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2012 27: 706 originally published online 10 October 2011J Interpers ViolenceTompson Makahamadze, Anthony Isacco and Excellent Chireshe

Domestic Violence ActExamining the Perceptions of Zimbabwean Women about the

  

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Journal of Interpersonal Violence27(4) 706 –727

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1Chatham University, Pittsburgh, PA, USA2George Mason University, Fairfax, VA3Great Zimbabwe University, Masvingo, Zimbabwe

Corresponding Author:Tompson Makahamadze, George Mason University, School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, 4400 University Drive, Fairfax, Virginia, 22030, USA Email: tmakaham@gmu.edu

Examining the Perceptions of Zimbabwean Women about the Domestic Violence Act

Tompson Makahamadze,1,2 Anthony Isacco,1 and Excellent Chireshe3

Abstract

The purpose of this study is to qualitatively examine how Christian women from Zimbabwe perceived the effectiveness of the Domestic Violence Act in preventing and responding to domestic violence. The study also aims to understand the unique social, cultural, and religious context of the partici-pants that affect their attitudes and beliefs about this legislation. The findings of the study are based on an analysis of qualitative interviews. The women were recruited from the Roman Catholic Church (RCC); Reformed Church in Zimbabwe (RCZ); Methodist Church in Zimbabwe (MCZ); Zimbabwe Assembly of God Africa (ZAOGA), and Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) in the Masvingo urban area. Most of the participants expressed confidence in the Act, saying that it goes a long way in curbing domestic violence. The participants who indicated lack of confidence in the Act argued that it is contrary to the teachings of their Christian denominations. The study also revealed that lack of confidence in the Act is due to lack of knowledge about the legislation. In particular, many were unaware of the fact that physical, psychological, and emotional abuse constitutes justification for a protection order that can remain in force when a protected person is living with the

Article

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perpetrator. The article discusses these findings in relation to domestic vio-lence in other cultures and countries and recommends raising awareness of the importance of this useful piece of legislation.

Keywords

domestic violence, public policy, Zimbabwe, women

Domestic violence can be defined as a form of antisocial behavior and occurs when a family member or ex-partner attempts to physically or psychologi-cally dominate or harm the other. It can also be understood as physical, sex-ual, economic, or psychological abuse directed toward one’s spouse, partner, or other family members (Lipsky & Caetano, 2009). Intimate partner vio-lence is a more specific form of domestic violence and refers to “interactive behaviors that recursively employ patterns of psychological and physical conflict tactics, initiated by either partner simultaneously or at different points to resolve arguments” (Horowitz, Santiago, Pearson, & LaRussa-Trott, 2009, p. 250). In this article, although the research and legislation pri-mary refers to domestic violence in general, the authors are mainly concerned with intimate partner violence.

The purpose of this study is to examine how Christian women from Masvingo urban area in Zimbabwe perceived the effectiveness of the Domestic Violence Act (DVA) in preventing and responding to domestic violence. Masvingo, formerly Fort Victoria, is the provincial capital of Masvingo Province, one of the biggest provinces in the country (Sibanda, Makahamadze, & Maposa, 2008). The study seeks to understand the unique social, cultural, and religious context of the participants that affect their atti-tudes and beliefs about the Domestic Violence Act. Perceptions of women were considered because of the implied benefit of the Act to women, who are viewed as the main victims of domestic violence. Men are victims too, but women and children are the more vulnerable (Osirim, 2003).

Research indicates that domestic violence has physical, emotional, and psy-chological consequences for women such as physical injury, chronic pelvic pain, frequent vaginal and urinary tract infections, sexually transmitted diseases, depression, suicidality, and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD; Barnett, 2000; Bohn & Holz, 1996; Fischbach & Herbert, 1997; Jones & Horan, 1997; Mertin & Mohr, 2000). In addition, perceptions of Christian women were sought due to the dominance of Christianity in Zimbabwe. The proceeding sections will provide an overview of the Domestic Violence Act (DVA) and domestic vio-lence in Zimbabwe, including cultural and spiritual influences.

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Overview of the Domestic Violence Act (DVA) in Zimbabwe

Prior to the establishment of the Domestic Violence Act, there had not been any law in Zimbabwe that dealt specifically with domestic violence in gen-eral and violence against women in particular (Osirim 2003). There was no clear definition of domestic violence. It was not clear whether emotional or psychological abuse that is not coupled with physical abuse would qualify as an act of domestic violence (United Nations Children’s Fund 2000). As such, if any form of domestic violence was reported to the police, it would be slot-ted into any of the laws related to common assault: assault with intent to cause grievous bodily harm, indecent assault, and many others (Osirim, 2003). The DVA sought to clearly define domestic violence and raise awareness of domestic violence as a public health issue.

Attempts had been made in the past to introduce a law which dealt with cases of domestic violence. The major attempt was the Draft Domestic Violence Bill of 1995, which was established through the Bulawayo Women Association. However, this Bill was postponed until 2003 when it resurfaced because of increased reported levels of domestic violence cases and advo-cacy pressure from women’s organizations such as the Musasa Project and Women’s Action Group (Christiansen, 2010). Sadly, the government did not facilitate the enactment of the Draft Domestic Violence Bill. The Domestic Violence Act of Zimbabwe adopted some of the issues addressed in the Draft Domestic Violence Bill, such as duties of the police officers and the defini-tions of domestic violence (Domestic Violence Act, 2006).

The Domestic Violence Act is a controversial piece of legislation that was put into operation in 2007 in Zimbabwe. The Act is considered controversial because it considers repeated insults, ridiculing, and demonstrations of obses-sive possessiveness and jealousy of a partner as domestic violence (Domestic Violence Act, 2006). This conceptualization was criticized for being exces-sively vague and including nonphysical injuries as domestic violence (Christiansen, 2010). The purpose of the Act is to prevent and protect victims of domestic violence.

The DVA defines domestic violence “as any unlawful act, omission or behaviour which results in death or the direct infliction of physical, sexual or mental injury to the complainant by a respondent” (Domestic Violence Act, 2006, p. 3) It also considers intimidation; harassment; damage of property, and entering into complainant’s place without consent, where the parties do not share the same residence, as forms of domestic violence. In addition, the Act classifies abuse derived from any cultural or customary rites or practices

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that discriminate or degrade women such as forced virginity tests, female geni-tal mutilation, forced wife inheritance, and other such practices as domestic violence (Domestic Violence Act, 2006).

The legislation also stipulates the role of the police officers in dealing with cases of domestic violence. The Act requires police officers to arrest any person suspected of committing domestic violence without a warrant of arrest. The law states that there shall be a section at every police station that should be staffed by at least one police officer with relevant expertise in domestic violence and other family related matters. Furthermore, the police officers are required to provide a friendly environment to the victims of domestic violence, which includes respecting the victim’s right to report his or her case in privacy (Domestic Violence Act, 2006). Before the establish-ment of this Act, victims of domestic violence would make their reports in front of other people at the police station and this made reporting of such cases as rape and physical abuse very difficult for women (Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, 2006). Battered women either found it embarrassing to report cases of domestic violence to the police or feared the consequences of report-ing such cases, which could involve increased violence or losing their chil-dren (Fanslow & Robinson, 2009).

To show commitment to the implementation of the Act, the Government, through the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, established the Domestic Violence Committee, which oversees the enforcement of the Act. The Ministry appointed an eight-member Anti-Domestic Violence Council, which would review cases of domestic violence, disseminate information on domestic violence, and pro-mote research and services delivery in domestic violence cases. To comple-ment the efforts of the government, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the Zimbabwe Lawyers’ Association embarked on training tra-ditional leaders throughout the country on the implementation of the Domestic Violence Act. They believed that the chiefs play a pivotal role in settling dis-putes across the country (Elder, 2007). The establishment of the Domestic Violence Act in Zimbabwe therefore shows that the country is committed to eradicating domestic violence.

Domestic Violence in ZimbabweResearch indicates that domestic violence is a significant problem for women in Zimbabwe. For example, Armstrong (1998) collected 200 case studies on domestic violence and found that 170 (85%) of these were women who survived domestic violence and 30 (15%) were men who were survivors of violence by women. Another study conducted by Watt and Zimmerman

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(2002) estimates that 33% of women in Zimbabwe have experienced domes-tic violence, which matches the prevalence rates (29%-62%) of intimate partner violence in other countries (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006; UNICEF, 2000; United Nation Report, 1998).

The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (2006) indicates that the cases of wife beating reported in Harare alone jumped from 418 in 1988 to 5,000 in 1990. It is not clear whether these figures represent an actual increase in women abuse or if the mechanisms for reporting had improved. Such an increase could be explained by loss of employment and high levels of poverty in Zimbabwe owing to the introduction of the Economic Structural Adjustment Program (ESAP) in 1990. The purpose of this program was to curb the sky-rocketing levels of poverty in Zimbabwe. Nonetheless, a few months after introducing this program, the state retrenched more than 40,000 workers (Osirim, 2003). It is likely that relationships within many poor and low-income families were increasingly becoming strained as they struggled to survive in the city. Research suggests a correlation between domestic vio-lence and the poverty levels of the population (Njovana & Watts 1996; Olarte & Llosa, 1999). Previous research, not specific to Zimbabwe, identified poor social and communication skills, an inability to appropriately express emo-tions, low frustration tolerance, overdependence in relationships, and as a way to gain power, control, and dominance as causes of domestic violence (Horowitz et al., 2009).

Domestic violence has also been worsened by some cultural beliefs and practices in Zimbabwe. The Shona culture practiced by almost 80% of the population (Woelk, 1994), fuelled the controversy of the DVA because of the con-flict between local cultural norms and established definitions of intimate part-ner violence in families. The Shona culture is patriarchal; males are socialized to see themselves as breadwinners, whereas, females are taught to be obedient and submissive housekeepers (Kambarami, 2006). In that culture, women are constantly defined in relation to men and as dependent and subordinate to them as well (McDowell & Pringle, 1992). Since men are viewed as superior to women, wives are expected to obey their husbands at all cost. If a woman resisted her husband’s authority by skimping on the food she prepared for him, failed to cook, or refused to have sex with him, she committed a serious cultural offense that struck at the heart of the marriage contract (Aderinto, 2001). Under such circumstances, a man could beat his wife or even divorce her without legal consequences (United Nations Children’s Fund, 2000).

Unlike the DVA, the Shona culture does not consider slapping, beating up, or verbal attacks as domestic violence. For instance, many Shona men in Armstrong’s study (1998) expressed that wife battering was the traditional

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way of dealing with a misbehaving wife. Should a woman run to her family for refuge, she may be returned to her abusive husband, or beaten again, then returned. In the same way, aunts often tell the woman that such beatings are normal (Kambarami, 2006).

Payment of roora (bride price) is another factor in the Shona culture that exposes women to abuse in Zimbabwe. Roora is a payment made by the hus-band to the wife’s family, which usually includes some combination of money and cattle. Because of the bride price, women are seen as the property of men and are expected to become servants of men (Wagner, 1999). In addi-tion, once the bride price is paid, women are discouraged to divorce their husbands. Normally, if a woman divorces a husband, except in cases of extreme abuse, the in-laws can be asked to refund all, or part of the bride wealth they received from the husband’s family. Therefore, the parents of the woman will try by all means to return the woman to the husband to evade the refund. However, Mapara (2007, p. 15) condemns men who abuse their wives because they paid bride price. He states,

Kune vamwe varume vasinganzwisisi tsika dzavatema. Vanoona kuroora sekutenga munhu kwete kuvaka ukama. Vanhu vakadai vano-gona kuti vakaita pavasinganzwisisani nevakadzi vavo kana pavanot-siurwa voti havadikutsiurwa nevanhu vavakaroora

[There are some husbands who do not understand African culture. They perceive bride price as the purchase of wives and not as a way of establishing relations. Such people are not willing to be corrected or advised by their wives when they go wrong because they have paid bride price].

The author is saying that the bride price does not give someone the right to abuse his wife. However, Mapara is not advocating for the abolition of this custom as he does not see it as the cause of domestic violence.

Christian Spirituality in Zimbabwe and Domestic ViolenceSince this study deals with women from various Christian-based religions, it is imperative that we explore the influence of Christianity in Zimbabwe. It is estimated that between 70% and 80% of the Zimbabwean population belongs to the mainstream Christian denominations such as the Roman Catholic Church, Methodist Church, and Dutch Reformed Church (Ganiel, 2008; U.S. Department of State, 2006). Zimbabwe has also experienced a rapid growth

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of the Pentecostal churches and the African Initiated Churches (AICs) in recent years (Bornstein, 2009). It is important to note that these denominations have different interpretations of scripture. While the mainstream denomina-tions are more liberal in their approach to scripture, the Pentecostal churches such as Zimbabwe Assembly of God Africa and Apostolic Faith Mission tend to be fundamentalist. They follow the literal interpretation of scripture and are guided by the principle of “sola scriptura” (scripture alone; Ramm, 1970). The mainstream denominations and AICs incorporate some aspects of traditional cultural practices as a way of making scripture more meaningful to the church members (Sibanda et al., 2008). AICs read and interpret only those scriptural texts that promote their local beliefs and customs (Schreiter, 1985). Therefore, they do not take the entire Bible as the standard way of Christian living. On the contrary, the Pentecostal denominations regard the local practices and beliefs as devilish and discourage their members from associating with them (Makahamadze & Sibanda, 2008). In spite of these differences, there is one feature that cuts across all denominations, that is, patriarchy. In all of these churches, women are treated as subordinates of men. Biblical texts that are biased toward men such as Ephesians 5: 22-24, 1 Peter 3:1, and Titus 2:4-5 are taken as sacrosanct (i.e., nonchallengeable and unquestionable). In some of these texts women are advised to teach young women to submit themselves before men. For example, Titus 2:4-5 says,

Older women must train the younger women to love their husbands and their children, to live wisely and be pure, to care for their homes, to do good and to be submissive to their husbands.

Literal interpretation of this text reinforces patriarchy and could be taken as a justification to abuse women if they disobey their husbands. Nonetheless, in comparison, it seems Christianity is less patriarchal than the Shona culture in terms of initiating domestic violence.

Purpose of ResearchIn this exploratory study, we sought to better understand the perceptions of Christian women in Zimbabwe regarding the Domestic Violence Act. In particular, we examined how cultural and religious beliefs affected the women’s perceptions.

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MethodProceduresThirty-two women from the Roman Catholic Church (RCC), Reformed Church in Zimbabwe (RCZ), Methodist Church in Zimbabwe (MCZ), Zimbabwe Assembly of God Africa (ZAOGA), and Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe participated in the study. The recruitment involved visiting the different denominations on Sundays and asking for volunteers. The recruitment was done by the third author on this article because she is a woman and it was believed that women would more readily agree to par-ticipate when approached by a woman rather than a man. The recruiter went to one place of worship per Christian denomination, for a total of five churches used for recruitment of participants. The five churches were cho-sen because they have large congregations and geographic accessibility for the researchers.

Data was collected through questionnaires and qualitative interviews. Two of the researchers acted as primary interviewers. They proceeded by first presenting a letter of introduction from their institution (Great Zimbabwe University) to the participants. The letter included information that detailed the study’s acceptance by the Research Board of Great Zimbabwe University. The study was deemed to be minimal risk to the par-ticipants and of solid academic value by the Research Board. Information was collected in two phases. In the first phase, the participants were pre-sented with closed-ended, Yes/No questionnaires. The participants were encouraged to complete and submit the questionnaires within 2 weeks. In the second phase, the researchers conducted interviews. Each respondent was interviewed twice, that is, once by each interviewer, with the same set of questions to ensure consistency of results, reduce potential bias, and to garner a broader set of responses from the participants. Each interview ses-sion lasted approximately 30 to 45 minutes and was conducted in the native language of the participants. The researchers did not require an interpreter since they understood the local language. The responses of the participants were written in the local language and translated into English after the inter-views. To avoid bias and to ensure accuracy of participants’ responses, each researcher wrote notes of the responses during the course of the interview. On completion of the interview sessions, the researchers compiled and com-pared their notes. The researchers discovered a few contradictions in their notes. To resolve this problem, they went back into the field and asked the participants for clarification.

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Participants

Initially, 40 women volunteered to take part in the study. When the researcher visited the churches for the second time, only 32 volunteered (80% comple-tion rate). The decrease in the number of volunteers could be explained by the fact the volunteers were informed that there would be no compensation for participating in the study. Despite the decrease, the total of 32 partici-pants was considered a reasonable number by the researchers. In general, a 32-participant group is an appropriate sample size in qualitative research so that an in-depth understanding of the issue is capable of being reached and that the findings can be applied to several people not just a few cases (Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997). The benefit to participate was described to the participants as adding their voice to a very current and important socio-cultural issue. The researchers were aware that some participants might have been victims of domestic violence. Therefore, the researchers ensured confi-dentiality to the participants (e.g., names would be withheld when the data is presented and no information discussed in the interview would be given to any one else outside of the research team) and communicated that the inter-view was solely for academic purposes. In addition, the participants’ safety risk was considered minimal by the Research Board of Great Zimbabwe University, which allowed the research project to progress.

Of the 32 women who volunteered to be interviewed, 9 (28%) were from the Catholic Church; 8 (25%) were from the Dutch Reformed Church; 6 (19%) were from the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe; 5 (16%) were from Zimbabwe Assembly of God Africa; and 4 (13%) were from Apostolic Faith Mission. The ages of the participants ranged from 30 to 69. Eight participants (25%) were aged between 30 and 39; 14 (44%) were between 40 and 49; and 10 (31%) were between 50 and 69. Furthermore, the women were of different marital statuses: 22 (69%) were married, 6 (19%) were widows, and 4 (13%) were single.

MeasuresThe initial questionnaire was designed to include closed-ended, Yes/No questions. The seven questions were (a) Do you understand domestic vio-lence and the Domestic Violence Act? (b) Does the Domestic Violence Act have the capacity to reduce domestic violence? (c) Can the Domestic Violence Act protect victims of domestic violence? (d) Does religion and culture promote domestic violence? (e) Does the Domestic Violence Act complement the teachings of the Christian church? (f) Are men the main perpetrators of domestic violence? These questions were transformed into

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open-ended questions to allow for a deeper exploration and understanding of the issues. The transformed questions included the following: (a) What is your understanding of domestic violence? What is the Domestic Violence Act? Explain its provisions (b) Explain whether you think that the Domestic Violence Act has the capacity to decrease domestic violence. (c) Explain whether the Domestic Violence Act can protect victims of domestic vio-lence. (d) What contributions do religion and local culture have on domestic violence? (e) In what ways do you think the Domestic Violence Act comple-ments or does not complement the teachings of the Church? (f) Explain whether men are the main perpetrators of domestic violence or not. (g) Explain whether you think Christians need the Domestic Violence Act.

Data AnalysisThe responses to the closed-ended Yes/No questionnaires were tallied and frequencies were calculated. The responses to the open-ended interviews were analyzed using qualitative research methods most in line with phenomenologi-cal inquiry (Chitando, 1998; Cox, 1992; Heppner, Wampold, & Kivlighan, 2008). Researchers worked to bracket their biases and expectations and present the data in the words of the participants. A “start list” of six categories was established based on literature review and the interview questions (Hill et al., 1997; Miles & Huberman, 1994). Second, researchers sought to capture what the participants said within each category without inference or interpretation. Other qualitative researchers refer to this process as “boiling down” or “abstracting” in which the goal is to clearly capture the essence of what the participants are saying and focusing on the explicit meaning (Hill et al., 1997; Madill & Barkham, 1997; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). The researchers completed this task as a team rather than one individual, which helped to decrease potential bias. The researchers checked their list of core ideas for each category with their notes from the interviews to ensure the accuracy of the analysis.

ResultsUnderstanding Domestic Violence and the Domestic Violence Act

Thirty (94%) participants indicated that they understood domestic violence and the Domestic Violence Act. However, during the course of the inter-views the researchers discovered that very few participants understood the main provisions of DVA. This could be explained by the fact that the questionnaire

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item combined two aspects, namely, domestic violence and DVA, and most of the participants had knowledge of domestic violence but not the DVA. The open-ended interviews revealed that they understood domestic violence as denoting physical abuse, verbal abuse, sexual abuse, economic abuse, and intimidation. However, since there was no room for explaining their responses in the questionnaire, they simply opted for a “Yes” response. For example, one participant stated, Ndinoziva kuti mutemo unodzivirira mhi-rizhonga mudzimba asi handinyatsoziva zviri mauri [I know that it is a law which prevents domestic violence, but I do not know its contents]. This state-ment indicates that the respondent does not know the content and the purpose of the legislation. The researchers had to explain the main features of the Act before proceeding with the interviews since 27 (86%) participants did not know the contents of the Act. To avoid bias, the researchers used the actual DVA document, which was written in their local language.

The Act’s Capacity to Reduce Domestic ViolenceEighteen (56%) participants indicated that the Domestic Violence Act could reduce domestic violence although it may not eradicate domestic violence totally. They contended that the Act could curb domestic violence by deter-ring future offenders. Those 18 participants believed that the arrest and prosecution of the guilty could stop potential perpetrators from committing domestic violence. The reason for this assumption could be that the prosecu-tion of perpetrators of domestic violence would give a lesson to those who have not yet committed similar crimes.

However, 14 participants (44%) indicated that the Act does not reduce domestic violence. They stated that many victims of domestic violence do not report cases of violence to the law enforcement agents. Their reasons for not reporting domestic violence included fear of victimization and threats of violence from the perpetrators. Nine (28%) participants lacked trust in the police officers, whom they accused of perpetrating domestic violence and accepting bribes to not follow-up cases of domestic violence. One participant said, Mapurisa emazuva ano aneuwori. Akapiwa chiokomuhomwe anobva arasa mhosva yacho. Saka hazvibatsiri kumhan’gara kumapurisa (The police officers of today are corrupt. If a person [perpetrator] gives them a bribe, they forget about the offense. So it does not help to report cases of domestic vio-lence to the police). Five (16%) participants also argued that the fine that is charged as penalty for committing domestic violence is not punitive enough and does not stop perpetrators to commit domestic violence as shown by the words of one of our participants, Muripo wemhosva yemhirizhonga mudzimba

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mudiki-diki zvekuti azvikonesi munhu kuramba achipara mhosva yerudzi irworwu. (The fine set for domestic violence is so insignificant that the per-petrator is not deterred from committing the same type of crime).

The Act’s Capacity to Protect the Victims of Domestic ViolenceResults of the interviews indicated mixed feelings regarding the ability of the Act to protect the victims of domestic violence. Eighteen (56%) participants contended that by prosecuting the offenders, the Act actually protects the vic-tims of domestic violence. Fourteen (44%) participants felt that the legislation does not protect the victims and argued that it could bring suffering to the victim of domestic violence. For example, they said that the victim could lose the material support of the perpetrator of violence if the victim was a depen-dent. One participant expressed this view in a rhetoric question, Unozochengetwa nani kana ukamhangarira murume kumapurisa? (Who will take care of you if you report your husband to the police?) It was also stated that reporting one’s partner to the police could cause disharmony in the family. One respondent confirms this view, Munozogarisana here mumba iwe wamhan’arira murume? (Would it be possible to live in harmony with your husband after reporting him to the police?). Nine (28%) participants argued that the Act is only concerned with punishing the perpetrators of violence but is not committed to providing material protection to the victims. This implies that for them, the Act cannot fully protect the victims of domestic violence.

Culture, Religion, and the Domestic Violence ActThe Domestic Violence Act suggests that domestic violence issues should be reported to the police and taken to the legal courts. However, 24 (75%) par-ticipants felt that the Act threatens the institution of marriage and argued that taking family issues to courts might lead to divorce, which is against the teaching of their denominations. The 24 participants cited Matthew 5:31-32 and 1 Corinthians 7:10-11 as some of the key texts where divorce is con-demned. In Matthew 5:31-32, Jesus is said to have ruled out any possibility of divorce, “. . . everyone who divorces his wife except on the ground of unchastity, makes her an adulteress; and whoever marries a divorced woman commits adultery.” Similarly, Paul in his letter to the Corinthians said, “The wife should not separate from her husband (but if she does, let her remain single or else be reconciled to her husband) and the husband should not

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divorce his wife.” The 24 participants interpreted these verses to mean that God forbids divorce and that anyone who divorces his wife is a sinner.

Twenty participants (63%) indicated that the Act was not in line with the teaching of the Church. Notably, 16 of the 20 participants were from Pentecostal denominations. The 16 participants contended that disputes that arise among the Christians should be brought to the church instead of the legal courts. One member from ZAOGA remarked, Tine mutongi mumwe chete anotonga kuburikidza nevabati vake (We have one judge [God] who rules through his ministers [church pastors]). In most churches, pastors, priests, nuns, and adult Christians are given the mandate to settle disputes among church members, using the Bible as the yardstick. According to the 16 participants, the Bible speaks against violence and emphasizes love. This teaching is consolidated in various family life groups in different churches. Ten participants (31%) explained that in these groups members are encour-aged to forgive each other and live according to the teachings of the Bible.

Twenty-two participants (69%) stated that culture and religion, especially Shona culture and Christianity, fuel the spread of interpersonal violence. The 22 participants reported that in Shona culture, wives are not encouraged to report that they have been beaten up by their husbands. Therefore, these par-ticipants viewed Shona culture negatively. However, 10 participants (31%) considered wife battering as a sign of love and therefore, a positive aspect of Shona culture. One participant said, Kana murume akakurova zvinoratidza kuti anokuda. Kana asisakudi anokudzorera kumusha kwako. (If a husband beats you up, it shows that he still loves you. If he does not love you he will take you back to your parental home).

Nineteen participants (59%) also argued that the Bible is interpreted in favor of men. Eight participants (25%) cited Ephesians 5: 22-24 as one of the texts used to oppress women. The text says, “Wives submit yourselves unto your husbands as unto the Lord. For the husband is the head of the wife, even as Christ is the head of the Church. Therefore, as the Church is subject unto Christ, so let the wives be to their husbands in everything”. The 8 participants argued that this text is often interpreted to mean that married women should obey their husbands at all circumstances. Furthermore, they argued that the text is taken as a justification to punish women if they disobey men.

However, 10 participants (31%) argued that religion and culture have noth-ing to do with domestic violence. They stated that these factors are ambivalent and can be used for the good of the people. The following assertion illustrates this point: Chitendero kana chivanhu hachikonzeri mhirizhonga. Munhu ndiye anosarudza kuita zvakaipa. Vanhu vanogona kushandisa chikirisitu kana chivanhu kupedza mhirizhonga mudzimba (Religion or culture does not cause

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domestic violence. A person is the one who chooses to do evil things. People can use Christianity or culture to stop domestic violence.)

Twelve (38%), mostly Roman Catholic Church participants, viewed the Act as an important piece of legislation that complements the effort of the church to end domestic conflicts. According to them, both the Church and the Act seek to instill the spirit of nonviolence in the family. They pointed out that the Act instills discipline among the wayward Christians who are imper-vious to the teaching of the Bible. In addition, they indicated that the Bible alone cannot protect the victims of domestic violence, as it does not punish the perpetrators of violence in most cases. The 12 participants argued that while preference should be given to biblical solutions, the victims should seek refuge in the legislative system of the country if the Church fails to resolve the conflicts. They also stated that there is no need to adhere to Christian principles if one is suffering violence in the hands of an abuser who may not be a Christian and does not respect these principles.

Men as the Main Perpetrators of Domestic ViolenceTwenty-six participants (81%) affirmed that men perpetrate most cases of domestic violence against women. One respondent remarked, Varume ndivo vanonyanya kukonzera mhirizhonga nekuti vanoona sengekodzero yavo kuita zvavanoda. (Men commit more acts of violence than women because they think that it is their right to do what they want). It is important to note that the 26 participants were particularly enthusiastic and emphatic during this portion of the interview. Through probing we discovered that 12 participants (38%) had been victims of intimate partner violence. However, they were not keen to give details of their experience of domestic violence. Five partici-pants (16%) stated that some women perpetuate domestic violence against other women. They cited examples of aunts who rebuke their nieces for not obeying their husbands even if they are abusive. In the Shona culture, aunties have the duty to advise girls with regard to marital affairs. If a married woman disrespects her husband, the aunt is blamed for not having done her duty of mentoring the woman. However, 6 participants (19%) expressed that both men and women were perpetrators of interpersonal conflict.

DiscussionThis article has explored Zimbabwean women’s perceptions of the Domestic Violence Act. The Domestic Violence Act is a landmark and controversial piece of legislation, which prompted the research question in this study:

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Research Question 1: How do Zimbabwean women of Christian faith understand the Domestic Violence Act and perceive its effective-ness in resolving conflict?

Therefore, the purpose of this study was to qualitatively examine narra-tives from Christian women in Zimbabwe about the Domestic Violence Act. Results of this study depict a complicated picture of women’s understanding of the Domestic Violence Act as well as how cultural, familial, and religious norms intersect with issues of domestic violence in Zimbabwe. Overall, most women in this study lacked an understanding of the Domestic Violence Act. Also, there were conflicting opinions regarding the relationship between the Domestic Violence Act and the Christian teachings. In addition, several bar-riers to reporting domestic violence were reported.

A key finding from this study was that most women did not have awareness of the Domestic Violence Act and needed education from the interviewer to proceed with the rest of the interview. An important implication of that finding is that if women lack knowledge of the Domestic Violence Act, they might limit their power to protect themselves against domestic violence. These senti-ments are alluded to in the Southern African Research and Documentation Center ([SARDC], 2000), which suggests that in most societies in the Southern Region of Africa women have limited knowledge of legal provisions that seek to protect their rights and this prevents them from taking advantage of the law. Such findings also highlight the need for improved methods and efforts of information dissemination of the Domestic Violence Act. Since the majority of Zimbabweans are Christians, the various denominations could take a lead to teach their members about the Act. The information could be disseminated at the place of worship (e.g., parish center, church social hall) through seminars, revival meetings, sermons, and church conferences.

The study found that an overwhelming majority of women regarded men as the major perpetrators of domestic violence. Related to women’s perceptions of men as the major perpetrators of domestic violence is another key finding in our study, as participants reported that they do not report cases of domestic violence because they would lose economic support if they reported their hus-band. Both findings can be attributed to the patriarchal framework of many Shona communities. Zimbabwean women are left in positions of less power compared to men, both socially and economically. Notably, patriarchal atti-tudes are also found in Christianity. However, whereas it is acceptable in the Shona culture for a man to beat his wife if she does not obey him (Kambarami, 2006), Christianity encourages husbands and wives to live in harmony (1 Peter 3). Nevertheless, as noted by our participants, some church leaders use biblical

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quotes to justify oppression of women by men. The unfortunate implication of these findings is that Zimbabwean women may live in two oppressive contexts: cultural and religious. Solutions to these problems did not emerge from our data, therefore, we recommend that future research examine how to address oppression in Shona culture and Christian churches.

This study revealed that some participants lacked confidence in the Act, arguing that it contradicts the teaching of the church that Christians should resolve conflicts within the confines of the church. In other words, Christian women would rather report cases of violence to their churches instead of to police. Specifically, some participants cited 1 Corinthians 6:4-6, which is a scripture passage that seems to forbid Christians from resolving conflict in secular contexts. However, taking issues of domestic violence to the church for resolution might be helpful only if the members involved in the conflict recognize the authority and the decisions of the church leaders (Mapara, 2007). Resolution is facilitated by congruence between the values and beliefs of the couple with those of the church. Yet taking issues of domestic violence to church leaders does not guarantee solutions, even for participants who view Christianity in a positive light. For example, a church leader may sug-gest that the wife continue to be submissive to a perpetrating husband by applying a literal interpretation of Scripture. Future research could explore the helpfulness of a contextual reading of biblical texts in addressing women and domestic violence (Barclay, 1975; Muller, 1985). Thus a complicated picture emerged from our data as participants indicated that culture and reli-gion can be used to justify domestic violence and can be a source of psycho-logical support for victims of domestic violence.

The article also found that the participants lacked confidence in the police. For example, some women reported that police are perpetrators of domestic violence and that they accept bribes to ignore the cases of domestic violence brought to them. This finding fits into previous research, which indicates that police officers are reluctant to respond to domestic violence calls, simplify the situation, blame the victim, and assume the victim is uncooperative (DeJong, Burgess-Proctor, & Elis, 2008). Women victims of domestic vio-lence who do not trust the police may benefit from community organizations such as the Musasa Project. The Musasa Project is a nongovernment organi-zation that addresses gender-based violence by providing counseling, legal advice, shelter, and referrals to women victims of domestic violence (GBV Prevention Network, 2009). Perhaps, the Musasa Project can build trust between women victims of domestic violence and the police (Njovana & Watts, 1996). However, complete trust may never be attainable even if not all police officers are corrupt and abusive.

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In addition to lack of trust in police, some participants were not confident in the Act curbing domestic violence because they considered the fines for domestic violence perpetrators to be too small. Before the enforcement of the Act, the fine for domestic violence was Z$250 (equivalent to two American dollars in 2005; Proudlock, 2007), which is Level 3 on the Standard Scale of Fines in Zimbabwe. The Standard Scale of Fines has levels ranging from 1 to 14 (General Laws Amendment Act, 2005). Level 3 of the above scale is the standard level applicable to fines that may be imposed for minor offenses in lieu of appearance in court. The government of Zimbabwe, in the Domestic Violence Act, raised the level of fines for domestic violence. According to the Domestic Violence Act (2006, p. 5), “. . . any person who commits an act of domestic violence . . . shall be guilty of an offence and liable to a fine not exceeding level fourteen or imprisonment for a period not exceeding ten years or to both such fine and such imprisonment.” In this provision, domestic vio-lence offense is not restricted to Level 3; it can go up to Level 14 (maximum level on the Standard Scale). Nevertheless, Level 14, a fine of Z$250 000 (equivalent to 4 American dollars in 2007 because of inflation), is still not punitive enough (Proudlock, 2007). The Government could increase these fines to deter perpetrators from committing acts of domestic violence. If mon-etary fines for the perpetrator present a financial hardship to the victim (e.g., loss of income for the family), other forms of punishment could include com-munity service expected of the perpetrator. As expressed by some of our par-ticipants, a limitation of the Act is that it does not provide material support for women victims when the male perpetrator is the breadwinner.

Limitations and Future Direction for ResearchThis study has limitations. The generalizability of its findings is limited by the exploratory nature of the study as well as the small number of partici-pants. Any similarities or differences between this group and others should be viewed with caution as this population remains understudied. The Domestic Violence Act in Zimbabwe is a new piece of legislation and cur-rent research efforts are yet to fully document its effectiveness to accomplish its intended goals. Therefore, the authors are unable to compare the findings in this study to other empirical evidence of the Act’s effect on Zimbabwean men and women. Finally, several women in the study were not aware of the Domestic Violence Act and could only answer subsequent questions after the interviewer read and interpreted the legislation; such action could be a source of bias from the interviewer’s interpretation of the legislation. Although the legislative document was written in the native language of participants, many

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needed clarification of the meaning of law’s provisions. Ideally, the inter-views would have been audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim; however, this technology was not available to the researchers at the time of the study in Zimbabwe. This limitation was attempted to be mitigated by asking the participants to undergo two interviews by two different interviewers, who used the same set of questions in each interview. Furthermore, the interview-ers took diligent notes during and after the interview.

Many of our findings obtained from Zimbabwean women are similar to women in other countries. Women who have immigrated to the United States from South Asia, Korea, and Latin American countries also report that vio-lence is maintained because of patriarchal cultural norms, traditional gender norms, and unjust laws that place women in vulnerable positions (Raj & Silverman, 2002). Furthermore, South Asian, African American, and Hispanic women also face barriers to reporting domestic violence to the police, relying primarily on family support instead (Yoshioka, Gilbert, El-Bassel, & Baig-Amin, 2003). Perhaps future research with women from various countries and cultures could help Zimbabwean women learn how to deal with domestic vio-lence in the context of gender roles, cultural, and religious practices.

Future research should continue to examine the effectiveness of the Domestic Violence Act on decreasing incidences of interpersonal violence between family members in Zimbabwe. The role of culture, religion, and spirituality of men and women should continue to be explored as both barri-ers to decreasing domestic violence as well as potential sources of resiliency, support, and coping for victims of domestic violence. Future research should also begin to study interventions geared toward men that prevent domestic violence in Zimbabwe. The authors feel that research that begins to address these areas will provide valuable contributions to the literature and help to better understand and curb domestic violence.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publica-tion of this article.

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Bios

Tompson Makahamadze is a PhD candidate in Conflict Analysis and Resolution at George Mason University. His research interests include: Gender-based violence, Regional and International Activities of the United Nations in resolving international conflict, peace-building and negotiation.

Anthony Isacco received his PhD in counseling psychology from Loyola University Chicago. He is an assistant professor in the master’s of science and PsyD counseling psychology programs at Chatham University. His areas of research and practice include the psychology of men and masculinity, outreach and prevention, positive psychology, multiculturalism, and fathering.

Excellent Chireshe is a professor at Greater Zimbabwe University in Masvingo, Zimbabwe. She teaches religious studies and publishes on such topics as feminism, women’s issues, and education. She is also currently pursuing doctoral studies in religion at the University of South Africa.

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