsumption

practices”.Thisleadstoconflictandtensionbetweenthetwomarketsand

amongstexemplaryagriculturalists.

NongHaoFarmers’Market

NongHaoFarmers’Market(NongHaoNongfuShiji农好农夫市集)71isShanghai’s

firstfarmers’market(seemap1.1onpage41).Itcompriseslocaland

independentsmall-scaleorganicfarmers,includingmanyexemplary

agriculturalists.Themarket’soriginslieinOldZheng’sarrivalinChongming

Islandin2010andhisfirstinteractionswithurbancustomers.Inthatyear,Yi

Xiaowu,amiddle-agedemployeeinthetelecommunicationsindustryin

Shanghaicity,gottogetherwithfivefriendstopurchasesomeofOldZheng’s

organicproduce.Thesixofthemagreedtoeachpurchasetheannualproduce

71NongHao(农好)means“agriculture/farmer/peasantisgood”.Italsohasasimilarphoneticsoundto“hello”intheShanghainesedialect(nonghao侬好).

326

fromonemu(亩),orone-fifteenthofahectare,ofOldZheng’sfarmforCNY

2,400.

YiXiaowuhadalreadybeensporadicallypurchasingorganicproduceforafew

years,thoughnotnecessarilyfromlocalfarmers.Hewasthereforeespecially

motivatedtosupportOldZhengbecauseheknewtheabilitytoaccessquality

localorganicfooddependedoncustomerslikehimselfactivelysupportinglocal

organicfarmers.72

Ataboutthesametime,YiXiaowucameacrosssomeinformationonthe

Internetaboutafarmers’marketinBeijingcity.Itselftheoffspringofsporadic

marketsandfairsheldbyagroupoforganicfarmersandartisansfromthe

northerndistrictofShunyi,theBeijingFarmers’Markethadonlyformally

establisheditselfafewmonthsearlier.Keentopromotelocalorganicfarmersto

awideaudience,YiXiaowureachedouttoChangTianle,whomanagesthe

BeijingFarmers’Market,withaviewtostartingafarmers’marketinShanghai

city.NongHaowasthusestablished,withYiXiaowu,ChengTianle,OldZheng

andoneotherperson,JiangYifan,asitsfounders.

NongHaohelditsfirstmarketinMay2010andtriestoholdamarketeverytwo

orthreeweeks.Themarket’smissionistopromotelocalandindependent

72AcooperativecalledTheShanghaiVegetableGroup(ShanghaiCaiTuan上海菜团)wasbornfromtheeffortsofYiXiaowuandhisfivefriends.Withover1,200membersbylate2013,thegroupcontinuestopurchaseorganicproduceinbulkfromselectedlocalorganicfarmersformembers.Duringmyfieldwork,IalsoencounteredanothercooperativearrangementcalledtheFamilyCommune(JiatingHuzhushe家庭互助社).ThecreationofLiuJun,adentistinShanghaicity,membersoftheFamilyCommuneusetraditionalmethodstoproducestaplefoodssuchasflour,oilandriceforothermembers.Allmemberspayasmallfeeeachmonth.LiuJunismotivatedbybothfoodsafetyconcernsaswellasadesireforcommunityandface-to-facerelationships.

327

small-scaleorganicfarmersanddirectcustomerinteraction.Duringitsfirstsix

months,thingsweregoingverywell.ChangTianlefeltthatShanghaiisacity

ripefororganicproduceandfarmers’markets.Sheevenconsideredrelocating

toShanghaibecauseshefelttheBeijingmarketshehelpedestablishhadlimited

potential.Asitturnedout,quitetheoppositecametrueandIreturntothis

topiclaterinthechapter.

Figure8.1NongHaoFarmers’Market.

AsthefirstmarketofitskindinurbanShanghai,NongHaoattractsmany

organicfarmers,notonlyexemplaryagriculturalists.Vendorsatthemarket

wererelativelysteadythroughoutmy18monthsoffieldwork.Between

December2012andJune2014,IattendedNongHao–asanobserver,customer,

organiserandvendormyself–ontenseparateoccasionsandkeptrecordsofall

vendorspresenteachtimeIattended.

Typically,therewasbetweeneighttotenvendorsatanygivenmarket.Intotal,I

recorded27differentvendorsparticipateinaNongHaofarmers’market.

328

Nineteenofthesevendorscamefourtimesorless,whileeightattendedfive

timesormore.Theseeightvendorsincludemanyexemplaryagriculturalists

suchasOldZheng(ZiranFarm),ShangMei(ShengtaiFarm),Xinyin(Genghao

Farm),Bihua(AilanFarm)andChengJun(TianlanFarm).

Figure8.2WangChangfromKejiaFarmathisboothatNongHaowithalargevarietyof

vegetableslaidoutreadyforcustomerstoinspect.

ExemplaryagriculturalistsdescribeNongHaoasa“placebustlingwithnoise

andexcitement(renaodedifang热闹的地⽅)”.JustasBlumbergobserves

multiple“narratives”amongstvendorsandcustomersatfarmers’marketsin

postsocialistLithuania,rangingfromalternativeandprogressiveto

conservativeandnativist(Blumberg2014),Itooobservedvariousnarrativesat

NongHao.

Naturally,thereisinteractionanddialoguebetweenexemplaryagriculturalists

–andtheirstaffandvolunteers–andcustomers.However,thereisalsoa

significantamountofotheractivityatNongHao.Duetothemarket’s

329

convenientlocationanditsgrowingpopularity,anassortmentofotherpeople

arevisibleonmarketdays.

OnanumberofoccasionsIspokewithlocalneighbourswhoutilisethemarket

space–oftenanoutdoorpavedcourtyard–fortheirmorningexercises.They

staybehind,curiouswhatisgoingon.Iobservedworkersfromnearby

constructionsitesshufflethroughregularly,theirexpressionsfullofcuriosity.

Foodsafetyactivistsalsoattend,hopingtogainthesupportandinvolvementof

exemplaryagriculturalistsintheirurban-focusedfoodsafetycampaigns.

Andonce,afarmerfromaneighbouringprovinceofShanghaipulledupinhis

car,hisbootfullofagriculturalproducehehopedtobeallowedtosellatthe

marketthatday.HewasrefusedpermissionbecauseNongHao’scommitteehad

notauditedhim.Iwastoldthisoccursregularly.Onsomeoccasions,theonly

activityIdidnotseeatNongHaowascustomersmakingpurchases.

Althoughurban-to-ruralmigrationinChinaisrelativelyrare,whenitdoes

occuritattractsalotofattentioninthepopularmedia.Popularmagazinesuse

catchyheadlinessuchas“Middle-ClassestotheCountryside(Zhongchan

Xiaxiang中产下乡)”(Ma&Zhang2013)and“CoolAgriculture(KuNongye酷农业)”

(NewWeekly2014).Attractedbytheseheadlines,anumberofother

researchersregularlyattendShanghai’sfarmers’markets.73

73Theirpresencewaschallenging.Astheywereoftenundertakingshort-termprojects,theywerequicktoattachthemselvestoexemplaryagriculturalists.Myslowerapproachhadtotakethebehaviouroftheseresearchersintoaccount.

330

Throughoutmyfieldwork,Iencounteredundergraduatestudentsfrom

Shanghai’sFudanUniversitywhowerecreatingadocumentaryonChongming

Island’sorganicfarmersaswellaspostgraduatestudentsfromUSuniversities

undertakingprojectsconcernedwithsustainabledesignintheChinese

countryside.Moreover,shortlybeforeIcompletedmyfieldwork,anotherPh.D.

studentfromaUKuniversity,alsoresearchingorganicfoodinChina,began

theirethnographicfieldworkandselectedNongHaoasoneoftheirprimary

fieldsites.

Importantly,NongHaomarketsarearareoccasionforexemplary

agriculturaliststomeetupwitheachother.Unlessengagedwithcustomers,

exemplaryagriculturalistsgenerallyengageinwhatIrefertoinmyfieldnotes

as“playtime”or“learningtime”.Duringplaytime,exemplaryagriculturalists

andtheirstaffandvolunteersrelaxandhavefun.Theysometimesplaytug-of-

warordemonstratehowtouseoldfarmingtools.Theyalsoholdsalons

(shalong沙龙)withtitlessuchas“What’sitlikebeinganewpeasant?”and“Can

wesolvefoodsafetyproblems?”Whiletheseactivitiesareintendedfor

customersasawaytomakethemarketmoreinterestingandintroducethe

exemplaryproject,theygenerallyevolveintoloudandboisterousactivities

exclusivetoexemplaryagriculturalistsandtheirentourage.Customerswhoare

unfamiliarwiththemarketcanfeelquiteexcludedwhenthishappens.

Duringlearningtime,exemplaryagriculturalistscatchupwitheachotherand

discussindetailtheirfarm’slatestnews.Theyalsotasteeachother’sproducts.I

finditironicthatvendorseateachother’sfood–attimesitconstitutestheir

331

entirelunchduringmarketdays–ratherthanuseittoengagewithcustomers.

Indeed,Inoticedthatonlyalimitednumberofcustomersareevengiventhe

chancetotastetheirfood.Thisstartstoshowhowexemplaryagriculturalists

discriminatebetweencustomers.Indeed,anearlyentryfrommyfieldnotes–“it

seemsthatvendorsherewilldiscusstheirfarmandproduceonlyifcustomers

arewillingtolisten”–baffledmeforalongtime.

ShengJiaChongFarmers’Market

ShengJiaChongFarmers’Market(ShengJiaChongNongfuShiji圣甲⾍农夫市集)74

heldtheirinauguralmarketinAugust2013(seemap1.1onpage41).LindyNie

fromShanghaicity,OldWengfromSuzhoucityandXiaNingfromSichuan

provincefoundedthemarket.Theywereallintheirmid40satthetime.Xia

Ning,himselffromthecountryside,wantedShengJiaChongtoadoptan

approachsimilartoNongHaoandpromotelocalfarmersandrurallifestyles.

ButLindyandOldWeng,bothurbanites,persuadedhimtheyshouldfocuson

satisfyingurbanconsumerneedsandtastes.Inotherwords,theywantto

directlytapintothefoodsafetydiscourseandaddresstheanxietyitengenders

amongstShanghai’surbanites.Thiskeydifferenceinattitudeandapproach

betweenShanghai’stwomajorfarmers’marketsinfluencedboththevendor

approvalprocessesandthevendorexperience.

74ShengJiaChong(圣甲⾍)means“scarab”,alargedungbeetlefoundintheMediterraneanregion(ShanghaiJiaoTongUniversity1996:2278).Thescarab,explainedLindyNie,issmallbutpowerful,andcanimprovesoilquality.ShengJiaChong’sfounderswanttodrawontheimageryofthescarabandassociatethemselveswithit;asmallbutpowerfulfarmers’marketthatisabletoimprovetheexperienceofcitylivingthroughbetterfoodchoices.

332

Figure8.3ShengJiaChongFarmers’Market.

WhileNongHao’svendorapprovalprocessdoesnotalwaysincludeafarmvisit

andaudit75,thereisatransparencyandbasicsetofstandardseveryone

understandsandconsistentlyfollows.ShengJiaChong’svendorapproval

process,bycontrast,isquitedifferent.Whiletheyclaimtoundertakefarmvisits

andconductsoilandwaterauditsforallapplicants,Ibelievesimple

observationwasoftenusedtoevaluateafarm.Iwastoldthat“youcantell

(kandechulai看得出来)”throughobservationifafarmisorganicornot.76

75Once,Iwaseventelephonedtotestifyastoafarm’sorganiccredentials.Iwasaskedgeneralquestionssuchas“Didyouseeanythingsuspicious?”Moreover,othervendorsareallowedtovoiceanyconcernstheymayhavewhenanewvendorappliestobeadmitted.WhenBihuafromAilanFarmwasseekingtoenterNongHao,JuHaofromJiandanFarm(alsoachickeneggfarmer)questionedBihua’sorganiccredentials.BihuafeltthatJuHaowasreactingtoherclassyandsophisticatedcityclothes,whichdidnotmakeherlooklikeanorganicfarmertohim.InBihua’swords,“TheydidnotbelieveIwasorganicbasedontheclothesIwaswearing.Canyoubelievethat?”Aproperfarmvisitandauditwasthusarranged–everybodywaswelcometoattend–tosettlethematter,whichitdidinAilanFarm’sfavour.Proofoforganiccredentialsultimatelytrumpedappearances.FollowingheradmissiontoNongHao,Bihuadidnotamendherdressstyle,andsheandJuHaowentontohavegoodrelations.76Inmyopinion,itisdifficulttodetermineifafarmisorganicthroughsimpleobservation.Onlyseasonedorganicfarmersareableto,andtherewerefewsuchpeopleatShengJiaChong.Icameacrossgarbagescatteredinthefieldsatoneexemplaryfarmthatwasclearlypesticidepackaging.Iapproachedthetopiccautiouslywiththeexemplaryagriculturalistasitwasimpossibletoknowifthegarbagewashisown,leftbehindbyaruralresidentpriortohisarrival,orblownoverbythewindfromaneighbouringfield.

333

Somefarmscertainlyfailedthisprocess.

Still,alargenumberwereadmittedtoShengJiaChongundervarious

ambiguousclassifications.Oneclassificationinparticular,“Farmin

Construction(JiansheNongchang建设农场)”,upsetmanyexemplary

agriculturalists.Whilethistechnicallymeansthatthefarminquestionisin

transitionandintheprocessofbecomingorganic,ShengJiaChongnever

followedup.Manyexemplaryagriculturalistsbelievethetitlewasintentionally

giventonon-organicfarmstoboostthenumberofvendorsonmarketdays.

AtanygivenShengJiaChongfarmers’market,theorganicfarmingcredentials

ofvendorspresentvariedconsiderably.Andwhileeachvendor’sclassification

waslistedontheShengJiaChongwebsite,nothinginformedcustomersofthese

classificationsatthemarketitself.Theywereconfrontedwithalargenumberof

vendorswithlargepricedifferences,yetnothingexplainingthesedifferences.

Moreover,exemplaryagriculturalistsmightfindthemselvesnexttoa“Farmin

Construction”sellingthesameitemsatmuchcheaperprices.A“Farmin

Construction’s”pricecouldbesimilarorevenlowerthancomparableitems

fromsupermarketsorwet/outdoorvegetablemarkets.Manycustomersopted

forthecheaperproduce,believingallvendorsattendingaShengJiaChong

farmers’marketareorganic.

IobservedaratherdifferentkindandvarietyofvendoratShengJiaChong

comparedtoNongHao.BetweentheirinauguralmarketinAugust2013andthe

market’sgradualdeclinethatbeganinMay2014,IattendedShengJiaChong

334

eighttimes,alsoasanobserver,customer,organiserandvendor.Intotal,I

recorded50differentvendorsacrossthisnine-monthperiod.

Thereweretypically15to20vendorsatanygivenShengJiaChongmarket,

thoughthisdeclinedtoseventowardstheend.Onlysixvendorsattendedfive

timesormore.TheseincludedsomeexemplaryagriculturalistssuchasXinyin

(GenghaoFarm),Bihua(AilanFarm)andChengJun(TianlanFarm),aswellas

threeotherfarms(thoughthesethreefarmsdidnotattendNongHaoandIwas

notabletodetermineiftheyareorganic).

Forty-fourvendorsattendedfourtimesorless.Amongstthisnumber,23

vendorsattendedonlyonce.Suchahighturnoveramongstvendorsisunheard

ofatNongHao.Amongstthese23vendors,ImetanorganicfarmerfromInner

Mongolia,anautonomousregioninnorthernChina,andafarmfromadistant

provincethatclaimedtobeorganicandwithwhomIhadanawkward

conversationwithtryingtoconfirmtheircredentials.ThisillustratesthatSheng

JiaChongvendorsdidnotneedtobelocalnorprovideclarityintheirfarming

techniques.TheflexiblerequirementstobecomeaShengJiaChongvendor

irkedexemplaryagriculturalists.Some,suchasOldZheng,stoppedattending

altogether.

335

Figure8.4XuehuiandanotherstaffmemberfromChuantongFarmatShengJiaChongwitha

smallselectionoftheirorganiccommoditiesondisplay.

ServiceEncountersatShanghai’sFarmers’Markets

Serviceencountersbetweenexemplaryagriculturalistsandcustomersat

Shanghai’sfarmers’marketsareauniqueoccasiontowitnesstheexemplary

projectinaction.Exemplaryagricultureseekstoeducateandrecruit.Assuch,

theflowofinformationbetweenexemplaryagriculturalistsandcustomersis

key.Inthisregard,Shanghai’sfarmers’marketshavesomethingincommon

withthebazaarsCliffordGeertzstudiedinMoroccointhe1970s(Geertz1978).

Geertzdescribestheexperienceofthebuyeratabazaarasfollows:“Thesearch

forinformation–laborious,uncertain,complex,andirregular–isthecentral

experienceoflifeinthebazaar”(Geertz1978:30).Indeed,informationflows

givebazaarstheircharacter.ClientelisationandwhatGeertzcalls

“multidimensionalintensivebargaining”–theexplorationindepthofanoffer

alreadyreceived–aredefiningfeaturesofrelationshipsbetweenbuyersand

sellersinMoroccanbazaars.

336

Customersatfarmers’marketsinShanghaicitycertainlyneedtomakeaneffort

toobtaininformation.Yetbecausetheyareoftenunfamiliarwithorganicfood,

thedeliveryofaccurateandcorrectinformationbyexemplaryagriculturalistsis

perhapsmorecritical.Inotherwords,itisnotthebuyer’sskillsinobtaining

informationbutratherthevendor’sskillsinexplainingtheirproducethat

characterisesfarmers’marketsinShanghai.

YiXiaowufromNongHaodiscussedthisfeatureofShanghai’sfarmers’markets

withme.Hebelievesthepropensityforevenregularcustomersto

misunderstandinformationishigh.Thisisbecausetherearesomanydetails

(xijie细节)inorganicfarmingthatitiseasytomisunderstand(youkenengwuhui

daozhibulijie有可能误会导致不理解).YiXiaowuthusdefinesakeytaskforthe

exemplaryagriculturalistasfollows:“Therefore,atafarmers’marketthereisa

lotofexplanationwork(Suoyizainongfushijiyouhenduojieshigongzuo所以在农

夫市集有很多解释⼯作)”.Explanationworkiscentraltothefunctioningof

Shanghai’sfarmers’markets.

Therearevariousstagesanddegreesofexplanationwork.Itbeginsby

acknowledginganyonewhopassesbyorstopstolingeratabooth.Exemplary

agriculturalistsfirstreciteashortandsimpledescriptionoftheirproductand

organiccredentials.WhenIlookedafterShengtaiFarm’sbooth,myownscript

wasasfollows:“Thesevegetablesareallcompletelynaturalandecological,

pleasetakealook(Zhexiecaidoushiquantianrande,shengtaide,qingkanyikan

这些菜都是全天然的，⽣态的，请看⼀看)”.

337

OldDufromDuoyanFarmisoneofthemostpersistentandaggressive

exemplaryagriculturalists(seefigure8.5).AtShengJiaChongFarmers’Market,

heapproacheseveryonethatpasseshisbooth,handsoutprintedmaterials

introducinghisfarmandtriestoinitiateaconversation.Otherexemplary

agriculturalistshavephotosandexplanationsoftheirfarmsonelectronic

tabletsandflickthroughthesematerialswithcustomers.Exemplaryfarmsthat

selleggsclaimtheireggsdonothavexingwei(腥味),asortoffishysmelland

tastecommonlyassociatedwitheggspurchasedatsupermarkets.

Thenextstageofexplanationworkistorespondtospecificquestionsaskedby

customers.Manyquestionsarequitebasic.Somecustomersaskhowtostore

and/orcookorganicproduce.Othersdonotrecognisewhatitistheyare

lookingat.Iwasnotalwayssureiftheirquestionswereserious.Oneday,a

customerpointedtosomeblackriceandaskedwhatshewaslookingat.Xiaona

fromZiranFarmreplied“Itisblackrice(heimi⿊米)”.“Whatisblackrice?”

askedthecustomer.Atalosshowtorespond,Xiaonatriedherbest,“Um,itisa

varietyofricethatisblackinsteadofwhite,brownorred”.AtfirstIthought

thesequestionsarerelatedtothecustomer’signoranceoforganicfood.Ilater

learnt,however,thatitisalsorelatedtotheirdemographicsandcooking

experience.

338

Figure8.5OldDufromDuoyanFarmengaginginexplanationworkwithtwopassingcustomersatShengJiaChongFarmers’Market.

Scholarsnotethatcustomersoffarmers’marketsinwesternnationssuchas

NewZealand,theUKandtheUSareoftenatleast50yearsold(Bell&Beeston

2011;Bubinas2011).AtNongHaoandShengJiaChong,bycontrast,most

customersareslightlyyoungerandrangeinagefromtheirearly30stotheir

mid40s.Theyarealsorelativelyinexperiencedshoppingforfoodandcooking

athome.Previously,theyateoutregularlyorlivedwiththeirparentsor

parents-in-lawswhocookedforthem.Theirnaïvequestionsarethusgenuine

attemptstofillknowledgegaps.

339

Serviceencounterssometimesescalateintoastruggleforcontrol.Strugglesfor

controlbetweensellersandbuyerscanilluminateprocessesofpower.Jos

Gamble,forexample,notesthestruggleforcontrolbetweenstaffofforeign-

ownedretailstoresinShanghaicityandtheircustomers.Heobservesthat

managersinthesestoressometimesdownplaytherhetoricofthesovereign

customer–importeddirectlyfromtheirwesternorigin–whencateringto

urbanShanghai’sdemandingcustomers.Instead,servicestaffare“active

emotionmanagers”andadjusttheirservicedependingonthemoodand

behaviourofthecustomer(Gamble2009).AndAnatRafaeli,inherstudyof

supermarketcashiersandcustomersinIsrael,describeshowstrugglesemerge

betweenthesetwogroupswhencustomersmakeexcessivedemandsand

refusetobeobedient(Rafaeli1989).Bothcasespointtotheabilityofsellersto

withholddeferencewhendealingwith‘unreasonable’customers.

Exemplaryagriculturaliststreatcustomersasequalsorinferiors.Customers,by

contrast,donotalwaysliketobetreatedasequals(letaloneinferiors)and

wanttodominatetheencounter.Theywanttobetreateddeferentially.On

initialcontactwithavendor,theyimmediatelyemploytacticstogaintheupper

hand.Onetacticistogiveunsolicitedadvicetotheexemplaryagriculturalist(ti

yijian提意见,literally,“raisinganidea/suggestion”thoughalsomeaning“raising

anobjection/differingopinion”).

Once,whenlookingafterShengtaiFarm’sbooth,apassingcustomerstopped

andrecommendedI“modernise(xiandaihua现代化)”thefarm’sbusinesscard.

340

Thiscustomerpointedoutthatalltheothervendorshave“prettier(gengmei更

美)”cardsandthatsimpleblackandwhitecardsareinappropriateforafarmers’

market.Sheadvisedmetomakethecards“trendier(gengshimao更时髦)”.

Anothercustomer,whohadvisitedShengtaiFarm,pushedShangMeito

organiseaworkingbeewithbotholdandnewvillagerstoincreasethe“human

quality(suzhi素质)”ofoldvillagers.

Somecustomersevenaskedfarmers’market’sorganisersYiXiaowuandLindy

Nietoactastheirgo-between,collectingitemsontheirshoppinglistfrom

variousvendorsbeforecourieringittotheirhome.Exemplaryagriculturalists

trytoignorethesesuggestionsandstopengagingfurtherwiththesecustomers.

ShangMeisummarilydismissesthem:“Theydon’tunderstand!(Tamenbudong!

他们不懂！)”.

Sometimes,explanationworkishighlytheatrical;itisperformativeaswellas

communicative.Farmers’marketsinothernationsaresimilar.ClaudiaBelland

HeatherBeeston,forexample,showhowfarmers’marketsinNewZealand

developedassiteswherevariousaspectsofruralityareperformedinan

attempttoretaintheinterestofcosmopolitanurbanconsumers(Bell&Beeston

2011).Infact,farmers’marketsaresometimesnotsodifferentfromother

businesses.RobertPrusdescribesthemarketingpracticesofcorporate

businessesintheUSas“emergenttheatre”(Prus1989:21).

AtShanghai’sfarmers’markets,however,theatricalaspectsofexplanation

workarenotalwaysintendedtoattractcustomers.Itisratherafiltering

341

techniquedeployedtogaintheupperhandinserviceencountersandaidinthe

searchfortherightkindofcustomer.Thisisespeciallythecasewhena

customeraudiblycriticisesanyaspectofexemplaryagriculture.Inthese

situations,exemplaryagriculturalistsembarkonadetailed,fact-baseddefense

andseektoquicklyresolveanyambiguitycausedbythecustomer’sremarks.

Once,amanpassedLindy’sdateboothandremarkedloudlythatdatesare

“thingsfemaleseat(nühaichidedongxi⼥孩吃的东西)”,implyingtheyare‘sissy

food’andthat‘realmen’don’teatdates.Lindycameoutsideherboothtospeak

withthemanforabouttenminutes.Sheexplainedindetailthenutritionin

datesthatbenefitsbothfemalesandmales.Anothertime,amalecustomer

claimedtoXiaonafromZiranFarmthatitisimpossibletogrowvegetables

withoutpesticides.Anoldermalestaffmembercameoutsidetheboothto

explaintothemanindetailZiranFarm’sorganicpestmanagementsystem.

Inbothofthesecases,althoughexemplaryagriculturalistsandtheirstaffcalmly

andfactuallyrespondtothecustomer’sremarks,theydosofirmlyandwith

slightlyraisedvoicesclearlyaudibletosurroundingcustomers.Thishasthe

effectofdisprovingthecustomer’soriginalremarksaswellasmakingthem

appearslightlyfoolish.Thesepeopleareclearlynotthekindofcustomers

exemplaryagriculturalistswant.

Tellingly,exemplaryagriculturalistsarenotafraidtorejectcustomers,even

directlytotheirface.XinyinfromGenghaoFarmoncerefusedtoselleggstoa

customerwhovisitedherfarm.Althoughthecustomerwantedtopurchasethe

342

eggs,shehadexpresseddoubtdirectlytoXinyinastowhetherherricefields

werereallyorganicallyfarmed.Xinyindecidednotto“waste(langfei浪费)”her

eggsonthiscustomer.

TheValueofOrganicCommoditiesandNatureofCustomerReciprocity

Whatkindofrelationshipdoexemplaryagriculturalistshavewiththeirregular

customers?Manybeganbygivingawayorsellingtheirproducetofamily,

friendsandcolleagues.Whilemostnowhavecustomersoutsidethisinitial

network,theystilldescribetheirrelationshipwithregularcustomersas“just

likefriends(jiuxiangpengyouyiyang就像朋友⼀样)”.Thisinitialinsistenceon

relationsoffriendshipissimilartohowproducersandsellersinarangeof

contextsdescribetheirrelationshipwithcustomers,rangingfromfarmers’

marketsintheUKandNewZealand(Bell&Beeston2011;Bubinas2011),retail

environmentsinChina(Gamble2007),thebridalphotographyindustryin

Taiwan(Adrian2003)andthebridalgownindustryintheUS(Corrado2002).

Itacknowledgesproducers/sellersandcustomersareboundtogetherbytiesof

personalconnectionandunderstanding,glossingovertheireconomic

relationship.

Butthereismoretoitthanthis.Inthepreviouschapter,Istatedthatthevalue

oforganiccommoditiesliesinthepotentialforabetterexperienceofurban

modernity,enabledbypositiverurality.Accordingtoexemplary

agriculturalists,thisisthereasonwhyurbanresidentsshouldfindorganic

commoditiesdesirable,notfriendship.Moreover,contrarytoArjunAppadurai’s

343

wishtofocussquarelyonexchangewhenexaminingcommodities,the“original

ordominantintentionofthe‘producer’”remainsimportantinexemplary

agriculture(Appadurai1986:9).

AnthropologistClydeKluckhohnadoptedasimilarconceptualisationofvaluein

hisresearchacrossanumberofAmericanIndiancommunitiesinNewMexico,

theUS,inthe1940s.Hearguesfortheimportanceof“conceptionsofthe

desirable”(Kluckhohn,inGraeber2001:3),whicharemorallyinformedideas

andbeliefsconcerning“whatpeopleoughttowant”ratherthanwhatthey

currentlywant(Graeber2001:159).ImplicitinKluckhohn’sconceptualisation

ofvalueisthenotionofpedagogy;peoplecanbetaughtwhatthey“oughtto

want”.

Kluckhohnfurtherdevelopstheconceptof“valueorientations”,whichhe

definesas“whathumanbeingshavearighttoexpectfromeachother…about

whatconstitutesfulfillmentandfrustration”(Kluckhohn1949:358–359).This

squarelysituatessocialrelationsandreciprocitywithindiscussionsof

commodityvalueanddesirability.

Certainly,exemplaryagriculturalistsareinterestedintheirrelationshipwith

urbancustomers.Theyarenotsatisfiedwithproducer-consumerrelationsin

themainstreamurbaneconomybecauseconsumershaveauthoritywhenit

comestomost,ifnotall,aspectsoftherelationship.ThisiswhatIearliercalled

consumerhegemony.

344

YiXiaowufromNongHaoexplainsthesituationasfollows:“Customersexpect

allkindsofthingsoncetheyhavepaidtheirmoney,buttheyhavenofurther

responsibilitythemselves”.OldWengfromShengJiaChongispithierand

articulatesanexpectation:“TheattitudeoftheChineseconsumer–thatonceI

paymoneyallmyresponsibilityends–needstochange.Wewantthemtoexert

a‘littlesomething’(fuchuyidianrdongxi付出⼀点⼉东西)”.Justwhatthis“little

something”isiscentraltounderstandinghowexemplaryagricultureintendsto

function.

AsOldWengsuggests,exemplaryagriculturalistsbelievethereshouldbesome

kindofreciprocitybetweenthemselvesandtheircustomers.Reciprocityisa

centraltheoreticalconceptwithinanthropology.Classicandcontemporary

scholarsviewreciprocityasadefiningfeatureofgiftexchange,describingitas

eitheraritualisticaspectoftheexchangeofmaterialitemsorsomething

compelledbythespiritualityofthegiftitself(Bian1997).

BronislawMalinowski’sworkisrepresentativeofthefirstperspective.He

describestheprincipleunderlyingthegive-and-takeofnecklacesandbracelets

intheelaborateceremonialexchangesystemacrosstheTrobriandIslands,

Melanesia,calledtheKulaasfollows:

ThemainprincipleunderlyingtheregulationsofactualexchangeisthattheKulaconsistsinthebestowingofaceremonialgift,whichhastoberepaidbyanequivalentcounter-giftafteralapseoftime,beitafewhoursorevenminutes,thoughsometimesasmuchasayearormoremayelapsebetweenpayments(Malinowski1922:2160).

345

ReciprocitywithintheKulaensuresthatthesystemofexchangeismaintained

andcontinuestofunction.Theultimategoalforparticipatingtribesispolitical

authority.Thisinstrumentalnatureandceremonialcharacteroftheexchange

processisakeyfeatureoftheKularatherthanthespiritualityofthenecklaces

andbraceletsassuch.

ThesecondperspectiveofreciprocityisoftenattributedtoMarcelMauss.Inhis

bookTheGift:theformandreasonforexchangeinarchaicsocieties(Mauss

1990)Maussarguesthattheobligationtoreciprocateisakeyfeatureofgift

exchangein‘primitive’societies.Maussaskswhatisitabouttheobjectthat

compelstherecipienttoreciprocate:“Whatpowerresidesintheobjectgiven

thatcausesitsrecipientstopayitback?”(Mauss1990:3).Maussbelievesthat

theobjectgivencontainssomethingofthegiver:“Tomakeagiftofsomethingto

someoneistomakeapresentofsomepartofoneself”(Mauss1990:12).Many

scholarsinterpretMauss’sanalysisassuggestingthata‘spirit’residesinthegift

thatsubsequentlyhauntstherecipientuntiltheyreciprocate.77

ScholarsarguethatreciprocityinChinacontainsbothritualisticandspiritual

elements.YunxiangYanarguesthat,ontheonehand,gift-givingisritualistic

andenablestheexchangeoffavoursandmaterialobjectsbetweenindividuals.

Itcreatessociabilityandanindividual’ssenseofself.Ontheotherhand,such

behaviouralsoformsthebasisforstrategicmaneuveringandthebuildingof

elaboratenetworksofrelationships,orguanxiwang(关系⽹)(Yan,Y.1996).

77LygiaSigaudarguesthatthisinterpretationofMauss’sfamousworktookholdinthe1960s(Sigaud2002).ContemporariesofMauss,shepointsout,actuallyacknowledgedhiscontributiontoquestionsoflawandsocialobligationsratherthanspirituality.

346

MayfairYangdefinestheartofguanxias“thecultivationofpersonal

relationshipsandnetworksofmutualdependence;andthemanufacturingof

obligationandindebtness”(Yang,M.1994:6,emphasisadded).

Theseaccountsofreciprocityareconcernedwitheithermaterialobjectsor

politicalfavours.Withinexemplaryagriculture,reciprocityisnotmaterial;

customersdonotreturnanitemoftheirownafterpurchasinganorganic

commodity.Noraretheyobligedtodirectlyrepaytheexemplaryagriculturalist

withafavouroranyothersuchact.

AnnetteWeineroffersadifferentinterpretationofreciprocityinherdiscussion

of“inalienablepossessions”(Weiner1992).Inalienablepossessionsare

possessionsthatgranttheownerinfluenceandpoweroversocialpractices,

socialrelationsandactsofreciprocity.Landthatisinheritedorheldunder

divineownershipisanexampleofaninalienablepossession.Inthiscase,

possessiongrantstheownerprestigeordemandsofpatronageandcharity.For

aninalienablepossession,reciprocitydoesnotstemfromritualorspirituality,

butfromtheauthorityvestedinownership,whatWeinercalls“cosmological

authentication”(Weiner1992:121).

Whileitisnoteasytogiveawayaninalienablepossession,itispossibleunder

certaincircumstances.Importantly,whenaninalienablepossessionisgiven

awayorexchanged,cosmologicalauthenticationremainswiththeoriginal

ownerandiskeptoutofcirculation.Weinercallsthisparadoxicalsituation

“keeping-while-giving”(Weiner1992:43).Theoriginalownercanthusstill

347

compelreciprocityfromotherseventhoughtheynolongerpossesstheobject

inquestion.

RobertFosterprovidesausefulcontemporaryanalogyinhisanthropological

discussionofcorporatebrands.Hesaysthat“thepurchaseofabranded

commodityisdouble,boththepurchaseofanalienablecommodityoverwhich

thepurchaserhasabsoluteproprietaryrights,andthepurchaseoftherightto

useaninalienablepossession–thebrand”(Foster2008:18).Consumersare

allowedto‘consume’thephysicalityofthebrand(acanofCoca-Cola,for

example),yethaveamorelimitedscopetousetheCoca-Colalogo,brand

slogan,colourred,advertisingmeme,etc.,astheyplease.

CentraltoWeiner’sargumentistheconceptofinalienability.Itsoppositeis

alienation,atermcoinedbyKarlMarxindescribingtheproductionprocessof

commoditiesinnineteenthcenturyindustrialBritain.Heexplains:

Thedominationofthecapitalistovertheworkeristhusthedominationofthethingoverman,ofdeadlabouroverlivinglabour,oftheproductovertheproducer;forthecommoditieswhichbecomethemeansofdomination…arethemselvesmerelytheresultsoftheproductiveprocess,itsproducts(Marx1995:383).

Marxbelievesthatworkersareseparated–alienated–fromtheproductsthey

produce;noelementorcomponentoftheirpersonalattentionorengagement

remainswiththecommodity.Thetheoreticalsignificanceofbothoftheseterms

liesintheirrelationshiptovalue.Alienationrenderscommodityvalueinvisible

tothebuyer;inalienabilitydoesnot.

348

Fortheorganiccommodity,cansomethingbekept-while-given?Whatisatrisk

ofalienation?Weinerbelievesfood“isthemostineffectualinalienable

possessionbecauseitsbiologicalfunctionistoreleaseenergyratherthanstore

it”(Weiner1992:531).Butevenforfood,somethingcanbekept-while-given.

AsIhavehopefullymadeclearbynow,exemplaryagriculturalistswantto

ensurethattheorganiccommodityretainsitsvalue.Theywantto‘keep’and

retaincontroloverthepositiveruralitywhen‘giving’whatitisembedded

inside,theorganiccommodity.Itispositiverurality,afterall,thatisthecatalyst

thatleadstoabetterexperienceofurbanmodernity.

Importantly,thisprocessisnotsomethingIhaveentirelyconstructedfrommy

fieldnotes;exemplaryagriculturalistsexplaintheseprocesstomeinasimilar

manner.Oneparticularlyovertwaycustomersreciprocateisthrough

identificationrights.Becauseexemplaryagriculturalistsinvestindetailed

explanationworkatfarmers’marketstotrainandeducatecustomers,positive

ruralityistopofmindwhentheorganiccommodityisbeingeaten.

WheneverIwasabouttoeataparticularfarm’sproduceatsomeone’shouse,I

wasalwaysinformedwhereitcamefromandevenhowitwasfarmed.

Commentssuchas“ThisisOldZheng’srice.Itisfromadryfield”or“Ibought

thisfromChuantongFarm.Theypractisetraditionalfarming”arecommon.Itis

highlyunusualandodd,however,forahosttoexplainwhichsupermarketthey

shopat.

349

Reciprocityneednotbesoliteral.Sometimesexemplaryagriculturalistsinfer

themoralworthoftheircustomers.Onecustomer,forexample,switchedtheir

customfromSimon’sFarmtoChuantongFarm.Withinexemplaryagriculture,

Simon’sFarmisnotoriousfortheirsuspiciousqualityanddubiousprofit-

orientatedpractices.TheswitchtoChuantongFarmisclearevidencethatthis

particularcustomer“understands”or“gets”(dongde懂的)whatexemplary

agricultureisallabout.

Inothercases,customerscitetheaestheticsandthequalityofexemplary

agriculturalists’organiccommoditiesasreasonsfortheircustom.Indoingso,

theyacknowledgethat“realorganicproduce”isnotnecessarilypretty.They

alsospeakaboutthetasteoforganicproduce.Thesecustomersrememberthe

flavorofgrainsandvegetablesfromtheirruralchildhoodandwanttoenjoyit

again.Theyknowthatonlyalabour-intensiveandchemical-freefarming

approachcanproducesuchataste.

Reciprocityisneverguaranteed.Manycustomersstruggletoliveuptothe

idealsofexemplaryagriculture.Somestruggletoshakeoffthepowerofthe

consumerhegemonydiscoursewhileothersstillexpressderogatoryattitudes

towardruralresidents.Whenrecallingreasonsforstoppingpurchasesfroman

exemplaryfarm,lapsedcustomerscitedifficultcouriers(kuaidi快递),bad

customerserviceorinferiorpackagingasreasons.

Totakeoneexample,thedeliveryofweeklyvegetableboxesbycouriersmeans

thatsomeoneneedstobehometotakereceipt.This,however,canbehighly

350

difficultandtroublingforsomecustomers.Iftheyarenotathome,thecourier

willcontinuecallingthemuntilasuitabletimeisarranged.Couriersare

generallymigrantworkersfromthecountrysideandsomeurbancustomers

believetheyarerudeandimpolite.Theyareunwillingtoliaisewithcouriers,

makingdeliverydifficult.Suchcustomersbelieveitistheexemplaryfarm’s

responsibilitytofindasolutiontocourierdeliverytimesandtheirsupposedly

impertinentattitude.

Whileexemplaryagriculturalistsinitiallydescribetheircustomersas“friends”,

astimepassedtheysharedadifferentperspectivewithmethatacknowledges

reciprocitymoreexplicitly.Indescribingtheidealcustomerwhoreciprocates,

exemplaryagriculturalistsusetheChinesetermliangxin(良⼼).Whileliangxinis

translatedas“conscience”,itsmeaningismorecomplex.EllenOxfeldprovides

anetymologicalexplanationoftheterm’stwoChinesecharacters:

Liangcanmean“good”or“virtuous”.Thesecondpartoftheword,xin,however,isabitmorecomplicated.InEnglishxinisoftentranslatedas“heart”,butinChineseitactuallyconnotesboth“heart”and“mind”.ManyphilosophersandSinologiststranslatexinas“mind/heart(Oxfeld2010:51).

Oxfeldexplainsthatxindoesnotdistinguishbetweenreason(mind)and

emotion(heart).Toinquireaboutorcareforothers,forexample,isathoughtful,

evenrationalormechanical,actdeeplyinfusedwithgenuinesentiment.

Liangxin,therefore,referstohavingagoodorvirtuousheartandmind.Itisa

qualityofpeoplewhoremembermoralobligationsandwholeheartedlyacton

them.Itconnotesrealsentimentnottheatricalritual.

351

Forexemplaryagriculturalists,liangxinisveryspecific.Itreferstotheir

obligationtoprovidehealthy,qualityandsafefoodaswellastransparencyin

theirfarmingtechniques.Italsoreferstocustomers’obligationtoreciprocate

byunderstanding,acknowledgingandaffirmingthepositiveruralityembedded

intheorganiccommodity.Customers’unconditionalacceptanceoftheorganic

commodityisthestartingpoint.

Duringmy14yearslivinginChina,includingtenyearsworkinginthe

marketingresearchindustry(andhencebeingdeeplyinvolvedinanalysing

relationshipsbetweenconsumersandcorporations),atnoothertimeor

occasionhasthetermliangxinbeenusedtodescribetheresponsibilitya

consumerorcustomerhastowardtheproducerofthegoodsorservicesthey

purchased.Exemplaryagriculturalists’adoptionofthetermisthereforehighly

significant.Asanalternativewayofengagingwithone’sfoodandthepeople

livinginruralChinawhoproduceit,thisisahighlynovelformofconsumerism

inurbanChinainthetwenty-firstcentury.

Conclusion:TheBeijingFarmers’Market

Abriefdescriptionofafarmers’marketoutsideShanghaiisanaptwayto

concludethischapter.TheBeijingFarmers’Market(BeijingYoujiNongfuShiji北

京有机农夫市集)isanorganicfarmers’marketinurbanBeijingwherenumerous

organicfarmersfromnorthChinacometoselltheirproducedirectlyto

customers.IfirstvisitedthemarketwithotherstudentsattheCommunity-

SupportedAgricultureTraininginMarch2014.Ivisitedagainafewmonths

352

laterinJune,whenImadeatriptoBeijingtointerviewChangTianle,the

market’sco-founderandmanager.

MyfirstvisitinMarchdeeplyimpressedme.Heldinanoutdoorandtrendy

upscaleshoppingareaonthenortheasterncornerofBeijing’sthirdringroad,

themarketwasalreadybusywhenIarrivedat10:30am,30minutesbeforeits

officialopeningtime.Itlookedextremelyprofessional.FieldnotesItook

illustratethewidevarietyofgoodsonofferthatday:

Therearevegetablesandmeataswellasprocessedfoodslikebakeditemsandmueslibars.Buttherearealsobooks,essentialsoils,compostingsystemsandmoreforsalehere.Youcanalsotalkwithallkindsofexpertsonsustainability.

MyfieldnotesalsorevealmydelightatjusthowsplendidIfeltthemarketwas:

Impressive.Justthesizealonemakesitimpressive.Thisiswhatafarmers’marketshouldlooklike.

Icouldnotrefrainfromcomparingitwiththeincreasinglydrabfarmers’

marketsinShanghaicity:

IwasthoroughlyimpressedandunpreparedforjusthowgoodtheBeijingmarketis.ItexcitedmeandmademethinkthisiswhatShanghai’smarketscouldlooklike.Theyjustlooksillyincomparison.Beijingis,just,WOW…

Iwasnottheonlypersonintriguedbythecontrastbetweenfarmers’marketsin

BeijingandShanghai.Iheardallkindsofexplanationsastowhyfarmers’

marketsinBeijingaredoingsowell.Typically,theseexplanationscharacterise

ShanghaineseasbeinglessinterestedinsocialcausescomparedtoBeijingers.A

vendorfromNongHao,forexample,toldmethatduetoShanghai’shistoryas

353

aninternationalcentreintheearlytwentiethcentury,duringwhichtimethey

wereexposedtoacosmopolitanversionofconsumerismearlierthanelsewhere

inChina,theyfeelfewerobligationstosupportfarmers’markets.Beijingers,by

contrast,aremoreopenandcurious.

Ididnotseetheconnectionmyselfandbelievethisisjustapolitewayofsaying

Shanghainesedon’tcareaboutanyoneexceptthemselves,whileBeijingersare

moresociallyawareandresponsible.Interestingly,Iheardsimilarexplanations

frombothShanghaineseandBeijingersalike.

DuringmysecondvisittoBeijinginJune,therefore,Idecidedtoinvestigatethe

issuemorethoroughly.Iconductedanauditofallthevendorspresent(similar

towhatIdidinShanghai)andimmediatelynoticedimportantdifferences

comparedtoShanghai.Tobeginwith,inBeijingIcounted38vendorsatthe

Junemarket,muchmorethaneitherNongHaoorShengJiaChongeverhad.

Beijingsimplyhasbiggermarketsandhencemorechoiceforcustomers.

Furthermore,amongstthese38vendors,16weresellingvegetables,13were

sellinganassortmentofhealthyfoodssuchasbakedgoods,buffalomilk,

cheeses,eggs,jams,nutsandricewine(mijiu米酒),fourweresellinggrains,

threeofferededucationmaterialsonsustainability(mainlyforchildren)and

twoweresellingmeat.Thisskewtowardfreshvegetableproduceandother

assortedfoodsinBeijingencouragesregularattendancebecauseChinese

familiesliketopurchasegroceriesatleastonceaweekandoftenmore

frequently.VendorsatNongHaoandShengJiaChong,bycontrast,donothave

354

anywherenearasmuchvarietywhenitcomestofreshfood.PricesinBeijing

arealsoslightlycheaperthaninShanghai(CNY0.5–1perkilogramacrossmost

goods).

Moreover,whenIaskedvendorsinBeijingtodescribetheirfarmingtechnique,

theytendtousethetermyouji(有机),agenerictermmeaning“organic”that

mostpeoplearefamiliarwith.InShanghai,thisisnotthecase,andexemplary

agriculturalistsaremorespecificwhendescribingtheirorganicfarming

techniques.KeepingitsimpleinBeijingandjustusingthetermyoujimaymake

iteasierforcustomerstounderstandthatvendorsdonotusechemicals.

Furthermore,asignificantnumberofvendorsattheBeijingFarmers’Market

areruralresidents.Whileadefiningcharacteristicofexemplaryagriculturalists

inShanghaiistheirruraloriginsandcurrenturbanhouseholdregistration,in

BeijinguptoonethirdofvendorsattheJunemarketheldaruralhousehold

registration.Thisprovidesaratherdifferentexperienceforcustomers.During

myownshorttimeatthemarketinteractingwithfarmers,Ifeltthat

requirementsofreciprocity,paramountinShanghai,areofmuchless

importanceinBeijing.

TheexemplaryprojectinBeijing,ifthisisevenanappropriatetermtouse,has

verydifferentcharacteristicstoShanghai.Theystrikeabalancebetweenthe

moralprojecttoeducatewiththepracticalityofattractingcustomersand

generatingrevenue.Certainly,organicfarmersImetinBeijingarenotas

355

preachyorzealousasexemplaryagriculturalistsinShanghai;theyaremore

pragmatic.

Finally,inmyconversationswithChangTianle,whopossessesrareinsightsinto

theworkingsoffarmers’marketsinbothBeijingandShanghai,Idiscovered

thattheBeijingFarmers’Marketissimplyrunandmanagedbetterthaneither

NongHaoorShengJiaChong.TheBeijingFarmers’Marketactivelyand

aggressivelyseeksoutnewvendorstoenrichwhattheyhaveonoffer.Theyalso

haveabetterscreeningprocessforvendors,whichisstilllimitedtolocaland

independentsmall-scaleorganicfarms(andafewartisans).Thisensuresa

largevarietyofvendorsandproductsforsaleandaconsistentandgenuine

organicumbrellathatpullseverythingtogether.ChangTianlesumsupher

successasfollows:“IncitiesthesizeofBeijing,itisnothardtoget1,000people

eachweekorfortnighttocometoamarkettoenjoygoodorganicfoodand

otherfunactivities”.

FollowingmysecondvisittoBeijinginJune,IreturnedtoShanghaicity.Bythis

time,IwasunabletofindLindyNie,oneofShengJiaChong’sco-founders.She

hadleftthemarketentirely.Furthermore,tensionshaddevelopedamongst

NongHaoco-foundersYiXiaowu,ChengTianle,OldZhengandJiangYifan.Yi

Xiaowubannedanexemplaryagriculturalistfromthemarketwithout

consultingtheothers.TheriftcouldnotbesolvedandYiXiaowuleftNongHao

inApril2014.

356

Laterthatmonth,YiXiaowulaunchedtheinauguralFangCunDiFarmers’

Market(FangCunDiNongfuShiji⽅⼨地农夫市集)78,anewfarmers’market.Now,

therewerethreemainfarmers’marketsinShanghaicity.Thesmallgroupof13

exemplaryagriculturalistsconsequentlyhadtodecidewhichmarkettospend

theirvaluabletimeatonweekends.Asaresult,allthreefarmers’marketshad

becomepaltryaffairswhenIconcludedmyfieldworkinJune2014.

78FangCunDi(⽅⼨地)means“squarecunofland”.CunisanoldunitofmeasurementusedinChinaandis1/3ofadecimetre,or31/3centimetres.Thenameimpliesthatpeopleonlyneedalittlepieceoflandtobeself-sufficientandableenjoyhealthyandsafefood.

357

Conclusion

Myintimateethnographicexperienceandempiricalresearchinsidea

grassrootsorganicfarmingmovementenrichesourunderstandingoftherole

andrelationshipoffoodwithsocialandculturalchangeinpostsocialistnations

suchasChinathatareundergoingrapidchange.Itismyhopethatthisthesis

makesacontributiontothenewandexcitingdirectionstheanthropological

studyoffoodistaking.

ThisthesisiscalledExemplaryAgriculture:OrganicFarmingandUrban/Rural

SpaceinChinabecauseIwanttoillustratehowthecontinuinglegaciesofstate

socialisminfluencehowalternativefoodmovementactivistsinChinatoday

thinkandact.Theorganicfarmersthatthisthesisfocusesonhavebeen

socialisedandculturedbydecadesofCCPexemplarymoralitytotheextentthat

theyself-appointthemselvesasrolemodelsandtrytopersuadeothersto

emulatethem.Inaddition,theyintentionallydrawuponcontemporary

discoursesofurban/ruraldifferencefortheirinspiration,discoursesthathave

theirorigininthehouseholdregistrationsystemestablishedbytheCCPinthe

1950s.ThesetwolegaciesgivealternativefoodmovementsinChinasuchas

exemplaryagricultureauniquecharacter.Theyalsoprovideuswithan

opportunitytoenhanceourunderstandingofmoralityinChinaaswellasthe

changingnatureoftherelationshipbetweentheurbanandtherural.

358

Mydescriptionanddiscussionofexemplaryagriculture–itsformationand

functioning,aswellasitsrelationshipswithintellectuals,ruralresidents,

volunteersonthefarmsandcustomersinthecity–allowsmetocomplicatethe

argumentsurroundingexemplarysocietyinChinabyidentifyinganddiscussing

manyofthemovement’stensions,ambiguitiesanduncertainties.These

tensionsareallcausedbythedifferentiationbetweentheurbanandtherural.

Althoughitisnotalwayseasytoclearlydistinguishbetweenthecityandthe

countrysideineverydaylife,atadiscursivelevelpowerfuldiscoursesof

differenceglossoverthisdifficultyandmakeitpossible.

Aschapterone,called“DiscoursesofUrban/RuralDifferenceandClass

Relations”,highlights,ruralChinahasanambiguousandcontradictoryposition

withinnarrativesofChinesemodernity.Perceptionsofitsauthenticity,levelof

developmentandmoralityaresometimesviewedinapositivemannerand

sometimesinanegativemanner.Relationsbetweenurbanandruralresidents

aretense.Exemplaryagriculturalistsdeliberatelyleveragethisdichotomyfor

theirownpurposes.Theypublicallycelebraterurality,believingattitudesand

behavioursderivedfromruralculture–anattitudeofdo-it-yourself,autonomy,

face-to-facerelations,lowtechnologyandruralhospitality,amongstother

aspects–cansolveanumberofpressingproblemsurbanChinacurrentlyfaces.

Yettheiractualattitudeandbehaviourtowardruralresidentsissometimesat

oddswiththeirpublicaffection.Tellingly,ruralresidentsarelargelyabsent

fromthemovement.Thiscomplicatestheroleandrelationshipofrurality

359

withinexemplaryagricultureandraisesquestionsofrepresentation.Critical

assessmentofalternativefoodmovementsemergingfromthecityand

proclaimingruralsympathyrefutesanynotionthatthesemovementsoperate

atapurelyutopianlevel.Movementactivistsarealsoclearlyinfluencedby

othercontemporarysocialphenomenainadditiontourban/ruralrelations,

suchasurbanisationandmiddle-classliving.

Inchaptertwo,“Exemplarity:ThePowerofRoleModelsSinceConfucius”,I

traceexemplaritythroughoutChinesehistory.IdiscussitsConfucianorigins,its

centralrolewithinCCPcultureandpolicy,anditsallegeddeclineattheendof

thetwentiethcentury.

ButordinaryChinesecitizenshavebeeninfluencedbytheevolutionary

characterofCCPexemplarity.AsIshowinchapterthree“Exemplary

Agriculturalists:TheirMovement,MissionandMorality”,theynowdeploy

exemplarityfortheirownpurposes.Whentheydo,itsinstitutional,canonising

andtotalisingcharacteristicschange.Instead,itbecomesasharedsentiment

andsetofpractices,opentodebateandconversation.Rolemodelssometimes

becomefollowers;followerssometimesbecomerolemodels.Despitethese

significantdifferences,whatiscertainisthatexemplarityremainsanimportant

featureoftheChinesemorallandscapeandcontemporaryChinesesociety.

Ialsodiscusstheuniquenessofexemplaryagricultureandmovementactivists

bycontextualisingthemwithinotheralternativefoodmovementsinbothChina

andinanumberofwesternnations.Threedifferentnarrativesexplain

360

Shanghai’s13exemplaryagriculturalists’decisiontobecomeorganicfarmers;

theyaredisillusionedwithcityliving,theyareconcernedfortheirchildren’s

generationandtheyareconcernedfortheirparent’squalityoflife.These

concernsallpointtoanimmediatepreoccupationwithprotectionoftheself

andofone’sfamily,andtopicssuchasfoodsafetyandrisk,lifestylechoicesand

economicwell-being.

YetthroughthestoriesofOldZheng,LiuShanandShangMei,Ishowthat

organicfarmingisnotonlydrivenbyimmediateconcerns;itisalsoaprotest

againstperceivedbroadersocialissuesinurbanChina,includingcorruption

andinequality,modernisationanddevelopmentthatis‘outofcontrol’,and

socialinstitutionsthataresuffocating.Thesebroadersocialissuesarenot

necessarilylegitimatefieldsofprotest.

Thisiswhyexemplaryagricultureisliminal;itgraspstheimmediateyetnever

losessightofthebroad.Movementactivistsknowalltoowellthatmorethan

organicfoodandfoodsafetyisatstake,andthisispreciselywhatfuelstheir

motivationaswellastheirinsecurity.Thisopportunismofexemplary

agricultureilluminatessomeofthenuanceconcerningthemovement’s

motivationsandintentionsandhighlightstheuniquenatureofcivilactivismin

Chinatoday.

Whileexemplaryagriculturalistswanttomakemoneyandattractcustomers,

thesearenottheirprimarygoals.Offarmoreimportancetothemistheneedto

establishprecedents:examplestoguideandjustifythecurrentandfuture

361

behaviourofurbanresidents.Precedentsetting,asArjunAppaduraisuggests,is

apoliticsofboth“show-and-tell”andof“dofirst,talklater”,wherewordsand

deedsarethemaincurrencyratherthanmoney(Appadurai2002).

Inexemplaryagriculture,precedentsareconcernedwithalternatives:

alternativefood,alternativerelationsbetweenfoodproducersinthe

countrysideandconsumersinthecity,andalternativerelationshipsbetween

urbanandruralChina.Theseareallinaidofanalternativeandbetter

experienceofcitylife.

Atthecentreofalltheseprecedentsisexemplaryagriculturalists’particular

interpretationofruralChina,whichIcallpositiverurality.Butpositiverurality–

anappreciationforruralChina,anadvocacyforlabour,andaquestfor

autonomyfromthemainstream–isonlyderivedfromruralculture;itisnotthe

samethingasthecultureof‘real’ruralresidents.Thisclearlyrevealsproblems

ofrepresentationwithinthemovementandhasimplicationsconcerningthe

experiencesofurbanresidentswhobecomecustomers;theirunderstandingof

thecountrysidewillcertainlybebiased.

Inchapterfour,“Intellectuals:ANewConsciousnessoftheCountryside”,I

introduceChineseintellectuals,theirorganicfarmingeventsandtheirefforts

rallyingordinaryChinesecitizensfromthecitytocontributetothehealthand

developmentofruralChina.IdedicateachaptertoChineseintellectualsto

highlightthesimilaritiestheysharewithexemplaryagriculture.

362

Chineseintellectuals’missionisencapsulatedintwoimportantconcepts:a

“newconsciousnessofthecountryside/nature”(xindeyishi新的意识),and“Big

Design(DaSheji⼤设计)”.Unlikeexemplaryagriculturalists,intellectualswantto

improverurallivelihoods.Yettheirdeeplymoralisticapproachleaveslittletime

toteachthepracticalitiesoffarming.Learningtofarmissurelyoneofthemost

directandeffectivewaysforurbanitestolearnaboutruralChinaand

subsequentlyintegrateintoruralculture.Itsomissionfromintellectuals’

organicfarmingeventsisthereforeintriguingandsomewhatpuzzling.

Inaddition,whiletheideaof“BigDesign”advocatestheaggregatedpowerof

targetedandsmall-scaleinvestmentsinorganicfarmingacrossthecountryside,

theconceptcanalltooeasilybeinterpretedasacallfortheeradicationof

variousunsavouryelementsofruralChina,suchasdirt.

Inchapterfive,“TheFarm:TrytobeRuralorImporttheUrban”,Iexplorehow

exemplaryagriculturaliststrytointegrateintotheirruralcommunities.

Engagingwithsocialpoeticstheory,Iarguethatexemplaryagriculturalists

intentionallymanipulatebothurbanandruralstereotypesandthattheir

behaviourcanbeunderstoodasapoeticsofruralidentification.

EachofthethreecasesIdiscussvariesconsiderably.Bybehavinglikearural

resident,OldZhengisabletoachievesomedegreeofgoodwillamongsthis

neighbours.YetLiuShandecidesnottoadoptruralbehavioursandinstead

triestomakeJiangShifuadopturbanbehaviours.AndShangMeiadoptsand

performsruralculturewithothernewvillagers,ignoringherruralneighbours.

363

BothLiuShanandShangMeiseektopurgeunsavouryelementsofthe

countryside.

Thischapteralsoteasesoutmyargumentthattheurbanandruralarenotonly

identitiesattachedtophysicalspacesandattitudesrelatedtodiscoursesof

difference,butalsobehavioursintentionallydrawnuponandreiteratedin

particularspatialcircumstances.Importantly,exemplaryagriculturalists’

poeticsofruralidentificationensurestheyarenevertruly‘rural’;aneconomic

andculturalgapremainsbetweenthemselvesandtheirruralneighbours.This

issurelytheprimaryreasontheirderivationofruralculturemisrepresentsthe

countryside.

Inchaptersix,“TheVolunteer:DisciplesandDefiance”,Iexplorehoweffective

exemplaryagricultureisinrecruitingfollowersfromthevolunteermovement

surroundingorganicfarming.Surprisingly,exemplaryagricultureremains

colouredwithelementsofCCPexemplarity.Specifically,theexpectationfound

insomevolunteerrecruitmentmaterialsthatvolunteerstoillaboriouslyinthe

fieldtoprovetheirmoralworthrecallsthesocialistsent-downyouthprogram

ofthe1960sand1970s,itsworkethic,andintentionsofre-educationand

rebuildingthemoralselfthroughhardphysicallabour.

Yettheresponsefromvolunteersprovesjusthowflexibleandfluidgrassroots

exemplarityis.Itisaformofmoralityperpetuallyinmotion.Volunteerson

exemplaryfarmsdonoteasilyfallunderthetutelageofexemplary

agriculturalists;theysometimeschallengethemandvoicetheirown

364

perspectiveofhowthingsshouldbeexecuted,whileatothertimestheyhave

theirownpersonalreasonsforvolunteeringandlargelyrejectthemoral

teachingstheyareoffered.ThisshowsthatunlikeCCPexemplarity,which

assignsfixedrolestoexemplarandfollower,exemplaryagricultureallows

individualstorotatebetweenroles.

Inchapterseven,“TheProduct:ExemplaryArtifactsandOrganicCommodities”,

Iintroducecommoditytheoryandshowthattheorganicproduceofexemplary

agriculturalistsarefirstandforemostexemplaryartifacts,outcomesand

precedentsofanexperimentalprocessandmind-setinfusedwithpositive

rurality.Someexemplaryartifactsbecomeorganiccommodities,itemsfor

exchange.

Yetthesociallifeoforganicproducefromexemplaryartifacttoorganic

commoditypassesbetweencontradictoryforces:ontheonesidesitsthe

exemplaryagriculturalists’pursuitofpureseasonalproduce;ontheotherside

liesurbanpreferencesthatfavourapredictablerusticappearanceaswellas

urbannotionsofwhatorganicfood‘shouldlooklike’.Thissituationcompels

exemplaryagriculturaliststosortexemplaryartifactscarefullywhenselecting

organiccommodities.Butitalsohelpsthemovercometheirreluctanceto

undertakemarketinginitiatives.Theysubsequentlycreatehighlyinformative

andentertainingpiecesofcommunicationtoeducateurbanites.Ironically,this

makesthemappearlessautonomousfromthemainstreamandmorelikea

conventionalbusinessfromanurbanperspective.

365

Finally,inchaptereight,“TheCustomer:ChineseConsumersandtheStruggle

forReciprocity”,IpaintapictureofthecontemporaryChineseconsumerand

engagewiththeoriesofthegiftandreciprocitytodiscussthekindof

relationshipsexemplaryagriculturalistshavewiththeircustomers.Akey

insightofmineisthehighlevelofselectivityexemplaryagriculturalistsemploy

whenselectingtheircustomers.Themoraltestssomeexemplary

agriculturalists,suchasOldDu,employinconfirmingacustomer’smoral

integrityillustratesthecriticalimportanceofreciprocitywithinthemovement.

Indeed,thearduousandcomplicatedprocessesofensuringcustomers

reciprocatebyacknowledgingthepositiveruralityembeddedinsideorganic

commoditiesmeansexemplaryagriculturalistsmustsomehowretain

‘ownership’ofthisfeature.Theymustkeep-while-giving.Thatsuchaperishable

itemasfoodcanbeusedasamediumtonegotiatepolitically-chargedtopics

suchasthetrajectoryofurbanmodernityandurban/ruralclassrelations

demonstratesthesignificanceoffoodwithinChinesecultureandthesignificant

roleitcanplayinsocialchange.

Butwhetherexemplaryagriculturalistseducateandtraincustomerstoidentity

whereorganiccommoditiescomefromandhowtheyareproduced,orwhether

theyinfercustomerreciprocityviaothermeans,organiccommoditiesbeginto

lookmoreandmorelikebrandedcommoditiesasfoundinthemainstream

economy.Thatisbecauseexemplaryagriculturalistsarecompelledtouse

standardbusinesspracticesandmarketingtoolsthaturbanconsumersare

366

literateintoencouragereciprocity.Reciprocityisnotonlyafeatureofgift

exchange;itcanalsobeafeatureofcommodityexchange.

Howshouldexemplaryagriculturebejudged?Letusbegintoaddressthis

questionbytakingitsexplicitgoalatfacevalue;toimprovecitylivingandthe

experienceofurbanmodernity.WhenIaskexemplaryagriculturalists,their

customersandvolunteers,theytendtorespondpositively.Yes,allparties

believetheyleadhappierandhealthierlivesinthecityasaresultof

participatinginexemplaryagriculture.

WhenitcomestoassessingattitudestowardruralChinaanditsresidents–the

relationshipbetweenurbanandruralChina–anumberofcustomerscertainly

claimtohaveabetterunderstandingofandempathytowardruralChina,even

thoughpositiveruralityisonlyaderivationofruralculture.Thispositive

sentimentisunderstandableasalotofwhatexemplaryagriculturalistsdo–

livinginthecountryside,learningorganicfarming,andsoon–promotesthe

ruralandbringsittotheforefrontoftheirinteractionswithurbancustomers.

ButmanycustomersandotherurbanChinesefamiliarwithexemplary

agriculturefailtoconsiderthecountrysideatall.Whileresearchingandwriting

upthisthesisinShanghaicity,Iwasoftenaskedhow“successful”exemplary

agriculturalistsare.Inresponding,assoonasIsharedthefactthatmostnever

brokeevenfinancially–andbeforeIcouldsayanymore–thesewell-meaning

peoplequicklybecamecritical.Theydismissedthemovementasirrelevant,

367

believingsuccessisprimarilymeasuredineconomictermsandagrowing

customerbase.

Thisperspectiveisalsounderstandable,asfromanurbanpointofview,alotof

whatexemplaryagriculturalistsdoappearstomirrorcorporationsandtheir

brand-buildingactivities.Mostcorporations,forexample,thinkofabrandin

thefollowingway:

Abrandconsistsofasetofenduringandsharedperceptionsinthemindsofconsumers.Thestronger,morecoherentandmotivatingthoseperceptionsare,themorelikelytheywillbetoinfluencepurchasedecisionsandaddvaluetoabusiness(Hollis2008:13).

Fromthisperspective,exemplaryagriculturalistsalsodevelop“enduringand

sharedperceptionsinthemindsofconsumers”byembeddingpositiverurality

insidetheirorganiccommoditiesandpromotingthis.Inadditiontomarketing

andadvertisinginitiatives,exemplaryagriculturalistsalsotrytokeep-while-

givingthepositiveruralityinsidetheorganiccommoditysothattheyretain

controloverhowcustomersengagewiththeirproduce.

Allofthisisremarkablysimilartohowcorporatebrandsretainabsolute

ownershipovertheirown“enduringandsharedperceptions”suchasbrand

logos,names,slogansandsymbolsbyintervening,sometimeswiththeforceof

law,whenconsumersbehaveinappropriately.

Theseconflictingassessmentsofexemplaryagricultureopenthemovementup

tocriticismfrombothsidesoftheurban/ruraldichotomy.Icertainlyhearda

368

greatdealthroughoutmyfieldwork.Urbaniteswithadeepconcernforthe‘real’

ruralChina,suchasactivistsintheNewRuralReconstructionmovement,

criticiseexemplaryagriculturalistsformakinglittlecontributiontoward

povertyalleviationordevelopmentinthecountrysideandremaining

peripheralwhenitcomestofarmwork.Otherurbanites,uponseeingtheprice

oforganiccommodities,criticisethemaselitist.Ruralresidents,bycontrast,

criticisethemfornotgainfullyusingland,neglectingtousepesticidesand

fertilisers,tendingmessyandovergrownfields,andwastinggoodcrops.

Alloftheseassessments,judgementsandcriticismsarevalidcommentaryof

themovement.YetIbelieveexemplaryagriculturecanbelookedatinanother

way.Ratherthanmakingcitylivingexperientiallyandspirituallybetter,

redefiningtheurban/ruralspatialdichotomy,orfundamentallyaltering

perceptionsoftheruralamongsturbanites,exemplaryagricultureisalsowhat

DavidE.Goodmanandhiscolleaguescallan“insulatedspace”andisconcerned

withwhatMelissaCaldwelllabels“themoralitiesofconsumerspaces”(Caldwell

2009b:104).Asaninsulatedandmoralfoodspace,exemplaryagriculture

operatesoutsidethemainstreambutisneverabsolutelyautonomous.Itis

nevertotallyseparatefrompowerrelationsandprocessesfoundin“anomic

globalcapitalism”(Goodman,D.E.etal2012:7–8).Exemplaryagriculturalists

arepractical;inordertofunctioneffectivelyandinfluencethemainstream,they

borrowfromitsourbanresidentscaneasilyunderstandwhattheyaredoing.

Theinsulatedandmoralfoodspaceofexemplaryagricultureoverlapswithand

connectsboththeurbanandtherural.Practicallyspeaking,thereisagreatdeal

369

ofinteraction.Exemplaryagricultureallowsmovementactivistsandtheir

families,customersandvolunteersfromthecityaccesstothecountryside,

eitherbyspendingtimeonfarmsordiscussingorganiccommodities,farming

techniquesorlifeinthecountrysideingeneral.Italsoallowsruralresidents

accesstotheurbanviainteractionwithexemplaryagriculturalists,volunteers

andcustomersaswellasspendingtimeinthecityatfarmers’markets.Yetwhat

urbanitesexperienceisnotstrictlyrural.Andneitheriswhatruralresidents

experiencestrictlyurban.Instead,whattheyexperienceisaspaceofselected

urban/ruralelements,eachvyingforattention.

Thisinterpretationhelpsexplainmanyofthetensionsbetweentheurbanand

theruralthatexistwithinexemplaryagriculture.Thesetensionsarevisiblein

movementactivist’sindecisivenessconcerninganumberoftopics.Oneofthese

topicsistherelationshipbetweenexemplaryagriculturalistsandvolunteers.

Forthevolunteer,farmworkisoftensymbolicandtoken;workingonthemoral

selfandlearningtobeabetterurbancitizenisoffarmoreimportance.Yet

whennecessary,alackofparticipationandinterestinfarmworkcanleadtothe

terminationofavolunteer,asoccurredwithXuehui.Ithinkofthistensionin

thefollowingway:everybodyknowsthatthereisanunspokenconvictionthat

ruralresidentswilldotheactualfarmworkonexemplaryandotherorganic

farmsandthatvolunteerswon’tdomuch,butwhenthisisexplicitly

acknowledgeditthreatensthemovement’scredibility.Assuch,alackofinterest

orparticipationinfarmworkbecomesaperfectlyvalidandlogicalreasonfor

termination.

370

Anothertensionconcernsthepoeticsofruralidentification.Exemplary

agriculturalistsareindecisiveastowhethertheyshouldadopt,changeorre-

inventpeasantculture.Finally,exemplaryagriculturalistswantcustomersto

accepttheirorganiccommoditiesastheyareharvestedandareclearlywilling

torejectcustominsomecases.Yettheyalsoundertakeadetailedsortingof

exemplaryartifactsinordertomeettheaestheticpreferencesoforganicfood

amongsturbanresidents.Theyevenadoptmarketingandadvertisingpractices.

Allthisshowsthatexemplaryagriculturecanbeindecisivewhentryingto

balancetheurbanandtherural;itcelebratesandrebuffsbothatthesametime.

Nonetheless,itdoesnotdosoinequalmeasure;theurbanremainsslightly

privileged.Farmworkisstillmoresymbolicthananythingelsebecauseitisleft

toruralresidentstoperform,exemplaryagriculturalistsremainoutsidersinthe

countrysideeventhoughtheycoulddomoretointegrate,andtheirdeferenceto

urbancustomersisonlytoleratedbecausethelong-termgoalremains

educatingandchangingurbanattitudesandpractices.

Exemplaryagricultureisclearlyanurban-centricalternativefoodmovement

thatmerelyborrowsfromtherural.Thisisnottosuggestthatexemplary

agricultureisnotaforceforgood,andcannothaveawidersignificanceand

positivecontributiontowardsocialchangeincontemporaryChinesesociety.

Butwhateverthissignificanceandcontributionmaybe,itislikelytofavourthe

urban.

371

Thisthesishassomelimitationsthatprovidedirectionsforfutureresearch.The

firstoftheselimitationsconcernsthegeographicalscopeofthisthesis.ThoughI

focusonallofthemorally-motivatedorganicfarmersinShanghaiandthe

surroundingareathatIcouldidentify,Idonotknowhowextensiveexemplary

agricultureisacrossChina;Iwanttolearnjusthow‘big’thisgrassroots

movementis.

MybriefcomparisonwithBeijinginchaptereightsuggeststherearesignificant

differencesacrossChina.RecallingthemapofChinaIobservedatthe

Community-SupportedAgricultureConferenceinShanghaicitythatshows

hundredsoffarmers’marketselsewhere,Iwanttolearnabouttheseother

farmers’marketsandtheorganicfarmsandfarmersthatfrequentthem.To

whatextentisexemplaryagricultureasIhavedescribedapplicable,ifatall?

Whatsimilaritiesanddifferencesarethere?Arethereotheroverarchingthemes

thatbetterconnectthemtogether,asscholarsdescribinglocalfoodmovements

intheUSsuggestwiththethemeofhegemonicdecline(Nonini2013)?

Inaddition,fromOctober1st2015,China’scentralgovernmentintroducednew

foodsafetylawsandregulationsconcerningadditionalbansoncertain

pesticides,morestrictfoodlabelingrequirements,moreseverepunishments

forviolatorsandadditionalresponsibilitiesforfoodhandlersthroughoutthe

supply-chain.Towhatextentwillthesenewlawsandregulationsinfluence

exemplaryagricultureandotherorganicfoodmovements?Furtherresearch

intoalternativefoodmovementsthroughoutChinacanbegintoaddress

questionssuchasthese.

372

Thesecondlimitationconcernstheethnographicscopeofthisthesis.Iargue

thatthesocialistlegaciesofexemplarymoralityandthedemarcationof

urban/ruralspacesignificantlyaffecthowexemplaryagriculturaliststhinkand

act.Theyprovidethemovementwithitsuniquecharacteraswellasits

ambiguousnature.Implicitinmyargumentistheideathattheselegacieshave

socialisedandculturedexemplaryagriculturalists,encouragingthemtoview

Chinesemodernity–andsubsequentlyrespond–inacertainway.Inother

words,exemplarymoralityandtheurban/ruraldichotomyareembodied.

Yetmyethnographicfieldworkfocusesontheorganicfarmingmovementitself;

itsformationandfunctioninginthecountrysideandthecity,aswellasactivists’

motivations,objectivesandrelationshipswithothers.Itdoesnotexplorethe

actualsocialisationandenculturationprocessesthemselves.Exactlyhowthese

socialistlegaciesbecomeembodiedarewithoutdoubtimportantquestionsthat

requirecomplexresponses.GiventhatsomescholarsargueordinaryChinese

citizensareincreasinglydismissiveofexemplarity,thistopicisallthemore

important.

Specifically,isgrassrootsexemplaritysimplyacrudeformofsocialistmorality

formedfrom“servethepeople”rhetoric,orisitsomethingmoresubtleand

complex?Ibelieveitisthelatter.Furthermore,myresearchsuggestsamore

nuancedinterpretationconcerningthevisibledeclineinsupportofCCP

exemplarityacrossChinesesociety.Whatisperhapsmorelikelyisthe

increasingdiffusionofrolemodelsoutsidetheCCP’sauthority.Inotherwords,

373

Chinaisstillanexemplarysociety.Butonlyfurtherresearchcanprovideclarity

onwhethermypredicationsarecorrect.

Thethirdlimitationconcernsthetheoreticalandconceptualscopeofthisthesis,

particularlywithregardtoquestionsofclass.BecauseIfocusonanurban-led

organicfarmingmovement,Imainlydiscussclassfromtheperspectiveofthe

exemplaryagriculturalistandtheirviewofurbanandruralclassrelations.Ido

notexploreotheraspectsofclassinChina.

Atopicofpotentialrelevanceistherelationshipbetweenexemplary

agriculture,theurbanmiddle-classesandthestate.Asmanyscholarsnote,the

centralgovernmenthelpedcreateamiddle-classinurbanChinaandnow

promotesmiddle-classcivility(Anagnost2008;Fleischer2007;Goodman,D.S.

G.2015;Tomba2004;Tomba2014;Zhang,L.2010).Asdiscussedinpartone,

theurbanmiddle-classesarerewardedfortheiradmirablecivilityandabilityto

self-governwitharetreatoflocalstatesurveillanceandgreaterfreedomversus

otherclasses.

Governmentattitudestowardtheurbanmiddle-classesandexemplary

agriculturalists–whoarealsourbanandmiddle-class–arepotentiallyrelated.

Ifthestateishappytopromotemiddle-classcivility,aretheyalsowillingto

extendthistreatmenttosplintergroupsemergingfromthemiddle-classmass?

Ihavealreadydiscussedthecloseassociationbetweensomeoftheorganic

farmingeventsorganisedbyintellectualsandlocalgovernments.Ihavealso

374

shownthatlocalVillageCommitteesassistexemplaryagriculturalistslocate

accommodationandleaselandinthecountryside.

Whileauthoritiesplaceheavysurveillanceonurbanfoodmarketscomprising

ruralmigrants79,thereisvirtuallynointerferenceinthefunctioningof

exemplaryagriculturefromanylevelofthegovernment.Thisisintriguing

becausefarmers’marketsandanumberoforganiccommoditiesfallundergrey

areasofthelaw.NongHaoandShengJiaChongFarmers’Markets,forexample,

donothavelicensesorotherofficialpermissiontooperate.Theyrelyonthe

localUrbanAdministrativeandLawEnforcementBureau(calledChengguan城

管)turningablindeye.

Furthermore,foodthathasundergoneprocessing(nomatterhowminimal)and

nolongerinrawformrequiresqualitycertificationfromtheauthorities.

Technically,organiccommoditiessuchascongee,glutinousricecakesand

lollies,jams,pancakes,peanutbutter,ricewine,soysauceandtofu–evenrice

thathasbeenpolishedandnolongerwholegrain–requirethiscertification.No

exemplaryagriculturalisteverappliedoracquiredthiscertification,yetInever

observedanyissues.80

ItisunlikelythatVillageCommittees,theUrbanAdministrativeandLaw

EnforcementBureauorotherstateinstitutionsarecompletelyknowledgeable

astoexactlywhatexemplaryagriculturalistsactuallydoorwhattheirultimate79MythankstoLiangChen,Ph.D.candidateatANUwhorecentlysubmittedhisthesis,forpointingthisouttome.80AlthoughIdidhearthatafewyearsearlierOldZhenghadsomeproductsconfiscatedbyaChengguanofficer,whichwerequicklyreturned.

375

intentionsare.Yetitispossiblethattheysupportexemplaryagriculture.As

LuigiTombashows,thecentralgovernmentalreadyextendstheurbanmiddle-

classesabroadmandatetoadvocatetheirformofcivility(Tomba2014).In

otherwords,exemplarityandthemoralworkofsocialgovernanceisalready

‘outsourced’bytheChinesegovernmenttoordinarycitizens.Itisconceivable

thatexemplaryagriculturealsohasasimilarmoralmandate.Though

speculative,thisraisesaninterestingtopicandsuggeststhatanotherdirection

forfutureresearchconcernstheattitudeofthestatetowardmiddle-class

splintergroupspromotingtheirformofmoralityoutsidethegatedcommunity.

IwishtogiveruralChinaandruralresidentsthelastwordinthisthesis.Afinal

limitationofthisthesisisthatbyfocusingonexemplaryagriculturalists,Ido

notdiscussingreatdetailquestionsandtopicsconcerningtheexperiencesand

perspectivesofruralChinesetowardurban-ledorganicfarmingmovements.My

discussionofJiangShifu’sresponsetoLiuShan’sgamesofcultivationandbrief

descriptionofhisandOldChen’sattitudetowardurbanitessuggestsa

complicatedrelationshipbetweenthem.Understandingtheexperiencesand

perspectivesofruralChinesetowardurban-ledorganicfarmingmovements

andtherelationshipsbetweenthemarecertainlypromisingandimportant

areasoffutureinquiry.

376

377

ReferencesCitedAWorldWithoutThieves(TianXiaWuZei天下⽆贼)(2004).XiaogangFeng

(Director),China,MediaAsiaDistributionLtd.Adrian,Bonnie(2003).FramingtheBride:globalizingbeautyandromancein

Taiwan'sbridalindustry.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.Allen,Patricia,MargaretFitzSimmons,MichaelK.Goodman&KeithWarner

(2003).“ShiftingPlatesintheAgrifoodLandscape:thetectonicsofalternativeagrifoodinitiativesinCalifornia”,inJournalofRuralStudies19:61–75.

Anagnost,Ann(1994).“WhoisSpeakingHere?Discursiveboundariesand

representationinpost-MaoChina”,inHay,John(ed)BoundariesinChina.London:ReaktionBooks,eBook:5055–5528.

Anagnost,Ann(2004).“TheCorporealPoliticsofQuality(suzhi)”,inPublic

Culture16(2):189–208.Anagnost,Ann(2008).“From‘Class’to‘SocialStrata’:graspingthesocial

totalityinreform-eraChina”,inThirdWorldQuarterly29(3):497–519.Anderson,EugeneN.(1988).TheFoodofChina.NewHaven:YaleUniversity

Press.Appadurai,Arjun(1986).“Introduction:commoditiesandthepoliticsofvalue”,

inAppadurai,Arjun(ed)TheSocialLifeofThings:commoditiesinculturalperspective.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress:3–63.

Appadurai,Arjun(2002).“DeepDemocracy:urbangovernmentalityandthe

horizonofpolitics”,inPublicCulture14(1):21–47.Bakken,Børge(2000).TheExemplarySociety:humanimprovement,social

control,andthedangersofmodernityinChina.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.

Ballew,Tad(2001).“Xiaxiangforthe‘90s:theShanghaiTVRuralChanneland

post-Maourbanityamidglobalswirl”,inChen,NancyN.,ConstanceD.Clark,SuzanneZ.Gottschang&LynJeffrey(eds)ChinaUrban:ethnographiesofcontemporaryChina.Durham:DukeUniversityPress,eBook:3081–3518.

378

Bandak,Andreas&LarsHøjer(eds)(2015).“ThePowerofExample:anthropologicalexplorationsinpersuasion,evocation,andimitation”,inJournaloftheRoyalAnthropologicalInstituteSpecialIssueSeries21.GreatBritain:JohnWiley&Sons.

Beck,Ulrich(1992/1986).RiskSociety:towardsanewmodernity,translatedby

MarkRitter.LosAngeles:Sage.BeijingForeignLanguagesSchool(1988).AChinese-EnglishDictionary(Han-

YingCidian汉英词典).Beijing:BeijingBusinessPress.Bell,Claudia&HeatherBeeston(2011).“Farmers’Markets:commoditizingNew

Zealandruralidentitymyths”,inSocialSpaceScientificJournal2011(2):57–74.

Bergstrom,Mary(2012).AllEyesEast:lessonsfromthefrontlinesofmarketing

toChina'syouth.NewYork:PalgraveMacMillan,eBook.Bernstein,ThomasP.(1977).UptotheMountainsandDowntotheVillages:the

transferofyouthfromurban-to-ruralChina.NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress.

Bian,Yanjie(1997).“TheFlowofGifts:reciprocityandsocialnetworksina

ChinesevillagebyYunxiangYan,areview”,inTheChinaQuarterly150:474–475.

Blumberg,Renata(2014).“PlacingAlternativeFoodNetworks:farmers’

marketsinpost-sovietVilnius,Lithuania”,inJung,Yuson,JakobA.Klein&MelissaL.Caldwell(eds)EthicalEatinginthePostsocialistandSocialistWorld.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress:69–92.

Bourdieu,Pierre(2010/1979).Distinction:asocialcritiqueofthejudgementof

taste.TranslatedbyRichardNice,withanewintroductionbyTonyBennett.London:Routledge.

Brown,Dona(2011).BacktotheLand:theenduringdreamofself-sufficiencyin

modernAmerica.Wisconsin:TheUniversityofWisconsinPress,eBook.Bubinas,Kathleen(2011).“FarmersMarketsinthePost-IndustrialCity”,inCity

&Society23(2):154–172.

379

Buechler,StevenM.(2000).SocialMovementsinAdvancedCapitalism:thepoliticaleconomyandculturalconstructionofsocialactivism.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.

Caldwell,MelissaL.(2007).“FeedingtheBodyandNourishingtheSoul”,in

Culture&Society10(1):43–71.Caldwell,MelissaL.(2009a).“Introduction:foodandeverydaylifeafterstate

socialism”,inCaldwell,MelissaL.(ed)Food&EverydayLifeinthePostsocialistWorld.Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress:1–28.

Caldwell,MelissaL.(2009b).“TempestinaCoffeePot:brewingincivilityin

Russia’spublicsphere”,inCaldwell,MelissaL.(ed)Food&EverydayLifeinthePostsocialistWorld.Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress:101–129.

Caldwell,MelissaL.(2011).DachaIdylls:livingorganicallyinRussia’s

countryside.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.Carls,Paul(2015).“EmileDurkheim”.http://www.iep.utm.edu/durkheim/,

accessed23rdNovember2015.Chang,I-ChungCatherine&EricShepard(2013).“China’sEco-Citiesas

VariegatedUrbanSustainability:DongtanEco-CityandChongmingEco-Island”,inJournalofUrbanTechnology20(1):57–75.

Chen,Xia,GuoxiangPeng&JamesMiller(2014).“‘Hard-hearted’and‘soft-

hearted’ecologies:arereadingofConfucianandDaoistclassics”,inMiller,James,DanSmyer&PetervanderVeer(eds)ReligionandEcologicalSustainabilityinChina.London:Routledge:71–83.

CheungKongGraduateSchoolofBusiness(CKGSB)(2012).“Whatisa

Confucianentrepreneur?”http://knowledge.ckgsb.edu.cn/2012/02/27/culture/what-is-a-confucian-entrepreneur/,accessed22ndJuly2015.

Ci,Jiwei(1994).DialecticoftheChineseRevolution:fromutopianismto

hedonism.Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress.Ci,Jiwei(2014).MoralChinaintheAgeofReform.Cambridge:Cambridge

UniversityPress.Clark,Paul(2012).YouthCultureinChina:fromredguardstonetizens.

Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,eBook.

380

Cody,Sacha(2014).“ExemplaryAgriculture:theoriginsofindependentorganic

farminginChina”,inStudentAnthropologist4(1):18–30.Community-SupportedAgricultureConferenceHandbook(2013).Diwujie

QuanguoShequHuzhuNongyeJiYoujiNongyeJingyanJiaoliuHuiZiliaoHuibian第五届全国社区互助农业及有机农业经验交流会资料汇编.Shanghai:TongjiUniversity.

Corrado,Marisa(2002).“TeachingWeddingRules:howbridalworkers

negotiatecontrolovertheircustomers”,inJournalofContemporaryEthnography31(1):33–67.

Croll,Elisabeth(2006).China’sNewConsumers:socialdevelopmentanddomestic

demand.Oxon:Routledge.Crow,Carl(2008/1937).400MillionCustomers.HongKong:EarnshawBooks.Davies,Gloria(2001).“Introduction”,inDavies,Gloria(ed)VoicingConcerns:

contemporaryChinesecriticalinquiry.Lanham:Rowman&LittlefieldPublishers,Inc.:1–16.

Davis,DeborahS.(ed)(2000).TheConsumerRevolutioninUrbanChina.Los

Angeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.Day,Alexander(2013).ThePeasantinPostsocialistChina:history,politicsand

capitalism.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress.deBary,W.M.Theodore&IreneBloom(1999).SourcesofChineseTradition:

fromearliesttimesto1600,VolumeOne.NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress.

deBoer,Dimitri(2015).“‘UndertheDome’maybeaturningpointforChina’s

environmentalpolicy”.https://www.chinadialogue.net/article/show/single/en/7795--Under-the-Dome-may-be-a-turning-point-for-China-s-environment-policy,accessed29thJanuary2016.

Demick,Barbara(2011).“InChina,whatyoueattellswhoyouare”.

http://articles.latimes.com/2011/sep/16/world/la-fg-china-elite-farm-20110917,accessed4thSeptember2015.

381

Devinney,TimothyM,PatAuger&GianaM.Eckhardt(2010).TheMythoftheEthicalConsumer.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress.

Doctoroff,Tom(2005).Billions:sellingtothenewChineseconsumer.NewYork:

PalgraveMacMillan.Dove(2015).“TheDoveCampaignforRealBeauty”.

http://www.dove.us/Social-Mission/campaign-for-real-beauty.aspx,accessed8thSeptember2015.

Durkheim,Emile(2014/1893).TheDivisionofLaborinSociety.Editedandwith

anewintroductionbyStevenLukes.TranslationbyW.D.Halls.NewYork:FreePress.

Dutton,Michael(1998).StreetlifeChina.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity

Press.Economy,ElizabethC.(2010).TheRiverRunsBlack:theenvironmentalchallenge

toChina'sfuture.Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress,eBook.Edelman,Marc(2013).“Whatisapeasant?Whatarepeasantries?Abriefing

paperonissuesofdefinition”,paperpresentedattheIntergovernmentalWorkingGrouponaUnitedNationsDeclarationontheRightsofPeasantsandOtherPeopleWorkinginRuralAreasGeneva15th–19thJuly2013.

Edwards,Louise(2010).“MilitaryCelebrityinChina:theevolutionof‘heroic

andmodelservicemen’”,inEdwards,Louise&ElaineJeffreys(eds)CelebrityinChina.HongKong:HongKongUniversityPress,eBook:521–923.

Elvin,Mark(1993).“‘ThreeThousandYearsofUnsustainableGrowth’:China’s

environmentfromarchaictimestothepresent”,inEastAsianHistory6:7–46.

Elvin,Mark(1998).“TheenvironmentallegacyofImperialChina”,inTheChina

Quarterly156:733–756.Eriksen,ThomasHylland&FinnSivertNielsen(2001).AHistoryof

Anthropology.London:PlutoPress.Faison,Seth(1999).“InBeijing:aroarofsilentprotestors”.

http://partners.nytimes.com/library/world/asia/042799china-protest.html,accessed6thSeptember2015.

382

Fallon,Sally(2001).NourishingTraditions:thecookbookthatchallenges

politicallycorrectnutritionandthedietdictocrats.Washington:NewTrendsPublishing,Inc.,eBook.

Fang,Cai&LuYang(2015).“AnewageofChinesegrowth”.

http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2015/04/12/a-new-age-of-chinese-growth/,accessed22ndJuly2015.

Fei,Xiaotong(1992/1948).FromtheSoil:thefoundationsofChinesesociety.

TranslatedbyHamilton,GaryG.&WangZheng.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.

Ferrara,Alessandro(2008).TheForceoftheExample:explorationsinthe

paradigmofjudgment.Chichester:ColumbiaUniversityPress.Feuchtwang,Stephen(2008).“SuggestionsforaRedefinitionofCharisma”,in

TheJournalofAlternativeandEmergentReligions12(2):90–105.Feuchtwang,Stephen&MingmingWang(2001).GrassrootsCharisma:fourlocal

leadersinChina.London:Routledge.FirstAutoWorks(FAW)Besturn(2011).“BringLoveHome(RangAiHuiJia让爱

回家)”televisionadvert.http://v.youku.com/v_show/id_XMjM3OTg3ODQ0.html,accessed9thFebruary2016.

Fleischer,Frederike(2007).“‘ToChooseaHouseMeanstoChooseaLifestyle’:

theconsumptionofhousingandclass-structurationinurbanChina”,inCity&Society19(2):287–311.

Fleischer,Frederike(2011).“TechnologyofSelf,TechnologyofPower:

volunteeringasencounterinGuangzhou,China”,inEthnos:JournalofAnthropology76(3):300–325.

Fong,VanessaL.(2006).“Globalization,theChineseState,andChinese

Subjectivities:areviewessay”,inComparativeStudiesinSocietyandHistory48(4):946–953.

Food,Inc.(2009).RobertKenner(Director),USA,ParticipantMedia.

383

Foster,RobertJ.(2008).“Commodities,brands,loveandkula:comparativenotesonvaluecreation.InhonorofNancyMunn”,inAnthropologicalTheory8(1):9–25.

Fukuoka,Masanobu(2009/1975).TheOne-StrawRevolution.Withan

IntroductionbyFrancesMoore-Lappe.NewYork:NewYorkReviewBooks.Funari,Rachel&BernardMees(2013).“SocialistEmulationinChina:worker

heroesyesterdayandtoday”,inLaborHistory54(3):240–255.Gamble,Jos(2007).“Therhetoricoftheconsumerandcustomercontrolin

China”,inWork,Employment&Society21(1):7–25.Gamble,Jos(2009).“DemandingCustomersintheChinesecontext”,inAsia

PacificBusinessReview15(1):93–105.Gao,Ning(2012).AStudyofthePlanningThoughtsandSpatialModeBasedon

theTheoryofAgrarianUrbanism(GuanyuNongyeChengshiZhiyiLilundeGuihuaSixiangyuKongjianMoshiYanjiu关于农业城市主义理论的规划思想与

空间模式研究).ZhejiangUniversity:unpublishedPh.D.dissertation.Gaonkar,DilipParameshwar(2001).“OnAlternativeModernities”,inGaonkar,

DilipParameshwar(ed)AlternativeModernities.Durham:DukeUniversityPress:1–23.

Geertz,Clifford(1978).“TheBazaarEconomy:informationandsearchin

peasantmarketing”,inTheAmericanEconomicReview68(2):28–32.Geertz,Clifford(1998).“DeepHangingOut”,inNewYorkReviewofBooks

45(16):69–72.Gerth,Karl(2011).AsChinaGoes,SoGoestheWorld:howChineseconsumersare

transformingeverything.NewYork:Hill&Wang.Giddens,Anthony(1991).ModernityandSelf-Identity:selfandsocietyinthelate

modernage.Cambridge:PolityPress.Gilbert,Martin(2008).Israel:ahistory.60thanniversaryeditionrevisedand

enlarged.London:BlackSwan.Goldman,Merle(2009).“RepressionofPublicIntellectualsinthepost-Maoera”,

inSocialResearch76(2):659–686.

384

Goldman,Merle(2012).“Citizens’strugglesinChina’spost-MaoEra”,inInternationalJournalofChinaStudies3(3):271–283.

Goldman,Merle(2014).“TheReemergenceofPublicIntellectualsinLate

TwentiethCenturyChina:reflectionsonthetwenty-fifthanniversaryofTiananmen”,inInternationalJournalofChinaStudies5(2):277–291.

Goodman,David,E.,MelanieDuPuis&MichaelK.Goodman(2012).Alternative

FoodNetworks:knowledge,practice,andpolitics.London:Routledge,eBook.

Goodman,DavidS.G.(2008).“WhyChinahasnonewmiddleclass:cadres,

managersandentrepreneurs”,inGoodman,DavidS.G.(ed)TheNewRichinChina:futurerulers,presentlives.NewYork:Routledge:23–37.

Goodman,DavidS.G.(2015).“LocatingChina’sMiddleClasses:social

intermediariesandtheParty-state”,inJournalofContemporaryChina25(97):1–13.

Goossaert,Vincent(2008).“MappingCharismaamongChineseReligious

Specialists”,inTheJournalofAlternativeandEmergentReligions12(2):12–24.

Graeber,David(2001).TowardanAnthropologicalTheoryofValue:thefalse

coinofourowndreams.NewYork:Palgrave,eBook.Griffiths,MichaelB.(2013).ConsumersandIndividualsinChina:standingout,

fittingin.London:Routledge.Griffiths,MichaelB.,MalcolmChapman&FlemmingChristiansen(2010).

“ChineseConsumers:theromanticreappraisal”,inEthnography11(3):331–357.

Griffiths,MichaelB.&JesperZeuthen(2014).“BittersweetChina:new

discoursesofhardshipandsocialorganisation”,inJournalofCurrentChineseAffairs43(4):143–174.

Hale,MatthewA.(2013).“TillingSand:contradictionsof‘SocialEconomy’ina

Chinesemovementforalternativeruraldevelopment”,inDialectAnthropology37:51–82.

385

Hansen,MetteHalskov&RuneSvarverud(eds)(2010).iChina:theriseoftheindividualinmodernChinesesociety.Copenhagen:NordicInstituteofAsianStudies.

Hanser,Amy(2008).ServiceEncounters:class,gender,andthemarketforsocial

distinctioninurbanChina.Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress.Harrison,Rob,TerryNewholm&DeirdreShaw(eds)(2005).TheEthical

Consumer.London:Sage.He,Kai&HuiyunFeng(2015).“ChinaneedstostrengthenitsAIIBbalancing

act”.http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2015/04/27/china-needs-to-strengthen-its-aiib-balancing-act/,accessed22ndJuly2015.

Heller,Chaia(2013).Food,FarmsandSolidarity:Frenchfarmerschallenge

industrialagricultureandgenetically-modifiedcrops.Durham:DukeUniversityPress.

Herzfeld,Michael(2005).CulturalIntimacy:socialpoeticsinthenation-state,

secondedition.NewYork:Routledge,eBook.Hines,J.Dwight(2010).“InPursuitofExperience:thepostindustrial

gentrificationoftheruralAmericanwest”,inEthnography11(2):285–308.

Hird,Derek(2009).White-collarMenandMasculinitiesinContemporaryUrban

China.UniversityofWestminster:unpublishedPh.D.dissertation.Ho,Peter,EduardB.Vermeer&JenniferH.Zhao(2006).“Biotechnologyand

FoodSafetyinChina:consumers’acceptanceorresistance”,inDevelopmentandChange37(1):227–253.

Hoey,BrianA.(2005).“FromPitoPie:moralnarrativesofnoneconomic

migrationandstartingoverinthepostindustrialmidwest”,inJournalofContemporaryEthnography34(5):586–624.

Hoey,BrianA.(2014).OptingforElsewhere:lifestylemigrationintheAmerican

middle-class.Nashville:VanderbiltUniversityPress,eBook.Højer,Lars&AndreasBandak(2015).“Introduction:thepowerofexample”,in

Bandak,Andreas&LarsHøjer(eds)“ThePowerofExample:anthropologicalexplorationsinpersuasion,evocation,andimitation”,JournaloftheRoyalAnthropologicalInstituteSpecialIssueSeries21:1–17.

386

Hollis,Nigel(2008).TheGlobalBrand:howtocreateanddeveloplastingbrand

valueintheworldmarket.NewYork:PalgraveMacMillan.Hsu,Carolyn(2005).“‘ATasteof‘Modernity’:workinginawesternrestaurant

inmarketsocialistChina”,inEthnography6(4):543–565.Hu,Jianguo,ChunlingLi&WeiLi(2011).“ChapterIX:SocialClassStructure”,in

Lu,Xueyi(ed)SocialStructureofContemporaryChina.Singapore:WorldScientific:397–436.

Humphery,Kim(2010).Excess:anti-consumerisminthewest.Cambridge:Polity

Press.Humphrey,Caroline(1997).“ExemplarsandRules:aspectsofthediscourseof

moralitiesinMongolia”inHowell,Signe(ed)TheEthnographyofMoralities.London:Routledge,eBook:24–46.

InternationalFederationofOrganicAgricultureMovements(IFOAM)(2015).

“DefinitionofOrganicAgriculture”.http://www.ifoam.bio/en/organic-landmarks/definition-organic-agriculture,accessed24thNovember2015.

InternationalTradeCenter(ITC)(2011).OrganicFoodProductsinChina:an

overview.http://www.intracen.org/uploadedFiles/intracenorg/Content/Publications/Organic-food-products-in-China-market-overview.pdf,accessed22ndJuly2015.

IronMan(TieRen铁⼈)(2009).LiYin(Director),China,BeijingForbiddenCity

Film.Jacka,Tamara(2009).“CultivatingCitizens:suzhi(quality)discourseinthe

PRC”,inpositions:eastasiaculturescritique17(3):523–535.Jacka,Tamara,AndrewB.Kipnis&SallySargeson(2013a).ContemporaryChina:

societyandsocialchange.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress.Jacka,Tamara,AndrewB.Kipnis&SallySargeson(2013b).Contemporary

China:societyandsocialchange.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,eBook.

Jing,Jun(ed)(2000).FeedingChina’sLittleEmperors:food,children,andsocial

change.Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress.

387

KentuckyFriedChicken(KFC)(2014).“FoodSafetyadvert”.

http://v.youku.com/v_show/id_XNzQ0MjUxMjA4.html?from=s1.8-1-1.2,accessed13thSeptember2015.

King,FranklinH.(2004/1911).FarmersofFortyCenturies:organicfarmingin

China,Korea,andJapan.NewYork:DoverPublications,Inc.Kipnis,AndrewB.(1997a).ProducingGuanxi:sentiment,self,andsubcultureina

northChinavillage.Durham:DukeUniversityPress.Kipnis,AndrewB.(1997b).“WithinandAgainstPeasantness:backwardness

andfilialityinruralChina”,inComparativeStudiesinSocietyandHistory37(1):110–135.

Kipnis,AndrewB.(2006).“Suzhi:akeywordapproach”,inTheChinaQuarterly

186:295–313.Kipnis,AndrewB.(2008).ChinaandPostsocialistAnthropology:theorizing

powerandsocietyafterCommunism.Norwalk:Eastbridge.Kipnis,AndrewB.(2010).“WantinganEducationinRuralChina”.

http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2010/03/05/wanting-an-education-in-rural-china/,accessed6thSeptember2015.

Kipnis,AndrewB.(2011).GoverningEducationalDesire:culture,politics,and

schoolinginChina.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress.Kipnis,AndrewB.(2013).“UrbanisationinBetween:ruraltracesinarapidly

growingandindustrialisingcountycity”,inChinaPerspectives3:5–12.Klein,JakobA.(2009).“CreatingEthicalFoodConsumers?Promotingorganic

foodsinurbanSouthwestChina”,inSocialAnthropology17(1):74–89.Klein,JakobA.(2014).“Introduction:Cooking,CuisineandClassandthe

AnthropologyofFood”,inKlein,JakobA.&AnneMurcott(eds)FoodConsumptioninGlobalPerspective:essaysintheanthropologyoffoodinhonourofJackGoody.NewYork:PalgraveMacMillan,eBook:193–693.

Klein,JakobA.(2016).“BuddhistVegetarianRestaurantsandtheChanging

MeaningsofMeatinUrbanChina”,inEthnospublishedonline28thJanuary2016DOI:10.1080/00141844.2015.1084016.

388

Klein,JakobA.,YusonJung&MelissaL.Caldwell(2014).“Introduction:ethicaleatingand(post)socialistalternatives”,inJung,Yuson,JakobA.Klein&MelissaL.Caldwell(eds)EthicalEatinginthePostsocialistandSocialistWorld.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress:1–24.

Kleinman,Arthur(2011).“Questsformeaning”,inKleinman,Arthuretal(eds)

DeepChina–themorallifeoftheperson:whatanthropologyandpsychiatrytellusaboutChinatoday.LosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,eBook:263–289.

Kluckhohn,Clyde(1949).“ThePhilosophyoftheNavahoIndian”,inNorthrop,

F.S.D.(ed)IdeologicalDifferencesandWorldOrder.NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress:356–384.

Kopytoff,Igor(1986).“TheCulturalBiographyofThings:commoditizationas

process”,inAppadurai,Arjun(ed)TheSocialLifeofThings:commoditiesinculturalperspective.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress:64–91.

Landsberger,StefanR.(2001).“LearningbywhatExample?Educational

propagandaintwenty-firstcenturyChina”,inCriticalAsianStudies33(4):541–571.

Lee,Haiyan(2014).TheStrangerandtheChineseMoralImagination.Stanford:

StanfordUniversityPress.Lefebvre,Henri(1991/1974).TheProductionofSpace,translatedbyDonald

Nicholson-Smith.Oxford:BlackwellPublishing.Legge,James(trans)(2011).TheAnalectsofConfucius.APublicDomainBook,

eBook.Lei,Guang(2003).“RuralTaste,UrbanFashions:theculturalpoliticsof

rural/urbandifferenceincontemporaryChina”,inpositions:eastasiaculturescritique11(3):613–646.

Li,Yuhui&LindaDorsten(2010).“RegionalandUrban/Ruraldifferencesof

PublicHealthinChina”,inGlobalJournalofHealthScience2(1):20–30.Ling,Minhua(2015).“‘Badstudentsgotovocationalschools!’:education,social

reproductionandmigrantyouthinurbanChina”,inTheChinaJournal73:108–131.

389

Lora-Wainwright,Anna(2009).“OfFarmingChemicalsandCancerDeaths:thepoliticsofhealthincontemporaryruralChina”,inSocialAnthropology17(1):56–73.

Lou,Yongqi,FranscescaValsecchi&ClarisaDiaz(2013).DesignHarvests:an

acupuncturaldesignapproachtowardssustainability.Gothenburg:MistraUrbanFutures.

Lu,Hanchao(2010).“Small-TownChina:ahistoricalperspectiveonrural-urban

relations”,inWhyte,MartinKing(ed)OneCountry,TwoSocieties:rural-urbaninequalityincontemporaryChina.Boston:HarvardUniversityPress:29–54.

Lu,Yiyi(2007).“TheCollectiveStudySessionsofthePolitburo:amultipurpose

toolofChina’scentralleadership”.https://www.nottingham.ac.uk/cpi/documents/briefings/briefing-27-collective-study-sessions-of-the-politburo.pdf,accessed23rdFebruary2016.

Ma,Shasha&ZemanZhang(马沙沙和张泽满)(2013).“Middle-classestothe

Countryside(ZhongchanJiejiXiaxiang中产阶级下乡)”in21stCenturyBusinessReview(ErshiyiShijiShangyePinglun⼆⼗⼀世纪商业评论)2013(2):38–47.

Mahbubani,Kishore(2008).TheNewAsianHemisphere:theirresistibleshiftof

globalpowertotheEast.Philadelphia:PersusBooksGroup.Malinowski,Bronislaw(1922).ArgonautsoftheWesternPacific:anaccountof

nativeenterpriseandadventureinthearchipelagoesofMelanesianNewGuinea.Nopublisherinformation,eBook.

Mariola,MattJ.&DavidL.McConnell(2013).“TheShiftingLandscapeofAmish

Agriculture:balancingtraditionandinnovationinanorganicfarmingcooperative”,inHumanOrganization72(2):144–153.

Marx,Karl(1995/1867).Capital:anabridgedversion.Editedwithan

introductionandnotesbyDavidMcLellan.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.Mauss,Marcel(1990/1950).TheGift:theformandreasonforexchangein

archaicsocieties.NewYork:W.W.Norton.McCarthy,James(2008).“RuralGeography:globalizingthecountryside”,in

ProgressinHumanGeography32(1):129–137.

390

McGregor,James(2005).OneBillionCustomers:lessonsfromthefrontlinesof

doingbusinessinChina.London:NicholasBrealeyPublishing.Mead,Margaret(1970).CultureandCommitment:astudyofthegenerationgap.

NewYork:Doubleday.Mertha,AndrewC.(2009).“From‘RustlessScrews’to‘NailHouses’:the

evolutionofpropertyrightsinChina”,inOrbis53(2):233–249.Mintz,SidneyW.(1985).SweetnessandPower:theplaceofsugarinmodern

history.NewYork:PenguinBooks.Mintz,SidneyW.&ChristineM.DuBois(2002).“TheAnthropologyofFoodand

Eating”,inAnnualReviewofAnthropology31:99–119.Mir,Iris(2013).“LogisticsrevolutioninChina:willdeliverycompanies

deliver?”http://knowledge.ckgsb.edu.cn/2013/06/24/china/logistics-revolution-in-china-will-delivery-companies-deliver/,accessed1stJuly2015.

Mol,ArthurP.J.&NeilT.Carter(2007).“China’sEnvironmentalGovernancein

Transition”,inCarter,NeilT.&ArthurP.J.Mol(eds)EnvironmentalGovernanceinChina.London:Routledge:1–22.

Moore,RobertL.(2005).“GenerationKu:individualismandChina'sMillennial

Youth”,inEthnology44(4):357–376.Murphy,Rachel(2004).“TurningPeasantsintoModernChineseCitizens:

‘PopulationQuality’discourse,demographictransitionandprimaryeducation”,inTheChinaQuarterly177:1–20.

NationalBureauofStatisticsofChina(2012).ChinaStatisticalYearbook2012.

http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/ndsj/2012/indexeh.htm,accessed10thJuly2015.

NewWeekly(XinZhoukan新周刊)(2014).“SoftVillages,CoolAgriculture(Ruan

Xiangcun&KuNongye软乡村 & 酷农业)”22:20–115.Nietzsche,FriedrichWilhelm(2012/1905).ThusSpokeZarathustra:abookfor

allandnone.TranslatedbyThomasCommon.APublicDomainBook,eBook.

391

Nonini,DonaldM.(2013).“Thelocal-foodmovementandtheanthropologyofglobalsystems”,inAmericanEthnologist40(2):267–275.

O’Brien,KevinJ.&LianjiangLi(2006).RightfulResistanceinChina.Berkeley:

UniversityofCaliforniaPress,eBook.Olberding,Amy(2008).“DreamingoftheDukeofZhou:exemplarismandthe

Analects”,inJournalofChinesePhilosophy35(4):625–639.Olberding,Amy(2011).MoralExemplarsintheAnalects:thegoodpersonthatis.

London:Routledge.Osburg,John(2013).AnxiousWealth:moneyandmoralityamongChina’snew

rich.Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress,eBook.Osnos,Evan(2011).“IsacluetoChina’sfutureonitsdinnertable?”

http://www.newyorker.com/news/evan-osnos/is-a-clue-to-chinas-future-on-its-dinner-tables,accessed4thSeptember2015.

Oxfeld,Ellen(2010).DrinkWater,butRemembertheSource:moraldiscoursein

aChinesevillage.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.Palmer,DavidA.(2008).“EmbodyingUtopia:charismainthepost-MaoQigong

craze”,inTheJournalofAlternativeandEmergentReligions12(2):69–89.Palmer,Michael(2006).“TheEmergenceofConsumerRights:legalprotection

oftheconsumerinthePRC”,inLatham,Kevin,StuartThompson&JakobA.Klein(eds)ConsumingChina:approachestoculturalchangeincontemporaryChina.London:Routledge:56–81.

Pan,Tianshu(2011).“PlaceAttachment,CommunalMemory,andthemoral

UnderpinningsofGentrificationinpostreformShanghai”,inKleinman,Arthuretal(eds)DeepChina–themorallifeoftheperson:whatanthropologyandpsychiatrytellusaboutChinatoday.LosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,eBook:152–174.

Paull,John(2007).“China'sorganicfoodshowcased”,inAcresAustralia15(2):

31–32.Paull,John(2008a).“GreenfoodinChina”,inElementals91:48–53.Paull,John(2008b).“TheGreeningofChina'sFood–greenfood,organicfood,

andeco-labelling”,presentedatSustainableConsumptionandAlternative

392

Agri-FoodSystemsConference,LiegeUniversity,Arlon,Belgium27th–30thMay2008.

Pearson,MargaretM.(1997).China’sNewBusinessElite:thepolitical

consequencesofeconomicreform.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.PersonalTao(2015).“Ziran”.http://personaltao.com/teachings/taoism/ziran/,

accessed18thNovember2015.PewResearchCenter(2012).“GrowingConcernsinChinaaboutInequality,

Corruption”.http://www.pewglobal.org/files/2012/10/Pew-Global-Attitudes-China-Report-FINAL-October-10-2012.pdf,accessed7thDecember2012.

PewResearchCenter(2015).“Corruption,Pollution,InequalityareTop

ConcernsinChina”.http://www.pewglobal.org/files/2015/09/Pew-Research-Center-China-Report-FINAL-September-24-2015.pdf,accessed26thOctober2015.

Phillips,Martin(2010).“CounterurbanisationandRuralGentrification:an

explorationoftheterms”,inPopulation,Space&Place16:539–558.Pilcher,JeffreyM.(2008).“TacoBell,Maseca,andSlowFood:apostmodern

apocalypseforMexico’speasantcuisine?”inCounihan,Carole&PennyvanEsterik(eds)FoodandCulture:areader,secondedition.NewYork:Routledge:400–410.

Poon,Daniel(2015).“ChinaleadingbyexampleinSouth-Southrelations”.

http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2015/04/24/china-leading-by-example-in-south-south-relations/,accessed22ndJuly2015.

Price,Charles,DonaldNonini&ErichFoxTree(2008).“GroundedUtopian

Movements:subjectsofneglect”,inAnthropologicalQuarterly81(1):127–159.

Prus,RobertC.(1989).PursuingCustomers:anethnographyofmarketing

activities.NewburyPark:SagePublications.Qian,Junxi,ShenjingHe&LinLiu(2013).“Aestheticisation,rent-seeking,and

ruralgentrificationamidstChina'srapidurbanisation:thecaseofXiaozhouvillage,Guangzhou”,inJournalofRuralStudies32:331–345.

393

QSWorldUniversityRankings(2015).“QSWorldUniversityRankings2015”.http://www.topuniversities.com/university-rankings/world-university-rankings/2014#sorting=rank+region=+country=87+faculty=+stars=false+search=,accessed5thFebruary2016.

Rafaeli,Anat(1989).“WhenCashiersMeetCustomers:ananalysisoftheroleof

supermarketcashiers”,inTheAcademyofManagementJournal32(2):245–273.

Rene,HelenaK.(2013).China’sSentDownGeneration:publicadministrationand

thelegaciesofMao’srusticationprogram.WashingtonD.C.:GeorgetownUniversityPress,eBook.

Riegel,Jeffrey(2013).“Confucius”,inZalta,EdwardN.(ed)Stanford

EncyclopediaofPhilosophy.California:StanfordUniversityCenterfortheStudyofLanguage&Information.

Rolandsen,UnnMalfridH.(2008).“ACollectiveofTheirOwn:youngvolunteers

atthefringesofthePartyrealm”,inEuropeanJournalofEastAsianStudies7(1):101–129.

Roniger,Luis&MichaelFeige(1992).“FromPioneertoFreier:thechanging

modelsofgeneralizedexchangeinIsrael”,inEuropeanJournalofSociology33(2):280–307.

Sanders,Richard(2006).“Amarketroadtosustainableagriculture?Ecological

agriculture,greenfoodandorganicagricultureinChina”,inDevelopmentandChange37(1):201–226.

Schein,Louisa(2001).“Urbanity,Cosmopolitanism,Consumption”,inChen,

NancyN.,ConstanceD.Clark,SuzanneZ.Gottschang&LynJeffrey(eds)ChinaUrban:ethnographiesofcontemporaryChina.Durham:DukeUniversityPress,eBook:2860–3074.

Scott,JamesC.(1976).TheMoralEconomyofthePeasant:rebellionand

subsistenceinSoutheastAsia.NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress.Segal,Adam(2012).“China’s‘ModelWorkers’headtoCyberspace”.

http://thediplomat.com/2012/08/chinas-model-workers-head-to-cyberspace/,accessed29thOctober2015.

Seybolt,PeterJ.(1977).TheRusticationofUrbanYouthinChina:asocial

experiment.NewYork:M.E.Sharpe.

394

ShanghaiBureauofStatistics(2015).“Population&Employment(RenkouJiuye

⼈⼝就业)”.http://www.stats-sh.gov.cn/frontshgl/18665.html,accessed14thMay2015.

ShanghaiJiaoTongUniversity(1996).Chinese-EnglishDictionary(Han-YingDa

Cidian汉英⼤词典).Shanghai:ShanghaiJiaoTongUniversityPress.Shapiro,Judith(2001).Mao’sWarAgainstNature:politicsandtheenvironment

inrevolutionaryChina.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,eBook.Sheridan,Mary(1968).“TheEmulationofHeroes”,inTheChinaQuarterly33:

47–72.Shi,Yan,CunwangCheng,PengLei,TiejunWen,&CarolineMerrifield(2011).

“Safefood,greenfood,goodfood:ChineseCommunity-SupportedAgricultureandtherisingmiddle-class”,inInternationalJournalofAgriculturalSustainability9(4):551–558.

Shieh,Shawn&GuoshengDeng(2011).“AnEmergingCivilSociety:theimpact

ofthe2008Sichuanearthquakeongrass-rootsassociationsinChina”,inTheChinaJournal65:181–194.

Shlapentokh,Vladimir(1988).“TheStakhanoviteMovement:changing

perceptionsoverfiftyyears”,inJournalofContemporaryHistory23(2):259–276.

Sigaud,Lygia(2002).“TheVicissitudesofTheGift”,inSocialAnthropology

10(3):335–358.Sima,Yangzi&PeterC.Pugsley(2010).“TheRiseofa‘Me-Culture’in

PostsocialistChina:youth,individualismandidentitycreationintheblogosphere”,inInternationalCommunicationsGazette72(3):287–306.

Singer,Peter&JimMason(2006).TheEthicsofWhatWeEat:whyourfood

choicesmatter.Pennsylvania:Rodale.Smith,GraemeKevin(2002).AMatterofTrust:theorganicfoodmarketinChina.

UniversityofNewSouthWales:unpublishedHonoursthesis.Sokolskaya,Eugenia(trans)(2015).“DidStakhanovActAlone?”

http://www.russianlife.com/stories/online-archive/did-stakhanov-act-alone/,accessed23rdAugust2016.

395

StateCouncilofthePeople’sRepublicofChina(2015).“Chinanames‘National

ModelWorkers’aheadofMayDay”.http://english.gov.cn/premier/news/2015/04/28/content_281475097589702.htm,accessed29thOctober2015.

Steiner,Rudolf(2003).WhatisWaldorfEducation?ThreelecturesbyRudolf

Steiner.Massachusetts:SteinerBooks,eBook.Steinmuller,Hans(2010).“CommunitiesofComplicity:notesonstateformation

andlocalsocialityinruralChina”,inAmericanEthnologist37(3):539–549.Stewart,Lynn(1995).“Bodies,Visions,andSpatialPolitics:areviewessayon

HenriLefebvre’sTheProductionofSpace”,inEnvironment&Planning.D,Society&Space13:609–618.

Stewart,PamelaJ.&AndrewStrathern(2004).Witchcraft,Sorcery,Rumors,and

Gossip.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,eBook.Stranahan,Patricia(1983).“LaborHeroinesofYan'an”,inModernChina9(2):

228–252.Studwell,Joe(2003).TheChinaDream:thequestforthelastgreatuntapped

marketonearth.NewYork:GrovePress.Tang,Beibei(2013).“Urbanhousing-status-groups:consumption,lifestylesand

identity”,inChen,Minglu&DavidS.G.Goodman(eds)MiddleClassChina:identityandbehaviour.Cheltenham:EdwardElgar:54–74.

TheEconomist(2012).“Chindependence”.

http://www.economist.com/blogs/graphicdetail/2012/09/sinodependency-index,accessed20thJuly2015.

TheEconomist(2014).“Doingittheirway”.

http://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21595019-market-growing-furiously-getting-tougher-foreign-firms-doing-it-their-way,accessed20thJuly2015.

TheEconomist(2015).“Ajunglenomore”.

http://www.economist.com/news/united-states/21671150-how-temple-grandins-designs-have-reformed-meat-industry-jungle-no-more,accessed25thNovember2015.

396

TheRealDirtonFarmerJohn(2006).TaggartSiegel(Director),USA,CavuPictures.

Thiers,Paul(2005).“Usingglobalorganicmarketstopayforecologicallybased

agriculturedevelopmentinChina”,inAgricultureandHumanValues22:3–15.

Thompson,E.P.(1971).“TheMoralEconomyoftheEnglishCrowdinthe

EighteenthCentury”,inPastandPresent50(1):76–136.Tilt,Bryan(2010).TheStruggleforSustainabilityinRuralChina:environmental

valuesandcivilsociety.NewYork:ColombiaUniversityPress,eBook.Tomba,Luigi(2004).“CreatinganUrbanMiddleClass:socialengineeringin

Beijing”,inTheChinaJournal5:1–26.Tomba,Luigi(2014).TheGovernmentNextDoor:neighborhoodpoliticsinurban

China.Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress.Tsing,Anna(2013).“SortingoutCommodities:howcapitalistvalueismade

throughgifts”,inHAU:JournalofEthnographicTheory3(1):21–43.Tu,Wei-Ming(1985).ConfucianThought:selfhoodascreativetransformation.

Albany:StateUniversityofNewYorkPress.UndertheDome(QiongDingZhiXia穹顶之下)(2015).JingChai(Director),China,

Independent.UnitedNationsVolunteers(2011).StateofVolunteerisminChina:engaging

peoplethroughideas,innovationandinspiration.Bonn:UnitedNations.vanderPloeg,JanDouwe(2009).TheNewPeasantries:strugglesforautonomy

andsustainabilityinaneraofempireandglobalization.London:Earthscan,eBook.

Veeck,Ann(2000).“TheRevitalizationoftheMarketplace:foodmarketsof

Nanjing”,inDavis,DeborahS.(ed.)TheConsumerRevolutioninUrbanChina.LosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress:107–123.

Veeck,Ann,HongyanYu&AlvinC.Burns(2010).“ConsumerRisksandNew

FoodSystemsinUrbanChina”,inJournalofMacromarketing30(3):222–237.

397

Vendryes,Thomas(2010).“LandRightsinRuralChinasince1978:reforms,successes,andshortcomings”,inChinaPerspectives4:87–99.

Wang,Fei-ling(2005).OrganizingthroughDivisionandExclusion:China'shukou

system.Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress,eBook.Wang,Jing(1996).HighCultureFever:politics,aesthetics,andideologyinDeng’s

China.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.Wank,David(2000).“CigarettesandDominationinChineseBusinessNetworks:

institutionalchangeduringmarkettransition”,inDavis,DeborahS.(ed.)TheConsumerRevolutioninUrbanChina.LosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress:268–286.

Warnick,BryanR.(2008).ImitationandEducation:aphilosophicalinquiryinto

learningbyexample.NewYork:StateUniversityofNewYorkPress,eBook.Watson,JamesL.(2006).“Introduction:Transnationalism,Localization,and

Fast-FoodsinEastAsia”,inWatson,JamesL.(ed)GoldenArchesEast:McDonald'sinEastAsia,secondedition.Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress,eBook:1–38.

Watson,JamesL.&MelissaL.Caldwell(2005).“Introduction”,inWatson,James

L.&MelissaL.Caldwell(eds)TheCulturalPoliticsofFoodandEating:areader.Oxford:BlackwellPublishing,eBook:80–227.

Weber,Ian(2002).“ShanghaiBaby:negotiatingyouthself-identityinurban

China”,inSocialIdentities8(2):347–368.Weber,Max(1946).FromMaxWeber:essaysinsociology.Translated,edited,and

withanintroductionbyH.H.Gerth&C.WrightMills.NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress.

Weber,Max(2008/1904).TheProtestantEthicandtheSpiritofCapitalism.

Digireads.comPublishing.Weiner,AnnetteB.(1992).InalienablePossessions:theparadoxofkeeping-

while-giving.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,eBook.Wekerle,GerdaR.(2004).“FoodJusticeMovements:policy,planning,and

networks”,inJournalofPlanningEducationandResearch23:378–386.

398

Weller,RobertP.(2006).DiscoveringNature:globalizationandenvironmentalcultureinChinaandTaiwan.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,eBook.

Wen,Jiabao(2006).“NewSocialistCountryside–whatdoesitmean?”

http://www.bjreview.com.cn/special/third_plenum_17thcpc/txt/2008-10/10/content_156190.htm,accessed22ndJuly2015.

Whyte,MartinKing(2001).“TheExemplarySociety:humanimprovement,social

control,andthedangersofmodernityinChinabyBørgeBakken,areview”,inTheChinaJournal45:161–162.

Whyte,MartinKing(ed)(2010a).OneCountry,TwoSocieties:rural-urban

inequalityincontemporaryChina.Boston:HarvardUniversityPress.Whyte,MartinKing(2010b).“TheParadoxesofRural-UrbanInequalityin

ContemporaryChina”,inWhyte,MartinKing(ed)OneCountry,TwoSocieties:rural-urbaninequalityincontemporaryChina.Boston:HarvardUniversityPress:1–25.

Wilcox,EmilyE.(2012).“‘SellingOut’PostMao:dancelaborandtheethicsof

fulfillmentinreform-eraChina”,inKipnis,AndrewB.(ed)ChineseModernityandtheIndividualPsyche.NewYork:PalgraveMacMillan:43–66.

Williams,Raymond(1975).TheCountryandtheCity.London:TheHogarth

Press,eBook.Williams,Raymond(1983).Keywords:avocabularyofcultureandsociety.

London:Fontana.Wright,Kimberly(2015).“GoingOrganic:investinginChina’sgrowinghealth

foodsmarket”.http://www.chinabusinessreview.com/going-organic-investing-in-chinas-growing-health-foods-market/,accessed2ndOctober2015.

Wu,Xu(2014).“TheFarmhouseJoy(nongjiale)MovementinChina'sEthnic

MinorityVillages”,inTheAsiaPacificJournalofAnthropology15(2):158–177.

Yan,Hairong(2003).“NeoliberalGovernmentalityandNeohumanism:

organizingsuzhi/valueflowthroughlaborrecruitmentnetworks”,inCulturalAnthropology18(4):493–523.

399

Yan,Yunxiang(1996).TheFlowofGifts:reciprocityandsocialnetworksina

Chinesevillage.Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress.Yan,Yunxiang(1999).“RuralYouthandYouthCultureinNorthChina”,in

Culture,MedicineandPsychiatry23:75–97.Yan,Yunxiang(2006).“McDonald’sinBeijing:thelocalizationofAmericana”,in

Watson,JamesL.(ed)GoldenArchesEast:McDonald'sinEastAsia,secondedition.Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress,eBook:39–76.

Yan,Yunxiang(2009a).“TheGoodSamaritan’sNewTrouble:astudyofthe

changingmorallandscapeincontemporaryChina”,inSocialAnthropology17(1):9–24.

Yan,Yunxiang(2009b).TheIndividualizationofChineseSociety.Oxford:Berg.Yan,Yunxiang(2012).“FoodSafetyandSocialRiskinContemporaryChina”,in

TheJournalofAsianStudies71(3):705–729.Yang,Guobin(2013).“ContestingFoodSafetyintheChineseMedia:between

hegemonyandcounter-hegemony”,inTheChinaQuarterly214:337–355.Yang,MayfairMei-hui(1994).Gifts,Favors,&Banquets:theartofsocialrelations

inChina.NewYork:CornellUniversityPress.Yasuda,John(2013).TheScaleProblem:foodsafety,scalepolitics,andcoherence

deficitsinChina.UniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley:unpublishedPh.D.dissertation.

Yasuda,John(2015).“WhyFoodSafetyFailsinChina:thepoliticsofscale”,in

TheChinaQuarterly223:745–769.Yeh,EmilyT.,KevinJ.O'Brien,&JingzhongYe(2013).“Ruralpoliticsin

contemporaryChina”,inTheJournalofPeasantStudies40(6):915–928.Zhang,Li(2010).InSearchofParadise:middle-classlivinginaChinese

metropolis.London:CornellUniversityPress,eBook.Zhang,Wenxia&YandongZhao(n.d.).“BeijingCitizens’PerceptionofRiskon

FoodSafety”.http://www.kent.ac.uk/scarr/events/beijingpapers/WenxiaYandong.pdf,accessed13thOctober2012.

400

Zhao,JenniferH.&PeterHo(2005).“Adevelopmentalrisksociety?Thepolitics

ofgenetically-modifiedorganisms(GMOs)inChina”,inInternationalJournalofEnvironmentandSustainableDevelopment4(4):370–394.

Zhou,Fengqi&JunShen(2011).“DeployinganIntelligentTransportation

SysteminChongmingCounty,Shanghai”,inJournalofUrbanTechnology17(3):39–51.

Zito,AngelaR.(1987).“CityGods,Filiality,andHegemonyinLateImperial

China”,inModernChina13(3):333–371.