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Eastern partnership

Mazur Yaroslav

The construction of the European Union

Dr. Corneliu Bilba

February 9, 2014

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

This paper deals with the analysis of the Eastern

partnership in terms of its adequacy to current needs and

challenges of the European Union`s relations with its Eastern

neighbours in the context of eastern enlargement.

The Eastern Partnership is designed to provide active

cooperation of the European Union with state-partners. Final

structure and content of this cooperation depend on the

particular state, but they relate to the some issues. For

example, the Eastern Partnership is designated to strengthen the

democratization in the Eastern European and Southern Caucasus

states, to provide assistance to them in the processes of

European integration, modernization and the rule of law. So it

is directed at preventing the new line of separation between the

expanded EU and its neighbors as well as providing an

opportunity to participate in various European Union activities

through a closer political, economic, cultural cooperation, and

collaboration in the sphere of security.

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The Partnership is to provide the foundation for new

Association Agreements between the EU and those partners who

have made sufficient progress towards the principles and values

of European Union. But membership in the European Union isn`t

defined as the ultimate goal of the partnership. So we want to

research what stage of relationship is the European Union have

with each country and also analyze the key provisions of the

Eastern Partnership Initiative as the new mechanism of the

European Union cooperation in the Eastern Europe and in the

Southern Caucasus, evaluate the additional and main capabilities

for each state of Partnership. We also try to analyze

conceptual and practical differences between the strategy of

enlargement and the European Neighborhood Policy and the role of

Eastern Partnership in the context to the state-partners`

expectations and the necessity of solving the neighborhood-

enlargement dilemma.

Special attention will be accentuated on the results of the

Third Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius and on the

perspectives of implementing the Eastern Partnership Initiative

in the next years.

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History and Development of the European Neighbourhood Policy in

the East

At its 1993 meeting in Copenhagen, the European Council

declared its intention to eventually enlarge the European Union

eastward. The promise was extended to any eastern and central

European country but state needs to fulfil some list of economic

and political conditions called the Copenhagen criteria (after

the Copenhagen summit in June 1993), which require a stable

democratic government that respects the rule of law, and its

corresponding freedoms and institutions. The Copenhagen

declaration indicates that number of members could

eventually rise. Its obviously that the gains from enlarging

the European Union eastward are potentially enormous. Not

only for the European Union, but also for states which wish to

join.1 As a result, eight Central and Eastern European

countries (the Czech Republic, Estonia,Hungary, Latvia,

Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia), plus two

Mediterranean countries (Malta and Cyprus) were able to join on

1 May 2004.

After enlargement in 2004 the European Neighbourhood Policy

was initiated with the goal to create an area of stability and1 Richard E. Baldwin, “The Eastern enlargement of the EuropeanUnion,” European Economic Review 39 (1995): 476.

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welfare to the South and East from the new borders of the

expanded European Union. Before 2004, the Commission began to

consider how enlargement would change the EUs external

relations, and how the the European Union could extend the

reform stimulus of enlargement to the would-be new neighbors of

the Union.

In May 2004, the commission published a paper detailing the

new policy. The European Neighborhood Policy is a framework for

cooperation between the European Union and all North African and

Middle Eastern European sea-border states, and the land-border

states of Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova and the states of the

Caucasus.The countries covered include Algeria, Morocco, Egypt,

Israel,Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, the Palestinian Authority, Syria,

Tunisia in the South and Armenia, Azerbaijan and Belarus,

Georgia, Moldova,Ukraine in the East. Russia has a special

status with the EU-Russia Common Spaces instead of the European

Neighborhood Policy participation. 2

The goal is to promote a set of political, economic and

security-related reforms in the neighboring states. While

distinct from the issue of potential membership, The European

2 Kelley Judith, “New wine in old wineskins: police adaptation theEuropean neighborhood police”, Journal of Common Market Studies(2006): 2. (38)

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Neighborhood Policy offers a privileged relationship based on

mutual commitment to common values such as human rights and

democracy.

As part of the same wave (the fifth) as the 2004

enlargement took place the 2007 enlargement of the European

Union, when Bulgaria and Romania join the European Union on 1

January 2007.

So after 2004-2007 enlargement of the European Union, new

instrument the EU's relations with neighboring countries became

the European Neighbourhood Policy, which involves the

organization of cooperation in many strategically important

areas for CC, but does not include a membership perspective. The

idea of separating the Eastern direction of the European

Neighbourhood Policy existed a long time before the Initiative

of the Eastern Partnership appeared. on April 22, 2008 the

European Parliament representative from Germany Ingo Friedrich

declared the idea of the Eastern-European Union creation. The

Eastern Partnership was introduced as a joint Polish-Swedish

initiative in May 2008 during the meeting of the EU’s General

Affairs and Foreign Relations Council.3 The Polish-Swedish

3 Martyniuk Vitalii, “EU's Eastern Partnership: additionalpossibilities for European Integration of Ukraine”, Ukrainian Centerfor Independent Political Research (2009): 12. (80)

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Initiative of Eastern Partnership from the very beginning was

directed at strengthening and stimulation of the Eastern

dimension of the European Neighborhood Policy, which involves

the post-Soviet countries that after the expansion of the

European Union in 2004 and 2007 became its direct neighbours.

According to the decision of the European Council, on

December 3, 2008 the European

Council submitted proposals for the development of the Eastern

Partnership, and fixed it in the corresponding Communication

"Eastern Partnership". And on March 20, 2009 the European

Council already approved the Eastern Partnership. It was

determined that the European Commission would execute the

current management of the Eastern Partnership Program, and would

be responsible for its further conceptual planning.4

The Eastern Partnership is a European Union initiative

directed at six countries of Eastern Europe and the South

Caucasus: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and

Ukraine. The Eastern Partnership was launched by 27 European

Union member states and the six partner countries at a summit in

Prague on 7 May 2009. The initiative aims at tightening the

4 Marcin Lapczynski, “The European Union`s eastern partnership chansesand perspectives”, Cuacasian review of international affairs 3 (2009):144. (155)

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relationship between the European Union and the Eastern partners

by deepening their political co-operation and economic

integration. So the main idea of The Eastern Partnership neither

promises nor precludes the prospect of European Union membership

to the partner states. It offers deeper integration with the

European Union structures by encouraging and supporting them in

their political, institutional and economic reforms based on EU

standards, as well as facilitating trade and increasing mobility

between the EU and the partner states.5

So Eastern Partnership is a strategy for developing

relations EU with six countries of Eastern Europe and South

Caucasus that aimed at building a common area based on common

values.

Appearance of EP as a new tool of the European

Neighbourhood Policy caused by the following factors:

- ENP, which covers the 16 nearest neighbors of the EU

(Israel, Jordan, Palestine, the states of North Africa,

Eastern Europe and South Caucasus), did not take into

account the peculiarities of the EU's relations with

separately neighboring countries and needed revision

5 Easternpartnership. “What is the Eastern Partnership?” AccessedJanuary 23, 2014, http://www.eastern partnership.org/content/eastern-partnership-glance

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towards regionalization. This led to the emergence of

the initiative the "Eastern Partnership";

- Introducing the "Eastern Partnership" as part of the

European Neighborhood Policy, the European Union

responded to the request for external strengthening of

integration component (from the Eastern European

countries) and for the inner need to strengthen Eastern

dimension of its own foreign policy.

Eastern Partnership as a new tool of strengthening the

integration processes

In this part of paper we discuss the main differences of

the Eastern Partnership in comparison to the European

Neighborhood Policy, its dimension of regional cooperation. The

Eastern Partnership is a real new dimension of regional

cooperation, which envisages improvement of the EU relations

with the Eastern neighbors, such as Ukraine, Armenia,

Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia and Moldova.

Within a decade, the European Union has always built its

strategy for Eastern European Countries under the European

Neighborhood Policy. This policy could not provide an adequate

response to challenges in EU relations with its neighbors. So

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what are the advantages of the new policy compared to the old

one?

At first the Eastern Partnership is a more flexible tool of

cooperation in all fields. Its means that it does not only

include six countries of the Eastern Europe and the Southern

Caucasus, but may evolve taking into account the requirements,

opportunities and achievements of each of the Partner States.

According to implementation of requirements, the European Union

could make cooperation more close or in reverse.

The key aspect of the Eastern Partnership is

differentiation. It envisages to be more flexible through the

differentiated approach to each of the Partner States depending

on the success of internal reforms advancement and relations

with the EU on the way to European integration.

One more point that the Eastern Partnership envisages

concluding gradually new agreements with all the Partner States,

such as Association Agreements, including agreements on deep and

comprehensive free trade areas for those countries.

The Eastern Partnership proposes both bilateral and

multilateral formats for strengthening cooperation in the

Eastern Europe and in the Southern Caucasus. It means that the

Eastern Partnership foresees strengthening of relations among

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the Eastern Partners themselves. The multilateral format

provides an opportunity for all the Partner States and the EU to

understand better the situation in the region, to solve jointly

the current regional problems and issues for supporting

stability and security in the region.

Contrary to the European Neighbourhood Policy, the Eastern

Partnership is not limited to neighbourhood relationsand has the

goal for promoting the Partner States, at least in separate

spheres, till implementation of the EU standards within them.

The Eastern Partnership envisages increased financing in

comparison to financing within the European Neighbourhood

Policy.

The Eastern Partnership envisages organizational structure.

Meetings of the Heads of States or other officials of the

Eastern Partnership Partner States shall be held biannually. The

Eastern Partnership also introduces annual meetings of the

Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the EU Member States and the

Partner States, Ministerial Conferences in separate spheres,

regular meetings on four thematic platforms. 6

6 Martyniuk Vitalii, “EU's Eastern Partnership: additionalpossibilities for European Integration of Ukraine”, Ukrainian Centerfor Independent Political Research (2009): 12. (80)

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Within the Eastern Partnership Program it is envisaged to

conclude pacts of "mobility and security", which shall assist

movement of people. The final goal in the long perspective is

the visa-free regime of movement among all of the Partner

States. In any case, the EU shall install the visa-free regime

only for those countries, which complete all the technical

requirements of the EU.

The Eastern Partnership pays much attention to the issues

of energy security in the partner states and in the EU, and

strengthens cooperation in climate and environmental protection.

The Eastern Partnership shall facilitate the development of

programs aimed at the social and economic developmentof the

Partner States, in particular, in the direction of overcoming

the acute social and economic differences among these countries.

Evaluation of Perspectives for Implementing the Eastern

Partnership Initiative

Ever since the launch of the Eastern Partnership in Prague

in May 2009, its added value to the European Neighborhood Policy

has been hotly discussed. Some analysts claim that the Eastern

Partnership has been so successful that it has virtually

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eclipsed the ENP and that the Eastern Partnership arrival

heralds a final farewell to a unified approach to Eastern and

Southern neighbor countries. Others take the opposite stance and

argue that the Eastern Partnership does not present a

qualitatively new situation in the EU´s relations with its

neighborhood and that the ENP remains the main vehicle for EU´s

neighborhood policy.

The Eastern Partnership is a product of a double

dissatisfaction. Among EU member states, there has always been a

one group of countries which have never put up with the

official position of the European Commission that the European

Neighborhood Policy is in no way connected to the possibility of

future enlargement. The second dissatisfaction exists among the

Eastern partners. For example Ukraine didn`t evaluate point

missing membership perspective.

From the other hand the Eastern Partnership has become an

opportunity for the Partner States to fix the planned and the

new perspectives for integration into the EU within the new

regulatory and legal frames. Firstly, it goes about Ukraine,

which has declared by its foreign policy the strategic goal for

becoming the EU Member.

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In any case, the Eastern Partnership must not replace the

perspective for gaining the EU membership.

In the way to evaluate the perspectives for implementing

the Eastern Partnership Initiative, we should to describe all

positive results during last year’s. So Over the first four

years of its implementation, Eastern Partnership initiative has

brought a number of tangible results:

- Association Agreements, including Deep and

Comprehensive Free Trade Areas, as their integral parts, have

been negotiated with Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, Georgia

and Armenia;

- good progress has also been achieved in respective

negotiations with Azerbaijan;

- considerable progress has been made in the area of

visa facilitation and liberalization: 5 out of 6 partners

already have or will soon have Visa Facilitation Agreements;

- 3 of them now have Visa Liberalization Actions Plans,

prepared specifically to them, full and effective implementation

of which will bring these countries straight to the visa free

travels with the EU;

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- the multilateral cooperation dimension has been

established and further strengthened.7

At the same time, the current situation is not at all

conducive to a quick integration of the some partner countries

in the EU especially after the third Eastern

Partnership Summit in Vilnius. By signing an Association

Agreement with Ukraine and initialing similar agreements with

Armenia, Georgia and Moldova, the EU was expecting to

demonstrate the first tangible results of its policy toward its

eastern neighbors. Rather than signing and initialing, Ukraine

and Armenia rejected an Association Agreement with the EU. So

the turn of events brings to light two features of existing EU

policy: the relative weakness of EU incentives and the

continuing problems for countries in the post-Soviet space to

evade Russia's influence.

Despite the EU's recent setbacks with respect to

Ukraine and Armenia, it can claim several successes from its

Eastern Partnership initiatives. For example, Moldova's pro-

European governing coalition has adopted a number of reforms in

compliance with EU demands since 2009. Georgia similarly remains

committed to Euro-Atlantic integration even as its new

7 “The third Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius”. Accessed December2, 2013, http://www.eu2013.lt/en/

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government attempts to gradually relax relations with Russia.

Also on the sidelines of the summit, the European Union and

Azerbaijan signed an agreement to facilitate the procedures for

issuing short-stay visas. Armenia, traditionally one of Russia's

closest allies and heavily dependent on Russian for economic and

military security, demonstrated a sincere interest in an

Association Agreement with the EU and negotiated its terms for

three years. This happened actually because of two reasons.

First and foremost, virtually all partner countries suffer from

serious domestic political problems. Secondly, most partner

countries have seriously suffered from the Russian pressure

before and after the third Eastern

Partnership Summit in Vilnius. Thirdly, the region is plagued by

strong inter-state rivalries. For instance, the dispute about

the flights between Azerbaijan and northern Cyprus caused an

interruption in EU negotiations with all three of the Caucasian

countries. Needless to say, some states have nourished an even

deeper mistrust of other partner countries because of the still

unresolved frozen conflicts (Armenia and Azerbaijan).8

8 Dominik Tolksdorf, “The Vilnius Summit: Russia puts a stick in theEuropean wheel”. Accessed 29 november 2013,http://www.europeangeostrategy.org/2013/11/vilnius-summit-russia-puts-stick-in-european-wheel/

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So only two countries, Georgia and Moldova initialed

association agreements with the European Union at a summit in

Vilnius dedicated to the European Union's ‘Eastern Partnership'

countries – post-soviet states. Today's signing is just the

first step in a ratification process for the EU association

agreements that could take a year.

Relationship with Russia

Russia considers any initiative in the post-Soviet area as

an obstacle for strengthening its own influence and protection

of national interests. Besides the Russian Federation does not

seek any formal involvement in the Eastern Partnership framework

and in this region Russia strives to lead the integration

processes itself. First, having not been involved in the process

of designing it, Russia does not regard itself as an owner or a

stakeholder of the Eastern Partnership. Second, after some

initial consultations at the early stages of the European

Neighborhood Policy development, Russia learned that its

leverage over the practical implementation of the European

Neighborhood Policy / Eastern Partnership was small and not

appreciated by a number of the Eastern Partnership countries. As

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a result, Moscow distanced itself from any practical work on the

Eastern Partnership and remained hesitant even as regards the

possibility of accepting eventual invitations to participate in

the work of the thematic tables on a case-by-case basis.9

Russia cannot stay away of the processes, which shall be

developing within the Eastern Partnership. Many Partner States

(especially from Southern Caucasus) feel more influence and

presence of Russia than the EU. Russia also proposes concrete

steps to settle down problems of those countries – from

providing privileged credits to settling down the conflicts. For

example Ukraine the end of this year has brought new

arrangements about new credits between Kyiv and Moscow instead

of the signature of the Association Agreement between Ukraine

and the EU.

Moscow proceeds on the basis of understanding that any

attempt to organize a regional group which excludes the Russian

Federation is not only doomed to failure, but is going to run

contrary to the interests of Russia (and that of the relevant

countries). That’s why Moscow is generally skeptical towards the

idea of multilateralism suggested by the EU. Russia has voiced

9 Andrei Zagorski, “Eastern partnership from the Russian Perspective”.Accessed 5 may 2011, http://library.fes.de/ pdf-files/ipg/2011-3/05_zagorski.pdf

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concerns over the Eastern Partnership, seeing it as an attempt

to expand the European Union's “sphere of influence”. Russia has

also expressed concerns that the EU is putting undue pressure on

Belarus. Belarus matters for the EU for at least two reasons: as

a transit country for Russian gas; and as a non-compliant and

hence threat-bearing neighbor. For Russia, Belarus is of

strategic importance, not only as a transit (and cheap)

territory for passing its goods to Europe, but also as a

military ally and a link to Kaliningrad, a Russian strategic

enclave.

However, the issue of appropriate cooperation between

Russia, the EU, and the Eastern Partnership countries remains on

the agenda.

Problems of Eastern enlargement (analysis by country)

Case of Moldova

Moldova officially declares about the integration into the

EU and further development and strengthening of cooperation with

the EU, but currently encounters problems of the internal

political non-stability, which may retard the European

integration processes in the country.

In May 2011, Moldovan authorities sent to the ministries,

embassies and parliaments of the EU member countries a special

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non-paper document in which they proposed the development

direction for the Eastern Partnership. The first and most

fundamental demand made by the Moldovan authorities is a clear

declaration of EU membership perspective for the countries which

are capable of fulfilling the accession criteria. 10

European integration for Moldova in all its aspects – from

the fundamental values to the most detailed Union directives and

regulations – should be the foundation stone and the ultimate

objective of every single action undertaken within the framework

of the two dimensions of the Eastern Partnership. So we could

see that the main goal for Moldova in the Eastern Partnership is

s full integration.

The next step was made during the 29 November Eastern

Partnership Summit, the EU - Moldova Association Agreement was

initialed. The initialing of the Agreement is an important step

towards its eventual signature and subsequent implementation.

Although the Association Agreement has not yet been signed,

the EU is committed to sharing what exactly it contains.

The Association Agreement could be concrete way to take

advantage of the very positive dynamics in EU-Moldova relations.

10 Horbowski Tomasz, “Moldova What should the Eastern Partnership be?”Accessed 19 july, 2011.http://eastbook.eu/en/2011/07/country-en/moldova-en/moldova-what-the-eastern-partnership-should-be/

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It focuses on support for core reforms, economic recovery,

governance, sector cooperation and the far reaching

liberalization of Moldova's trade with the EU. The EU plans to

sign an Association Agreement with Moldova and Georgia until

august next year. This was said the head of the European Council

Herman Van Rompuy during the summit in Vilnus.11

According to him, the EU has decided to meet these

countries, since most of the population seeks cooperation with

Europe

Case of Armenia

Armenia also counts on receiving investments and financial

assistance from the EU, and also it is interested in settling

the problem of Nagorny Karabakh and stabilization of situation

in the region. But as we known after nearly four years of

negotiating the Association Agreement with the EU, Armenian

president Serzh Sargsyan made an abrupt turn, announcing his

intention to instead join the Customs Union with Russia,

Belarus, and Kazakhstan. It could result in Armenia’s deeper

isolation and cause additional complications for the Nagorno-11“Initialling of the EU-Republic of Moldova Association Agreement”last modified March 11, 2013,http://www.eeas.europa.eu/top_stories/2013/291113_eu_moldova_association_agreement_en.htm

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Karabakh conflict resolution process. After that association

agreement stopped in its tracks. Half-hearted engagement with

wider public by Armenian government and EU alike now compounded

by major setback to European integration.12

Case of Ukraine

Relations between Ukraine and the European Union are

currently shaped via the Eastern partnership, a foreign policy

instrument of the EU designed for the countries it borders. The

European Union is seeking an increasingly close relationship

with Ukraine, going beyond cooperation, to gradual economic

integration and deepening of political cooperation. Ukraine is

said to be a priority partner within the Eastern partnership.

Without a doubt Ukraine occupies an exceptional status

within the group of EU neighbours and moreover, cherishes its

status as “more than just a neighbour.” Already in 1999 the EU

developed a Common Strategy towards Ukraine which acknowledged

Ukraine’s “European aspirations and pro-European choice” and is

now on the cusp of finalising an Association Agreement (which

may serve as a model for further AAs with EaP countries). The EU

12 Armen Grigoryan, “Armenia Chooses Customs Union over EU AssociationAgreement”, CACI Analyst. Accessed 18 september, 2013,http://www.cacianalyst.org/publications/analytical-articles/item/12817-armenia-chooses-customs-union-over-eu-association-agreement.html

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has endeavoured to support good governance and democracy in

Ukraine, especially since the revolution, but results have been

mixed. Ukraine supports the Eastern partnership, but crucially

does not accept it as an alternative to membership.13

In 2012, the EU signed deals on free trade and political

association with Ukraine. But european leaders have stated that

these agreements will not be ratified unless Ukraine addresses

concerns over a "stark deterioration of democracy and the rule

of law", including the imprisonment of political prisoners.

European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso and EU High

Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice

President of the European Commission Catherine Ashton have said

they believe that the Ukrainian authorities should immediately

stop the selective prosecution of political opponents in order

to sign signing and ratify the association agreement and the

agreement on the creation of a deep and comprehensive free trade

area.

On November 21st, one week before the European Union summit

in Vilnius ukrainian government suspended talks with the EU. The

13 Longhurst Kerry, Nies Susanne, “Recasting relations with theneighbours – prospects for the Eastern Partnership”, EuropeVisions 4, (Bruxelles: IFRI, 2009), 3.

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decision to put off signing the association agreement lead to

massive, ongoing protests in Ukraine that continues now.

However, President of the European Commission José Manuel

Barroso reiterated that EU's offer to Ukraine in terms of

signing an Association Agreement remained on the table until

Ukraine will be ready to continue cooperation. But after intense

pressure from Russia, the Ukrainian Presidents abandoned

negotiations with the EU before the Summit took place and after

Summit.

The EU’s offer of the Association Agreement remains on the

table for Ukraine. The public anger and mass protests against

Russia’s role in persuading Yanukovich not to sign the

Association Agreement with the EU has made it all but impossible

for the Ukrainian President to take the alternative route

offered by the Kremlin, i.e. Joining the customs union

with Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Any compromise with the

protesters would have to revive the Association Agreement and

reduce Russia’s influence. 14

Now in Ukraine very difficult political situation because

of protests, and a question about association receded for some

14 Steven Blockmans and Hrant Kostanyan, “A post-mortem of the VilniusSummit: Not yet a ‘Thessaloniki moment’ for the Eastern Partnership”,3 december , 2013. www.ceps.eu/ceps/dld/8693/pdf

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time. However, in February 2013 Fule warned Ukraine that the

agreements could be abandoned if the required reforms are not

made quickly so it’s possible that in the next years Association

Agreement will be sign.

Case of Georgia

Georgia and the European Union have maintained relations

since 1996. In 2006 was implemented five year`s "Action Plan" of

action in the context of the European Neighbourhood Policy.

A ceremony on the initialling of the Association Agreement

was held at the Eastern Partnership summit on 29 November 2013,

but must still be signed before being finalized. A second

agreement, governing the country's involvement in European Union

crisis management operations, was also signed. In June 2012, the

European Union and Georgia began a visa liberalisation dialogue

to allow for visa free travel of Georgian citizens to the

European Union. The talks aimed to have a Visa Liberalisation

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Action Plan in place by the end of the year. The action plan was

delivered to Georgia on 25 February 2013.15

Georgia may move in that direction, despite the likelihood

that they will come under more aggressive pressure from

Russia in the coming months. The threat of stricter

Russian immigration policy could see thousands of

Moldovans and Georgians expelled; more trade sanctions

could be employed by Russia; and new tensions in the

breakaway republics of Transnistria, Abkhazia and South

Ossetia may lead to a worsening of the security situation

after the winter Olympics in Sochi.

Georgia declares an intention to integrate into the EU in

all spheres, but primarily it shall pay attention to the most

important problems for it:

settling the issue of Southern Ossetia and Abkhazia,

preserving the territorial integrity, stabilization of situation

in the country and in the region, supporting the role of the

country as the principal transit state of energy resources from

Caspian and Central Asia to Europe.

15 Civil Georgia, “EU, Georgia Making 'Good Progress' in AssociationAgreement”, Visa Liberalization Talks, 3 september, 2012.http://www.civil.ge/eng/article.php?id=25175

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Case of Azerbaijan

The EU and Azerbaijan maintain their relations under the

Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, which was signed in 1996

and came into force in 1999.

In recent years Azerbaijan has been slowly pursuing the

reform strategy to develop democracy and a market economy in the

country and to bring Azerbaijan closer to the EU.

The principal objective of cooperation between the EU and

Azerbaijan is to develop an increasingly close relationship,

going beyond past levels of cooperation to gradual economic

integration and deeper political cooperation.16

This process of Azerbaijan’s integration with Europe,

however, is being challenged by poor understanding of European

standards and values. In addition, limited public awareness on

EU-Azerbaijan relations and EU institutions undermines sustained

engagement of civil society in the country’s development. The

lack of understanding and involvement of independent experts and

civil society representatives renders the reflection of civil

society views in the process of European integration.

16 “Azerbaijan: country strategy paper (2007-2013)”. 26 October 2006.Brussels: European neighborhood and partnership instrument. 4.

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Azerbaijan joined the European Neighbourhood Policy in

2004, and the action plan for Azerbaijan was adopted on November

14, 2006, after being passed by the Azerbaijani government and

the European Commission. Key items included on the plan are

investment in Azerbaijan’s infrastructure, partial integration

of the Azerbaijani economy into Europe’s, and partnerships with

Azerbaijan on extracting oil from the Azerbaijani controlled

part of the Caspian Sea.17

The next step was made during the third Eastern Partnership

Vilnus summit. Azerbaijan and the EU launched official

negotiations on visa facilitation in March 2012 in Baku. So

Azerbaijan and the European Union signed an agreement on visa

regime facilitation at the third Eastern Partnership Summit in

Vilnius on November 29.

Conclusion

At this stage of relationship EU and state-partners we

could see that eastern enlargement of European Union exist in

few angles. Continue cooperation in many areas with all

partners, and some of them have a perspective to become a member

of european comunity.

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The Eastern Partnership is a project of eastern

enlargement, that finally formalises the ever more palpable

regionalisation of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Although

the Eastern Partnership does not change the overwhelmingly

bilateral nature of the policy, it adds a strong multilateral

element. While the basic operational structure, including

regular meetings on all levels, is sound and the flagship

initiatives are well chosen, the project´s future success is not

guaranteed.

All in all, there are few basic criteria upon which we

can judge the success of the Eastern Partnership, and in

particular the success of its multilateral framework. The first

and most important is the question of continuity, the ongoing

political support of the Eastern Partnership by both the

European Union and the partner countries. Given the difficulties

in those partner countries that are most enthusiastic about

European Union.

Integration as well as the multiplicity of interests inside

the European Union, this will be no easy task. On the other

hand, the Eastern Partnership is certainly more attractive and

offers more incentives than the European Neighbourhood Policy,

thus motivating them strongly to pursue a path to reforms.

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For all the reasons mentioned above, the European Union and

its member states should not miss another opportunity to fully

embrace the Eastern partners’ European choice and the future

accession of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and

Ukraine to the EU.

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