CHAPTER 4

Ethnicity and World-Systems Analysis

Thomas D. Hall

Introduction In the early 1970s, sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein started w r i t i n g about world-system analysis to account for the origins and processes o f m o d e r n capitalism and the inter­connections o f what were then labeled the First , Second, and T h i r d Worlds (2004 , 2011 [1974]) . T h e modern world-system arose in western Europe about 500 years ago, d u r i n g the " l o n g sixteenth cen t ury " ( 1 4 5 0 - 1 6 4 0 ) , based o n capitalist trade networks that tran­scended state boundaries. Wallerstein called this the capitalist wor ld-economy. T h e drive to accumulate capital via p roduc t ion for exchange led to increasing compet i t ion a m o n g producers for markets, materials, and labor. Repeated crises o f overproduct ion led to expansion and incorporat ion o f further regions in to the expanding wor ld-economy.

T h e system differentiated between three interrelated types o f societies. " C o r e " societies specialized in relatively technical industrial p r o d u c t i o n , d i s t r ibut ion , and administrative services, and had relatively strong states, a s trong bourgeoisie, and a large labor class. C o r e states became heavily involved i n the affairs o f non-core societies. A t the other extreme, in the periphery, were societies that concentrated o n the p r o d u c t i o n o f raw materials o r simpler industries; had weak states, a small bourgeoisie, and a large peasant class; and were heavily influenced by core states. T h e remaining societies consti tuted a semiperiphery, which shared some characteristics o f the core and periphery. Semiperipheral societies often were rising peripheral societies, or dec l in ing core societies.

A major claim in world-system analysis is that the system must be studied as a whole . Social change (encompassing pol i t ica l , economic , and cultural changes) i n any compo­nent o f the system—nations, states, regions, ethnic groups, classes—must begin w i t h the context o f that component w i t h i n the system. Equa l ly important , changes i n compo­nents impact the overall system. T h u s , there is a dual research agenda in world-system

A Companion to Ethnicity in the Ancient Mediterranean, F i r s t E d i t i o n . E d i t e d bv Jeremv M c l n e r n e y . © 2 0 1 4 J o h n W i l e y & S o n s , I n c . P u b l i s h e d 2 0 1 4 by J o h n W i l e y & Sons , Inc .

Ethnicity and World-Systems Analysis 51

analysis: study o f the consequences o f changes in its components for change i n the system as a w h o l e , and study o f the consequences o f changes in the system for the dynamics and structure o f its components . Study o f the interplay o f bo t tom-up and t o p - d o w n processes is vital to understanding the system.

World-system researchers have gone beyond this or ig inal agenda. T h e y have studied the roles o f w o m e n , households , gender, race, ethnicity, and culture in the world-economy. Case studies address these issues as wel l as slavery, agrarian capitalism, and the incorpo­ration o f indigenous populat ions into the world-economy. M a n y case studies focus on h o w various actors have sought to l imi t world-systemic effects. M o s t germane to this col­lection is the burgeoning world-system research o n pre-capitalist world-systems. O n tht one hand, archaeologists and others have used world-systems analysis to study processe: o f interaction between societies. Debates focus o n whether there has been one grow­i n g world-system since the or ig in o f states some five mi l lennia ago, o r several differen kinds o f world-systems. O n the other hand , this extension o f world-system analysis ha led to reexamination o f many o f its f o u n d i n g assumptions, derived f rom the study o f th modern world-system, and to refinements i n its terminology.

Thi s has generated a variety o f terms for these approaches. Or ig ina l ly called " w o r k system theory , " it first m o r p h e d to "world-system perspective" i n the 1980s, and the into "world-systems analysis" i n the 1990s. T h e latter terms underscore that this was col lect ion o f sometimes compet ing theories, and not a single unif ied theory. T h e currei convent ion is that, w h e n world-systems analysis ( W S A ) derives f r o m Wallerstein's w o r the term is hyphenated, whereas other versions o m i t the hyphen (see Denemark et 2000) . T h e term " w o r l d " means a more-or-less self-contained system, and notnecessar a " g l o b a l " system. O n l y the contemporary world-system is planetary. There are ma other approaches to long-term social change that overlap w i t h W S A . T h e most useful ; Beaujard, Berger, and N o r e l (2009) , Bennet , Sherratt, and W i l k i n s o n (2011 ) , D e n e m ; et al . (2000) , H o r n b o r g and C r u m l e y (2007) , H o r n b o r g , M c N e i l l , and M a r t i n e z - A ] (2007) , M a n n i n g and Gi l l s (2011) , Parkinson and Galaty (2010) , and T u r c h i n (200 A l l these approaches are g rounded i n empirical evidence.

A key point f rom W S A is that g lobal izat ion processes are actually quite o l d (J-nings 2 0 1 1 ) , and that contemporary g lobal izat ion is a cu lmina t ion o f older proces: World-svstem studies have encouraged social scientists to embed their research i n hist ical and inter-relational contexts. World-system studies o f gender relations and h o i holds , for example, explain why development has generally led to improved status w o m e n i n core areas, but often decreased status i n peripheral areas, albeit w i t h imme variation between peripheral areas. There are analogous differences in labor proces social movements , relations w i t h indigenous peoples, and , especially germane here ethnic relations and conflicts. In short , there is no universal sociology o f ethnicity, § der, labor, households , social movements , o r relations w i t h indigenous peoples. A l l 1 salient world-systemic contexts.

Plac ing ethnicity i n such a world-systemic context means recogniz ing , to begin w that all forms o f identif icat ion—ethnicity, nationality, race, sexualities, e tc .—occur w i a world-systemic context , and are part and parcel o f the dialectic between local s< groups in the complex relations o f p r o d u c t i o n and exchange w i t h i n the overall sys ( H a l l 1998 ; Wallerstein 2000a [ 1 9 6 0 ] , 2 0 0 0 b [ 1 9 8 7 ] , Balibar and Wallerstein 2 [1992]) . F u r t h e r m o r e , the ways i n w h i c h these forms o f identif icat ion arise, pe

52 Thomas D. Hall

change, or disappear are shaped by their pos i t ion w i t h i n the world-system: core, semipe-riphery, or periphery. O n e application o f such an approach can be seen i n Stein's c la im that U r u k constituted a world-system (1999) . H e suggests that U r u k colonists in south­ern Anatol ia had m i n i m a l influence o n the local residents. Th i s is as one w o u l d expect, since the outsiders were a distinct minor i ty at a great distance f rom their homeland . Furthermore , he implies that the colonists were there at the sufferance o f the locals, w h o selectively adopted only those foreign elements they found particularly useful. T h i s assessment rings true. This is a reg ion where ethnic identities and the pol i t ica l-economy interact intensely.

In pre-capitalist world-systems, the congruence between pos i t ion i n the world-system and geographical locat ion typically was stronger than in contemporary times, but often changed significantly over time (Smith 2005 ) . Th i s raises the quest ion o f timescale. W h e n a social relation changes relatively very slowly, as often occurs in the ancient w o r l d , it does, indeed, seem constant. H o w e v e r , w h e n viewed f rom a longer timescale, it w i l l often be seen to be changing continuously ( H a l l 1998 , 2 0 0 4 ) , as in the case o f Greece and Egypt , for example. Contemporary g lobal izat ion processes i n the g lobal world-system have pro­duced such rapid changes in identities that their impermanence and fluidity are readily apparent. H e n c e , there is widespread contemporary concern w i t h the social cons truct ion o f race, ethnicity, nationality, and sexual identity. Closely connected to the quest ion o f timescale is the recursive relation between subparts and the overall system. A n analysis that examines o«/y system-to-subpart relations, or only subpart-to-system relations, misses many o f the complex processes o f change and stability. I n short , a major c o n t r i b u t i o n o f world-systems analysis is its insistence that all social analyses must s imultaneously attend to historical and inter-relational contexts.

Ethnic i ty and other forms o f identity are quite complex (Ca l iendo and M c l l w a i n 2011) . Fortunately, readers w i l l find an excellent overview o f ethnicity and identity in Bernard Knapp's and Johannes Siapkas's chapters (Chapters 3 and 5 , respectively). I want to add two points that complement and extend Knapp's discussion. First , the concept o f ethnicity must be his tor ic ized. T h e referents o f e thn ic i ty—in b o t h contemporary and ancient settings—are not constant, but i n fact vary considerably. Timescale considerations crosscut this variation. Th i s adds some insight to the debates about instrumental or socially constructed versus pr imord ia l concepts o f ethnicity. T h e pr imordia l approach views ethnicity as something deeply embedded , nearly immutab le , and socially prior to all other social relations. T h e instrumental or social construct ion approach views ethnicity as bui l t f rom social interactions. Th i s v iew is an extension o f Fredrik Barth's (1969) ethnographic demonstrat ion that ethnicity is fluid and mutable. In some instances, individuals or families may change their ethnic identity once or more i n one lifetime. T h e two concepts are often seen as complete opposites. I argue they are poles o f a c o n t i n u u m . A key difference is timescale ( H a l l 2004 ) . W h e n the social processes that construct ethnicity take place over many generations, ethnicity does seem to be pr imordia l . W h e n the processes occur over years o r decades, social construct ion becomes more obvious. As a rule o f t h u m b , i n ancient times these processes were slow, whereas in the recent centuries they have been more rapid (wi th exceptions i n either setting). T h e p r o b l e m , or " e r r o r , " w i t h the pr imord ia l v iew is that w h e n it is taken as " n o r m a l , " it renders ethnic change unexpected and problematic rather than typical.

Ethnicity and World-Systems Analysis 53

Second, I argue that a major aspect o f the context for construct ion and reconstruct ion o f ethnicity is the world-system w i t h i n w h i c h it is embedded ( H a l l 1998 , 2004 ) . That is, ethnicity cannot be understood i n isolation f rom the larger—systemic—context w i t h i n which it exists. As noted , the ethnic i ty-system relation is recursive—changes i n one entity shape changes i n the other.

World-systems analysis has g r o w n vastly i n recent decades. W h e n scholars refer only to Wallerstein's early w r i t i n g , they often repeat inaccurate critiques (many o f w h i c h Waller­stein answers in the preface to the 2011 republ icat ion o f the Modern World-System). M u c h o f the new w o r k has been summarized i n Babones and C h a s e - D u n n (2012) , Chase-Dunn and Babones (2006) , Galaty (2011) , H a l l , Kardulias , and C h a s e - D u n n (2011) , and Kardulias (1999 , 2010) . I n this second generation o f W S A , one quest ion that has received more attention is the place o f all forms o f identity, such as race, ethnic­ity, gender, class, and so o n , w i t h i n the m o d e r n world-system (Balibar and Wallerstein 2 0 1 1 ; Dunaway 2 0 0 1 , 2003) . There are also many discussions o f relations w i t h indige­nous or non-state peoples in pre-capitalist settings, but summary statements too often emphasize the sy rstem-to-component relations over the components-to-system relations, because that exposit ion is more concise. There has been m u c h bot tom-up w r i t i n g , w h i c h entails extensive descriptions and detailed discussions, b o t h o f w h i c h make concise sum­mary difficult. This has led to a false impression that W S A is on ly t o p - d o w n , w h i c h is not only incorrect but quite unfortunate, since m u c h o f the most incisive insights i n W S A have emerged f rom bot tom-up analyses. T h i s , o f course is where the evidence is. It is also one o f several possibilities where scholars f rom outside W S A can make important contributions to the discussion.

World-Systems Analysis: Developments, Critiques, Revisions

W S A shares w i t h other accounts o f inter-societal interactions a basic tenet—that past cultures d i d not exist i n isolation. Rather, contacts, direct or indirect , affected groups involved in larger networks. W S A differs f rom other interact ion models i n its emphasis o n systematic interactions, a broader geographic view, stress o n the problematic hierarchical aspects o f systems, and attempts to outl ine long-term cycles o f expansion and contract ion in world-systems.

What exactly does W S A advocate? This section focuses o n the most recent scholarship. W S A suggests that: (1) societies do not now, n o r d i d they at any t ime, exist i n splendid isolation; (2) societal trends fo l low cycles or patterns; (3) interactions w i t h i n a system are important in all social changes; and (4) the system itself is a key c o m p o n e n t o f social evolution. T h e search for regularities in the historical record does not mean that W S A ignores idiosyncrasies. Rather, W S A forces examination o f external l inks i n w h i c h i n d i ­vidual areas are embedded. F o r instance, Bruce Batten (2003) presents a very instructive example in his examination o f ethnic minorit ies i n Japanese history.

These insights notwithstanding, there have been several cogent critiques o f W S A . M a n y o f them gave rise to important extensions or revisions. Jane Schneider (1977) objected that luxury items formed an important part o f the trade between cores and peripheries, whereas Wallerstein focused o n bulk goods (also see Smi th 2005 ) . T h e classifications o f

54 Thomas D. Hall

Strength of Incorporation

None Weak Moderate Strong

Impact of Core on Periphery

None Strong Stronger Strongest

Impact of Periphery on Core

None Low Moderate Significant

Type of Periphery External Arena Contact Periphery Marginal Periphery or Region of Refuge

Full-Blown Periphery or Dependent Periphery

World-System Terminology

External Arena Incorporation Peripheral izati on

Figure 4.1 The Continuum of Incorporation (from Kardulias 2010: 59). Reprinted by permis­sion of William Parkinson.

" luxury i tems" and " b u l k goods " are more a consequence o f its economic and techno­logical context, than a property o f the goods themselves. A l l e n (2005) suggests that these are really poles o f a c o n t i n u u m rather than opposites. T h i s is an issue w o r t h y o f further investigation (see, e.g., Kepecs 2005) .

Wallerstein originally treated incorporat ion into a wor ld-economy as one-sided, but one must study the local condit ions in each o f the specific peripheral areas as we l l as the capitalist economy in core states in order to understand the nature o f incorporat ion . H a l l (1989) noted that incorporat ion in to a wor ld-economy is a matter o f degree, and that non-state societies in peripheral areas often play active roles i n resisting and shaping incorporation. This effect was particularly strong in antiquity w h e n complete d o m i n a t i o n o f any peripheral area often was technological ly and polit ical ly impossible (see Figure 4 . 1 ; Kardulias 2010 : 59) . Others note that people in a peripheral area can at times negotiate effectively, because they contro l access to a key resource (Kardulias 2007 ) .

A major issue for archaeologists is the degree to w h i c h W S A applies to antiquity. Unl ike many modern technologies, ancient ones were often portable and c o u l d be moved easily f rom core to periphery. Th i s made it possible for some peripheral areas to retain considerable autonomy and precluded some o f the exploitat ion and under­development characteristic o f the m o d e r n world-system. " B a r b a r i a n " peripheries often had a significant impact o n h o w core regions developed. F o r instance, the dramatic increase in tin bronzes in Transcaucasia between the Early and Late Bronze A g e suggests that the region had access to substantial amounts o f tin f rom several sources, some at great distances.

Chase-Dunn and H a l l (1997) argued that change occurs not only w i t h i n indiv idua l societies, but i n entire world-systems. T h e y sought to provide a comparative matrix within which to study contacts for all societies, even stateless foraging groups. T h e y define two kinds o f core-per iphery relationships: (1) core-periphery differentiation, which involves groups o f varying sociopolit ical complexi ty engaged i n active interchange; and (2) core-periphery hierarchy, w h i c h refers to the situation i n w h i c h one or more groups dominates other groups i n the system. T h e y argued that this d i s t inct ion is necessary, because exploitation does not necessarily characterize all interactions between cores and peripheries. T h e issue is w h e n and h o w core -per iphery d i f ferent ia t ion—which is quite c o m m o n in pre-capitalist settings—becomes core-per iphery hierarchy, w h i c h is somewhat less c o m m o n .

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F o r C h a s e - D u n n and H a l l , world-systems typically have four sets o f boundaries , marked by sharp fall-offs i n density o f exchanges of:

• L o w value to weight goods, labeled bulk goods network ( B G N ) • Regularized mil i tary or pol i t ical interactions, labeled p o l i t i c a l - m i l i t a r y network

( P M N ) • M o r e or less regular exchanges o f h i g h value to weight goods , labeled prestige or

luxury goods network ( P G N ) • Information o n all kinds of, i n c l u d i n g cultural and ideologica l , labeled in format ion

network ( I N ) .

The sharp lines i n Figure 4.2 may give a false sense o f precis ion. Rather, they should be imagined as a contour map where the isoclines o f the density o f exchanges are bunched together (Smith 2005) . Such sharp fall-offs w o u l d be the " b o u n d a r y " o f a network. T h e y are frontiers internal to a world-sy rstem ( H a l l 2009 ) .

Change may also occur because o f a contested periphery, a reg ion w i t h certain key resources or a strategic locat ion that lies between major states and is a prize over w h i c h they contend (Al len 2005) . Peripheral areas, especially w h e n contested, can be key areas for economic , pol i t ica l , social, and religious compet i t ion and exchange. Th i s is an issue where historians o f ancient times c o u l d shed a great deal o f l ight . Conversely, the concept, and the under ly ing relations o f a contested periphery cou ld help make sense o f a reg ion that remains nearly autonomous f rom sur rounding states or world-systems ( H o r n b o r g and H i l l 2011 and K i l l ebrew 2005 ) .

Figure 4.2 Schematic of world-system boundaries (from Chase-Dunn and Hal l 1997: 54). Reprinted by permission of Westview Press.

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Applications to European Prehistory A number o f scholars have ut i l ized W S A explicitly i n their analyses o f societal interac­t ion i n prehistoric Europe . Kristiansen (Chapter 6 in this v o l u m e , and 1998 ; Kristiansen and Larsson 2005) has discussed developments i n Europe f rom the second to the first mi l l ennium B C E i n the context o f an emerging world-system. H e posits several key c o m ­ponents in this system. First , he argues that the Mycenaeans served "as transmitters and receivers o f new influences between the east Medi terranean and Centra l E u r o p e . W e propose that they rose to power t h r o u g h their ability to provide useful goods to b o t h parties, and thereby created a new competit ive n i c h e " (Kristiansen 1998: 360) . Kris­tiansen also argues that the Mycenaeans forged connections between the Aegean and the Black Sea, w i t h extensions up the Danube to the Carpathian reg ion , w h i c h created " the cultural koine o f the Aegean/eastern E u r o p e " (361) . Trade contacts expanded to the central and western Mediterranean i n the per iod 1 5 0 0 - 1 2 0 0 B C E . I n a l l , the "h i s tor i ­cal sequence reflects a development f rom small-scale luxury trade in the early phase ( t in , amber, and gold) towards large-scale bulk trade in c o m m o d i t i e s — i n c l u d i n g c o p p e r — i n the late p e r i o d " (364) . H e identifies t w o other key factors i n this process: the rise o f metallurgical centers, f rom ca. 1900 B C E o n , and the emergence o f warr ior elites as part o f " indirect centre-per iphery dynamics " (378) . Subsequent research suggests that trade in metals was i n large quantities over significant distances.

Kristiansen sees the development o f a regional exchange system i n the Late B r o n z e Age in w h i c h there was a "closer periphery . . . integrated in to the Mycenaean e c o n o m y " demonstrated in the d i s t r ibut ion o f Mycenaean pottery f rom western Anato l i a to Italy, and a "secondary periphery, where Mycenaean body armour and skil l i n metal crafts­manship were adopted" (1998: 389) . H e concludes that a world-system emerged f rom the interaction between the Near East, the Medi terranean , and central Europe ca. 2 0 0 0 B C E , w h i c h was reflected i n social, cul tura l , and economic "regular i t ies" (394 , 4 1 8 ) . T h e relationships between centers and peripheries changed over t ime between t w o forms, w i t h elite contro l o f sedentary loc i o f metal p r o d u c t i o n and dispersal at one pole , and decentralized warrior societies at the other ( 4 1 2 - 1 5 , F igure 225 ) . C h a s e - D u n n and H a l l (1997) refer to this process as " p u l s a t i o n . "

The Aegean

Kardulias (1999) has used W S A to explain general trade i n the B r o n z e A g e Aegean and the product ion and dis tr ibut ion o f flaked stone tools d u r i n g the same per iod , and to analyze the results o f a survey i n Cyprus (Kardulias 2 0 0 7 , 2010 ) . Initially, he sug­gested that the Aegean system consisted o f mult iple levels ( internal , intermediate, and long-distance) that l inked local , regional , and international communit ies . T h e materials exchanged varied, w i t h low-to-medium-value bulk goods (e.g., obsidian for t o o l produc­tion) concentrated i n the internal and intermediate levels, and high-value luxury goods being the focus o f trade between the Aegean and the Near East, i n c l u d i n g Egypt . T h e account emphasized the interaction o f different communit ies o n Crete that i n one sense formed their o w n insular " w o r l d , " but that also were connected to other Aegean islands

Ethnicity and World-Systems Analysis 57

and the greater Near Eastern world-system by means o f the shipping routes to the south and east.

Another instance o f the application o f W S A to the Mediterranean w o r l d is Sherratt's (1993) discussion o f world-systems linkages between central E u r o p e , the Aegean , and the Near East. H e used the term " m a r g i n " to refer to a zone that does not interact directly wi th a core, but provides materials that are critical to the operat ion o f the system. H e pointed to the role o f amber f rom the Baltic and various metals f rom central Europe in the Mediterranean trade. T h e urban core o f the Near East and the Aegean in the Bronze A g e stimulated the exchange o f many commodit ies t h r o u g h mult iple links w i t h o u t direct con­tact between members f rom either geographical locat ion. Sherratt suggested that parts o f this system existed in the N e o l i t h i c and cont inued d o w n into historic times. Th i s is con­gruent w i t h C h a s e - D u n n and Ha l l ' s (1997) argument that an Afroeurasian world-system originated about 10,000 years ago. T h e y d o not c la im that there was only one system. Rather, they cla im that world-systems, or better world-system-like structures, appeared at least that l ong ago. F r o m that po int , they began g r o w i n g and merg ing , developing into the systems we find a round the time o f U r . In the Bronze A g e , the trade i n metals, especially bronze , was particularly significant. Bronze made possible the integrat ion o f "regional exchange cycles." Sherratt suggests that the Bronze A g e is aptly named, not simply because o f the artifacts, but because this metal alloy fueled the economic expansion on w h i c h many early states depended.

O f particular importance is Sherratt's concept o f the marg in "as the area o f 'escaped' technologies and long-distance contacts based o n direct ional exchange-cycles" (1993 : 44) . H i s margin corresponds to contact periphery i n Figure 4 . 1 . H e described the Aegean as one o f several l inked maritime-exchange cycles i n the Medi terranean , w h i c h in the Bronze A g e witnessed the shift f rom ' " luxur ies ' to ' commodi t i e s ' in the context o f the emergence o f palatial organisat ion" (45) . T h e relatively rapid development o f p r o d u c t i o n centers and the concomitant support ing organizat ional structures moved the peoples o f the Aegean from the status o f periphery to " m o r e equal part ic ipat ion i n inter-regional trade" (45). This process fostered the g r o w t h o f trade i n bulk materials. M o r e recently, he has advocated a " r e t u r n to the global perspective that prevailed before the 1960s . " H e urged his colleagues to think about interaction o n a cont inent-wide scale. G r a n d reconstructions can be seen as " the outcome o f human actions—distant f rom our o w n experience but nevertheless comprehensible i n terms o f c o m m o n human motivat ions , propensities, and acts o f w i l l " (Sherratt 2 0 0 6 : 53) . Indeed, Kardulias (1999 : 70) argues, " I n reply to Sherratt's (1993) query, ' W h a t w o u l d a Bronze-Age w o r l d system look like?' , the Mycenaean w o r l d system was mult i - t iered, w i t h some central elements and activities, while others were decentra l ized. " Th i s is an example o f precisely the kinds o f questions and issues that W S A helps to address, p rov id ing a number o f hypotheses and putative mechanisms dr iv ing such changes. Fur ther study o f such changes c o u l d help us achieve a better assessment o f the range and variation o f these processes and relations. T h i s also w o u l d allow further questions about h o w and the degree to w h i c h peripheral or marginal areas shaped the overall system and core areas.

Ina Berg (1999) discusses the Aegean exchange network in W S A terms. She uses the number o f contacts between regions to indicate the relative pos i t ion o f each i n the exchange system. Pottery is the key artifact type used to determine presence and strength o f contact, w i t h metals and other objects used w h e n available. She argues that a

58 Thomas D. Hall

non-hierarchical core / semiper iphery relationship characterized the M i d d l e Bronze A g e , wi th peer polities involved in active trade. B e g i n n i n g i n the Late Bronze A g e , the rela­tionships tended to become more unequal as a "battle between the t w o strongest powers [Crete and the mainland] resulted in the marginalisation o f most other islands in the Aegean" (481) . Berg suggests that other islands still engaged in the system. Because there was an o n g o i n g compet i t ion between the major players, the smaller partners maintained the ability to actively shape their relations w i t h them.

This is an instance where a specific k i n d o f world-system gave more autonomy to periph­eral areas. W h a t remains unclear is h o w c o m m o n this sort o f relationship was, and i f there are others ways by w h i c h such autonomy is b o t h generated and maintained. There are also questions about h o w cores eventually began to exert more contro l and curtai l peripheral autonomy.

I n o w turn to some recent examples o f the various disconnects between archaeology and W S A , and how those affect the treatment o f ethnicity.

WSA and the Ancient World: Opportunities and Challenges

In two papers and a book , A l a n Greaves (2007a , 2 0 0 7 b , 2010) makes some use o f W S A . H e notes that the metaphor o f an Anato l i an bridge between East and West implies a divide to be overcome, rather than a zone o f interact ion. H e argues, " A n c i e n t Anato l i a is now recognised, not as a passive condui t for communicat ions between the East and the West, but as a region o f great diversity that was an active participant in such c o m ­municat ions" (2007a: 1-2 ) . H e later notes that this not iona l divide is exacerbated by the often real divide between classical archaeologists focusing o n "great t radi t ions" and " n e w archaeologists." H e says:

In both regions, scholars apparently look to areas outside Anatolia: on the Aegean coast they look west towards the Aegean, while in the Euphrates Valley they look southeast towards Mesopotamia. Such attitudes served to de-value the study of Anatolia and the recognition of its own rich regional diversity (10).

Greaves argues that this academic discourse fails to recognize that social practices i n east­ern and western Turkey have served to bridge the periphery and core located beyond Turkey—i.e . , Mesopotamia and the Aegean.

H e comments further that this b r idg ing had often been ignored because " A e g e a n prehistorians are retrojecting the contemporary fault-line created by the m o d e r n G r e e k - T u r k i s h border o n t o . . . the p a s t . . . " (2007a: 4 ) . Th i s divide began w i t h the Persian wars ( 4 9 9 - 4 7 7 B C E ) , and "became enshrined in the creation o f 'Greek ' and 'Barbarian' as diametrically opposed ideals" (Greaves 2007a : 4 ) . T h i s is an instance o f "ethnographic upstreaming"—that is, project ing the present into the past, especially in the form o f modern identities assumed for the ancient w o r l d . Th i s p r o b l e m is not l imited to ancient Anato l i a , but is a c o m m o n occurrence.

W S A can help span such gaps and studies that are too local ized. First , it addresses the forces and factors that shape and reshape the m o d e r n divide w i t h i n a larger context

Ethnicity and World-Systems Analysis 59

o f systemic interactions. Second, the concepts o f contested peripheries ( A l l e n 2005) and negotiated peripheries (Kardulias 2 0 0 7 ; Parkinson and Galaty 2007) are useful in understanding h o w and w h y ancient Anato l i a links regions. Th i s underscores h o w close examination o f Anato l i a offers a potential for testing hypotheses about con­tested peripheries and negotiated peripherality, and thus to refine, emend , and further develop W S A .

Greaves's discussions o f Mi le s ian colonies o n the Black Sea suggest h o w this might be done (2010) . H e notes that the term " c o l o n y " carries m u c h baggage and that m u c h trade is invisible i n the archaeological record. H e argues that the case for trade, rather than lack o f land (i.e., populat ion pressure), is difficult to make since many trade goods can only be inferred f rom the remains o f the vessels presumably used to carry them. H e also notes that oracles helped individuals decide to leave and justified their d o i n g so. Implicit i n this argument is an assumption that trade had brought knowledge o f suitable sites. S t i l l , W S A must be used cautiously. Indeed, one can readily argue that cases such as this cou ld develop a richer understanding o f the expansion o f world-systems. T h e linkage to individual or family decisions based o n consultations w i t h oracles points to links between migrat ion , politics, and trade that focus b o t h o n ind iv idua l agency and on ideology.

W i l l i a m Parkinson and M i c h a e l Galaty (2007) extend W S A i n their analyses o f secondary state formation in the prehistoric Aegean (see also their in t roductory chapter to Parkinson and Galaty 2010 ) . Secondary states develop f rom non-state societies through interaction w i t h existing states. Pristine states, i n contrast, develop i n the absence o f contact w i t h previously existing states. Pristine states have been rare, whereas secondary states have been quite c o m m o n . N e w states sometime succeed older core states that engendered their format ion . Th i s is the "marcher state," semiperipheral development process (see C h a s e - D u n n and H a l l 1997 , Chapter 5) . Parkinson and Galaty also argue that secondary states were typically different f r o m sur rounding pristine states:

From a world-systems perspective, the organizational changes that occurred during the Neopalatial period accompany a shift in Crete's position in the eastern Mediterranean inter­action sphere. In the Protopalatial period, Crete operated on the periphery of the Near Eastern and Egyptian cores, but in the Neopalatial period, the island filled a semiperipheral position between the Near East and Egypt and the emergent centers on the Greek mainland. During this transition, the Minoan states established themselves as local cores that extended their influence to the southern A e g e a n . . . .

Nick Kardulias's concept of "negotiated peripherality" is particularly useful for under­standing the changing nature of the relationship between Minoan and Mycenaean states and their Near Eastern and Egyptian counterparts ... the concept of "negotiated peripheral­ity" captures the active roles played by people living outside the core (Parkinson and Galaty 2007: 121).

This new semiperipherality was bui l t o n trade, reversing the usual account where in states developed and then pursued trade. T h e y also find that: "Secondary states formed i n t w o basic manners: as remnants o f larger entities that broke up after an init ial fluorescence or as compet ing polities that developed at the edge o f more mature complex societies" (124).

60 Thomas D. Hall

Overal l then, this is an excellent example o f h o w W S A and study o f the ancient w o r l d can benefit each other. Parkinson and Galaty note (119) that Aegean states were unusual i n developing in the absence o f compet ing chiefdoms, the more c o m m o n process. That the Aegean follows a less c o m m o n pattern creates, i n and o f itself, an empirical and theoretical puzzle that might best be solved by comparisons w i t h secondary state formation processes elsewhere. A l s o , they note that the specific organizations o f those "entit ies" that became states shaped the k i n d o f states they formed. I n short , there is an intense interaction between local and world-systemic processes—the negoti­ated peripherality—underscoring that world-systemic processes often w o r k f r o m the bo t tom up.

T h e role o f semiperipheral areas w i t h i n a world-system is major topic i n W S A . Chase-Dunn and H a l l (1997 , Chapter 5) argued that there are many possible kinds o f semiperipheries:

• Regions that mix core and peripheral forms o f organizat ion • Regions spatially located between core and peripheral regions • Regions located between two or more compet ing core regions (contested semipe­

ripheries) • Regions in w h i c h mediat ing activities l i n k i n g core and peripheral areas take place • Regions in w h i c h institutional features are intermediate i n form between those found

in adjacent core and peripheral areas

The number of, kinds of, and variations a m o n g semiperipheries are empirical and theoret­ical issues that need further investigation. Semiperipheral areas, especially marcher states, are frequent sites o f system change. A marcher state located o n the fringe o f a system might take over the system, and become a new core and shift the core b o t h polit ical ly and geographically. Such semiperipheral areas have distinct advantages. First , because they are o n the edge o f a system, they need defense f rom only one d irect ion . Second, their contact w i t h core areas often yields a sol id c o m m a n d o f core technologies and social processes; yet, their elites are not heavily invested in t h e m , so they are freer to experi­ment, and to develop new forms o f social organizat ion. Th i s is w h y semiperipheral areas are frequently seedbeds o f change.

A related prob lem is w h e n and h o w core -per iphery differentiation (wherein dif­ferent kinds o f societies are i n interaction) might become hierarchically related, a core-per iphery hierarchy. N o t all instances o f core -per iphery differentiation become core-per iphery hierarchies. H o w , why, and w h e n such transitions d o occur are open questions, empirically and theoretically.

State formation is a system process that is closely connected to processes o f incor­porat ion o f new areas and new peoples in to world-systems. H a l l (1989) argued that incorporat ion is a complex c o n t i n u u m that has empirically fuzzy beginnings and is some­what reversible, but does tend toward increased incorporat ion over t ime (see F igure 4 .1) . This is a process where local peoples are able to resist or shape the process. Zones o f incor­poration are frontiers ( H a l l 2 0 0 9 , 2013) where all social relations are, to some extent, up for grabs. T h u s , it is o n frontiers that active resistance, occasionally successful, o f people in peripheral areas is most visible. A m o n g social relations that are most f luid i n areas o f incorporat ion or frontier zones are ethnic and racial identities. That early Eng l i sh writers

Ethnicity and World-Systems Analysis 61

considered the Irish a separate race illustrates h o w cultural differences can be construed as biological . Frontiers are also where peoples m i x , interbreed, and intermarry, g iv ing rise to myriad processes o f ethnic change and ethnogenesis. W h i l e some scholars have treated such changes as loca l , it is clear that world-systemic processes—incorporation, expansion, frontier and state formation—play a considerable role , albeit not always the dominant one.

Kardulias developed a concept o f "negot iated peripheral i ty" :

... the willingness and ability of individuals in peripheries to determine the conditions under which they will engage in trade, ceremonial exchange, intermarriage, adoption of outside religions and political ideologies, etc. with representatives of expanding states (Kardulias 2007: 55).

That is, people i n peripheral areas can at times selectively adopt or reject a variety o f symbols, artifacts, foodstuffs, and behaviors. Such negotiations have b o t h short-term and long-term goals. M a n y short-term consequences o f a choice may be judged w i t h some degree o f certaintv. H o w e v e r , unintended or unforeseen long- term consequences are far f rom clear. E v e n a decision that brings immediate benefits may i n the l o n g r u n prove costly to a group o n the periphery. F o r example, many Native A m e r i c a n groups initially benefited f rom the European objects gained t h r o u g h the fur trade. Yet , over a longer per iod, they became dependent o n the new technologies over w h i c h they had little contro l . A d o p t i o n o f metal artifacts, firearms, and other goods typically reduce au tonomy and the ability to continue to negotiate terms o f incorporat ion . Finally, negot iat ion can be conducted at the indiv idual or corporate level. I n the former, each person might be responsible for determining the acceptability o f a transaction; i n the latter, someone (or a restricted group) acts as the spokesperson for those o n one side or the other (and occasionally b o t h sides) o f a negotiat ion. B o t h approaches can lead to changes i n ethnic identity, albeit i n very different ways.

O n e creative way to employ W S A is as a corrective to potential ly misleading historical records (Greaves 2007b : 19). I n War in the Tribal Zone, Ferguson and Whi tehead (1992) argue that such distortions are typical consequences o f state or world-system expansion and incorporat ion. T h e " t r iba l z o n e " is a transit ion zone just beyond the boundary o f state expansion into non-state territories. W h e n states (or world-systems) expand, they either absorb or displace non-state peoples. I n either case, the contact ripples out far beyond the region o f direct contact. Th i s is fueled by trade and efforts o f indigenous leaders to use access to state goods as a way to garner followers. Those further away often try to bypass the midd lemen and thus come into conflict w i t h those closer to the state boundary. In the m o d e r n world-system, war c o u l d be generated by the slave trade (see H a l l 1989 for a detailed account) , but the consequences are varied: the spread o f diseases, and new technologies too , such as the spread o f horses f rom northeastern N e w Spain or guns from northeastern N o r t h Amer ica . T h e contributors to War in the Tribal Zone show that these developments occurred i n b o t h ancient and m o d e r n times, and accompany the expansion o f any state, an important correct ion to the c o m m o n assumption that it is on ly capitalism that does this.

W S A forces scholars to address scalar context , w h i c h can be either geographical or chronologica l . Some changes originate far f r o m the frontier; others are extremely

62 Thomas D. Hall

localized. A g a i n , the local needs to be unders tood in its larger context. T h i s is an espe­cially fruitful way o f approaching such regions as the Black Sea and the Medi terranean , where the tendency to l o o k for events, particularly those that occur i n b o t h the archaeo­logical record and the literary sources, may b l i n d us to the broader patterns o f cont inui ty and change over a vast area ( H o r d e n and Purce l l 2000 ) . W S A raises many useful questions, that is, questions that w h e n answered empirically increase our understanding. Such findings are opportunit ies for emending W S A and for m a k i n g contr ibut ions to the cycle o f theory -» evidence - * revised theory -» new evidence, and so o n . W S A also provides one way o f mak ing inter-regional comparisons (see t o o , Jennings 2011 ) . I n these ways, W S A scholars and scholars o f the ancient Medi terranean can benefit f rom mutual exchanges.

Acknowledgment

I thank Jeremy M c l n e r n e y for inv i t ing me to participate i n the project, and for his many useful suggestions about h o w to tailor my discussion for this audience. I also thank Krist ian Kristiansen, P. N i c k Kardulias , and Susan Kepecs for critical readings o f earlier versions. As always, none o f them are responsible for m y errors, but are responsible for saving me f rom several. A l s o thanks to W i l l i a m A . Parkinson for permiss ion to reprint Figure 4 . 1 , w h i c h original ly appeared i n Parkinson and Galaty (2010 : 59) , and to West-view Press for permission to reprint F igure 4 .2 , w h i c h first appeared i n C h a s e - D u n n and H a l l (1997 : 54) .

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Wallerstein, Immanuel. 2011. The Modern World-System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century. Berkeley: University of California Press.

FURTHER READING

Babones, Salvatore and Christopher Chase-Dunn, eds. 2012. Handbook of World-Systems Analysis: Theory and Research. New York: Routledge. Provides a compendium by world-systems scholars on their research, theories, and methods.

Ethnicity and World-Systems Analysis 65

Batten, Bruce Loyd. 2003. To the Ends of Japan: Premodern Frontiers, Boundaries, and Interactions. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Provides a useful example of how world-systems analysis can shed light on issues of ethnicity.

Chase-Dunn, Christopher and Bruce Lerro. 2014. Social Change: Globalization from the Stone Age to the Present. Boulder, C O : Paradigm Press. This is a new, detailed account of social change from a world-systems perspective, which includes attention to psychological and personal aspects of change.

Chase-Dunn, Christopher and Thomas D . Hal l . 1997. Rise and Demise: Comparing World-Systems. Boulder: Westview Press. Key statement of extension of world-systems analysis to premodern times.

Galatv, Michael L. 2011. "World-systems Analysis and Anthropology': A New Detante?" Reviews in Anthropology, 40: 3-26. Provides an excellent discussion of issues of world-systems analysis and anthropology.

Greaves, Alan M . 2010. The Land of Ionia: Society and Economy in the Archaic Period. Maiden: Wiley-Blackwell. Provides an interesting use of world-systems analysis for the Eastern Mediter­ranean.

Wallerstein, Immanuel. 2011. The Modern World-System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century. Berkeley: University of California Press. His original statement of world-systems analysis, from 1974. The 2011 reprint includes a useful prologue in which he replies to many critics.

A COMPANION TO ETHNICITY

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Contents

Notes o n Contr ibutors Acknowledgments

1 Ethnici ty : A n Int roduct ion Jeremy Mclnerney

2 Ethnic i ty and Language in the A n c i e n t Medi terranean Harald Haarmann

3 Mediterranean Archaeology and Ethnic i ty A. Bernard Knapp

4 Ethnic i ty and World-Systems Analysis Thomas D. Hall

5 Ancient Ethnic i ty and M o d e r n Identity Johannes Siapkas

6 Bronze A g e Identities: F r o m Social to Cu l tura l and E t h n i c Identity Kristian Kristiansen

7 Networks and Ethnogenesis Anna C. F. Collar

8 Ethnic Identities, Borderlands, and H y b r i d i t y Gary Rejjer

9 Hitt i tes and Anato l ian E t h n i c Diversity Trevor R. Bryce

10 Hybr id i ty , Hapiru, and the Archaeology o f E thnic i ty in Second M i l l e n n i u m B C E Western Asia Ann E. Killebrew

CHAPTER 1

Ethnicity An Introduction

Jeremy Mclnerney

"Unfortunately for us, the last 200 years have been the most mismanaged in the history of our race. *

—Eve Mungwa D . Fesl

Large Gallic Ladies The preceding epigraph comes f rom a short essay wri t ten by an Austra l ian land rights activist addressing the sorry history o f relations between the white settlers and K o o r i ( indigenous) peoples. It may seem o d d to begin a col lect ion o f chapters deal ing w i t h the question o f ethnicity i n the ancient Medi terranean w i t h a reference to pol i t ical condi t ions far removed in space and t ime, but FesPs comments provide a n u m b e r o f vectors into the subject o f ethnicity. T o begin w i t h , in many countries , discussions o f " e t h n i c i t y " are a way o f ta lking about a deeply unpopular and discredited concept-—race—while for the most part avoiding that charged term. ( O n changes i n the use o f " r ace " as a category, see Brunsma and Rockquemore 2 0 0 4 and M c C o s k e y 2012 . ) F e w white academics wish to write about race, preferring to observe that the term refers to a social construct , not a biological fact (Fields and Fields 2012 ) . Th i s is especially true i n classical scholarship, where for many years there existed a broad consensus that racism was an anachronistic idea and that race was not a useful category i n the analysis o f ancient Medi terranean cu l ­tures, or, more simply, that Greek and R o m a n society was not racist (Snowden 1970 , 1983 ; Hanna ford 1996 , but , more recently against this view, Isaac 2 0 0 4 ; M c C o s k e y 2006 , 2012) . Ironically, those w h o have suffered the most f rom the abuses masked by the term " race" have become those most likely to adopt i t , either as part o f formal critical discourse or, as i n the preceding quote , more loosely. It is also w o r t h n o t i n g that race, i n

A Companion to Ethnicity in the Ancient Mediterranean, F i r s t F . d i t i o n . E d i t e d bv Jeremv M c l n e r n e v . © 2 0 1 4 J o h n W i l e y & S o n s , I n c . P u b l i s h e d 2 0 1 4 by J o h n W i l e y & Sons , I n c .

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"ethnici ty" is a t e rm to be used cautiously, and that i n many settings it cannot be divorced from deep-seated political and religious antagonisms. I f ethnicity is a mode o f h u m a n dis­course, characterized as a response to pol i t ical forces that require group cohes ion, it can equally serve as the vector a long w h i c h social breakdown occurs. T h a t aspect o f ethnic­ity is explored in this vo lume by N i n o L u r a g h i , w h o once again emphasizes boundaries and power as essential ingredients o f the matrix i n w h i c h ethnicity functions. G i v e n the fraught history o f ethnicity, one obvious tactic w o u l d be to dismiss the n o t i o n o f eth­nicity as hopelessly compromised . I f it is n o t h i n g more than race repackaged, then that may not be such a bad idea. It may be possible, however, to exploit the term usefully as a way not only o f gauging what ancient peoples thought about themselves but also as a way o f addressing a series o f related issues: the condit ions under w h i c h ethnic identities were formulated, the ways in w h i c h these found expression, and the means by w h i c h such dynamic processes have been understood (and misunderstood) by writers f rom antiquity to the present. The chapters i n this book have been wri t ten w i t h these issues i n m i n d , and the variety o f the approaches o n display here is a fair indicat ion o f the many pos­sible ways into the matter o f ethnicity. N o single approach is completely definitive and no single example is who l ly paradigmatic, but taken together they demonstrate that, by drawing o n the r ich smorgasbord o f m o d e r n theories and methodologies , the study o f the ancient Mediterranean is capable o f generating compe l l ing and provocative ways o f understanding those complex cultures.

Theorizing Ethnicity

A number o f the contr ibutions pose b ig questions that situate the study o f the ancient Mediterranean wi th in a broader set o f issues and avenues for investigation. H a r a l d Haarmann, for example, adopts a phenomenolog ica l approach, locat ing ethnic identity o n a cont inuum that moves f rom intentional i ty to language and w h i c h proceeds by an ever-increasing process o f differentiation that distinguishes groups, such as Paleo-Europeans and Proto-Indo-Europeans , f rom one another. C i t i n g a series o f test cases from Greece and early Italy, he focuses o n w r i t i n g and language as indicators o f ethnicity, not a simple p h e n o m e n o n but a process he describes as " a c o n t i n u u m negotiated by different actors." H o w e v e r , such an approach almost immediately raises questions o f the material record o n w h i c h many reconstructions o f early societies depend, an issue central to Bernard Knapp's cont r ibu t ion . U s i n g Cyprus and the Philistines as his test cases, Knapp finds the material evidence for the large-scale migrat ion o f clearly bounded ethnic groups to be problematic at best. H i s chapter notes the compet ing and divergent approaches to ethnicity taken by historians and archaeologists. D r a w i n g on H o m i Bhabha's n o t i o n o f th ird space, K n a p p once again emphasizes the negotiated quality o f ethnic identities. A th i rd cont r ibut ion that places ethnicity w i t h i n a broader conceptual framework is Thomas H a l l ' s chapter o n World-System Analysis ( W S A ) . Based o n the theoretical w o r k o f Immanuel Wallerstein, W S A is an attempt to explain the processes that sustain the funct ioning o f self-contained systems. H a l l argues that all forms o f identification " o c c u r w i t h i n a world-systemic context , and are part and parcel o f the dialectic between local social groups in the complex relations o f p r o d u c t i o n and exchange w i t h i n the overall system." A d d i n g to H a a r m a n n and Knapp's fundamental not ion o f negotiated identities, H a l l uses W S A to identify the key components i n that negotiation as the players' positions in relation to core, peripheral , o r semi-peripheral

Ethnicity 7

parts o f the world-system. A chapter that rounds out the p o r t i o n o f the vo lume devoted to broad approaches is Johannes Siapkas' concise overview o f m o d e r n interpretive models o f ethnicity. Siapkas distinguishes between essentializing models , w h i c h take ethnicity as fixed, and dynamic models , w h i c h emphasize change. Particularly helpful are his suggestions for further w o r k , notably i n the area o f the subjective internal izat ion o f ethnic identity and the challenges o f interpreting material culture. I n this respect, Siapkas is reflecting an awareness o f the criticisms that have been leveled, fairly, against those w h o either exploit historical linguistics uncritically to support archaeology or cite archaeology naively to bolster claims based o n linguistics ( A n t h o n y 1995) . I n this respect, his w o r k is in line w i t h a newer trend i n archaeology toward avoid ing essentializing readings o f material culture and ethnic identity (e.g., see G o m e z Pena 2012 ) .

Some chapters take up the challenge o f material culture more or less explicitly. Kris­tian Kristiansen, for example, offers an analysis o f ethnicity i n the European Bronze A g e , focusing o n the non-literate societies o f nor thern E u r o p e , and argues that cairns and rock-art, taken in conjunct ion w i t h other distinctive articles o f material culture such as swords, permit the identification o f distinct ethnic groups, at least at regional i f not inter­national levels. Kristiansen sees the sea as const i tut ing the setting for a marit ime network , a not ion that has recently been applied by other Bronze A g e scholars to the Aegean w o r l d as well (Broodbank 2 0 0 0 ; Tartaron 2013 ) . T h e idea o f the network has, in fact, recently emerged as a useful way o f approaching the ancient w o r l d i n w h i c h wide-ranging d o m i ­nation from a single, centralized power was the exception and not the n o r m . I n a recent volume, Irad M a l k i n , Chris ty Cons tantakopoulou , and Katerina Panagopoulou (2009) used this approach to show h o w the Greek and R o m a n worlds c o u l d be read as networks , and in this volume A n n a C o l l a r b o t h explains the methodology beh ind network theory and offers three test cases to demonstrate its applicability: archaic Greece, the network o f the Jewish diaspora in the early R o m a n per iod , and the development o f a G e r m a n ethnic identity in Late Ant iqui ty . Each o f these is a p romis ing line o f inquiry , and, indeed, other chapters in this book , by M u n s o n , Kemezis and P o h l i n particular, can be read i n tandem with Collar ' s .

I f Collar 's examples point toward the construct ion o f connections t h r o u g h networks o f similarity and c o m m o n interest, Gary Reger's chapter o n hybridi ty demonstrates that ethnicity was also shaped by other dynamic processes. Borderlands and boundaries are especially fertile areas for ethnogenesis, yet even here the trajectories are not straight­forward or predictable. E thnic identity is rarely characterized by a simple opposi t ional dynamic, and since such identities must finally be expressed by an indiv idua l as wel l as a community , the phenomenon is complicated by the availability o f different social identities for individual actors. A m a l g a m a t i o n , layering, and mult ip l ic i ty are more true o f ethnic identities than fixity.

W i t h ethnicity displaying such polyvalence, the question o f h o w one narrates the po l i t i ­cal history o f a region characterized by different ethnic groups becomes more pressing. In this respect, it is w o r t h juxtaposing a group o f chapters that deal w i t h the region loosely defined as the eastern Mediterranean, but i n different periods. Trevor Bryce presents Late Bronze Age Anatol ia as a patchwork o f states and k ingdoms i n w h i c h different ethnic groups vied for power, some indigenous and others exogenous. H o w e v e r , unl ike older treatments that w o u l d have treated each o f the boundaries between these units as imper­meable, Bryce recognizes different tools be ing employed to reach different audiences: Hittites using the language o f the L u w i a n subjects, for example, o n their monuments . In the history o f Israel dur ing the same per iod , recent archaeological w o r k has shed some

8 Jeremy Mclnerney

l ight o n the Philistines but has also generated a heated debate over the very emergence o f a coherent Israelite ethnic identity. A n n Ki l l ebrew synthesizes the debate o n this, b o t h recognizing the particular episodes o f fragmentation that occurred and yet placing the emergence o f Israel w i t h i n a broader eastern Medi terranean context i n w h i c h its his­tory was not unique. G e o f f E m b e r l i n g treats another o f the great powers o f the eastern Mediterranean, the Assyrians, and employs ethnic diversity as a lens t h r o u g h w h i c h to see the imperial state. H e finds an imperial state so w i l l i n g to adopt Babylonian literary culture and Hi t t i t e architectural style that, as he notes, " the final result o f Assyrian hege­mony was the dissolution o f Assyrian identity itself." I n studies o f the Greek and R o m a n worlds , where acculturation has often been presented simplistically as a one-way street ( " H e l l e n i z i n g " or " R o m a n i z a t i o n " being the preferred terms), Ember l ing ' s w o r k is a reminder that ethnicity and imperial power are by no means interchangeable.

T w o other chapters outside the orbi t o f the Greek and R o m a n worlds also d e m o n ­strate the wide variety o f ways i n w h i c h ethnicity actively funct ioned in the Med i te r ­ranean w o r l d . O n e is Stuart Tyson's chapter o n Egypt and N u b i a ; the other is Jennifer Gates-Foster's treatment o f the A c h a e m e n i d E m p i r e . B o t h offer r i c h , i f very different, insights into the place o f ethnic discourse i n imperial settings. F o r example, in the Persian Empire , Gates-Foster sees ethnic diversity as an ideological c la im used to reinforce the power o f the center. As she says, it is a "message . . . formulated and dispersed t h r o u g h tex­tual and visual m e d i a , . . . closely and programmatical ly c o n t r o l l e d . " H o w e v e r , the practice is characterized by an unusual degree o f fluidity. Persian tribes are ment ioned near the heartland, but farther afield ethnic terms are employed that may point to identif ication by language or geography. H e r e , ethnicity resides o n a c o n t i n u u m in w h i c h variations occur depending o n whether one self-ascribes an ethnic identity or has it ascribed by others. This complex i ty—my label or yours—mirrors the problems identif ied by Bernard K n a p p in imput ing ethnic characteristics o r meaning to objects that may represent trade but not necessarily ethnicity: taste is not identity.

I n almost a complete inverse o f the c la im o f diversity central to A c h a e m e n i d ideology, Smith finds a fundamental assertion o f self and other in the Egypt ian portrayal o f the L ibyan as "o ther . " H o w e v e r , to complicate an otherwise overly simple d ichotomy, i n d i ­vidual players w i t h i n the pol i t ical realm, m e n such as the N u b i a n pharaoh P i a n k h i , m i g h t blend elements o f tradit ional Egypt ian dress and practice while also asserting N u b i a n custom. Appropriately, the term used to convey that this quality o f ethnic identity is entanglement.

The Greeks and their Neighbors

The chapters dealing w i t h the Greek w o r l d also reflect some o f the diversity o f approaches that characterize the study o f ethnicity. Indeed, the decis ion to present these chapters i n a section devoted to the Greeks reflects on ly a weak organizat ional pr inciple : readers w i l l , I hope, find many o f the methods and analytical approaches employed in these chapters equally applicable to other societies and times. W e have already noted N i n o Luraghi ' s explicit use o f modern ethnic conflicts to i l luminate the ways that social breakdown c o u l d exploit ethnic d iv i s ion , often manufactured, in b o t h m o d e r n and ancient settings. In a similar way, one cou ld apply many o f the results o f Ange la Ganter 's discussion o f local