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Eastern partnership
Mazur Yaroslav
The construction of the European Union
Dr. Corneliu Bilba
February 9, 2014
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This paper deals with the analysis of the Eastern
partnership in terms of its adequacy to current needs and
challenges of the European Union`s relations with its Eastern
neighbours in the context of eastern enlargement.
The Eastern Partnership is designed to provide active
cooperation of the European Union with state-partners. Final
structure and content of this cooperation depend on the
particular state, but they relate to the some issues. For
example, the Eastern Partnership is designated to strengthen the
democratization in the Eastern European and Southern Caucasus
states, to provide assistance to them in the processes of
European integration, modernization and the rule of law. So it
is directed at preventing the new line of separation between the
expanded EU and its neighbors as well as providing an
opportunity to participate in various European Union activities
through a closer political, economic, cultural cooperation, and
collaboration in the sphere of security.
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The Partnership is to provide the foundation for new
Association Agreements between the EU and those partners who
have made sufficient progress towards the principles and values
of European Union. But membership in the European Union isn`t
defined as the ultimate goal of the partnership. So we want to
research what stage of relationship is the European Union have
with each country and also analyze the key provisions of the
Eastern Partnership Initiative as the new mechanism of the
European Union cooperation in the Eastern Europe and in the
Southern Caucasus, evaluate the additional and main capabilities
for each state of Partnership. We also try to analyze
conceptual and practical differences between the strategy of
enlargement and the European Neighborhood Policy and the role of
Eastern Partnership in the context to the state-partners`
expectations and the necessity of solving the neighborhood-
enlargement dilemma.
Special attention will be accentuated on the results of the
Third Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius and on the
perspectives of implementing the Eastern Partnership Initiative
in the next years.
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History and Development of the European Neighbourhood Policy in
the East
At its 1993 meeting in Copenhagen, the European Council
declared its intention to eventually enlarge the European Union
eastward. The promise was extended to any eastern and central
European country but state needs to fulfil some list of economic
and political conditions called the Copenhagen criteria (after
the Copenhagen summit in June 1993), which require a stable
democratic government that respects the rule of law, and its
corresponding freedoms and institutions. The Copenhagen
declaration indicates that number of members could
eventually rise. Its obviously that the gains from enlarging
the European Union eastward are potentially enormous. Not
only for the European Union, but also for states which wish to
join.1 As a result, eight Central and Eastern European
countries (the Czech Republic, Estonia,Hungary, Latvia,
Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia), plus two
Mediterranean countries (Malta and Cyprus) were able to join on
1 May 2004.
After enlargement in 2004 the European Neighbourhood Policy
was initiated with the goal to create an area of stability and1 Richard E. Baldwin, “The Eastern enlargement of the EuropeanUnion,” European Economic Review 39 (1995): 476.
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welfare to the South and East from the new borders of the
expanded European Union. Before 2004, the Commission began to
consider how enlargement would change the EUs external
relations, and how the the European Union could extend the
reform stimulus of enlargement to the would-be new neighbors of
the Union.
In May 2004, the commission published a paper detailing the
new policy. The European Neighborhood Policy is a framework for
cooperation between the European Union and all North African and
Middle Eastern European sea-border states, and the land-border
states of Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova and the states of the
Caucasus.The countries covered include Algeria, Morocco, Egypt,
Israel,Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, the Palestinian Authority, Syria,
Tunisia in the South and Armenia, Azerbaijan and Belarus,
Georgia, Moldova,Ukraine in the East. Russia has a special
status with the EU-Russia Common Spaces instead of the European
Neighborhood Policy participation. 2
The goal is to promote a set of political, economic and
security-related reforms in the neighboring states. While
distinct from the issue of potential membership, The European
2 Kelley Judith, “New wine in old wineskins: police adaptation theEuropean neighborhood police”, Journal of Common Market Studies(2006): 2. (38)
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Neighborhood Policy offers a privileged relationship based on
mutual commitment to common values such as human rights and
democracy.
As part of the same wave (the fifth) as the 2004
enlargement took place the 2007 enlargement of the European
Union, when Bulgaria and Romania join the European Union on 1
January 2007.
So after 2004-2007 enlargement of the European Union, new
instrument the EU's relations with neighboring countries became
the European Neighbourhood Policy, which involves the
organization of cooperation in many strategically important
areas for CC, but does not include a membership perspective. The
idea of separating the Eastern direction of the European
Neighbourhood Policy existed a long time before the Initiative
of the Eastern Partnership appeared. on April 22, 2008 the
European Parliament representative from Germany Ingo Friedrich
declared the idea of the Eastern-European Union creation. The
Eastern Partnership was introduced as a joint Polish-Swedish
initiative in May 2008 during the meeting of the EU’s General
Affairs and Foreign Relations Council.3 The Polish-Swedish
3 Martyniuk Vitalii, “EU's Eastern Partnership: additionalpossibilities for European Integration of Ukraine”, Ukrainian Centerfor Independent Political Research (2009): 12. (80)
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Initiative of Eastern Partnership from the very beginning was
directed at strengthening and stimulation of the Eastern
dimension of the European Neighborhood Policy, which involves
the post-Soviet countries that after the expansion of the
European Union in 2004 and 2007 became its direct neighbours.
According to the decision of the European Council, on
December 3, 2008 the European
Council submitted proposals for the development of the Eastern
Partnership, and fixed it in the corresponding Communication
"Eastern Partnership". And on March 20, 2009 the European
Council already approved the Eastern Partnership. It was
determined that the European Commission would execute the
current management of the Eastern Partnership Program, and would
be responsible for its further conceptual planning.4
The Eastern Partnership is a European Union initiative
directed at six countries of Eastern Europe and the South
Caucasus: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and
Ukraine. The Eastern Partnership was launched by 27 European
Union member states and the six partner countries at a summit in
Prague on 7 May 2009. The initiative aims at tightening the
4 Marcin Lapczynski, “The European Union`s eastern partnership chansesand perspectives”, Cuacasian review of international affairs 3 (2009):144. (155)
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relationship between the European Union and the Eastern partners
by deepening their political co-operation and economic
integration. So the main idea of The Eastern Partnership neither
promises nor precludes the prospect of European Union membership
to the partner states. It offers deeper integration with the
European Union structures by encouraging and supporting them in
their political, institutional and economic reforms based on EU
standards, as well as facilitating trade and increasing mobility
between the EU and the partner states.5
So Eastern Partnership is a strategy for developing
relations EU with six countries of Eastern Europe and South
Caucasus that aimed at building a common area based on common
values.
Appearance of EP as a new tool of the European
Neighbourhood Policy caused by the following factors:
- ENP, which covers the 16 nearest neighbors of the EU
(Israel, Jordan, Palestine, the states of North Africa,
Eastern Europe and South Caucasus), did not take into
account the peculiarities of the EU's relations with
separately neighboring countries and needed revision
5 Easternpartnership. “What is the Eastern Partnership?” AccessedJanuary 23, 2014, http://www.eastern partnership.org/content/eastern-partnership-glance
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towards regionalization. This led to the emergence of
the initiative the "Eastern Partnership";
- Introducing the "Eastern Partnership" as part of the
European Neighborhood Policy, the European Union
responded to the request for external strengthening of
integration component (from the Eastern European
countries) and for the inner need to strengthen Eastern
dimension of its own foreign policy.
Eastern Partnership as a new tool of strengthening the
integration processes
In this part of paper we discuss the main differences of
the Eastern Partnership in comparison to the European
Neighborhood Policy, its dimension of regional cooperation. The
Eastern Partnership is a real new dimension of regional
cooperation, which envisages improvement of the EU relations
with the Eastern neighbors, such as Ukraine, Armenia,
Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia and Moldova.
Within a decade, the European Union has always built its
strategy for Eastern European Countries under the European
Neighborhood Policy. This policy could not provide an adequate
response to challenges in EU relations with its neighbors. So
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what are the advantages of the new policy compared to the old
one?
At first the Eastern Partnership is a more flexible tool of
cooperation in all fields. Its means that it does not only
include six countries of the Eastern Europe and the Southern
Caucasus, but may evolve taking into account the requirements,
opportunities and achievements of each of the Partner States.
According to implementation of requirements, the European Union
could make cooperation more close or in reverse.
The key aspect of the Eastern Partnership is
differentiation. It envisages to be more flexible through the
differentiated approach to each of the Partner States depending
on the success of internal reforms advancement and relations
with the EU on the way to European integration.
One more point that the Eastern Partnership envisages
concluding gradually new agreements with all the Partner States,
such as Association Agreements, including agreements on deep and
comprehensive free trade areas for those countries.
The Eastern Partnership proposes both bilateral and
multilateral formats for strengthening cooperation in the
Eastern Europe and in the Southern Caucasus. It means that the
Eastern Partnership foresees strengthening of relations among
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the Eastern Partners themselves. The multilateral format
provides an opportunity for all the Partner States and the EU to
understand better the situation in the region, to solve jointly
the current regional problems and issues for supporting
stability and security in the region.
Contrary to the European Neighbourhood Policy, the Eastern
Partnership is not limited to neighbourhood relationsand has the
goal for promoting the Partner States, at least in separate
spheres, till implementation of the EU standards within them.
The Eastern Partnership envisages increased financing in
comparison to financing within the European Neighbourhood
Policy.
The Eastern Partnership envisages organizational structure.
Meetings of the Heads of States or other officials of the
Eastern Partnership Partner States shall be held biannually. The
Eastern Partnership also introduces annual meetings of the
Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the EU Member States and the
Partner States, Ministerial Conferences in separate spheres,
regular meetings on four thematic platforms. 6
6 Martyniuk Vitalii, “EU's Eastern Partnership: additionalpossibilities for European Integration of Ukraine”, Ukrainian Centerfor Independent Political Research (2009): 12. (80)
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Within the Eastern Partnership Program it is envisaged to
conclude pacts of "mobility and security", which shall assist
movement of people. The final goal in the long perspective is
the visa-free regime of movement among all of the Partner
States. In any case, the EU shall install the visa-free regime
only for those countries, which complete all the technical
requirements of the EU.
The Eastern Partnership pays much attention to the issues
of energy security in the partner states and in the EU, and
strengthens cooperation in climate and environmental protection.
The Eastern Partnership shall facilitate the development of
programs aimed at the social and economic developmentof the
Partner States, in particular, in the direction of overcoming
the acute social and economic differences among these countries.
Evaluation of Perspectives for Implementing the Eastern
Partnership Initiative
Ever since the launch of the Eastern Partnership in Prague
in May 2009, its added value to the European Neighborhood Policy
has been hotly discussed. Some analysts claim that the Eastern
Partnership has been so successful that it has virtually
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eclipsed the ENP and that the Eastern Partnership arrival
heralds a final farewell to a unified approach to Eastern and
Southern neighbor countries. Others take the opposite stance and
argue that the Eastern Partnership does not present a
qualitatively new situation in the EU´s relations with its
neighborhood and that the ENP remains the main vehicle for EU´s
neighborhood policy.
The Eastern Partnership is a product of a double
dissatisfaction. Among EU member states, there has always been a
one group of countries which have never put up with the
official position of the European Commission that the European
Neighborhood Policy is in no way connected to the possibility of
future enlargement. The second dissatisfaction exists among the
Eastern partners. For example Ukraine didn`t evaluate point
missing membership perspective.
From the other hand the Eastern Partnership has become an
opportunity for the Partner States to fix the planned and the
new perspectives for integration into the EU within the new
regulatory and legal frames. Firstly, it goes about Ukraine,
which has declared by its foreign policy the strategic goal for
becoming the EU Member.
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In any case, the Eastern Partnership must not replace the
perspective for gaining the EU membership.
In the way to evaluate the perspectives for implementing
the Eastern Partnership Initiative, we should to describe all
positive results during last year’s. So Over the first four
years of its implementation, Eastern Partnership initiative has
brought a number of tangible results:
- Association Agreements, including Deep and
Comprehensive Free Trade Areas, as their integral parts, have
been negotiated with Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, Georgia
and Armenia;
- good progress has also been achieved in respective
negotiations with Azerbaijan;
- considerable progress has been made in the area of
visa facilitation and liberalization: 5 out of 6 partners
already have or will soon have Visa Facilitation Agreements;
- 3 of them now have Visa Liberalization Actions Plans,
prepared specifically to them, full and effective implementation
of which will bring these countries straight to the visa free
travels with the EU;
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- the multilateral cooperation dimension has been
established and further strengthened.7
At the same time, the current situation is not at all
conducive to a quick integration of the some partner countries
in the EU especially after the third Eastern
Partnership Summit in Vilnius. By signing an Association
Agreement with Ukraine and initialing similar agreements with
Armenia, Georgia and Moldova, the EU was expecting to
demonstrate the first tangible results of its policy toward its
eastern neighbors. Rather than signing and initialing, Ukraine
and Armenia rejected an Association Agreement with the EU. So
the turn of events brings to light two features of existing EU
policy: the relative weakness of EU incentives and the
continuing problems for countries in the post-Soviet space to
evade Russia's influence.
Despite the EU's recent setbacks with respect to
Ukraine and Armenia, it can claim several successes from its
Eastern Partnership initiatives. For example, Moldova's pro-
European governing coalition has adopted a number of reforms in
compliance with EU demands since 2009. Georgia similarly remains
committed to Euro-Atlantic integration even as its new
7 “The third Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius”. Accessed December2, 2013, http://www.eu2013.lt/en/
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government attempts to gradually relax relations with Russia.
Also on the sidelines of the summit, the European Union and
Azerbaijan signed an agreement to facilitate the procedures for
issuing short-stay visas. Armenia, traditionally one of Russia's
closest allies and heavily dependent on Russian for economic and
military security, demonstrated a sincere interest in an
Association Agreement with the EU and negotiated its terms for
three years. This happened actually because of two reasons.
First and foremost, virtually all partner countries suffer from
serious domestic political problems. Secondly, most partner
countries have seriously suffered from the Russian pressure
before and after the third Eastern
Partnership Summit in Vilnius. Thirdly, the region is plagued by
strong inter-state rivalries. For instance, the dispute about
the flights between Azerbaijan and northern Cyprus caused an
interruption in EU negotiations with all three of the Caucasian
countries. Needless to say, some states have nourished an even
deeper mistrust of other partner countries because of the still
unresolved frozen conflicts (Armenia and Azerbaijan).8
8 Dominik Tolksdorf, “The Vilnius Summit: Russia puts a stick in theEuropean wheel”. Accessed 29 november 2013,http://www.europeangeostrategy.org/2013/11/vilnius-summit-russia-puts-stick-in-european-wheel/
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So only two countries, Georgia and Moldova initialed
association agreements with the European Union at a summit in
Vilnius dedicated to the European Union's ‘Eastern Partnership'
countries – post-soviet states. Today's signing is just the
first step in a ratification process for the EU association
agreements that could take a year.
Relationship with Russia
Russia considers any initiative in the post-Soviet area as
an obstacle for strengthening its own influence and protection
of national interests. Besides the Russian Federation does not
seek any formal involvement in the Eastern Partnership framework
and in this region Russia strives to lead the integration
processes itself. First, having not been involved in the process
of designing it, Russia does not regard itself as an owner or a
stakeholder of the Eastern Partnership. Second, after some
initial consultations at the early stages of the European
Neighborhood Policy development, Russia learned that its
leverage over the practical implementation of the European
Neighborhood Policy / Eastern Partnership was small and not
appreciated by a number of the Eastern Partnership countries. As
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a result, Moscow distanced itself from any practical work on the
Eastern Partnership and remained hesitant even as regards the
possibility of accepting eventual invitations to participate in
the work of the thematic tables on a case-by-case basis.9
Russia cannot stay away of the processes, which shall be
developing within the Eastern Partnership. Many Partner States
(especially from Southern Caucasus) feel more influence and
presence of Russia than the EU. Russia also proposes concrete
steps to settle down problems of those countries – from
providing privileged credits to settling down the conflicts. For
example Ukraine the end of this year has brought new
arrangements about new credits between Kyiv and Moscow instead
of the signature of the Association Agreement between Ukraine
and the EU.
Moscow proceeds on the basis of understanding that any
attempt to organize a regional group which excludes the Russian
Federation is not only doomed to failure, but is going to run
contrary to the interests of Russia (and that of the relevant
countries). That’s why Moscow is generally skeptical towards the
idea of multilateralism suggested by the EU. Russia has voiced
9 Andrei Zagorski, “Eastern partnership from the Russian Perspective”.Accessed 5 may 2011, http://library.fes.de/ pdf-files/ipg/2011-3/05_zagorski.pdf
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concerns over the Eastern Partnership, seeing it as an attempt
to expand the European Union's “sphere of influence”. Russia has
also expressed concerns that the EU is putting undue pressure on
Belarus. Belarus matters for the EU for at least two reasons: as
a transit country for Russian gas; and as a non-compliant and
hence threat-bearing neighbor. For Russia, Belarus is of
strategic importance, not only as a transit (and cheap)
territory for passing its goods to Europe, but also as a
military ally and a link to Kaliningrad, a Russian strategic
enclave.
However, the issue of appropriate cooperation between
Russia, the EU, and the Eastern Partnership countries remains on
the agenda.
Problems of Eastern enlargement (analysis by country)
Case of Moldova
Moldova officially declares about the integration into the
EU and further development and strengthening of cooperation with
the EU, but currently encounters problems of the internal
political non-stability, which may retard the European
integration processes in the country.
In May 2011, Moldovan authorities sent to the ministries,
embassies and parliaments of the EU member countries a special
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non-paper document in which they proposed the development
direction for the Eastern Partnership. The first and most
fundamental demand made by the Moldovan authorities is a clear
declaration of EU membership perspective for the countries which
are capable of fulfilling the accession criteria. 10
European integration for Moldova in all its aspects – from
the fundamental values to the most detailed Union directives and
regulations – should be the foundation stone and the ultimate
objective of every single action undertaken within the framework
of the two dimensions of the Eastern Partnership. So we could
see that the main goal for Moldova in the Eastern Partnership is
s full integration.
The next step was made during the 29 November Eastern
Partnership Summit, the EU - Moldova Association Agreement was
initialed. The initialing of the Agreement is an important step
towards its eventual signature and subsequent implementation.
Although the Association Agreement has not yet been signed,
the EU is committed to sharing what exactly it contains.
The Association Agreement could be concrete way to take
advantage of the very positive dynamics in EU-Moldova relations.
10 Horbowski Tomasz, “Moldova What should the Eastern Partnership be?”Accessed 19 july, 2011.http://eastbook.eu/en/2011/07/country-en/moldova-en/moldova-what-the-eastern-partnership-should-be/
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It focuses on support for core reforms, economic recovery,
governance, sector cooperation and the far reaching
liberalization of Moldova's trade with the EU. The EU plans to
sign an Association Agreement with Moldova and Georgia until
august next year. This was said the head of the European Council
Herman Van Rompuy during the summit in Vilnus.11
According to him, the EU has decided to meet these
countries, since most of the population seeks cooperation with
Europe
Case of Armenia
Armenia also counts on receiving investments and financial
assistance from the EU, and also it is interested in settling
the problem of Nagorny Karabakh and stabilization of situation
in the region. But as we known after nearly four years of
negotiating the Association Agreement with the EU, Armenian
president Serzh Sargsyan made an abrupt turn, announcing his
intention to instead join the Customs Union with Russia,
Belarus, and Kazakhstan. It could result in Armenia’s deeper
isolation and cause additional complications for the Nagorno-11“Initialling of the EU-Republic of Moldova Association Agreement”last modified March 11, 2013,http://www.eeas.europa.eu/top_stories/2013/291113_eu_moldova_association_agreement_en.htm
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Karabakh conflict resolution process. After that association
agreement stopped in its tracks. Half-hearted engagement with
wider public by Armenian government and EU alike now compounded
by major setback to European integration.12
Case of Ukraine
Relations between Ukraine and the European Union are
currently shaped via the Eastern partnership, a foreign policy
instrument of the EU designed for the countries it borders. The
European Union is seeking an increasingly close relationship
with Ukraine, going beyond cooperation, to gradual economic
integration and deepening of political cooperation. Ukraine is
said to be a priority partner within the Eastern partnership.
Without a doubt Ukraine occupies an exceptional status
within the group of EU neighbours and moreover, cherishes its
status as “more than just a neighbour.” Already in 1999 the EU
developed a Common Strategy towards Ukraine which acknowledged
Ukraine’s “European aspirations and pro-European choice” and is
now on the cusp of finalising an Association Agreement (which
may serve as a model for further AAs with EaP countries). The EU
12 Armen Grigoryan, “Armenia Chooses Customs Union over EU AssociationAgreement”, CACI Analyst. Accessed 18 september, 2013,http://www.cacianalyst.org/publications/analytical-articles/item/12817-armenia-chooses-customs-union-over-eu-association-agreement.html
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has endeavoured to support good governance and democracy in
Ukraine, especially since the revolution, but results have been
mixed. Ukraine supports the Eastern partnership, but crucially
does not accept it as an alternative to membership.13
In 2012, the EU signed deals on free trade and political
association with Ukraine. But european leaders have stated that
these agreements will not be ratified unless Ukraine addresses
concerns over a "stark deterioration of democracy and the rule
of law", including the imprisonment of political prisoners.
European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso and EU High
Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice
President of the European Commission Catherine Ashton have said
they believe that the Ukrainian authorities should immediately
stop the selective prosecution of political opponents in order
to sign signing and ratify the association agreement and the
agreement on the creation of a deep and comprehensive free trade
area.
On November 21st, one week before the European Union summit
in Vilnius ukrainian government suspended talks with the EU. The
13 Longhurst Kerry, Nies Susanne, “Recasting relations with theneighbours – prospects for the Eastern Partnership”, EuropeVisions 4, (Bruxelles: IFRI, 2009), 3.
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decision to put off signing the association agreement lead to
massive, ongoing protests in Ukraine that continues now.
However, President of the European Commission José Manuel
Barroso reiterated that EU's offer to Ukraine in terms of
signing an Association Agreement remained on the table until
Ukraine will be ready to continue cooperation. But after intense
pressure from Russia, the Ukrainian Presidents abandoned
negotiations with the EU before the Summit took place and after
Summit.
The EU’s offer of the Association Agreement remains on the
table for Ukraine. The public anger and mass protests against
Russia’s role in persuading Yanukovich not to sign the
Association Agreement with the EU has made it all but impossible
for the Ukrainian President to take the alternative route
offered by the Kremlin, i.e. Joining the customs union
with Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Any compromise with the
protesters would have to revive the Association Agreement and
reduce Russia’s influence. 14
Now in Ukraine very difficult political situation because
of protests, and a question about association receded for some
14 Steven Blockmans and Hrant Kostanyan, “A post-mortem of the VilniusSummit: Not yet a ‘Thessaloniki moment’ for the Eastern Partnership”,3 december , 2013. www.ceps.eu/ceps/dld/8693/pdf
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time. However, in February 2013 Fule warned Ukraine that the
agreements could be abandoned if the required reforms are not
made quickly so it’s possible that in the next years Association
Agreement will be sign.
Case of Georgia
Georgia and the European Union have maintained relations
since 1996. In 2006 was implemented five year`s "Action Plan" of
action in the context of the European Neighbourhood Policy.
A ceremony on the initialling of the Association Agreement
was held at the Eastern Partnership summit on 29 November 2013,
but must still be signed before being finalized. A second
agreement, governing the country's involvement in European Union
crisis management operations, was also signed. In June 2012, the
European Union and Georgia began a visa liberalisation dialogue
to allow for visa free travel of Georgian citizens to the
European Union. The talks aimed to have a Visa Liberalisation
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Action Plan in place by the end of the year. The action plan was
delivered to Georgia on 25 February 2013.15
Georgia may move in that direction, despite the likelihood
that they will come under more aggressive pressure from
Russia in the coming months. The threat of stricter
Russian immigration policy could see thousands of
Moldovans and Georgians expelled; more trade sanctions
could be employed by Russia; and new tensions in the
breakaway republics of Transnistria, Abkhazia and South
Ossetia may lead to a worsening of the security situation
after the winter Olympics in Sochi.
Georgia declares an intention to integrate into the EU in
all spheres, but primarily it shall pay attention to the most
important problems for it:
settling the issue of Southern Ossetia and Abkhazia,
preserving the territorial integrity, stabilization of situation
in the country and in the region, supporting the role of the
country as the principal transit state of energy resources from
Caspian and Central Asia to Europe.
15 Civil Georgia, “EU, Georgia Making 'Good Progress' in AssociationAgreement”, Visa Liberalization Talks, 3 september, 2012.http://www.civil.ge/eng/article.php?id=25175
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Case of Azerbaijan
The EU and Azerbaijan maintain their relations under the
Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, which was signed in 1996
and came into force in 1999.
In recent years Azerbaijan has been slowly pursuing the
reform strategy to develop democracy and a market economy in the
country and to bring Azerbaijan closer to the EU.
The principal objective of cooperation between the EU and
Azerbaijan is to develop an increasingly close relationship,
going beyond past levels of cooperation to gradual economic
integration and deeper political cooperation.16
This process of Azerbaijan’s integration with Europe,
however, is being challenged by poor understanding of European
standards and values. In addition, limited public awareness on
EU-Azerbaijan relations and EU institutions undermines sustained
engagement of civil society in the country’s development. The
lack of understanding and involvement of independent experts and
civil society representatives renders the reflection of civil
society views in the process of European integration.
16 “Azerbaijan: country strategy paper (2007-2013)”. 26 October 2006.Brussels: European neighborhood and partnership instrument. 4.
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Azerbaijan joined the European Neighbourhood Policy in
2004, and the action plan for Azerbaijan was adopted on November
14, 2006, after being passed by the Azerbaijani government and
the European Commission. Key items included on the plan are
investment in Azerbaijan’s infrastructure, partial integration
of the Azerbaijani economy into Europe’s, and partnerships with
Azerbaijan on extracting oil from the Azerbaijani controlled
part of the Caspian Sea.17
The next step was made during the third Eastern Partnership
Vilnus summit. Azerbaijan and the EU launched official
negotiations on visa facilitation in March 2012 in Baku. So
Azerbaijan and the European Union signed an agreement on visa
regime facilitation at the third Eastern Partnership Summit in
Vilnius on November 29.
Conclusion
At this stage of relationship EU and state-partners we
could see that eastern enlargement of European Union exist in
few angles. Continue cooperation in many areas with all
partners, and some of them have a perspective to become a member
of european comunity.
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The Eastern Partnership is a project of eastern
enlargement, that finally formalises the ever more palpable
regionalisation of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Although
the Eastern Partnership does not change the overwhelmingly
bilateral nature of the policy, it adds a strong multilateral
element. While the basic operational structure, including
regular meetings on all levels, is sound and the flagship
initiatives are well chosen, the project´s future success is not
guaranteed.
All in all, there are few basic criteria upon which we
can judge the success of the Eastern Partnership, and in
particular the success of its multilateral framework. The first
and most important is the question of continuity, the ongoing
political support of the Eastern Partnership by both the
European Union and the partner countries. Given the difficulties
in those partner countries that are most enthusiastic about
European Union.
Integration as well as the multiplicity of interests inside
the European Union, this will be no easy task. On the other
hand, the Eastern Partnership is certainly more attractive and
offers more incentives than the European Neighbourhood Policy,
thus motivating them strongly to pursue a path to reforms.
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For all the reasons mentioned above, the European Union and
its member states should not miss another opportunity to fully
embrace the Eastern partners’ European choice and the future
accession of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and
Ukraine to the EU.
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