Vol. 24, No.4, Fall 2002 PRACTICING ANTHROPOLOGY 11

EN FAMILIA Y COMUNIDAD: CHILDREN'S RIGHTS AND PARENT'S DISCOURSES ON CORPORAL

PUNISHMENT IN URBAN CHILE By Marfa Alejandra Guerron-Montero and Carla Guerron-Montero

" I have hit my child with a belt very hard two times, but I don't like to hit him or to scream at him often. Physical punishment is only acceptable if the child is jealous, has stolen or lies."

This is how Luisa, a single mother in a low-income neighborhood of

Santiago de Chile, defines and justifies children's punishment. An increasing characteristic of low-income neighbor­hoods in Chile is the use of physical punishment as a disciplinary method with children. Family disintegration, loss of family support networks (partly due to Chilean housing policies which provide houses to families in need without consider­ation of their attachment to particular communities), and lack of non-violent tools to control children's behavior, have caused many families to ratio­nalize the use of corporal and verbal punishment in the resolution of conflicts.

This article seeks to show how an interdisciplinary perspective towards children's rights and parents' discourses on punishment can produce better results when parents participate in short-term projects with few resources, as is often the case in Latin America. We will consider the ways in which an anthropological perspective contributed to better informed intervention strate­gies during the analysis and participa­tion phases of the project "We Defend Children's Rights in Family and Community" (En Familia y Comunidad Defendemos los Derechos de los Nifios), a project organized by the Corporacion Opcion with the financial assistance of

the Fondo de Solidaridad e Inversion Social (FOSIS). This project was carried out in the villa (or neighbor­hood) that we call Manuela Rebolledo, of the Comuna de Santa Clara, in Santiago, Chile. The villa is one of the poorest communities in Santiago, with a high rate of unemployment and chronic drug traffic and consumption. The ultimate goal of the project was not only to interpret the ways in which parents in the villa understood corporal punish­ment, but also to provide service and attention to families in the neighbor­hood in order to prevent children's mistreatment.

The Project

In 1999, Opcion implemented a research project entitled "Childhood and Children's Rights in the Commu­nity." This project provided a general overview of child abuse, school dropout rates, and sexual abuse in the area. Opcion expected to go beyond the findings of this project with the 2001 quantitative project "We Defend Children's Rights in Family and Community," which consisted of several phases. In the first phase, Opcion developed a preliminary quantitative diagnostic survey, which elicited information on children's rights, especially as they were related to child abuse, sexual abuse, school dropout rates, and child labor. The survey questions were based on the definitions of these terms elaborated by UNICEF in 1994. We also studied the mechanisms used by parents or guardians to educate their children. This diagnostic survey provided data for the development of the next two phases of the program: 1) training of twenty community workers who were to be in charge of disseminat­ing information about children's rights;

MarfaAZejandra Guerr6n-Montero

and 2) psychosocial attention following the survey, in which a psychologist (Marfa Alejandra) and a social worker were to orient and guide families in the area. Since long-term psychological therapy was not possible, the attention given was based on brief psychothera­peutic sessions, diagnosis, and projec­tive tests. Cases of abuse were to be transferred to another Opcion project in the area. In addition, Opcion planned to conduct orientation and assistance workshops, particularly for mothers. A fourth phase of the project included the enhancement of the "infancy network" in the area. The overall philosophy of the project was based on prevention of

12 PRACTICING ANTHROPOLOGY Vol. 24, No.4, Fall 2002

mistreatment rather than on intervention after the fact.

The main goal of the 200 1 Opcion project was to provide families that lived in the Neighborhood Units (Unidades Vecinales) No.8 and 15 of the villa Manuela Rebolledo with a more profound knowledge of children's rights, particularly in relationship to abuse, child sexual abuse, and school dropout, with the purpose of creating lines of intervention that were congru­ent with the reality of the villa and the families, in order to provide a special­ized service for the prevention and protection of children's rights within the family and community. The objectives of the project were to understand the factors that increase the risk of physical and psychological child abuse, school dropout, and sexual abuse, in order to formulate prevention and protection strategies. We were also interested in determining the degree of acknowledge­ment of parents and adults in charge of their use of corporal punishment, and their willingness to deal with the subject. Finally, the project aimed to create a knowledge base and space for discussion with children's parents and guardians as well as with the commu­nity organizations of the villa.

In this article, we will discuss the results of the diagnostic survey phase, and the ways in which parents rational­ize the use of corporal punishment when disciplining their children. We will also briefly address some of the recommendations given to parents during psychological sessions.

Methodology

The Opcion team in charge of carrying out this project was composed of a psychologist (Maria Alejandra), a social worker, a community promoter well-known and respected in Manuela Rebolledo, and a supervisor/coordinator who was also a social worker. Maria Alejandra and the Opcion team con­ducted the quantitative diagnostic survey in the villa in December 2000 and January 2001. The sample included 100 people with a 5 percent margin of error. The survey was administered to

adults who were responsible for the care of at least one child. The survey was administered in schools, at community organization meetings, and door-to­door. It was designed to quantify the opinions and methods used by the adult respondents in raising their children, and to identify the factors that increased the risk of children's vulnerability. However, as a psychologist with previous anthropological training (Maria Alejandra), and with the cooperation of an anthropologist (Carla), we thought it was necessary to go beyond a quantitative approach in order to understand the more profound implications of discourses of children's rights among these families. As a result, we added an anthropological compo­nent to the project. We worked together in the creation of interview guiding questions, based on the social, eco­nomic, and political conditions of the area. In February 2001, Maria Alejandra conducted open-ended interviews with fifteen women who had participated in the diagnostic survey and eight children who were in their care. In addition, Maria Alejandra conducted participant observation in the villa. Finally, we analyzed both the open-ended inter­views and the quantitative data from an anthropological perspective. Given that the main goal of the Opcion project was to ascertain information on children's rights in order to provide appropriate psychosocial and social services to the members of the villa, we believed it was essential to go beyond quantitative methodologies in order to better understand the reality of Manuela Rebolledo's inhabitants.

The Diagnostic Survey

Before we analyze the results of the survey, it is important to establish a working definition of "child abuse." For Opcion, child abuse is defined as every action or lack of action made by individuals or social institutions, which deprive children of the care, rights and liberties that they are entitled to, which in turn hinder their development. These actions are not accidental, they are presented in the context of an asym-

metrical relationship in which there are family ties or care ties. In this asym­metrical relationship, it is assumed that adults should fulfill their functions of care and protection of a human being that because of his or her development status is in a relationship of dependency. Nonetheless, this asymmetrical relation­ship often times generates abuse of power by the adult over the child. This abuse damages children, physically, psychologically, or both. Opcion' s philosophy establishes that mistreat­ment of children includes slapping, hitting, or screaming at them. Sexual abuse is considered the worst type of child abuse. The project also distin­guished two types of abuse: active (which includes blows or concrete actions whose main goal is to subdue the child); and passive (omissions or negligent conduct that prevent the satisfaction of basic needs of the child). These actions can range from depriving the child of food to extreme overprotection.

As mentioned above, the Manuela Rebolledo villa is one of the poorest neighborhoods in Santiago. The majority of inhabitants of the villa work as mechanics, construction workers, plumbers, or domestic workers. The most common type of family structure in the villa is the extended family led by a female figure (83.3 percent of the cases). In addition, seasonallay-offs (cesantza) are very common. The community evidences strong neighbor­hood networks, which often replace the loss of extended family networks due to forced or voluntary reallocation. Generally, men work outside the home while women stay at home and take care of their children. A large number of inhabitants are originally from areas outside the metropolitan area of Santiago (huasos, or country people) who migrated to the city in search of better economic opportunities. Accord­ing to a nurse who works in the pediat­ric unit of the local hospital, the most common medical cases found among the inhabitants of the villa are children's mistreatment, irresponsible paternity, teen pregnancy, drug abuse, and alcoholism.

Vol. 24, No.4, Fall 2002 PRACTICING ANTHROPOLOGY 13

The quantitative diagnostic survey conducted by Opci6n provided several perspectives on the conditions and situation of children in the villa. From the perspective of the local authorities, children did not have enough protection from their parents, many of whom were not following their role as mediators of the risks and menaces that were present in their immediate context. According to the authorities, parents tended to be absent because of their working conditions. From the perspective of teachers of the educational centers in the area, the role of the father in particular was often delegated to other relatives of the extended family (including grandmothers and aunts) or neighbors of the community, who became the significant adults in the lives of many children. Consequently, teachers believed that parents were not supporting their children in school, and had a very permissive attitude toward norms and limits. Teachers also noticed that children evidenced aggressive behavior in school, which they believed was partly due to violent behavior witnessed at home. Finally, from the perspective of professionals of the social support institutions in the locality, there were many families with problems and difficulties in relationship to social norms and conflict resolution. In addition, parents did not have access to child care on a regular basis. Un­doubtedly, all of these problems placed children in a situation of risk.

The Interviews

Very interesting conclusions derive from contrasting the results of the quantitative survey with the answers given by the persons interviewed in the villa. Not surprisingly, we found that in Manuela Rebolledo, a parent's main concern was the welfare of his or her children, and that some form of physical punishment was used only with the intent of assuring their children's future success in life. "I don't let my child play outside without my approval, because there are many people that have evil thoughts in their minds and I am afraid. My child is innocent and has a

good heart, so I have hit him a few times for not telling me where he was going to be."

Fifty-one percent of those surveyed admitted that they had used physical punishment as an educational method, whereas 49 percent claimed that they had never done so. However, based on the discourse of the mothers inter­viewed, it was possible to determine that the definition of physical punish­ment varies considerably. For instance, one of the mothers pointed out, "I never punish my children, I only hit them with my hand." For another mother,

If you hit your child with your hand or with a belt, that is not physical punishment, that is only a way to scare the child. I have hit my child really hard with a belt two times, but that was because I asked him to change his clothes and he didn't come the whole after­noon and I was looking for him.

Another mother learned from her parents: "I have used physical punish­ment, that is how I was raised. In the past, it was like that. I hit them with my hand or pull their hair, or their ears." These mothers use some form of physical punishment, although they do not define it as such.

In regard to psychological punish­ment, the results of the survey demon­strated that 58 percent of the mothers or mother figures threaten to hit their children as a disciplinary measure. Forty-nine percent of mothers punished their children without physical punish­ment, whereas fathers threatened their children in 29.9 percent of the cases. Only 2.2 percent of fathers and mothers have hit their children with belts, the mother being the one who does it more often. In order to provide a human dimension to these statistics, Marfa Alejandra interviewed boys and girls in the villa, who documented their experiences with punishment methods as follows: "Sometimes my mother hits me in my legs but without the belt; some others she sends me to my room

or doesn't let me watch TV." "My mother is usually the one who punishes us, my father hits me with a belt, and my mother throws things at me." Both parents and children agreed that the most effective punishments were not physical. They agreed that preventing children from engaging in their favorite activities often times produced better results. "My mom doesn't let me watch TV or doesn't give me dessert," to which a mother replied, "A child needs to be punished with what he likes better [ ... ] That is the way to teach them discipline. If he wants to go out, you don't let him because he didn't finish his homework, etc." From a discursive perspective, every mother interviewed agreed that methods that prevented children from doing their favorite things were more effective than physical punishment. According to one of the mothers, "if you have a beehive, where do the flies go? They go to the beehive, to what is sweet rather than to what is bitter. It is the same with children, everything can be achieved with sweetness, patience and love, not with physical mistreatment." However, on a daily basis, most of the mothers engaged in some form of physical punishment.

As mentioned above, the villa Manuela Rebolledo is well known as a place for the consumption and traffic of drugs. Parents and social workers interviewed considered this situation a crucial element influencing the way in which they controlled their children's behavior. Fear of having a child involved with the handling or consump­tion of drugs was prevalent in the community, and made parents maintain stronger surveillance over their chil­dren. Ana's main hope for her children was that they be "educated, that they don't become street children and get into drugs; that they take advantage of their studies and when they finish, that they work." The children interviewed were also aware of the situation, and considered it dangerous for them and their parents. In fact, all of the children interviewed had seen people consume and sell drugs with frequency; some of their parents were also involved in

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drugs. One of the children, Antonio, felt that he was afraid of living in the neighborhood and believed that drugs "damage people and kill their brains."

Perceptions of punishment by parents and their children are related: parents and children agree that a slap in the face or the legs does not qualify as physical punishment. Sofia, a ten-year­old girl believed that her parents had never hit her, because they have only slapped her in her legs without a belt. The reasons for the punishment varied, but were mostly related to upsetting the parents, being disobedient, or leaving the house without permission. Other parents were particularly upset at their children's disrespectful ways in private or public contexts.

The quantitative survey and open­ended interviews also demonstrated that some children in the villa had been victims of violent homes, with their parents (particularly mothers) often experiencing intra-familial violence. We also found a direct correlation between a permissive attitude on the part of the parents by giving children material goods and access to entertainment on a regular basis, with the use of physical punishment to control the "excess" of liberty and facilities provided to the children. Most of the families surveyed and interviewed in the villa recognized that they engage in physical punishment with their children because their parents or guardians had punished them when they were children. As one of the nurses of the villa pointed out, "when a child has been mistreated by his parents, later he also mistreats his children. It is very rare when this does not happen. I think it is a chain of events."

The relationship between children's rights and use of corporal punishment was another important finding. The understanding of children's rights of the majority of parents in the villa differed from the definition used by Opei6n in the project. Children's rights, for Manuela Rebolledo residents, include the right to an education and the right of protection against the immediate dangers of their environment (drug consumption and trafficking, sexual abuse by family members or strangers,

acquisition of negative habits such as stealing, lying, and envying other people, all of them possible antecedents of more serious illegal activities). It was mostly the parents' responsibility to provide a safe environment for their children (many parents also commented on the need for more police protection and governmental attention to the area). If the only means to provide a safe environment was to physically punish or verbally threaten their children, parents believed they were not violating their children's rights. Indeed, they were securing those rights by protecting their children from the menaces of society. Both parents and children believed that excessive corporal punishment constituted a violation of children's rights, but argued that occasional slaps in the face or across the legs (without a belt), or screams were not violations of children's rights. This contrasts with Ope ion 's view of child abuse, which considers these latter forms of punishment as mistreatment. For parents in the villa, however, securing their children's future by teaching them the differences between right and wrong, even if it meant slaps and hits from time to time, justified these acts.

Conclusions

According to the International Convention for the Rights of Children, respect for the rights of children does not depend only on the actions and efforts of institutions and organizations working with children at the communal level. It depends primarily on the families, because of the central respon­sibility of parents and/or responsible adults in the children's development. Manuela Rebolledo's residents believe that it is the responsibility of the parents to monitor the behavior of their chil­dren. They place a stronger responsibil­ity on the mother or female figure in the home. According to Lorena, "if a child is disobedient, it's the mother's fault. One should not give children a lot of liberty, because then they become unmanageable." Maria, a housewife and mother of four, summarized the

responsibility of parents by stating, "How the mother is, the child will turn out to be." It is in this context that parents justify and rationalize the use of physical punishment in raising their children. The results of the project pointed to the frequent use of physical punishment as an educational method, based on the myth that "children do not understand words." Many of the adults interviewed in Manuela Rebolledo justify physical punishment as a way to educate and control children. Psycho­logical punishment is also used often, but is not perceived as a form of mistreatment; it is viewed as legitimate and without consequences. We found that discursively, physical punishment is considered unacceptable by the parents and guardians of children in the community ("a child should not be punished; a child should be corrected"). In everyday practice, however, parents and guardians used some forms of physical and psychological punishment. In fact, during the period of psychoso­cial attention, we found out that 44 percent of children who were served through Opei6n had suffered some sort of physical punishment which went beyond hand slaps. The different understandings of punishment and mistreatment, and the cultural values, beliefs, and worldviews of the families towards childhood education, need to be included in the development and implementation of future prevention programs in the area. We also found, however, that although physical punishment was practiced, very few cases were of a severity that needed legal intervention. In effect, during the seven months of follow-up psychosocial services, only one case required legal intervention.

The Opei6n project was developed with the purpose of providing services to prevent child mistreatment in the villa and its surrounding areas. The combination of quantitative methodol­ogy utilized by social scientists, with ethnographic methods used mainly (but not exclusively) by anthropologists, allowed us to develop a more thorough understanding of the reasons, rationale, and causes of child punishment in the

Vol. 24, No.4, Fall 2002 PRACTICING ANTHROPOLOGY 15

villa. For instance, we found that one of the problems of the project was that it was designed to gather information about children by asking questions of adults. In the anthropological phase of our project, however, we asked children and their parents about perceptions of punishment.

In addition, the follow-up services carried out by Marfa Alejandra and the Opcion team for seven months after research was conducted were enhanced not only by the previous ethnographic work, but also by an anthropological mind frame, the closer knowledge of the families, parents and children who lived in the villa, and by an open perspective towards views of children's rights, at times in contradiction with the official views of organizations. Conducting the survey, ethnographic interviews and participant observation, and finally the follow-up services on-site, instilled confidence in the project among the members of the community, who felt comfortable approaching the Opcion team, requesting help and support, and learning about the options and resources available to them at minimal or no cost.

The follow-up services took place in two schools and a neighborhood unit in the villa, and took the form of indi­vidual psychological attention with each parent or child for three consecutive diagnostic sessions, followed by an orientation or a referral to the appropri­ate services. The diagnostic sessions included open-ended unstructured interviews, which allowed the team to establish relationships between the parents' childhood experiences and their attitudes toward child upbringing. Among the topics that were discussed with parents during these sessions were the protection of children's rights, the good treatment of children, and the possibility of peaceful resolution of conflicts. One of the key strategies used by the intervention team was to avoid utilizing the word "discipline" in the interventions, given that this word has a value-laden, military connotation. The suggested alternatives were geared towards the idea-already present and practiced among many Manuela Rebolledo's families-that it was more

effective to restrict children's access to specific privileges than to punish them physically. It was also suggested that parents develop limits and clear rules for the children, and that in the case of nuclear families, both parents needed to be in agreement with those rules. In this matter, children would not be confused and would not lose the notion of parental "authority." The rules were to help the children discern positive from negative attitudes and the limits of their behavior.

Another suggestion was to develop realistic rules, limits and punishments. For instance, Opcion proposed that the parents could tell the child that there was not going to be dessert or a TV break for one or two days, but not for a month, since it was unlikely that such a punishment could be fulfilled. It was also recommended that parents separate the conjugal sphere from the parental sphere, and that they avoid including the children in their marital affairs. As an example, we told parents that often times couples tend to "test forces" by lifting or imposing punishment over the children.

In accordance with Opcion's philoso­phy on children's rights, it was recom­mended that parents avoid the use of physical and verbal punishment. Opcion proposed that sanctions need not to include corporal punishment, and fostered the need for dialogue and communication within families. For instance, Opcion pointed out in the sessions that a very common attitude among parents was to insult a child for using insults, or to threaten to hit a child for hitting his or her brother. These types of behaviors only confused children. Parents in the villa were eager to see their children succeed in school and become lawful Chilean citizens. The Opcion team emphasized that the more the positive actions were rein­forced and applauded, the less likely they would be to punish their children's negative actions. In the same manner, the team talked to parents about the specific development stages of their children, and the physical and psycho­logical changes they were encountering. The team also suggested that parents

develop relations that were more emotional, since children are more likely to respond to feelings than to rationality. An example used in the sessions was that a child would prob­ably respond more positively to the phrase, "1 was very sad when you didn't come to the house for dinner because I didn't know where you were, and thought somebody could have hurt you," than to the phrase, "why don't you understand that something can happen to you in the streets? The streets are dangerous."

Conducting the research and apply­ing the results from an anthropological perspective, allowed us to understand the perspective of these parents towards child punishment and children's rights. Although the United Nations and other organizations argue that children's rights are universal, in reality the understanding of children's rights differs among agencies and even among people within the same agency. Social service agencies should take into consideration the various understand­ings of children's rights in the commu­nities in which they work, particularly because psychosocial services are likely to be more effective if they do. Encoun­ters with the mothers and caretakers, with teachers and children of the Manuela Rebolledo villa provided a much broader view of the definition of children's rights and services.

According to social service agencies, when parents are absent or have difficulties carrying out their protective role, the organized community needs to fulfill this function. When both family and community are unable to assume this role, it is the responsibility of the state to intervene. However, it is our perspective that families and communi­ties need to be given support as a first preventive resource, instead of quickly attempting to replace these essential entities in situations of crisis and based on stereotypical notions of parenting. In this context, the idea of parental education becomes significant. We believe that the most productive prevention and educational models of understanding attitudes towards childhood, education and punishment

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must be based on the experiences and resources of the people of the specific communities, and not on the imposition of norms that do not adjust to their reality and experiences. The training and intervention of different social and political actors (educational and medical institutions, local government, social organizations, public and private institutions, neighborhood members) are essential for the accomplishment of this task. In Manuela Rebolledo, as in many other lower-income neighbor­hoods of Santiago, schools can be particularly instrumental institutions, because they are highly valued and respected in the community. By developing networks that include schools and other respected institutions to assist family networks, it is more possible to create links and compro­mises within the communities for the construction of a respectful society that promotes and advocates for children's rights.

In Chile, as in the rest of Latin America, research can rarely be separated from the need to apply the results of research in the community. In the case of psychology, psychological research is viewed as the way to develop the tools for psychological intervention. As public and private institutions generally base their success or failure on numbers, anthropological methods and more importantly, anthro­pological perspectives, offer a way of achieving a broader understanding of the realities of the people who the services are intended to reach, particu­larly when these services have a minimum of resources and personnel.

Acknowledgements: The authors would like to thank Dr. Alexander Ervin, professor at the University of Saskatchewan and Dr. Philip D. Young, professor emeritus at the University of Oregon, for their invaluable commen­taries on earlier versions of this article. In addition, we would like to thank all the members of Corporacion Opcion for their outstanding support on our work, and the inhabitants of the villa Manuela Rebolledo for their generosity and kindness.

Alejandra Guerr6n-Montero, a native of Ecuador, received her degree in Clinical Psychology in 1997 from the Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Ecuador (PUCE) in Quito. She also has two postgraduate diplomas, one in Gender Studies and Education (University of Chile, Santiago de Chile), and one in Gender and Society (Academia de Humanismo Cristiano University, Santiago de Chile). Ms. Guerron-Montero has worked as a psychologist for the International Children's Defense program and in several Children's Municipal Courts in Quito, Ecuador. Currently, she works with the Cor­poracion Opcion in Santiago de Chile, in abuse prevention projects, as well as on promotion of children's rights. She also works with the Center for Integral Attention to Intra-family Violence in the same city. She can be reached at <abejag@yahoo.com>.

Carla Guerr6n-Montero, also a native of Ecuador, is assistant professor of Cultural Anthropology in the Depart­ment of Sociology at Regis University (Denver, Colorado). She received her Ph.D. degree in Cultural Anthropology from the University of Oregon in June 2002. She holds a M.A. degree in Applied Anthropology from Oregon State University, and a Licenciatura in Socio-Cultural Anthropology from the Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Ecuador (PUCE) in Quito. She has conducted ethnographic research and applied projects in Ecuador and Panama with Afro-Latin American populations. She is an active member of the Society for Applied Anthropology, and she currently serves as the co-chair of the International Committee of that organization. She can be contacted at <cguerron@regis.edu>.

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